NORMAN THOMAS : A STUDY OF HIS SPEAKING CAREER

AND HIS TECHNIQUES AS A SPEAKER

DISSERTATION

Presented In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Decree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University

By

EUGENE VASILEV, B.A., M.A.

*****

The Ohio State University 1955

Approved by;

Adviser Department of Speech 11

PREFACE

The life of Ilorrnan Thomas Is so full and varied, and bis speaking experiences so prodigious, that it will take many biograph­ ical and rhetorical studies to do him Justice. I believe ve are only Just beginning to appreciate Thomas* unique position in American history, and only nibbling at the edges of the huge body of informa­ tion that concerns his life and activities.

The scope of this vork is intended to be vide, but its purpose is limited. As the first of its kind about Norman Thomas, it is meant to be exploratory— to help provide leads, so to speak, for the search parties that are sure to follow.

For whatever benefit this work may be to future researchers,

I an most of all indebted to lir. Thomas himself, who made available to me special sources— including parts of his unpublished memoir, sat patiently for several interviews, and read through the draft of the biographical chapters to check the essential accuracy of facts.

If any errors still remain there, the responsibility is entirely mine, and, of course, all interpretations are my own.

I am also deeply indebted to Professor Robert Alexander of

Rutgers University who kindly gave me access to notes of interviews, and letters he has been collecting for several years in preparation for a biography of Norman Thomas. The information I was thus able to get has been extremely helpful to me, but for the use I made of

Professor Alexander's notes I alone am responsible. ill

I wish also to express jay appreciation to the Manuscript Division

of the New York Public Library; to Princeton University and the Firestone

Library at Princeton; to the Alumni Office at Union Theological Seminary; to the Socialist Party Office In New York City; and to the many individ­ uals who replied to my Inquiries or let themselves be interviewed as I

pursued ray study of Thomas. At all these places eund by all these people

I was shown special kindness and Indulged in eveiry way.

Any additional merit beyond that of the ordinary Ph.D. study this

one may have, is mostly owing to Professor Harold F. Harding, ray advisor, who In subtle ways goaded rae beyond ray original goe.ls. If I failed to

come up to his standards, the shortcoming Is mine.

Finally, I must express the feeling of obligation that is due my

family. Beyond the usual debt we owe our parents, I owe a special one

to mine for this particular work. Had they not taken me as a boy to hear

Norman Thomas, had I not grown up in an atmosphere of talk about socialism

and the Party, I am sure I would have had no thought of doing this study.

To my wife I am Indebted for valuable editorial assistance, and for years

of patience while the work was being completed. t a b l e o f c o n t e n t s

CHAPTER PA5E

I. INTRODUCTION...... 1

Thomas* Importance as a spealcer...... 2

Thomas’ Importance as a political figure ...... ^

Previous studies of Normsm Thomas ...... 7

Outline of the present s t u d y ...... 9

Materials available ...... 10

PART I CAREER AS A SPEAICER

II. TEE FORMATIVE YEARS: BIRTH TO PRINCETOT, 1884-1902 .... 13

III. PRINCETON, 1 9 0 2 - 1 9...... 0 5 27

IV. PRELUDE TO THE MINISTRY, 1905-1911 ...... 44

V. THE SOCIAL MINISTRY, 1911-1916...... 63

VI. ARMAGEDDON: WORLD WAR I - PACIFISM AND SOCIALISM,

1 9 1 6 - 1 9...... 1 8 72

VII. RISING TO SOCIALIST LEADERSHIP, I918-I9 2 8...... 87

VIII. THE YEARS OF HOPE, 1929-1932 ...... IO5

IX. EBB TIDE FOR THE SOCIALISTS, 1933-1938 ...... 126

X, ANOTHER ARMAGEDDON; WAR, PEACE, AND NEUTRALITY,

1 9 3 6 - 1 9...... 4 4 149

XI. A PERSONAL TRIUMPH: THE RESPECTABLE SOCIALIST

1 9 4 5 - 1 9...... 5 4 185

PART II TECHITIQUES ;"^S A SPEAKER

XII. THE MAN AND HIS I D E A S ...... 204

-iv- CHAPTER PAGE

The Man ...... 20^

A Catalog of B e l i e f s ...... 211

Thcanas' Political Ph i l o s o p h y...... 217

Thomas and Religion ...... 223

XIII.THOMAS AS SPEAKER: METHODS OF PREPARATION...... 226

General method of preparation ...... 227

The manuscript speech...... 232

Tlae speech s u m m a r y ...... 23^

The speech o u t l i n e ...... 238

Introductions arv3 conclusions ...... 2h0

Summary...... 2h6

XIV.THE SPEAKER: STRENGTHS Aim IfEAKNESSES...... 2*49

The speaker's organization ...... 2^9

The speal:er'a st y l e ...... 253

The spealier ' s forms of proof * ...... 260

The speaker's debating techniques ...... 278

The speaker's de l i v e r y ...... 283

Tlie speaker's adaptation to the au d i e n c e ...... 288

Summary...... 29O

XV. The OVERVIEW: an assessment...... 29U

Thomas As Politician and Party Leader ...... 29^

Thomas' Influence As A Speaker ...... 30^

.'^PENDIX...... 312

BIBLIOGRAPHY...... 329 CHAPTER I

DITROEUCTION

It VGWld seem to be superfluous to have to Justify a rhetorical study of Norman Thomas. Surely no American who read a city newspaper during the period of the "great depression" would fall to recognize his name. A great many Americans can probably recall hearing Thomas speak,

In person or on the radio, and more recently on television. Several mil­ lion Americans may admit to having voted for him one or more of the six times he was a candidate for President of the United States. In New York

State, where he ran twice for Governor and once for United States Senator, and In New York City, where he sought the offices of Alderman, State Assem­ blyman, Borough President of Manhattan, and Mayor, Norman Thomas Is a familiar figure.

His reputation Is International, too. Norman Thomas la known by government leaders In every free European capital. In Canada and Mexico, as well as In many of the countries of the Near and Par East

^)evere Allen gives an example of the Influence of Thomas' name In Europe. Allen was visiting Luxembourg as a reporter In 1939 and went to see the Minister of justice, Rene Blum. It was Blum's day for not seeing anyone, but Allen had a note sent up saying that Thomas had requested him to give regards and greetings to Luxembourg Socialists. Allen was Immediately ushered up and later sent along the Luxembourg- Slegfrled Line border, to which no other correspondents were permitted to go. Devera Allen, Interview with Robert Alexander. Robert Alexander, notes and letters collected for a biography of Norman Thomas. (Hereafter, all references concerning interviews and/or letters to Alexander should be considered as coming from this collection.) J. J. Singh, president of the India League of America, (in a letter to Robert Alexander, February 2U, 1950) writes that Thomas is well loiown In India. Nehru, he says,knows Thomas personally, and among the first requests of Indleui students coming to America is a visit with Thomas.

•1» In his lifetime, Thomas has been the recipient of editorial acco­

lades by the hundreds from newspapers large and small of various political

leanings. He has received gifts, plaques, and certificates of all kinds.

Lately, some of his countrymen have begun to pay more earnest tribute to

Norman Thomas. They have given him testimonial dinners— sponsored by

scores of famous people— and even purses so that he might carry on his work.

His opinions have been respected, even when not in general accept­

ance. Congressional committees have called upon him to testify regarding

all sorts of legislative matters. He has had entree to our leading states­

men, Presidents included.

But the fame of the perennial also-ran tends to be ephemeral, and

the effect of the orator's utterances is oftimes impermanent, so that those who read these words only ten years hence may stare unknowingly at the name

Norman Thomas. What then entitles him to a significant place in the his­ tory of American public address?

Thomas' Importance As A Speaker

If for no other reason, he has earned a place by the sheer breadth

of his speaking experience and the great devotion he has shown to public

address. In forty-odd years on the public platform, Norman Thomas has addressed large audiences and small all around the world: in London and

ToI:yo, Stockholm and New Delhi, Singapore and Berlin, in Mexico, in Canada, and in every state but Nevada. He has spoken to groups as diverse as a conference of ministers and a prison chapel full of convicts.

He lias been (and still is) a tremendously popular lecturer. As a lecturer, Thomas has used the platforms of mocL of Americji's prominent 3

Forums and many of Its exclusive euid Influential clubs. Since 1932 he

has earned his living chiefly by lecturing.

He has addressed the conventions of a large assortment of organiz­

ations. He has spoken with remarkable success on college campuses, and was, for this reason. In great demand as a commencement speaker.

Thomas is also an outstanding debater, a fact to which his oppon­

ents have frequently attested. His participations on America's Town

Meeting of the Air have been so well received that since its inception he has appeared more than thirty times, or nearly ten times as often 2 as any other speaker. Almost without exception, when Thomas shared a platform in debate--the topic made little difference— he triumphed.

His speaking roles have been unusually varied. He has spoken as a Presbyterian minister, as a Christian pacifist, as a civil libertarian, as a Socialist proselytizer, as a labor agitator, as a teacher, lecturer,

and as a candidate for more political offices than are encompassed in the

ccaribined careers of Henry Clay and William Jennings Bryan,

Thomas' platform has sometimes been a soapbox or a tree stump, but he has spoken also to cheering thousands from the dais in Madison

Square Garden. As a radio speaker he was judged by many to be second only to Franklin D. Roosevelt. When radio was surpassed by television,

Thomas readily adapted his spealiing skills to the new medium.

2 Thomas' card in the speakers' file at Town Hall says, "excellent debater, original in expression, forceful." George Denny Jr., for many years president of Town Hall, says the Hall received more requests for the appearance of Thomas than any other speaker. George Denny Jr., interview with Robert Alexander. u

Though he nearly always addressed predominantly unsympathetic

audiences, he rarely failed to win their spontaneous applause*

Thomas* Importance As A Political

Els success as a speaker far outstrips his achievements as a

politician* In fact. In view of the tradlticaial Interdependence of the

two, Thomas presents a paradox* As a Socialist candidate for every

office from city Alderman to President of the United States, Thomas ac­

cumulated the votes of millions of Americans, but was never elected to

anything. Then why should he be remembered as an Important figure In

American politics?

In his book. The Big Change. P. L. Allen suggests that "the revolt

of the American conscience" was chiefly responsible for the wave of polit­

ical and economic reforms which rolled over the United States from I9OO to •a 1915. Mr. Allen*s point is acute, for it suggests that there Is such a k thing as an American conscience, and further,that this conscience may be

Frederick Lewis Allen, The Big Change; see Chapter 6, especially p p . 99“*106. k "The conscience of a democratic people Is a great and a very noble achievement," said Wendell Wlllkle * Cited by Alan H* Mœiroe In his Principles of Speech, revised brief edition, 1951» p.36. T<^bee intimates that the bases of this conscience are a part of the West * s ideological heritage, having origins In the West * s religions; Judaism and Christianity. Arnold J. Toynbee, "A Turning Point In Man*s Destli^," New York Times Magazine, December 26, 19$k, pp. 5 & 25. Albert T. MoUegan, In'"The Religious Basis of Western Socialism," (In Socialism and American Life, edited by Donetld Drew Egbert and Stow Persons, Vol. I.) makes an unequivocal affirmation. He writes; "The religious basis of American socialism Is the religious basis of Western civilization* ... socialism In Western culture Is ultimately derived from the Christian religion." p. 99. 5

"exploited" by the reformers— the promoters of movements for social change.

