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Heath, Frederic Papers Call Number
Title: Heath, Frederic Papers Call Number: Mss-0517 Inclusive Dates: 1848 – 1961 Bulk: 10.69 cu. ft. total Location: GV, Sh. 038-039 (8.0 cu. ft.) WHN, Sh. G182 (2.0 cu. ft.; photos) RC26, Sh. 006-007 (0.6 cu. ft.) LC, Sh. 001 (0.09 cu. ft.) OS LG “H” (1 item) OS SM “H” (1 item) Historical Note: Frederic Faries Heath was born in Milwaukee on September 6, 1864. He was a man of wide interest and talents. After leaving school, he was apprenticed to a wood engraver and later became an artist. While still an adolescent, he published his own amateur newspaper. From 1888 to 1900, he served as a reporter, editor and artist for the Milwaukee Daily Sentinel. During his time with the Sentinel, Heath became a committed socialist and helped found the Social-Democratic Party in Chicago in 1898. He put his newspaper experience to good use, serving as editor of the party’s national weekly newspaper. Heath’s commitment to Socialism changed the path of his career and focused his efforts on politics. He unsuccessfully ran for Milwaukee mayor in 1900, but was elected alderman of the 10th ward in 1904. In 1908, he also served on the Milwaukee School Board. Finally, Heath was elected to the County Board of Supervisors in the “Socialist Sweep” of 1910 and remained in that office for a record 38 years. As County Supervisor, Heath helped develop the county park system, the highway network, and, along with his Socialist colleagues on the board, coordinated the various county institutions under one board of trustees. -
The Socialist Party of America and Eugene V. Debs Campaign in the 1912 Election
Title The Socialist party of America and Eugene V. Debs Campaign in the 1912 Election Author(s) FURUYA, Jun Citation 北大法学論集, 28(4)29(1), 132-83 Issue Date 1978-08-17 Doc URL http://hdl.handle.net/2115/16250 Type bulletin (article) File Information 28(4)29(1)_p132-83.pdf Instructions for use Hokkaido University Collection of Scholarly and Academic Papers : HUSCAP The Socialist Party of America and Eugene V. Debs Campaign in the 1912 Election }un Furuya Why Is There No Socialism in the United States.;; In spite of this famous book-form question posed by Werner Sombart in 1906, America in the Progressive Era (1901-1917) witnessed an indigenous, if not so strong but never negligible, socialist party. To Sombart's question many historians answered by pointing out endemic American conditions: the lack of a firm class-structure because of the absence of a feudal tradition, the great social mobility and relatively high wages due to an abundance of natural resources and shortage of labor force, and the existence of two major parties, which have persistently preempted reform appeals of various third parties. These conditions, no doubt, militated against socialists in America, but were never discouraging enough for them to give up all their hope of revolu tionizing America. On the contrary, the country around the turn of the century seemed to them a very fertile ground for socialism. By that time, America had experienced a tremendous capitalist growth accompanied with various industrial evils.' The gap between the rich and the poor was widening, as the movement toward concentration of control in industry was advancing. -
Somos Unidos ! !We Are United!