In the last analysis, of course, this change Is always a political accom­ plishment, Just as It was In the period 1900-1915*

In this context, the political role of Norman % o m a s may be clearly defined. Above all, he has acted as the public conscience of America;^ the constant goad to our collective private consciences. That Thomas assumed this role seems to me to be— as I hope It will also be to the reader- indisputable. Whether he successfully fulfilled the role may be a moot point. There Is, however, evidence of many significant vlttorles.^

There Is also the fact that most of the social, economic, and political

^As the New York Times said editorially on the occasion of his seventieth birthday: There has never been anyone else in this country much resembling Norman Thomas. His brand of socialism consists mainly of Jumping In wherever he thinks human beings are being abused or human rights Ignored, and doing something about it." New York Times, November 20, 1954, p. 1 6. Life, which ran a two page spread on the seventieth birthday peurty given to him In Town Hall, said this: "Millions of Americans who In six campaigns turned down the chance to vote for Socialist Norman Thomas, have come to respect him as an honest fighter for freedom and a kind of left-wing goader of their consciences." Life, December 6, 1954, pp. 61-62. Dr. Bryn J. Hovde, former president. The New School for Social Research, said of him: "Norman Thomas...never ran for office. He was elected to be sure...*elect* In the way of Isaiah and of Mlcah, a prophet among us to chide us when we do wrong and to show us the light." Brochure published In connection with the luncheon honoring Norman Thomas, February 4, 1950, p. 9*

^He single-handedly licked the police law restricting striker's activities In the Pasaalc,New Jersey textile strike of 1926. He was largely Instrumental In bringing attention to the dictatorial regime of Mayor Frank Hague of Jersey City. If not for him sharecroppers and farm laborers would still be chattels In the South. He successfully challenged martial law In Indiana, brought about an Investigation of police In Tampa, Florida, won a battle for free speech In Mt. Vernon, New York, and did all these things practically alone. Moreover, this list amounts to no more than a tenth of the major victories he achieved. changes, for vhiih Themes spoke louder end longer then eny dmerlcen, ere 7 now firmly woven Into the fabric of Imerlcen life; but It Is lavossible 8 to say he vas chiefly responsible. The exact extent of his Influence In bringing about those changes will probably never be detexnlned.

What ve can say vlth certainty Is that the status he attained and the victories he van have been acconvllshments of his speaking. Bad he never uttered a word in public his Influence would have been markedly smaller and very few of us would have reason to know of Borman Thomas.

Hla books never sold In great numben; his pasqphlets had a circulation circumscribed by the Influence of the organizations that published them, and that was always small; his articles— more recently published In the "slick" magazines— were usually carried by the radlcal-frlnge periodicals with limited readership. But his speeches— his speeches were heard by millions, Boiman Thomas sometimes spoke to America like a "Wtch uncle," sometimes with great moral Indignation, often with a sharp wit. He spoke about Injustices, about misdeeds, about evils, but also about demo* cratio faiths, and a better way of life. He spoke frequently, he spoke everywhere, under all circumstances, and through all media* For the most peut he spoke reasonably, and he had the facts. Always he spoke with a passionate sincerity, sometimes Ingenuously, never for personal advantage.

^For example, with the exception of socialism itself (national­ ization of major Industries, banking, and natural resources) every dcmestln reform the Socialist Party advocated In Its platfcmns of 1928 and 1932 was law by 1940,

^To give Thomas full credit would be to fall prey to the fallacy of "post hoc, ergo propter hoc." 7 f r s r i s n B S t g d l w r f

OoMldmrlng th# promlnanc# Moommn Thomas has (or 1# it psrlwps b#c«u#e of itt) it is surprising to find so littl# infosmsctiCKi about tbs ssssntial facts of his üfs; and vbat littl# tbsra is is soma- 9 timss grossly incorract* %ara ara« to be sura, skatchas of Thomas in biographical dictionaries and tbs like, as well as soma qpiita good brief 10 studies in navspspars, periodicals, and coUaetad esssya. But there ia no fuU-langth biography*^ Bor bam tbsra been much serious study of his vrltlng or his speaking; only the superficial sort of places on the can­ didates -Uiat appear during a Prasidantial election*

9 For example, a rather lengthy article on Thomas in Currant Biog­ raphy 1944 (pp. 0 8 8 -6 9 1 , published by H. W. Wilson Qosqpany, 19tp)» ssys that he staüad at Princeton Theological Seminary f^t vas Princeton university, not the seminary] and that he took there every availsbla course in sociology [it vas politics, and not every available course, only most of those given by Woodrow Wilson] . Other errors may also be found here. 10 S. J. Woolf did two timely pieces about Thomas for tbs Bew York Times in 1932 end 1 9 3 6 . The Bew York Post. In its week-end magasine section, November 21, 1954, p. 2K, carried a good portrait by Irvin Ross. Devere Alien, long-time comrade of Thomas*, has a good study in his book Mvwiturous Americans. There is also a fine portrait by Donald Lescohiar in The American Politician, edited by J. T. Salter. The B ^ Yorker Profile by E. F. Pringle (1929) has a couple of good Insists but is mostly disappointing. There are others, but none worth mesh. (Complete bibliographical entries for the sources noted above may be found in the bibliography • )

^^Professor Robert Alexander of Rutgers, to whom I am indebted for a good deal of the material used herein, is working on a biography, until now, Thomas has pretty much discouraged any but the most cursory investigation of his life. 8

TfaoMUi ha# not fwed aueh b#tt#r at # # hand# of thoe# for rhom ho sbould hanrt th# gr##t##t lnt#T##t; th# #p##eh eritle#, th# #4A#i#r# IB fuhXle addr###, A f#v #p##ch t#xt# h#v# u##d %hot#gr##h# of fho##o to lUuotrat# the good #p#ak#r in action]^ so## othara bar# ua#d Aoaaa* 13 1% ag#eoh#a a# modela. Hla apeeohaa alao appear In aeraral coUaotiona* But, by and large, hla apeaklng haa not racalvad the attantiOB It aarlta.

Partly, thla la the reault of the damrlcan areralon to aoolallam} partly, the cooaeqiwnce of the fact that In the era duiiafriiUch Thomaa apoka, powerful leadera emerged in the Weatem world— Rooaevelt, for example— who captured all the attention, ind yat, our neglect of Thcama la prlm- clpelly owing to our failure to appreciate him properly. To date, three graduate atudlea In Public Mdreaa have ccneemad themaelvea vlth Thomaa* apeak l n g . f o l l o w i n g What la traditional, each

12 One of them la Lionel Crocker*# Public Speakina for COlhaae Student#, p. 106.

^%"or example, Sarrett and Foater In their Baalc Prlnclpgna ^ Speech (revlaed edition) p. $8o, cite the cloae of hla apeech "Tkâ ^olce Before Ua," aa the model for a good conclualon. Nonat, In ^ Qulde to Effective Public Speaking, make# an analyala of a Thomaa apeeeh on Jmerlca*# Town Meeting of the Alç on the subject, "Can Modem Oapltallam Meet the Meeds of Modem Man," pp.lSM^O. For reasons I bcqte to explain la later chap­ ters, Thomas* speeches do not ordinarily make good models.

^Snumaa* apeechea have appeared three times In Baird*a Bemresent- atlve Aaerlcan Speeches. 193T-38, 1939-*^0, and 19*i3-**^« In his intro- ductory remaxka to Thoamia* speech in the 19^3-44 edition, Baird writes, "Thomas la oae of the four or five leading speakers In thla country." A speech of Thomas* titled " % e Choice Before Ua," la In the collection M o d e m Speeches on Basle* Issues, by Barrett and Foster.

^^•11 are Master*# Theses at the University of Iowa. Joanne Alogdella studied "Tbm dndlence Maptatlon Technique Used ty Homan Thnmsa in Three Representative Political Speeches of the Presidential Caaqpalgn of 19UO"(19al); Franklin D. Stone wrote about "Factors In the Training and Education of Horman Thomas Related to His Practice As a Public Speaker" (19k2); and John R. Foxen devoted his study to "An Analysis and Evaluation 9 hm# taken a #ev#r#ly eirooMieribad topic, lleitod It to a ■foeifle aoftet, ani than «mlopad a datailad atudy. For abat they porfort to do they ara adeqcuata, but araa all three together do net preaent the kind of alee of the apeaker that ve ahould dealre. To make a mataphoret they Choir ua the curve of the flngara, the flare of the noatrlla, ahen abat ae aant ia a anapebot of the idMLe man.

Oatlina ^ Preaent Study Thla atudy, however, ia an attempt to preaent a more or laaa co#»- prehanalve portrait of Homan Thomaa. About tvo-thlrda of it la biograph­ ical, enumerating and explaining the major influeneea on hla life, and thna, alao on hla apeaklng. Tbia part of the vork begina vlth the environment of hia boyhood homa, carriea on through hla granmar and h l ^ achod daya, deaeribea hla eoUega tndning, aocialAkeligloua vork, aeminary training, hla yaara aa a miniater, hla converaion to aoclaliam, and hla maaaroua cam- palgna aa a Boelallat candidate. It enda in the preaent. Throughout, the emphaala la on Thomaa* apeech training and experience, the altuatlona in which he apoke, and the tbemea of hla apeechea. Thla work triea to viev

Thomaa aa apeaker and aa Socialiat leader againat the background of hla tlaea, and to analyse and interpret the themea of hla apeechea in the aame way. It would aeem to be the only way to aee the man in proper perapeet- ive. Certainly nothing leas than thla will give ua a true appreciation of his speaking.

l?(Cont*d)of the Logical Proof Used by Norman Thomaa In Four Hepreaentatlve Political Speeches of the ighe Presidential Caspaign," (1951). 10

?oUcwing th# hl#gr#phie#l m#t#rl#l th#r# 1 # a bri#f #f ThoaM' p#r#oe#li‘ty* This is eoshliisd irLth s susamry of his yolitiMl sod rsligious bslisfs, sursly ths two stroocsst forest in hit lift#

TOgsthsr, thsts tfford a gllqpts of ths asm and hit ideas* Whils it aty he gxaatsd that all thit it nscsttary, it can alto bs trgusd that for a atudy in publie sddrttt it it not snough# To hs turSf it it not. What rsaalnt it to aotlyts ths tpstklng art of lo n w n

Thomas. This it attsnqptsd in two chtptsrti out dsaling with hit asthoda of prsparation, ths othsr given ovsr to an sxtaiil nation of hit atrsogtbt and wssknsttst at a tpsaksr.

Tbs final chapter stteyt an evaluation of Thomas at pULitieitaf party leader, and public speaker.

Materials Available

Whoever eidsarkt upon a teriout study of Honsan Th osais will find there is acre material than can comfortably be handled. Hit life hat been full enough for ten normally active people, and so, in the courts of it, he hat been connected with numerous cause# and hundreds of organit- ations. Each of these tells a little of his story; each probably hat its share of his life. His literary production, too, has been enormous. He hat authored or co-authored about twenty books, more than two dozen pamphlets, and hundreds of magazine pieces. He haa also written a weekly newspaper col­ umn for many years.

Even an informed guess about the number of speeches he made would probably be inaccurate by several hundred. At present he makes about 11 three speechet a week} at the peak of hie popularity It va# tvioe that nany, and tbl# has been going on for forty years. Es averaged shmt )00 speeches during a Presidential caapalgn, and he ran slk times, dud ehat shout his campaigns for other offices t Despite this tremendous outpour­ ing of vords, the number of complete and accurate texts of speeches available is not proportionately great. Still, there are enough for 16 study in nearly every period of his speaking career.

Some estimate of his organlzatlwal activity— and to an extent his speechmaklng— is perhaps obtainable from the simple fact that his papers (including letters, manuscripts of articles and columns, and speeches) in the Nev York Public Library now fill 8l boxes, vlth the years since 1951 still to be accounted for.

Also available are the impressions of his friends and family.

Many people, in high places and low, know Norman Thomas veil enough to be important sources of information and opinion. Many others knew him long ago at school or seminary, in religious-social vork and in pacifist organ­ izations. He has been so consistently in the news that they have never quite lost the memory of him. All of his brothers and sisters, as veil

^^There is, however, only one manuscript from his preaching days: a sermon he delivered in Brick Church on Easter Sunday, 1911* The majority of available manuscripts are for radio speeches. But in comparing several of these with the recordings made by NBC, I have found major dis­ crepancies. I would therefore suggest that whenever possible the manu­ scripts be checked against the recordings in order to get an accurate text. The Thomas Papers in the New York Public Library also contain two or three stenographic transcripts of his speeches. Still, the ovemhelming majority of Thomas* speeches were delivered extemporaneously, (virtually all of his lectures are in this category), with the result that many of his finest efforts are lost to study. 12

*• five of hi# chlldr«D #r# living*

Thnro v m a time whan Them— vowad ha would not ylald to tha urga to wrlta hla nemoira, nor ait for a biography. Ha haa aallcwad conaidar. ably aince then* Moraovar, ha haa until racantly baan far too buay to give much of hla timo to helping along acholara who have uaad him aa a aubjact. That aituation too haa changed. Thomaa himaalf, la, of couraa, an irraplacabla aourca.