Magazine of the Socialist Party USA oThecialist SVolume 32, Number 4 Fall 2006 $1.00 ! Somos Unidos!We Are United! EDITORIAL ince 1980, an estimated 8 million Mexicans have migrated to the U.S.S for opportunities denied them in Mexico, where half the population lives in poverty. Th e North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) is largely responsible for increasing the number of Mexican immigrants who come to the U.S. looking for work. Th is “free” trade agreement allows goods and capital to cross the border legally but not the workers whose farm economy has been destroyed by the fl ood of cheap agricultural products from the U.S. Th e immigrants enter the U.S. not only to support themselves, but also to send money home to keep their families and communities alive. At the same time, American popular opinion concerning immigrant laborers, propagated and supported by politicians in Washington, condemns the immi- San Diego, CA--Protesters at a congressional judiciary hearing on immigration grants themselves, creating something stand in front of a lawn strewn with crosses, each representing one of the thou- akin to mass hysteria. Th is is nothing sands of Mexican immigrants who have died trying to cross the border. new. It has happened with other groups of people in the past. Th is time, the U.S. government pro- poses to set aside funds to build a wall along the Mexican border to stem the fl ow of immigrants. If we used that money instead to aid economic develop- ment in Mexico, fewer people would risk From the Socialist Party 2006 Platform their lives trying to cross the border. -
A Guide to the (Visible) Radical Left in the United States
An Incomplete Guide to the Radical Left in the United States Communist Party USA/Young Communist League The CPUSA formed in 1922 out of two splinters from the original Socialist Party, USA: the Communist Party of America (CPA) and the Communist Labor Party (CLP). V. I. Lenin’s Communist (Third) International (“Comintern”) forced these two groups to merge in order to become the official American section of the Comintern. In 1928, following Leon Trotsky’s expulsion from the Soviet CP, his supporters in the US were similarly expelled; subsequently, they formed the US branch of the Trotskyist movement, while the CPUSA remained loyal to Soviet premier Josef Stalin, as well as all those who succeeded him. CPUSA members thus denied the totalitarian nature of Stalin’s regime. In the 1930s, the CPUSA opposed American intervention against the Nazis (mainly because of the Hitler- Stalin nonaggression pact) and ran campaigns against Franklin Roosevelt. By 1941, when Hitler invaded the Soviet Union, the CPUSA called for the US to enter the war and took part in a “Popular Front” with the Democrats, avidly supporting FDR. After the war, the Popular Front came to an end and the CP entered the presidential campaign of former Vice-President Henry Wallace on the Progressive Party ticket. During the 1950s, the McCarthy hearings and such laws as the Smith Act led to the indictment of many Communist leaders. The CP also suffered from Nikita Khrushchev’s admission in 1956 of the many crimes of Stalin’s dictatorship (responsible for the deaths of millions). Following the split between Khrushchev and Chinese Communist chairman Mao Zedong (the “Sino-Soviet split”), the CPUSA sided with Russia, causing a number of pro-China members to leave the party and form the Progressive Labor Party, which still exists. -
T: Hykingdom Come Part Three Sketches Pro M My
T: H Y KINGDOM COME PART THREE SKETCHES PRO M MY LIFE B Y EMIL SEIDEL CONTENTS (Part Three) Chapter Page I Home again Not the same Dinners Church Split Decay Trades Parade Jobs Another Gold Model Cabinet Sideboards Decorating Out again The Hunt Married A present Tragedy Death A sad Party Recovery 1 II Fuller barren Co Base Burner Garden Rooster A lawyer Our boy Old Mother Christening Christmas Grief Competing Picture Building Socialist Association Pioneers Arbeiter Zeitung Populists Eugene V, Debs 24 III End of Century Anarchists Strikes Coxy's Army Elections Bryan Social Democracy The Bike A Girl Equal rights Our home Our yard Teaching War Manila Peace Trusts Delegates Findings Third T7ard fire Pollution Smallpox Riots Dr Rodermund As it is In the Arena 42 IV A hero falls Safe guide Freedom of Conscience iiwaukee Pattern Wks Fire ( Costumers Flying Her Idea Illiterates Why Consumption Igno rance Social Democratic Party Branch 1 Vfanted much Charts Open air meetings Snov/storm Christ mas Picnic Branches No Fist Fights A Republi cans ?/ish 67 V Boodle What Indictments are for Deals Issue T M E R & L Co Candidates Records Victory . We*re Coming School site §40,000 Election Laws Stalwarts Salfbreeds 89 VI On the Job What we did More efforts Street Oil ing Experiment Bonds More Aldermen Illegal «$& Pinkertons Pulling Out Light Fight Use Lakefront Gypsy Won't dare Look Out Delinquency Lashing 1908-1910 Grade Crossings Salaries nCaught on" 101 VII Making History Youth1s Plight Mot democratic Fathers ansv/ered New Deal City Treasurer Paying -
Solid Men in the Granite City: Municipal Socialism in Barre, Vermont, 1916-1931
Solid Men in the Granite City: Municipal Socialism in Barre, Vermont, 1916-1931 Between 1916 and 1931 Barre, Vermont, elected two socialist mayors, Robert Gordon and Fred Suitor. Future Republican governor Deane Davis worked in both administrations and declared both men “good mayors” and pronounced them “conservative.” Did it matter that Gordon and Suitor were socialists? BY Robert E. Weir ritish trade unionist John Elliot Burns (1858-1943) once observed, “Socialism to succeed must be practical, tolerant, cohesive, and consciously compromising with Progressive forces running, if not Bso far, in parallel lines towards its own goal.”1 That could have been the man- tra of Robert Gordon, who served as the mayor of Barre, Vermont, in 1916, or Fred Suitor, the mayor from 1929 into 1931. Few words in the English language are as misunderstood as “socialism,” a catchall term that encompasses a broad spectrum running a left-of-center gamut from mystical religious communitarianism on the cautious end to rev- olutionary anarcho-syndicalism on the opposite pole. In popular parlance, socialism is used mainly as a pejorative term to denounce social programs funded by tax dollars, or as a synonym for revolutionary Marxism—though . Robert E. Weir is a former Vermont high school teacher who now teaches history at the University of Massachusetts Amherst and at Smith College. He has pub- lished seven books and numerous articles on U.S. social, cultural, and labor history and is a former senior Fulbright Fellow (New Zealand). Vermont History Vol. 83, No. 1 (Winter/Spring 2015): 43–81. © 2015 by the Vermont Historical Society. -
Nativism, Class Conflict, and Urban Reform in Portland, Maine (1840-1923) Thomas R
The University of Maine DigitalCommons@UMaine Electronic Theses and Dissertations Fogler Library Fall 12-2018 A "Real Social & Political Revolution": Nativism, Class Conflict, and Urban Reform in Portland, Maine (1840-1923) Thomas R. MacMillan University of Maine, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.library.umaine.edu/etd Part of the Labor History Commons, Political History Commons, Social History Commons, and the United States History Commons Recommended Citation MacMillan, Thomas R., "A "Real Social & Political Revolution": Nativism, Class Conflict, and Urban Reform in Portland, Maine (1840-1923)" (2018). Electronic Theses and Dissertations. 2978. https://digitalcommons.library.umaine.edu/etd/2978 This Open-Access Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by DigitalCommons@UMaine. It has been accepted for inclusion in Electronic Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@UMaine. For more information, please contact [email protected]. A “'REAL SOCIAL & POLITICAL REVOLUTION'”: NATIVISM, CLASS CONFLICT, AND URBAN REFORM IN PORTLAND, MAINE (1840-1923) By Thomas Richard MacMillan BA, Clark University, 2009 A THESIS Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts (in History) The Graduate School The University of Maine December 2018 Advisory Committee: Nathan Godfried, Adelaide & Alan Bird Professor of History, Advisor Jacques Ferland, Associate Professor and Graduate Coordinator of History Richard Judd, Emeritus Professor of History A “'Real Social & Political Revolution'”: Nativism, Class Conflict, and Urban Reform in Portland, Maine (1840-1923) By Thomas Richard MacMillan Thesis Advisor: Nathan Godfried An Abstract of the Thesis Presented In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts (in History) December 2018 In 1923, Portland, Maine voters approved passed a ballot measure that jettisoned the nearly century-old Council-Mayor plan in favor of a Council-City Manager form of governance. -
Norman Thomas : a Study of His Speaking Career
NORMAN THOMAS : A STUDY OF HIS SPEAKING CAREER AND HIS TECHNIQUES AS A SPEAKER DISSERTATION Presented In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Decree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By EUGENE VASILEV, B.A., M.A. ***** The Ohio State University 1955 Approved by; Adviser Department of Speech 11 PREFACE The life of Ilorrnan Thomas Is so full and varied, and bis speaking experiences so prodigious, that it will take many biograph ical and rhetorical studies to do him Justice. I believe ve are only Just beginning to appreciate Thomas* unique position in American history, and only nibbling at the edges of the huge body of informa tion that concerns his life and activities. The scope of this vork is intended to be vide, but its purpose is limited. As the first of its kind about Norman Thomas, it is meant to be exploratory— to help provide leads, so to speak, for the search parties that are sure to follow. For whatever benefit this work may be to future researchers, I an most of all indebted to lir. Thomas himself, who made available to me special sources— including parts of his unpublished memoir, sat patiently for several interviews, and read through the draft of the biographical chapters to check the essential accuracy of facts. If any errors still remain there, the responsibility is entirely mine, and, of course, all interpretations are my own. I am also deeply indebted to Professor Robert Alexander of Rutgers University who kindly gave me access to notes of interviews, and letters he has been collecting for several years in preparation for a biography of Norman Thomas. -
Download the Full Issue (PDF)