It la fair to aay that thla ia by and large a daacriptlva-analytlc work^ but not wholly ao« Where it aeamad appropriate and nacaaaary^ and where the author felt qualified, the reader will find evaluationa* The laat chapter ia almomt entirely evaluative* CHAPTER II

THE FORKAnVE TEARS: BDOH TO PRCTCBTOI, 188^-1902

When Warren Gamaliel Barding came to Marlon^ Ohio in 1882 it vaa a quiet little county seat of about UOOO people. Compared vith the surrounding countryside of farms and one-store villages, however, it in^ressed him as a big city.^ This "big city" had no public sewerage or water supply; its sidewalks were primitive; its streets were not 2 paved. In those days the economy of the town was sustained by the pro­ duction of carriages and buggies, leather goods, drain tile, and cabinet ware; all small businesses. T5ien, overnight it seemed Marion became a thriving center of manufacture. The change was a sign of the intense industrialisation which swept the American scene within a generation afterward. First, the Buber Manufacturing Conqpany, makers of agricultural implements and machinery, moved in. Next, in l884, the Marion Steam

Shovel Company was established. Its shovels dug the Panama Canal, In this way was spread the fame of Marion manufacture. Other industries arose rapidly there. In the heart of farm land Marion knew nothing of agrarian discontent. It was prosperous, and, by and large. Republican.

^Address of President Warren Gamaliel Harding at the Centennial Celebration of Marlon, Jüly U, 1922.

^enry A. True, in an interview with Robert Alexander, Deceniber l6, 1 9 5 0 . True is a native Mar ionite and boyhood friend of Norman Aomas. 3 J. Wilbur Jacoby, History of Marion County. Ohio & Representative Citizens, p. I9 U3 ff. "

- 13- u

W»lllng B m n Thom# c«m to Hurlon th* • m m y m t ## th# #t#«m

■hoTtl cc#v#ny. With him vmr# hit vift^ tad » two jtar old

tor, Tbty tot up homo in tho old brick houto that tdjolnod tho Proabytor-

lan Church to which Welling Thcmat had boon eoUod at patter. Tho

Thomtot ttaywd tovwatoon yeart in Mtrion. Six more ehildron wore b o m

to them there. Their flrtt ton, Normon Mattoon, (Ntttocn vat A m m t

maiden name) wat b o m Noveidtor 2 0 , 188U, within a year after tholr arrivai

in Harlan, Two montha later their daughter died of diphtheria and Woman

became the oldeat child.

At the firtt-bom ton Woman Thomaa vat more or lett dettined to

become a Fretbyterian miniater, for the miniatry vat faat becoming a heritage in the family of Welling Thomaa, Hit father, Thomaa Thomaa, had

by theer fortitude and porteverance— he wat a poor immigrant from Walot—

achieved dagreet from Lafayette College and then Princeton Seminary in

order to be ordained by the Preabyterian Church, He had tattled in

Stbvonaville, Bradford County, Penntylvania, near the place to which he had immigrated in 182k. He vaa in hit teventiet at the time Horman Thomaa vaa bom, but atill made the circuit of teveral churchet on Sunday to bring the Goapel to a acattered paatorate. Thomaa Thomaa vaa a man of

few vorda and a atom Calviniatic creed. When be read family prayara,

Horman Thomaa later wrote, **ve underetood from him the aourcea of a light which gave meaning, yea and glory, to the humdrum taak, and all the vidit* itudea of the yoar,,,,,"^ Thomaa Thomaa lived to be ninety-four.

orman Thomaa, ^ I See It. p. 1 5 6 . 15 Walling IhoBM foUowad th# path of hla father# H# too attonAed

Lafayatto CoUagt and Princeton Saalnazy to ba ordalnad a Proihytarian

mlnlatar. Nmrlon^ Ohio aa# hi# aaoond paatorata# To hi# ainlatry h#

brought a kean Intalllganca^ an abova-avaraga ability to praaeh, and

an unq]ueatlonad theology.^ Ha had an dd-faahlonad Calvlnlat ballaf In

Hall, "but couldn't think that any alngla paraon ha know ahould go to 7 hall or would do to*" Hit alneara orthodoay lad him to "Aown on play­

ing cardtf marblat for kaapa, dancing and thaatra going. % vaa aura

that all drinking vaa Immoral and thought that amoiklng vaan't too much 8 batter." Hit own Ufa and tha llvat of tha atÉbart of hit family vara

guided by a rigid coda. It Included church attandanca four time# on

Sunday— a day vhan all other activity vat forbidden. It pratcrlbad

living within ana'a meant and giving ganaroutly to church and to charity.

"Duty" wat an laqportant word In thla coda.

Yat Walling Ihomat' U f a wat a happy ona. Ha wat tlncaraly lovad by hit wife and children, and reapactad by tha mambart of hit pariah.^

In turn, ha lived for hit family and hit profatalon.

Tha Hattoon family hlttory goat back to tha aarly aattlara In

^Ibld., p. 1 5 8 . 7 'Hanry Backatt, Haw York Pott. February 5, 1950, p. 5#

horman Thomaa, unpubUthad memoir written about 1944, p. 6^ o ^After hit death, ona of hit t

Maint in th# ptrlod befort th# Attrlctn rtvolutlOB. Partly m » rttvdLt of bar own upbringing^ I n a Nattooo acetdtd to bar boabaid*a atriot code* Ear parant# al#o lived by an crtbodCBC Calvlnlat theology.

Stephan Matnon, her father, vaa a Preabyterian odaaionary in Siam and the flrat American conaul in that email ki%dom. HO and hia wife achieved aufficient renown to be caat aa Obaractera in the beat-aelling novel, Anna end the King of Siam. After twenty year# in Siam, Stephen

Mattoon returned to the united State# to become the flrat preaident of the firat Negro college in the South, then called Biddle Uhlveraity and now known aa Jcbnaon C. Smith Univeraity, in Charlotte, North Carolina.

He and hia wife are buried in Charlotte and a memorial to him vaa erected on the caoqpua.

For her time, fiaaa Mattoon vaa a veil educated voman. She attends ed Elmira College and afterward# taught at Peeea (aie) Inatitute in

Raleigh, North Carolina, where ahe had been a atudent before going to

Elmira. She vaa active and progreaaive. Long before women had eacaped the confine# of the home, ahe championed their eqiial rlghtm. Her ae- tivitiea toOk her into a vide range of coammity affair# aeparate from the church.

Her talent# were not reatricted to enterpriaea outaida the home, however. Bnma Mattoon vaa "the kind of person who could bring up a large family, help a aon vith hia Latin lesson while getting dinner— and a good one, too— and run various church and civic clubsAt the same time she remained the dominant personality in the hcee and

lOlhomaa, P- ^59 17 "father v m content to here It eo«"^ She golded her children "Iqr eon- pulston ot affection rather then authority#" She vented them to her# vhat ehe thou^t were the good thing# in lifes hedlth, integrity* 1 g education* and son# cultural opportunitie# # But ehe eeomed richee.

In the Calvinist hone of Bnna and Welling Thomaa "morale vara made to loom peAe#a too large." "What a aet-up for the modem peyeho- logically-aiinded biographer or novelist*" vrote W o m a n Thomas# "A study In revolt b o m of reaction from Preabyterian orthodoocy and the

Victorian brand of Puritanism in a midweat setting. The only trouble is that this isn^t vhat happened."^^ Instead* he remaahers "a happy home vith daily proof that marriage can be lasting and beautiful* a home in vhlch there vaa a non-material standard of values and certainly no sanctimonious hypocrisyNorman Thomas could never understand vhy his father accepted Calvinist theology so unq^estioningly* and hov des­ pite his non-confomlst Protestant position he could be so tolerant of other people. The kind of religious atmosphere in vhieh Thomas grev up seemed to be distinguished for humanity* sincerity* and faith* mma not at all for dogmatism and iU-vill.

"I don't think you can raise him*" vomen used to say to hia mother about Norman Thomas. Until his teens he vas plagued by chronic colds and a multitude of other minor and major illnesses* among them scarlet fever.

^^Thomaa* unpublished memoir* p. 2 1 ,

^^Thame* ^ I See p. 159

^^nxcmas* unpublished memoir* p. 6 .

^Shomas, ^ I See I ^ p. 159 1 8

His mother nursed him and buoyed his spirits and thus he «as drssm alMÊOt to her than any of the other children. Hot until his high school day#, «hen his health improved, vas he able to get out from under her protect­ ive influence. Sickly as a child, "Horman grew tall too fast, became an sMkvard boy who was shy with his peers and talkative with his elders% vaa so tall, a classmate of his recalls, that when he sat in the grade school bench his hands reached to the floor His awkwardness handi- 16 capped him in athletics. There were no organized sports in the Marion schools in those days, but in games with the neighborhood boys he was a weak participant. His sole athletic achievement was a broad Juaqp of eight feet four Inches which gave him second place in a contest sponsor- 17 ed by the TMCA. Later, there was a local boys club, to which he be­ longed, that met at regular intervals to participate in fencing, boxing, 18 and other athletic activities. Thomas' best accomplishments as a boy were in intellectual pur­ suits. His principal recreation was reading.Among what he now calls

^^Mlss Fern Kindler in an interview with Robert Alexander, September 8, 1950. l6 # "1 was naturally left-handed, Thomas wrote, 9but I had to leam to write with my right hand. Father even tried to make me throw a ball with my right arm.,.. I suppose it added to my lack of manual skill." Thomas, unpublished memoir, p. 11. ^'^MRTion Star, February 9> 1901. ^^orman Thomas, in an interview with the author, December 20, 1951* His brother Ralph also renenibers canqping trips along the Scioto River in which the boys participated. Interview with Robert Alexander, March 29, 1951. ^^Thomas says, "At that time,(his boyhoo^ I would describe 19 tht**dull** books on theology In hit fntbtr'o librtry, Tbomtt found good

hittorleal vrltlng and a tmr literary gomt.^ Ba read Scott, Diehtmt,

01bbon*a, Decline and Fall of Roman Motley'#, g&gg^ gg,

Ditch Republic, and Bryce*#, Jnerican Ccn#ann#ealth. all at a ratbar

early age. Several periodicals were alao available to him. Bl# father

aubacribed to Youth*# Conpanioo and St. Bicholaa for tha children, and

for himaelf he took Ration and The Independent aa well aa many church papers and pamphlets. Bis boyhood friends especially note the fact that

Thomaa was an avid and omniveroua reader.^ Because of his childhood iUneases, Thomaa began his ati^ea in

a private school operated by a member of his father*# ooQgBegation. Bis training there was excellent, and after only two years, he was able to enter fourth grade in public grammar scho^. Although from the start hia lessons came easy to him, he found no enjoyment in school until about oo the seventh grade when his health Imgproved a little. Thereafter he took a greater interest in schoOl work and became more and acne active in non-social scho^ activities. There was probably some Friday afternoon

myself aa a rather boOkish type,...probably tending to compensate ^or his shyness and apHkwardneaiQ by an interest in studies •" Allan Bevins and Dean Albertson, Remlniscmmms of Borman J^aams^ (a series of tape recorded interviews later trüscribêd in manuscript font), p.8 . ^There was no censorship of reading matter in the Thomas home. Bis brother Ralph insists that Borman did enjoy the "dull** books on thedlogy when he read them. Ralph Thomas, op .cit.

^Hiost of these friends report that Thomas gave them the impress­ ion of having a ready acqpaintanee with a wide variety of subjects, though one of them (Fern Kindlar.cp.cit.) feels now that this kno*Aedge may have been only superficial.

^^Ihcmas, unpublished memoir, p.1 2 . ao studsnt #f#mklng in g"f— — ^ rnchool, but it l#ft no im*r###lon on Ao w m # . ^ The meet one can eagr for the gremmmr eohool training in Mmrien ia that it vas good for its day. Hia high achool education, however, provided an important begin­ ning in Thonaa* speech training and experience. Of the two coursea of atudy available to the high achool atudent in Marion— the Claaaieal and the Sngliah— Thcnaa chose the Claaaieal. It entailed reading in Caesar, Cicero, and Virgil, and claaaea in rhetoric every year.^ Ihere vere alao the usual claaaea in mathematlca, English, the physical sciences, and a modem language, (Thcnaa took German). Miaic vaa required for the entire four years. Thomas* attendance vaa very good, and hia grades vere even better.^ Hla four year average vaa 9 8 end he made course grades of 100

In Algebra, General History, German, and five times in Music It ia

h o r m a n Thomas in an interview vith the author, JUne 10, 1953* On the other band, in Ifr. Chairman. lediea & Gentlemen. (1955) e little book of observations on public speaking— ThSmaa writes: "I was much helped by the old-fashioned requirement In grade school that occasionally each of ua ahould aay our piece at the Triday ipeakin*." p.lt-9. 2h Franklin D. Stone, in hia Master's Thesis, "Factors in the Train­ ing and Education of Herman Thomaa Related to Bis Practice aa a Public Speaker," univeraity of Iowa, 19^2, p.22ff, makes out a case for the ex­ cellence of the grammar achool in those days, but the evidence ia at beat inconclusive. Thomaa says only that the achoda vere pretty good, unpub­ lished memoir, p.11.

^^Ibid.. p.3 0 . For exact information aee Marion High School Grade Register for the year l88$. All that Thomaa remembers of the rhetoric courses is being iz*ressed by Burke's Conciliation Speech which he studied. Interview vith the author, JUne 10, 1992.

^^Marion High School Grade Register 1 8 8 9 .

^The lowest grade he received was ninety, oddly enough in rhetoric in his junior year. 2L

mntlcllmmctlc to may that h# vaa a brilliant atudant. It vaa at that t i M conpulaory for high aehool atudanta to join ooa of thraa literary aocletlea — Whitt 1er, Loogfelloe, or Lowell. The

Whittier Society, to vhieh Thonaa belonged, had been organised to give 26 studenta training in oratory and writing. The aociety met weekly on

Friday aftembon to llaten to atudenta make apeechea or read eaaaya they had themselves written. FhiUlplcs and eulogies were particularly stressed by the teacher who guided the society. After each speech she would make some critical comments and invite student discussion about 29 what they had Just heard. Thomaa found this practice especially valuable. But very little attention was given to debating.In his junior and seniOr years he was elected president of the Whittier Society, 31 clear evidence that be had attained some distinction in it.

Even before his high school days Konnan Ihomeis was a far better % than average speaker.*^ But in high school his speaking ability became

^^Thomas, unpublished memoir, p. 1$. 29 "^Norman Thomas,interviews with the author on September 12, 19$1, and JUne 10, 19^3• ^^Vhomas said this to the author in an Interview JUne 10, I9 5 3 , leaving the impression that his debate experience was negligible. But in Revins and Albertson, og^. cit. p.8, he says that "Debating, what little there was of it in the literary society, I did quite a lot." ^Stone, o£. cit. p. 3 2 .

3^Winona Hughes, a farmer school teacher in Marion, recedls a report that ISiaeias gave as a delegate to a Christian Endeavor conference when he was still in gramnar school. Not only was it better than one would expect of a young boy, but it was tremendously funny too. Inter­ view with Robert Alexander, September 8 , 1950. 22 a matter of reputation. Jtauog the atudenta he became an "elder atatee» man." Hia ideaa and advice vere freqpiMtly aougbt^ and he beoaa* apokea- man for the atudenta vhenevar they had a grievance to be aired. On one auOh occaaion he aingle-handedly engineered a atudant rebellion.

It vaa the practice at the Marion high achod for each graduating aenior to give a recitation of aoaie kind at the graduation enerciaea, But Thomaa* claaa vaa ao large that the atudenta dejectedly looked for­ ward to a long and tedicua conaencement. With Thomaa aa their apokeamem, the atudenta voiced their bbjectiona to the Superintendent of Schoola and auggeated that a gueat apeaker be invited inatead. Upon the Etuperintend- ent's refusal to change the program Thomaa called a proteat meeting at the home of one of the seniors. The news of it quickly spread and, rather than risk an incident, the Superintendent yielded.This sign of in­ surgency did not prevent Thomas— as claaa president— from delivering a "very capable" welcoming address to the visiting guests on Senior Claaa D e y . ^

Although he was elected president of the aenior class, Ihomaa was not popular in the social sense. The restriction placed upon him by hia Calvinist home vaa one reason for hia social backwardneaa; an­ other was the fact that he was the youngest in his class. He had, aa he himself said, "fewer girl friends than one would think normal;"

t h o u g h true, this story is already a Norman Thooma legend. Ironically, the atudenta heard a boring, hour-long speech on the "Life and Publia Service of General J. D. Cox."

3^he Marion Star. May 3 0 , I9 OI, called it "very capable." ^^evlns and Albertson, 0£. cit.. p.11 23 36 » fact to which moat of hia claaamataa attaat. Eia aoeial aetiritlaa ware confined to being manager for entertainmenta and other aehoOl fUnc- 37 tiooa.'" Nevertheleaa, he waa well-liked in the high aehool» Though he vaa by far the brighteat atudant, he waa no ancb about it, an the con­ trary, be would frequently help other atudenta with their leaaona. Prob­ ably aa a reward for thia help and in recognition of hia achdaatic auperi- ority he vaa elected preaident of the aenior claaa. Apart from the rigid moral atmoaphere of hia home, hia volundnoua reading, and hia brilliant aehool work, Thomaa* boyhood vaa not unlike that of other boya growing up in a email, MLd-Weat town in the decade before 1900. The old brick houae in which he vaa b o m had no inaide plumbing. There, aa in recorded Americana, the family took Saturday night batha in wooden tuba, pumped water for drinking, and uaed an outhouae.

In the winter, Thomaa lugged fuel in a acuttle for the coal-burning fireplacea. When he vaa nine, the church property vaa a old and a new church erected. The family moved into a houae with inaide plumbing and a furnace. The new property had a chicken coop and a email bam, ao that Thomaa and hia brother Ralph were able to keep chickena and even a cow.

In addition to hia chorea around the house Thomaa worked to earn spending money. There waa no real need for him to do ao, since the

^6 One of them (Pem Kindler, ogu cit.) goes so far aa to aay that the girls did not consider him a " good catch" and that none of them had any romantic ideaa about Thomaa.

^Revins and Albertson, o£. cit.. p. 10. Dancing waa, of course, not allowed by hia parents, and generally, they did not counten­ ance much socializing. One of Thomas' boyhood friends said, however, that at social gatherings he was witty and the life of the par^ even though he didn't dance. William G. Lusch in an interview with Robert family vmm Mlf*auffiel«nt* But it v m dona mo# or laoa in coavUaaea vith his fnthar*s coda* In the simnartlM ha and his hratbar Balfb mcvbd lawns or plckad charrias for neighbors. At one time they distribu­ ted books to the mamtars of a book club. Jtod there was a period during his high school days when Nommn delivered the Marion Star, the paper published by Warren Gamaliel Earding.

In the Sumner of 1901 Welling Thomas accepted a pastorate in

Lewisburg, Pennsylvania, and the family moved. There was no reason in

Marlon for them to leave. Both the minister and his wife were well 38 liked and highly respected townspeople. After seventeen years, however, 39 Welling Thomas decided it was time for a change. When Borman Thomas left Marion he was almost seventeen years old and a high school graduate. The town was, as he has himself said, **a k) large part of my life in formative years." Well, what had he come away with? In at least two important categories he was a c omoplate captive of

37(Cont^d) Septemiber 7 , 1 9 5 0 . 38 8 0 many groups passed resolutions of regret at their leaving that Werren 0. Hctrding said they were "the most resolved family that ever left Marion." Henry A. True, 0£. c ^ . Although, as is often the case, the Presbyterian church was patronized by the wealthy people in Marion and considered snobbish, the Thomases themselves were accepted as "common folk." William G. Lusch, 2E* 39 ‘''^Norman Thomas, letter to the author, January 1$, 1933* Uo Borman Thomas, Address in Marion, Ohio, October 19, 1928, printed in the Bew Leader. October 20, 1 9 % . p. 3* 25 hit fmthtr/t ld##t. H# m t dteÿly rtligiout tad # Ityublioan "fitlltw-

trartltr."^^ Ih higih tehool ht vmt t briUltnt teholar> an «itataadleg

tpaaktr, and a Itadtr among hia olaaamatta. Ptraooally ha waa politt

and gentle, reaerved but not timid. Be vaa forever talking. Fbjaical-

ly he vaa tall, thin, and amkvard. In other rMpecta he had lived the

life of a typical email town boy. After an unhappy childhood (becauae

of conatant poor healthhe had had a cai'eflfree youth. All in all,

good tinea and comfortable circunatancea made Marion a pleaeant maawry.

In the fall of 1 9 0 1 , when the family had aettled itaelf in

Leviaburg, Thomaa entered Bucknell Univeraity. Though Bucknell ia a

Baptiat school, that vaa "scarcely enough reason for the family to

strain itaelf" in sending him away. At any rate, he remained at

Bucknell only one year and left it without regrets.

Hia principal interest at Bucknell waa in hia cwtinuation of

the lessons on the flute which he had begun in high school. He also began to study the cello. Hia only significant attainment waa to win

the annual freshaam prize in essay writing. On the whole, he waa

In Actually, as a boy, he of course had no real interest in politica. His father waa a Republican, however, and Thomas remenhera sharing hia indignation and surprise when William Jennings Bryan carried Marion County in 1 8 9 6 . Harman Thomaa, unpublished memoir, p.$.

^ ^ t is Thomas himself who says his childhood was unhappy. Bevins and Albertson, o£. cit., p. 6 .

^^Thomaa, unpublished memoir, p. 2$. He writes that had the family remained in Marion he would probably have gone to Wooster College, a Presbyterian school. 86 kk dlssatlsflad vith Buekntll. He had a couraa In apaech ttaere^ but It 1^5 vaa a bad eourae poorly Inatrueted. The Bucknell he ramanihara vaa

"run vlth a alack hand* Ita ataadarda vere lov* Ita axtra-currlcular actlvltlea poor* and ita cultural atmoaphere almoat non-ealatent.

Cheating vas rampant." In short* 1» vas glad to get out.

Apart from his genuine dissatisfaction vlth It* Bucknell could never have meant anything to Thomas because he vas harboring all this t8* a yearning to attend Princeton. His first knowledge of Princeton cams from his father who had been graduated from the theological semin­ ary there. His Interest aroused* Thomas read Jbase lynch William’s book of Princeton stories. After that the die vas cast. Word of hia ever Increasing passion for Princeton finally got to an uncle vho offered to support Thomas with $400 a year If he could somAow earn the remainder of his expenses. Thoams eagerly accepted thla opportunity and in 1902 bntered Princeton as a sopbooKnre.

1)4 "I didn't like Bucknell very much. It may have been partly my fault*" said iSiomas. Kevins and Albertson* o£. city.* p. 11. Elsewhere* as In Interviews with the author and Robert Alexander* Thomas Is much stronger In expressing his dislike for Bucknell. But In his memoir he blames himself partly* because he was not cut out just then for a college success, (p.25)

^%ormao Thomas* Interviews vlth the author* September 12* 1 9 5 1 * and Jhne 10* 1953» It vas more or less a course In declamation using the then popular Delsarte System. He bad also to memorize orations like the Gettysburg Address. He thinks the course vas artificial and mechanical.

omas* unpublished memoir* p. 2 5 * cHJVin m

H m r c i K » , 1902-1909

The Princeton yeere are among the bappleat and moat important of Thonaw* life. Bappy, becauae in going to Princeton Thoema vaa at laat fulfilling a boyhood dream, and becauae at Princeton he found coeq^anionahip and the excitement of a variety of new and intereating experiences. Important, becauae be bad moved out from under the rec­ titude of Calvinism and the domination of bis parents, and bad fallen instead under the influence of diversity in thought and the comparative easy-goingneas of college life. Furthermore, some of the friendahipa he made at Princeton have continued all of his life, and many of them have been extremely useful to him in promoting the great nuaiber of causes to which at one time or another he haa given hia support. Even the Socialist Party itself vaa thus benefited. And beyond all thia, at Princeton Thomas received enormoua^ valuable speech training and experience.