~~o/ THE DEMOCRATIC LEFT January 1977-Vol. V, No. 1 ~117 Edited by MICHAEL HARRINGTON Socialist International Congress in Geneva New vitality in move left, Third World focus by MICHAEL HARRINGTON should be leader of the International as well. Brandt The 13th post-war Congress of the Socialist Inter- and the International are to the Left of West German national, held in Geneva during the last week of No- Chancellor Helmut Sch)nidt. Therefore, Brandt's ele- vember, saw European socialists (who make up the vast vation could put him in the position of publicly disa- majority of the International's 8 million members of greeing with Schmidt. affiliated organizations) move to the Left. Secondly, Brandt was determined that he would not I'm not suggesting that there was any abrupt, revo- preside over a "club of gentlemen socialists." So he lutionary shift in political strategy by the leaders of the insisted that the International reach out to North mass Left parties in West Germany, France, Great America and the Third World. Before agreeing to as- Britain and other European nations. But there were sume the presidency of the International, he secured definite moves toward a more aggressive political and (Continued on page 5) organizational strategy. On detente, on the systemic nature of our current crisis, on feminism, on Eurocom- munism, the assembled socialist leaders displayed at Social Democratic women least an openness to the Left and sometimes a rather radical consensus. The most encouraging-and most discuss equality and peace perplexing-sign of the International's move leftward .by PATRICIA CAYO SEXTON was the decision to break out of democratic socialism's "European ghetto" by reaching out to movements in Since I have long believed that the stronger th3 in- the Third World. -
Socialist Party USA Anniversary Journal
Socialist Party USA Anniversary Journal - 1 - Continuation of the Socialist Party USA Assured! by Greg Pason / Text Editing by Irena Terdiman Continuation of the Socialist Party USA Assured! That was the headline of the June 1973 Socialist Tribune after members and locals from across the United States gathered in Milwaukee Wisconsin to reconstitute (or ”continue”) the Socialist Party USA. This event was made necessary by major changes to the Party made at the 1972 convention by the so-called “Realignment Caucus” led by Max Shachtman and Michael Harrington. Some history from former Milwaukee Mayor and (post 1972) Socialist Party USA Chair, Frank Zeidler …“By the time of the 1968 convention of the Socialist Party two caucuses had developed representing differences in policy. (Michael) Harrington and (Max) Shachtman were aligned in the majority caucus, called the Realignment caucus because it was favorable to re-aligning the movement inside the Democratic Party for increased power there through its already great influence in sections of the labor movement where Shachtman’s adherents had important positions. The Realignment caucus was basically in favor of the war in Vietnam as a means of checking Soviet Communist expansion. The other caucus was the Debs caucus which, as its name indicates, was attempting to perpetuate the ideals of Debs, especially in anti-war sentiments. By 1970, the Realignment caucus divided into a majority group led by Shachtman and a Coalition group led by Harrington. The issue was over how much support should be given to the war in Vietnam, the Shachtman caucus favoring more support and the Harrington caucus less, but without a pull-out from Vietnam. -
JERRY WURF, the RISE of AFSCME, and the FATE of LABOR LIBERALISM, 1947-1981 a Dissertation Submitted to the Faculty of the Gradu
JERRY WURF, THE RISE OF AFSCME, AND THE FATE OF LABOR LIBERALISM, 1947-1981 A Dissertation submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences of Georgetown University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in History By Joseph E. Hower, M.A. Washington, DC July 1, 2013 Copyright 2013 by Joseph E. Hower All Rights Reserved ii JERRY WURF, THE RISE OF AFSCME, AND THE FATE OF LABOR LIBERALISM, 1947-1981 Joseph E. Hower, M.A. Thesis Advisor: Joseph A. McCartin, Ph.D. ABSTRACT This dissertation explores the political ramifications of the rapid advance of public employee unionization after World War II through a study of Jerry Wurf (1919-1981), organizer, local leader, and eventually national union president of the American Federation of State, County and Municipal Employees (AFSCME), one of the largest and yet least studied unions in postwar American history. Drawing on union records, personal papers, and a wide range of printed sources, it argues that the growth of unions like AFSCME simultaneously bolstered liberal forces and contributed to the emergence of popular conservatism. Organizing around government workers’ aspirations for equity and dignity, AFSCME surged to the forefront of a burgeoning public sector labor movement that fought for civil rights for African Americans and comparable worth for women, rebuilt the Democratic Party in the aftermath of the Vietnam War, and reinvigorated class-based, state-centered liberal social and urban policy. But Wurf’s very success in building AFSCME set in motion developments that frustrated his union’s hopes and complicated the broader liberal project.