In 1902 the entrance req]uirements for Princeton vere aa formid­ able for transfer students as for beginning freshmen.^ Thomaa chose 2 to try to enter as a sophomore and thus saVe a year's college' expenses.

In addition to the examinatiana noted in the text above, a candidate for admission had to produce a certificate from his previous school attesting that he vaa free from censure in that institution, and also receive an affirmative vote by the Princeton faculty. Princeton University Catalog 1902-^. p.%1. ^Because he realised that hia younger brothers would soon also be going to college, he did not want to stretch the length of hia attendance in any way. Henman Thomas in an interview with the author, June 10, 1953* -2T- flB

Th* rule# required, that he he emadaed in the atudiee of the yeer yreeed- ing that vhich he viehed to enter, meaning the freOhHMi atodiea at PrineetoQ, not BuckneU.^ aa did not «rite aatlafactory enalaatlOBa in Matheaatiea and German and aa a eonaequenee «aa conditioned In thoae k tvo aubjecta but allawed to enter.

There «ere tvo undergraduate dlvlaiona then in exlatenee at

Princeton— the academic and the achod of aciex^e* Thomaa anroUed in the academic. Both the freOhaam and aophonore year# in thia dlviaicn

ccnaiated almoat entirely of required atudiea. The atudant vaa allowed

five elective# in each term of hia junior year but vaa required to take a cwrae each in Faychdogy, Bthica, Pditical Economy, and Phyalca, 5 The aenior year vaa entirely elective. UMer the ayatem of preacription the Princeton academic aoph-

cnore took not one but aeveral couraea in Latin and Greek aa «ell aa a year of a modem language— Thomaa continued with German— , a year of Mathematica, and coumea in Hiatory, Engliah Literature, and Chemiatry.

Thomaa* elective# indicate that he had then a apeeial intereat in Fhiloaophy and Politica • In hia junior and aenior year# in addition

to the required courae in Ethica he had five other couraea in Phlloeophy 6 and five in Pditica. He alao had three advanced Axgliah couraea, t«o

^Princeton Uhlvaralty Catalog 1902-$, p. 8o. ^*Thomaa eacplalna that the eauae vaa not hia cwn veakneaa in theae subject# but hia inadequate preparation at Bucknell. He paaaed eramlna- tiona in Greek on Xenofhcn*# Ealedca. Herodotus, and Thucydides, In Latin on Terence, Livy, Cicero and. prose composition, and In hgllah on Hunt*# dlacourae. Princeton Universitv Catalon. 1902-3 p.8 l. ^Ibid.. pp.90^91 ^Official transcript of the record of Homaan Mattoon Thomaa at Princeton Univeraity, copied for the author JUne I9 , 1 9 5 3. 29 clmmme# in Hlstney^ two In Economic#, and #v#m showod #n lnt#r##t in nntunl tei«ne# by studying Astroocny and Qedlogy. Tnktn all tcgatbsr hi# Princeton studies seem to add up to a well proportioned liberal arts program. It is then surprising to find that in retrospect Thomas believe# 7 his education at Princeton was not particularly good. The courses in

History added nothing to what he had learned in high school, and he had 8 "scarcely the foggiest notion" of what Philospby was all about. On the other hand, he enjoyed the courses in English Literature with Professor 9 Henry Van Dyke. In Pc^itical Economy, Professor WinUirop Daniels was a 10 good teacher and lecturer, but old-fashioned in his ideas. Walter 11 Vyckoff, another economics instructor, was also an effective teacher.

7 Norman Thomas, interview with Robert Alexander, corroborated in interview with the author, Decenber 31, 1958 • Allan Eevins and Dean Albertson, "The Reminiscences of Nozman Thomas," have Thomas saying (p.l8), "I wasn't too enthusiastic about my courses." In his memoir, although he is critical of Princeton, he doubts whether any other school would have dene better. g Norman Thomas, unpublished memoir, p .36 ^Nevins and Albertson, og,. cit., p.lB

^^orman Thomas, interview with the author, Jhne 10, 1953# Else­ where Thomas wrote, "I was taught economics before World War I under a professor who genuinely believe in the sufficiency of the law of supply and demand and the automatic equilibrium of markets. Be was consistently a free trader." Norman Thomas, "Wanted-A Philosophy, A Plan, A Party," ^bor & Nation. Summer 1930, p.l8. But in his memoir Ihomas mates that, **I knew what theories I was rejecting when years later I became a socialist." p.3 6 .

^Coincidentally, wyckoff's class was about socialism, but he argued against it. Thomas was also impressed with Wyckoff's book The Workers because it was one of the first of ita.kind. Norman Thomas, interview with the author, December 20, 1951. »

Keltbsr Daniels nor Wÿckoff vere even remotely aoolellets, end neither 12 strongly influenced his econosdc thinking in later years. However, Thomas vas deeply inpreesed hy Voodrov Wilson, vho vaa then HcCoxvack Professor of JUfrisprudence and Politics as veil ae President of the university. Wilson vas, as a matter of fact, his favorite professor, and because of that, Thomas elected to take nearly every course he taught In these courses Thomas read videly in pol­ itics and lav, but especially in the vorks of Walter Bagehot and Wilson himself. In this vay he acquired a grounding In political democ­ racy vhich later helped him to study Anerlcan problems in proper per­ spective, and inspired him to stand steadfastly by the democratic way when many of his socialist comrades were calling It "bourgeois par- liamentarianism.*' But Wilson too, was in no v ^ responsible for the socialist concepts Thomas later espoused. Thomas also admired Wilson as a man and as a speaker. Their personal relationship was never anything more than that of instructor and student, although Wilson was especially kind to Thomas in the period of his acclimatization at PrincetonOutside ot the classroom their paths crossed when Wilson— vho was always Interested In debating— attended the meetings of the varsity debaters. As Ihcmas looiks back upon a long experience with speakers, he thinks Woodrow Wilson is the

^%orman Thomas, Interview with the author, June 10, 1953. ^3rhomas, unpublished memoir, p.32. The titles of Wilson's courses vere as follova; Outlines of jurisprudence; The Elements of Politics; Constitutional Government; American Constitutional Law; and English Conmionlav. All vere junior or senior electives. Princeton University Catalog 1902-03. pp. 100-1. ^Srorman Thomas, interview with the author, June 10, 1953.

^^Thomas, unpublished memoir, p.29. ont ht nott llktd to httr.^^ HO rtntWhtrt Vilton tfttMng «t Prlatotoa «# 17 « • 1 1 M «htn ht V M Prttidtixt of the Uhlttd 8t#t#e. Dtep&t# the dttf rttpeet tnd tdairttloa ht htd fer VUeon^ thtrt litntfl to ht no ftctelat efftot upon Thontt mt m rttult of it. Thtrt «mt no amrktd ohtn#t la hit thinking, nor did Thonmt try in toy «ty to tmnlttt Wilton, then or mfttr-

« mrd . ^

Ho matter «hat hit differing reactiont to the work of hit inetruot- ore, their reactiont to Thonat* vork «ere in corpltte accord. Ht rtctivtd 19 no grade lett than A for the entire three yeart; ^ a feat acconplithtd

foman Thonat, interview «ith the author, Stptemhtr 12, 19^1 • But reading Wilton*t tpetchtt now, Thcnat addt, he voodtrt how he could have been moved by them at he once vat. They teem to him now to be ttrlvlng too much for effect.

^^Thomat recallt an oc cat ion at Princeton «ben Wilton faced a hottile audience of atudentt and alumni but left them cheering. Thonat, unpublithed memoir, p.3k. At will be brought out later, Thonat had tueh great ptrtonal ret pact for Wilton, and «at to convinced by hit rhetoric, that he voted for him in 19I0 even though he «at unalterably oppoted— in fact fought it vigoroutly and publicly— to Wilton* t potition on neutrality and «ar preparation.

Le there vat no imediate effect on hit ideat, it may be that Wilton inttiUed in Thomaa a tremendout pattion for democratic, conatitutional government. It «at at leatt one of the ideat «hot# atrength kept Thomaa from becoming a thorough-going Narxitt. On the other hand, «bile he did not contcioutly emulate Wilton, Thomaa admltt there may have been tome influence on hit tpeaking. Roman Thomaa, Interview with the author, September 2 ^ 1931. Thomaa writet of Wilton that he had little to tty about Jefferton or Bgmilton and nothing at all about Marx. Be vat, In Thomaa* eetlmate, A Cleveland Democrat tad per­ fectly conventional in econondct. Thomaa, unpublithed memoir, p.3$.

^^Princeton utet a group rather than a letter grade tyttem. The Princeton univereity Catalog for 1902-03 ttya t "The rank in each courte it detemined by the inatructor «ho...dividet the data in five groupe in order of merit.... The firtt group indicatet very high ttanding and containt not more than ten per cent of the entire data." p. 8 5 . Th< made firtt group in all clataet. 32 only • few time# In the history of the TJhiTsrsity. Be w m in the first group of both sophomore and Junior Aeedemie Bononsm. Be did so well In Oexaen that he was excused from taking the saeam to resMwe his con­ dition. Ee easily passed the exam in Mathematics. In his senior year he was elected to Phi Beta Kappa. Be was graduated Magna Cum Lauds, received high honors in both History, and jurisprudence and PdUtlcs, and delivered the Valedictory Oration. 2 1 Even in the face of his scholastic record thosms was no book- 22 worm. "Pride, fear, and loneliness" made him work hard at his studies for the first year, and after that they came more easily. When the pres­ sure of his conditions and the newness of his surroundings wore off he participated fully in college life. He attended all the home football games and even cheered the team at practice. He occasionally played flute in the Triangle Club. He was also a meËber of the Chapel Choir and ssng basso in the Glee Club.^^ At one point singing was so serious a matter

^%homas ranked first in a class of 17$. He was one of ten who received Magna Cum Laude. There was no Suosa Cum Lauds. 21 "The student whose individual rank is highest is ordinarily awarded the Latin Salutatory by vote of the Facul'ty. The valedictory is awarded with special regard to the qualifications of the student as a valedictorian, as well as on the ground of scholarship." Princeton University Catalog. 1902-03, p,87. Thomsui was given the#cice of deliv­ ering the Salutatory or t m Valedictory, but preferred to speak in English. Honnan Thomas, interview with Robert Alexander. was not one to prefer Phi Beta Kappa to a Varsity letter." Thomas, unpublished memoir, p.26. ^^Bric-a-B r y . 1906 (a Princeton yearbook published Iqr the junior class) has Thomms as a meadber of the Glee Club for the first time In 190$.(p.193) That would be his senior year, but by his own statements he was a member earlier. In many other details this yearbook appears in­ accurate. For example, it does not list Thomas as a msmber of the 33 for Thomae, that upon tha enoouragamant of tha volea taa^iar at Friaoataa-- vho thouiftat Thomaa had pctantialitlaa for baeoming aa opara atar— taa began to taka voioa laaaoaa. Thla training in volca Thomaa eooaldara to be ona of tha moat important eontributiona to hia apaeklng.^^ kept up hia religiooa intaraata too, vlth mam&arahlp in tha Phlladalphlan Social— tha %MCA— and a local Praabytarian group. In hia aanlor year ha achiavad tha Uatinction of baing inritad to join ona of tha axclua* iva upparclaaa aociatiaa— tha Colonial Club. Thia vaa in a aanaa tha culmination of hia aecoa^liahmanta, and vith tha faaling that ha had 26 arrived at laat, he accepted the invitation. Important aa all theae activitiea certainly vara, tha on# in which he diatinguiahad himaelf and to vhich ha devoted moat of hia time and energy were oratory and debate. Although they vara on tha wane after an era of tramandoua pop­ ularity, oratory and debate were atiU activitiea of conaiderabla im­ portance and praatige in 1902. Tha center of their impatua and organ­ ization exiated in tvo literary aoeietiea— Whig and Clioaophia Halla.

^Colonial Club in any of the laauaa between 1905-19 0 9 . Brlc-a-Brac aeama to report itama two or three yeara after they happen, vhich'moy explain ita diacrepanciaa. 21» Ralph Thomaa, og^. cit. 25 Rot only did thia training help him to achieve an effective apaaking voice, but it taught him how to conserve it, aa whan he apoke frequently during campaigns. Ram a n Thomas, interview vith tha author, September 12, 1951. 26 In hia unpubliahad memoir Thomas writes that the invitation aettled once and for all any doubts he may have had about his personal social desirability and, aa a result, later gave him confidence in espousing unpopular causes. He vaa able to meet tha stiff financial obligations to the aociety because he waa aaaignad a job aa part-tiiaa manager there, (p.3 8 ) 3k Th# HtiLls had traditions naarly as old as Prineaton Itsalf* but vsr# rapidly declining after a heyday In the ld70*s and 60*s.^ Beginning vith a dispute over national politics, a rivalry had alveye eadsted betveen the Balls » sometimes even to the point of violence. Although this tradition of rivalry remained in the form of inter-Hall speaking contests and debates, the interest and enthusiasm v h l ^ once marked it had disappeared. The Balls maintained two other vital traditions. One was the literary exercises consisting of extempore speaking, prepared 2 6 orations, prepared debates, and general debates. In due course all members participated in each of these exercise, vhich were held at every literary session of the Hall, mie other tradition was that member­ ship in the Balls was open to all students without invitât iw. A student could choose to join either Ball, but not both. Within two months after his arrival at Princeton, Thomas entered Whig Ball. In his first speaking appearance at Whig Ball— an extempore effort— a student critic wrote about Thomas that "he spoke qnite well

27 See Jacob N. Beam, Tito American W M g Society of Princeton University, especially p.lpB 'ét* Other information about the history of the Balls in the text above is also from this source. Oddly enough, in the year I9 0 2 -0 3 , Whig Ball membership was picking up and its finan­ cial condition improved. Annual Histories of Whig B ^ l . I8 7 O- (One volume in a collection of annual histories kept by tke secretaries of the Ball. It nay be found in Manuscript Room of the Firestone Library at Princeton.)

^Beam, o£. cit.. Chapter X, pp.l25-lkl. The requirements for "graduation" from Whig Ball included eleven debates, seven extempore speeches, and three orations, a certain number of each to be made as freshman, sophomore, etc. Literary Status of Members in American Whig Society. 1900-1909. (opposite flyleaf) 35 but vottld do v t U In tbe future to look mt hi# tudienee»^ Jtoout two

week# Imter ThooM# took the negmtive in m prepered debate* Be prweoted

hi# argument# forcibly, wrote another critic, hie epeech vaa well voUoad 30 cut and he gave a good etatement of the ijueetioo# at i##ue.'^ Within a

•hort time the critic# began to give Thoeme* epeeche# fuleome praiee, 31 "El# speech wa# q^uite brilliant,../ wrote one. "Be handled hi# sub­

ject in a fine manner," said another. "It i# always a pleasure to lis­ ten to a speaker who ia both a good orator and interesting, and your 32 critic could only wish there were more such in Ball. On the whole,

the student critics' ingressions of Thomas as a speaker at the literary

sessions of Whig Ball were very favorable. The adverse criticism was

comparatively mild. Once he wandered from the subject; another time he kept his hands behind his back; a third time he spoke too quickly. How­ ever, one gets the impression that Thomas was always fluent, usually animated, and seldom unprepared,

^^lemarks by Littman (or Zittnan). Critics Book of the Jmerican Whig Society. Vol. 8 , p.U^. This first appearance was on November if, 1902. ^^^Bemarks by X, 0. Cornwall in Ibid.. p. $4, December 1, 1902.

^^Bemarks by Q. R, Green, in Ibid., p. 6 6 . December 15, 1902

^^Remarks by H. B. Hayden, Critics Bodk American % i g Society. Vol. 9> P* 27. Thia entry is dated May 15, 1903, and Thomas spoke about Princeton's baseball prospects in extempore.

^^In 190k and I905 there are very few entries concerning Thomas although the record of the Literary Status of Msmbers indicates that he spoke freqjuently as a senior. It is sy impression that the keeping of the Critics Book repldly deteriorated about this timm. The eriticisaw seem hastily written and are very brief. There are scribbllngs and dood- lings over the pages. It is a reflection of the lack of Interest and enthusiasm that was overcoming both literary societies. 36

When It ceme hie turn to be critic, Thnmee vee ogiinerily more thorough then the other#, end elweye more vitty. Of one epeeker he vrotet "Be eddreeeed some of hie remerk# towerd the floor, possibly for lack of an audience." He cemented about another that he spoke "hot- air" and asked to be excused for tiM slang. About still another speaker

Thomas said that, "he kept his hands in his pocket part of the time, possibly owing to the temqperature of the hall."

Thomas* record of achievements as an orator, debater, and member of Whig Hall could hardly be improved upon. His first year, as a sophomore, he von the Sophomore Oratorical eonteat in the Ball, the

Sophomore Extempore Speaking contest, the Sophomore Prise Debate, end vas a member of the Whig sophomore team that debated vith the Cliosophic

Society in an inter-Hall contest.'^ In fact, he took every prise and competition but the essay contest. As a junior, Thomas von the JmleH

Extempore Speaking Contest in Ball, took first prise in the eecood com­ petitive debate at Whig Ball, vhich entitled him to participate in the 37 mchool-vide junior Oratorical Contest vhere he placed third, and vas a member of the Ball*s History Committee as veil as Speaker for a 38 period during that year. lhat year the Spencer Trask Prise of fifty

^Stemarks by Honnan Thomas, Critics Book of the Aserican Whig Society. Vol. 8, p. 7 7 . January 1 9 , l90^ S^Remarks by Hormsn Thomas in Ibid., p. 8 $. The date is February 9, I9 0 3 . ^^Bric-a-Brac. 190b. p. 333» 3^Annua1 Histories of Whig Hall 1 8 7 0 - Though the junior Oratorical Contest vas open to all students, usually no more than the four orators chosen by each Ball participated. The Balls made their selections by competitive speaking. ^^Loc. Cit. The Speaker vas actually chairman, or president, of the Hall, but not elected for a full year. 3T d o U a n — «warOcd amwa n y to ‘Uw boat débatar in tha trial# to #al#et a

varsity dalMta team against Xsle— was staarad aqjoally by Thma# and an* % otbsr student. Thdaas was than chosen as cos of tha asaibars of tha

altamatà taan to face Yale. But later that year, whan Princeton mat

Harvard in thalr annual debate, he was on tha first varsity team of

three. And finally, as a junior, ha participated in the Class of HSjS

Prize Debate which was held anrwially on Washington's Birthday and for bo which the four participants were chosen by their respective classes.

The prize, awarded to the outstanding debater of the four classes,did

not go to Thomas.

Again as a senior %omas was chosen by his classmates to enter

the Class of 1876 Prize Debate, but again he failed to win the prize.

On the other hand, he won the lynde Prize Debate, open to seniors only,

in which he and Raymond Posdiok debated the affirmative of tha proposit­

ion: "That Street Railways should be owned and operated by the Municipal bl government." He was also one of five seniors chosen to compete for kg the annual Biard prize Snr oratory. In this competition, where awards were given in several categories, Thomas took the second prize in dis­ putation, Raymond Foadick who toOk first, also won the prize for

^^Daily Princetonian. February 29» 190b, p.l. The judges were Woodrow Wilson, Paul Van Dyke, H. F. Covington, R. M. McElroy and H. A. Yarfield. bo Bric-a-Brac 1906. p. 2 6 7 . Kenneth Martin McBwen, a sophomore, von the prize."

^S r i c - a-Brac 1907. p. 350.

^^Daily Princetonian. December 1 , 190b. 38 d#liv#ry. ThoMM vmm on th# Princeton debate team that loot to %ble in Decexdber 190k, but the following Merch he teemed up with Foedlek to kh bring victory to Princeton in a debate againet Earvard. Neenwhile, Thomaa continued to be active in Whig Hall, He vas Speaker for another term and, the records show, delivered four debates and five exteaq^ore kg speeches at the literary sessions during his senior year. Thomas* theoretical speech training at Princeton fell far short of this extensive practical esqperience. Of the several courses offered by the Department of Oratory under E, 7* Covington, be took only the k6 course in Debate, This course was an elective limited to juniors and seniors who were members of the Halls in good standing for a year previous.

Each elected ten juniors and ten seniors as candidates to the course, but winners of prizes In Hall debates were entitled to elect k7 this course on their own initiative. It is not clear by vhich of

^^ i c - a-B ^ c 1907. p. 356. Thomas says of his platform com­ petition witk ?(Mdick tkat, "We ofijen debated #gainst each other and I should say we came out fifty-fifty.- Kevins and Albertson, cit.. p.Ik. kk Ibid, p. 291-9 2 . Harvard argued against its own educational system, taking the negative of the resolution: That the free elective system is the best available plan for an under-graduate course of study.

^^ t e r a r y Status of Members in American Whig Society 1900-1909. p.33' In three years Thoams appeared in twelve debates, six exteoqpore speeches, and four orations at the literary sessions. k6 Because he entered Princeton as a sophomore, Thomas missed a full year course in Oratory required of all freshmen. A course titled Argumentative Composition was required of all sophomores, but Thomaa did not take it and cannot remember why. See Princeton university Catalogue 1902-03. pp.115-116.

^Tprinceton Uhiversity Catalogue 1902-0^, p. U 6. 39 theme two method# Thome# entered the eourme In debete, hut it 1# eleer from the feet that he eeanot even recall having taken the coure#» that

it left no important lavreeeion with him. Nor» according to hi# own kg statement» was tlM coaching he received in debate of any value. The varsity aguad was informally organised; each debater prepared hia own speeches and for the most part memorised them.^ If Thomas* speech training was weak in theory the fault seems to have been with E, F. Covington who, as veil as being the Professor of Oratory, was also the coach of debate. Be was, in Thomas* opinion,

"considerable of a fool, although a nice ooe."^^ What he remenibers clearly about Covington is the tongue-lashing Wilson once gave him 52 publicly at a meeting of the varsity debaters. The only conclusion

^^Thomas was eligible to enter the course by either method, but, since he could not remember having taken it, could not remember how he got into it. He actually expressed surprise when in an Interview on October 5, 1953 the author asked him what impressions he bad of the course in debate at Princeton. When the author assured him that the official transcript of his record from Princeton University indicated that he had been in the course In his junior year (and, incidentally, had made an A) he asked to see the transcript. Even with the trans­ cript before him he shook his head in disbelief, pezhpps at the knowledge that his memory was failing. Most likely the course did not live up to the description of it in the Princeton Catalogue for iy)2-03i "The course in debating will occupy a continuous two hour session weekly during the first term, and be conducted by the Departments of Politics, History, Economics, and Oratory. The work of the course will include brief drawing and the oral presentation of arguments, under the direc­ tion of the professors in charge.**- (p.u6) U9 Norman Thomas, interview with the author, Jhne 10, 1953* ^^Raymond Fosdick, letter to the author, November 8 , 1931.

^4%evins and Albertson, oE* $it., p.l8 . cit. ko po##ibl# 1# th«t Covington hnd «bsolutolj no yetitlTn tnfinonoo oa fliOMi* 53 #peech training.

ThomM rather proudly recall# that In all the time at Frlneetoa 5^ he never once had to a end home for mon^. The largaat part of hi# expense# were, of course, covered by the # 0 0 which hi# uncle gave him every year, and the rest he earned by tutoring, writing syllabi, and working summers A few of the ^prizes he won for speaking were in cash, 56 and these too were helpful. Nevertheless, as Raymond Fosdick points out, he and Thomas vere the two most impecunious students at Princeton 57 in those days.

The lack of money to spend freely seemed to be no bar to Thomas* complete enjoyment of the Princeton years. "I was extremely fond of

Princeton,” he says. "I was very happy at Princeton; I still keep up

Whatever opinion he had of Covington then, he must not have made it known, for Covington had a high regard for Thomas. In 1906, a year after Thomas had been graduated, Covington invited him back as an instructor to teach courses in oratory and debate. Thoms turned down the offer because, as he says now, he did not wish to work under Covington, and besides, he was already more or less intent upon his religious social work. Norman Thomas, interview with the ssmthor, Jbne 1 0 , 1953. ^ H e makes quite an important point of it in his memoir, p.2 6 .

^^ot including personal pocket-money or traveling expenses, the Princeton Cat^og 1902-Qfl estimates the minimum expenses to be $331 and the maximum $6 6 $ for the 36 week school year. p. 280. 56 Except for the Spencer Trask prize already mentioned, the lynd Prize was the only other cash prize Thomas won. Its value was the income of $50 0 0 divided three ways. 57 '^'Raymond Fosdick, letter to Rdbert Alexander, Jhne 2, 19*1^9. He particularly remenibers that the day of the Yale football game at New Haven in their junior year, Thomas and he were the only^ students remaining on campus because they could not afford the train faire to New Haven. kl 158 vlth It « lot. I don't knov nhy I lilud It #o anch.” WL# w oo3y « aumntory Imp## of nw wry. At othmr tin## b# did r — awhT vby bm wm# •o food of Prlnc#toos "It vm# th# Prlne#tco of protrmctod bull ####l#u#, vmlkft around the triangle, beer partie# la K#g HoUov, long #prlng evening# of senior singing, good athletic teao# loyally supported, and 59 spacious playing fields for all of us." But ‘Uie most cogent reaacaa# are that Thomas achieved Independence, stability, and poise. Princeton

"opened the door to opportunities and friendship# that shaped ny later I l fe."^ After graduation his relationship vlth Princeton va# maintained principally through the YMCA there. Ee was a neniber of the graduate advisory committee of the Philadelphian Society— the local chapter of

YMCA, and a neniber of the Board of directors of Morray-Oodge Eall, the IMCA headq.uarters at Princeton, m 1932, chiefly on the recomsnendatlon and Insistence of Raymond Fosdick, vho vas then a member of the Board 6l of Trustees, Princeton gave Homan Thomas an honorary Doctor of Letters.

58 Hevln# and Albertson, 2 £. cit.. p. 1$.

^^Thomas, unpublished memoir, p .31 60 Loc. clt.

^^In his memott Thomas recounts an amusing situation In connec­ tion with that event. Thomas was last in order to receive his degree, but when the Dean who was presenting the candidates came to justice Brandies— vho va# next to last— he began with, "And now finally..." At that point Mrs. Thomas, seated In the audience, heard the lady behind her whisper to a nelghbw, "See, I told you they'd never give that rabble-rousing radical a degree." Without ever making a correction, the Dean later vent on to Introduce Thomas. 42

It foUoirtd a loog pariod during Which Thcaa* Socialist aetlTltiaa had

nada his naaa anathaoa at Frincaton* Daapita the social gains ha made there, tha apaciflc adaeation

he acquired, or the widened perspective which unquaatioeablgr resulted,

it would he erroneous to conclude that Princeton made a significant

alteration in Thomas' political, economic, or religious opinions. If anything, Princeton served to reaffirm the basic conservatism inculcated

by his father. In the bull sessions, where theology was tha main subject

of discussion, Thomas took a conservative position,His training in

economics at Princeton was strictly "laissez-faire"• In politics, ha

was a Republican, but he shared the faith of the progressives that as a

conseq.uenca of a "fundamental rationality in life and its essential

goodness" progress was inevitable. ^ The sum of these positions is a

far cry from socialism, or even American radicalism.

Thomas was graduated from Princeton in 1905, a young man several

months shy of reaching his majority. His vital statistics, as printed

in the Princeton yearbook, were: heigght: six feet and two inches; weight: 135 pounds; favorite subject: politics; political affiliation:

^Etsymond Fosdick, letter to the author, Rovember 8 , 19^1. Says Thomas: Perhaps I did sound conservative. I think I did it mostly as an intellectual exercise since no one else wanted to defend tha con­ servative position. Actually, at Princeton my religious views underwent the beginning of change. Interview with the author, May 11, 195$.

^\orman Thomas, ^ Socialist's Faith, p. 9 . For example, his junior Oratorical Contest Speech was titled, "Present Problems in the Light of Past Progress," and his theme was that the progress of the last hundred years gave us hope of solving all of today's problems. 6k Bspublleaa} fmrorlte #yort; tmonl#; feelllarltyt "Tommy. Tto

menlor cl### voted him "the brlAteet men" end the "heet debeter"*

"If he had not been headed for the mini#try," vritea Raymond foadick,

"we would have been more unanlmoua in believing that he had a brilliant 65 career ahead of him."

6k The Waaeau Herald. 1905. p.10$. 6$ Raymond Fosdick, letter to the author, Roveodber 8 , 1 ^ 1 . CEAPTER IV

m s u m TO TBB MOnSTRï, 1905-1911

Ab a matter of fact, Thomas vaa not "headed^ for the ministry vhen he left Princeton. While It Is true that he vas more or less destined for the ministry from the beginning, he had, as he put It,

"no optical sense of call." What he felt vas a strong sense of àixiy to some form of missionary vork, but he vas not sure enough of that to rush into seminary.^ At Princeton his principal interest had been In political science, and he also foUoved a secondary interest In the lav because of Its close relationship to politics. At this time he had prospects of a job in a lawyer's office vhich strongly tempted him, and he vas also nulling over the election of teaching as a career. Unwilling,or unprepared, to make the choice betveen his sense of duty— to Christian missionary vork, and his predominant interest— in the lav and politics, Thomas vacillated.

It vas in this frame of mind that he finally took a job as a settlement vorker at the Spring Street Church Neighborhood House in

Nev York City. Be vent to Spring Street first, because he vas urged to do so by Tom Carter, a Princeton friend vho had already spent a 2 year there. Carter's appeal was strongly supported by Roevell Bates,

Borman Thomas, unpublished memoir, p.42. This is the principal source of the information contained in this paragraph. 2 Norman Thomas, interview vith the author, Jhne 10, 1953* -44. *►5 th# minister #t Spring Street Church end director of the neighborhood

Eouee, Hi# other reeson for going to Spring Street vm# that it etuld provide him vith e first-rate opportunity to study religiwis aoeial 3 vork and thus help him cone to a decision about the ministry. His

Spring Street experience did indeed help to crystallise his thinking about the ministry, for, by the time he left there tvo years later, he had firmly resolved to attend seminary.

At one time the Spring Street Presbyterian Church— an Imposing edifice in the Greek style— had a mexdbership of respectable, vell-to-do

Nev Yorkers. Hovever, by the time Roevell Bates became its minister in

1 9 0 1 , most of its farmer parishioners and supporters had moved up-town

Impelled by the gradual encroachment of the slums. Despite the oppos­ ition of thoae vho vented to abandon the church altogether. Bates insist­ ed on staying and making the church a sort of evangelical mission. To this end he had established the Spring Street neighborhood Zkwse vhich, vith the purchase of another building and expanded facilities, became

^Loc. cit. The decision about the ministry vas apparently a difficult one for Ihomas to make, and he did vhat he could to become thoroughly informed before he made it. Anong his papers at the Nev York Public Library are programs from four (1905, 0 6 , 0 7 , & 0 9 ) Confer­ ences of Eastern College Men Concerning tiie Christian Ministry. As stated in the programs, the purpose of these conferences vas to "present to those college men vho are nov deciding upon their life vork, definite and reliable information concerning the opportunities and vork of the Christian Ministry in this country." Incidentally, at the I903 Conference (in April before he vent to Spring Street) Roevell Bates vas a featured speaker. k For information about Rpsvell Bates and the Spring Street Church, see 8. Ralÿh Barlov, g # Life of Roevell Bates, especially pp. 4 9 ff. th# Spring Street Social Sett&aaSAln 190), about the thaa Thoaa# earn# there.

To he aure, the Spring Street area had uae for a aettlemant house. "Poverty vaa great, atrong liquor the chief eacape, and rniOh

of the neighborhood vaa loat In a kind of aodden apathy to which drunken

quarrels brought release," is the way Thoams described that district,^

Extreme conditions of poverty and inexpert leadership in the settlement

house made work at Spring Street very difficult.

There were about a dosen workers in the Spring Street "family,

most of them, like Thomas, young college graduates who had no official

connection with the church. In the words of one of these workers, ‘ttieir

job was that of "native missionaries and social workers Jmong their

duties were included family visiting, choir singing, club leadership.

and evangelistic preaching. Thomas spoke frequently at the outdoor 7 meetings in front of the church. These religiouse] harangues constitute 6 his first non-academic speech experiences. Although his friend Tom Carter left Spring Street in I9 0 6 ,

Thomas felt ccupelled to remain. In 1907,when Thomas had been two

^Thomas, unpublished memoir, p.47.

^%eodore Savage, in an interview with Robert Alexander, June 21, 1 9 5 1 . 7 *Loc. Cit. In this interview Savage, who came to Spring Street in 1 9 0 6 , describes Thomas speaking from behind a kitchen table that served as pulpit. He says Thomas had a fine voice and liked to talk. 0 At the first of these outdoor meetings, Thomas remambers being so frightened about speaking that Iw would have welcomed an earthquake as a blessing in disguise. He acknowledges that Spring Street afforded him many speaking opportunities. Utapublished memoir, pp.46 ff. 47 years at Spring Street, Boswell Bates inrlted him to be his ‘UwviAiag

cosqpanion on a trip around the world. Two otiwr Spring Street alumni»"

Tom Carter and Ted Savage— were also to aeeoeveay the Beverend Bates, but it was Ttaoestf* special task to "take care of" Bates, who was given

to moods of severe depression, Thomas* expenses were to be shared by

Bates and the uncle who had helped Thomas through Princeton, So, despite 9 the condition which made him nursemaid to Bates, it was an opportunity he could not readily turn down. For the next year the group traveled widely, especially in the

Far East, where they visited missionaries in Siam, Korea, China, India and Japan. The return trip todk them to Europe, The party separated there and Thomas came home alone in March of 1 9 0 8 . Now a veteran of several world tours, Thomas says of this first one that he remembers 10 nothing spectacular. Still, in 19OT, a trip around the world was an experience shared by few people, and it must have left some important impressions with a young man of twenty-two. Spring Street also left inqpressions. They served to awaken in

Thomas an interest in community and social problems about which he had heretofore had little cognizance. This new awareness may be seen

^Ihere seems to be justification for writing this way, Thomas, of course, knew about Bates* moods from his Spring Street experience. Towards the end of the trip in January I908 , he wrote to his brother Ralph, "...I never had a harder job on my hands than with Mr, Bates,,,, One doctor who saw him told me privately he thought he was insane. He made life miserable for me... [yet^ he was willing to give me money, he desired the trip to be a pleasure to me and I am perfectly sure he would have given his life for me at any time." Norman %omas, letter to Ralph Thomas, January 30, 1908, Thomas Papers, New York Public Library.

^^orman Thooms, interview with Robert Alexander, w

In the foUowlng eoceerpt fron « letter written in 1 9 0 6 for the **nrlaeetOB

Clem# of 1909 Reoorffi

For two yeere efter gredueticn I worked at Spring Street ChurOh end Seig^horhood EOuee, «here I learned a whole lot about life which isn't taught in collehe, even under the new ourrioulum or by the preceptorial system. Incidentally, I have corns to see that we as a nation face a social problem of tremendous gravity, whose solution will take the best that we have in us of tlMught and service.^

But he was a long wpy off from embracing socialism as the solution* Ee was, as a matter of fact, "actively non-socialist, a hangover from 12 Marlon and Princeton." While his Interest In cosnunity and social problems continued beyond Spring Street, It was, as he has himself said.

11 Norman Thomas, letter in Triennial Record of the Class of 1905 of Princeton university, ed. by Fordyce Barker St. John, I9 0 0 , p. 1 2 0 -2 1 .

^^Thomas, unpublished memoir, p. bp. We must accept Ihomss* own statement on this subject although Charles W. Gi^key, who also worked at Spring Street in I906-0 7 , thinks it was at that time that Thomas turned toward socialism. Charles Gilkey, interview with Robert Alexander, December id, 1950. %ere are other apparently contradictary opinions about Ihomas in this period. Gilkey asserts that he and Thomas were Rauschenbusch, or social gospel. In religion and Teddy Roosevelt In politics while at Ipring Street. But we know that Thomas voted for Taft. And in the opinion of Ted Savage, another Spring Streeter in the 1906-G7 period, Thomas had an orthodox, old-fashioned religious outloOk. Ted Savage, interview with Robert Alexander, June 21, 1 9 5 1 . Thomas himself says that he began questioning religious orthodoxy— particularly the concepts of verbal inspiration of the Bible, and Hell— when he was still at Princeton. In order not to hurt his father, he kept this iheresy" a secret from him. His mother knew about It but warned Thomas, "Your poor father will be upset about this." Norman Thomas, Interview with Robert Alexander. It may be that Thomas' views were undergoing subtle changes at this time which made him— like the thirteen year old boy who Is a basso in the morning and a tenor at night— appear to be Inconsistent. 49

"along — jnantly and non-#oelall#t lina#."^^ Voting In him flrmt Prmmldmntlal •laetlcn In 1 9 0 6 , Thonms east him ballot for WlUlmm Howard Taft. Ha could hardly hava choaan a mora coBsarratlva B^pabUcaa.

The Influanca of Walling Evan Thomas, Mmrlon, and Prlneaton also par* vadad him Intamational outlook. Ha cam» back from vitnaaslng an amargant Indian natlonallam mith tha ballaf that Britiah rula waa both Ik naceaaaxy and banaflelal. Having finally made up hla mind to antar thaologlcal aaadnaxy and baccoa a mlniatar, ThooM waa facad with tha prOblams Which aaminaryt Be had baan attending annual confaraneaa about tha Chriatlaa nlnlatry ever since his senior year at Princeton, and had llatanad to man who rapraaantad tha leading aamlnarias In tha Baat.^^ But ha had not been able to make a q,ulck choice. In part, his problem vas how bast to recon­

cile hla own growing rallgloua hatarodooey with hla father*a orthodoay, for his choice of a seminary— since aamlnarlaa also fall Into this dlchotooy— would bring tha Issue to a head.

As early as 1906 ha waa more or leas coanlttad to go to Album Theological Seminary,a choice which would have made his ^iranta happy.

^^AUan Hevlna and Dean Albertson, "The Reminlaeancaa of Borman Thomas,". p. 20. ik Thomas, unpublished memoir, p. 52.

^^The confaraneaa were aponaorad by Yale Divinity School, Hartford Theological Seminary, and Union Theological Seminary. Among tha speakers ha heard ware Henry sloaae Coffin, Barry Kasraon Foadlck, W. Adams,Brown, and Woodrow Wilson

latter from Ton Carter, who waa than studying at Auburn, to Thomas dated October 12, 1 9 0 6 , reads in parti "I can't say how glad I am that you and Dumont Dkumomt Clark^ are coming hare nsact year." Thomas Papers, Haw York Public Library 50

Th#n, of oour##, item vmm ftineatoa Smminmry, hi# fathir*# #lm# wcA thst too m o o IA h#T# dflight#! IWllng Them##, lot hi# ewn d##i*# vas to go to UkiioQ Th#(üLogic#l 8 #«in#ry, at that tin# oon#id#r#d ne d n m and refonwd* Whan he returned from the trip around the vorld in N # r ^ I9 0 6 * th# matter of chooaing a seminary was hi# first eoocem. E# found two job opportunltie# waiting for him: on# at Christ Church in N«w York City, the other at the First Presbyterian Church of Album, New York, under 17 Dr. Allen Macy Dulles. Both position# would enable him to finance his seminary study. This time Thomas was not long in making up his 18 mind. He joined the staff at Christ Church House in AprtI I908 and in the fall of that year be entered Union Theological Seminary, Thomas came to Union Theological with some excellent reccnmenda* 19 tions and departed with fulsome praise from staff and students alike. JUst as he had done at Princeton, Thomas left a brilliant acadead.c

17 Tboisas, unpublished memoir, p. 5 3 . Dr. Dulles was the father of Jbhn Foster Dulles.

18 • Several factors influenced his decision. Besides his own predeliction for U.T.S. he heard an appeal from his fried Dumont Clarke that he would lose "by not going to a place where he would sit under anything less than the thought of the day,t and that meant U.T.S.lXunont Clarke, letter of JUne 2k, Qio yeaA to Norman Ihcmas, Thomas papers. New York Public Library. Thcma^ brilliant mind deserves the best, was Clarke's argument. ïhosmis was also drawn to Christ Church through William Sloane Coffin (brother of Henry) who was a trustee of the Spring Street Neighborhood House. Thomas,unpub­ lished memoir, p. $3 .

^%*o#well Bates wrote that "his work was more than satisfactory.. ..I unhestitatingly coonend Mr. Thomas to you a# a man of sterling charac. ter and an eameib Christian, and a man whom Union Seminary will be proud to have as a student and graduate." Roswell Bate# in a letter to union Theological Seminary, May 12, 1 9 0 8 . "We have never known a more ef- ficient, energetic, or consecrated worker in that Church (Bpring Streetg, wrote William Sloane Coffin in a letter to union Seminary, JUly 1 3 ,1 9 0 8 . 51 r#cor& at ttalen. With 100 a# th# hlgb##t po##ibla sear#, h# aato a cumulatif# grad# av#r#g# of 9^«88«^ In no cours# did b# rsoalv# a grad#

1### than 9 0 . Tb# course of training at Union covered ^ naturally» a «Id# rang# of religious subjscts. Thomas studied th# Old and Hsv Tsstaasnts»

Fhilosoÿhy of Religion» Church History» Aptilogetics» Rsllglcua Education»

Systmnatic and Practical dsology» and» curiously enough» English Cesqpo- sitlon. While requiring a certain amount of study in all of these areas, the seminary allowed students to elect a major department. True to his interest in religious social work» Thomas chose Practical Theology.

But this department vas largely given over to homiletics, and so it «as that Thomas, who had no real interest in the pulpit, acquired a substan­ tial training in preaching, sermon writing, public speaking, and uae of the voice.

So far as ve may judge from the Union catalog, the training in 21 homiletics was thorough. Its object was not only proficiency in sermonizing, but also "the development and right use of th# vole#,"

19(Cont letters in Alumni Pile on Horman Thomas, U.T.8 .

^^^gistrati

^"No student will be considered to have completed the work of the department," say# th# Union Theological Seminary Catalog for 1908-09. "until he has had sonm practice in sermonizdLng» and has shown nis ability to express himself clearly and correctly. To this end, every under-graduate must present two written sermons, and sKxre if required, for private criticism." p. 46. 5# TbuSf studffBtt y v vrnqmixmA to tote noa-crodit eonrooo lA Toool oultnro 22 tmdor Froncis Conoody. This study vos dlvldod into two ports* Fort ono— public sposklag— consisted of "lectures on the prindptes of public spooking end on the proper use end core of the Toloei enun sletion end gesture; with lUustrotlve esslgoments and exorcises."^ Fort too* in controet to port (me, was devoted to individuel work. Each student hod thirty minute meetings with the instructor who "sought to develop in each the best quality of vocal production of which be is capable and to perfect his vocal interpretati

teacher.Ihifortunately, we do not know what Carmody though o t Thomas as a student, for no grades were given in this non-credit course* It was Henry Sloane Coffin, later president of unicm and now retired, who taught hosd.leties there when Thosaas was a student. Thosaas took four courses with him and received grades of 9 8 , 9 5 , 9 9 ,and 9 3 *

^^Prancis Carmody taught at Hotre Dssae, Polytechnic Institute, and Columbia before coming to Union, and later offered similar courses at Brooklyn and Fordham Law Schools* Franklin^ D* Stone, "Factors in the Training and Education of Horman Thoauas Belated to his Practice Ab A Public Speaker," p. 75* At Union, he was Harkness Instructor in Vocal Culture and Elocution* ^^union Theological Sesrinary Catalog 1906-09. p. 50. oji Dr* Blvin 0. Kennedy, interview with the author, JUly 17,1953* Dr. Kennedy was not a classmate of Thomas* but he took the courses with Carmody about this seme time. It is his opinion that Carmody was an excellent teacher* ^%orman Thomas, interview with the author, Jbne 10, 1953* 53 In th# h

üacng tb# studanta, h# vas aeknoirladgad to b# th# b#at praaehar in th# class,^ and even today his claasmatas ramsmibar hla spaaklng as *brlll- 26 lent" or "excellent". At that time his preaching style vas llkamad to that of Coffin, but Thomas insists that he never consciously triad 90 to imitate Coffin or any other speaker. ^ %omas grants that ha vas much impressed vith Coffin as a homiletics teacher, but he vas likewise inqpressed with Harry finerson Posdick, under whom he studied in his last year at Union.

From April 1906 to May 19IO, the end of his junior year at Union,

Thomas vas a combination social worker and assistant minister at Christ

Church in New York City. As a social worker, he performed in much the same way as at Spring Street, but, of course, he now had a thaological background from which to operate. And, whereas at Spring Street ha

"preached" as a layman, and thus informally, at Christ Church he occasion­ ally delivered sermons and preached vith the authority of the divinity student. He was apparently quite successful as a preacher there and, moreovey, excelled in all the twks attached to his position as a student

^%enry Sloane Coffin, in a letter to the author, October 12,1951*

^Benry Rowland, a classmate, in a letter to the author dated JUly 27, 1 9 5 3 , writes in parti "I remanber a discussion...in our class... and that they all said that Norman was tha best preacher in the class, judging by his performance in homiletics class...." 28 This is the consensus of comments by Henry Rowland, op.cit.. and H. N. Morse, Fred Eastman, Theodore Savage, and George S. Bevans in letters to the author. 29 Norman Thomas, interview vith the author, JUne 10, 1953* A N#lth#r the voork there sor hie eueeees vith It 1# etet nekee Ctarlet Church signlflceat in Ux* life of Bcnvea Thome#. It 1#, rather, that there he met and courted France# Violet 8teeart ,iAOf In

1910 became hie wife, Violet Stewart (she did not use the name Frances) we# a nurse.

She came to Christ Church House to organise the first classes In home treatment of tuberculosis and to be a visiting nurse in connection with the social work in which the Church House was engaged. With a common interest in helping the underprivileged, and since they were working cut of the same religious social agency, Homan and Violet soon struck up an acquaintance. Or perhaps it was as Thomas' sister fiaoa remeolbers: that

Horman and Violet were "lovers at first sightThomas himself writM,

^^tewareriLJames M. Farr, in a letter to Reverend Gaylord 8. White, April 21, 1 9 1 0 , Thomas Papers, Hew York Public Library. Be wrotet **Nr. Thomas is possessed of more than the usual allowance of ability and en­ thusiasm.... I consider him quite the best student assistant that we have ever had and I am glad to be able to speak most highly of his work.** Farr wrote also that he considered Thomas to be above average as a student preacher. He may have been influenced in part by a letter he received from R. R. Killis of the Church of the Hedy Apostles, (December 13* 1909* Thomas Papers, Hew York Public Library) in which M.llis wrote: "Mr. Thcems gave us a very helpful talk. Several of his audience have since spoken to me about how much they enjoyed it." Of course, considering his proven speaking ability as early as high school, and the enormous amount of ex­ perience he gained at Princeton* it is not surprising that Thosms was a good fledgling preacher; but he was so despite his lack of real interest in the pulpit.

Thomas, interview with Robert Alexander, JUly 5, 1951. Thomas conments: "It was not love at first sight. It took much longer— which was foolish of me." Interview with the author. May 11, 1955* 55 "I think I fell in lev# with my »otb«r-lii*l«r aad h#r grmolou# homplt» mllty, #v#h before my vife.**^ zm a lort of eteeybook eltuetlm Thmm# proposed to Violet from a sick bed in the boepital ehere be bad gome for a minor operation. Am Thomas explains It* be bad been tmrltad to

Mrs. Stewart*s home to recuperate and insisted to VlOlet that he would not go "unengaged" He had been encouraged to propose as a result of an earlier hospital visit by Dr. Henry Van Dyke* who offered him an ass latent ship at Brick Church In Rev York City* ^mis making marriage financially possible. About three months later* on September 1* 1910*

Roman and Violet were married.

"Bliss has no history*" be began his letter for the 1910 Record of the Princeton class of 1905* "I was married September 1 to Miss Frances

Violet Stewart....Of course this Is by all odds the most Isqportant thing

I've done since my Triennial letter* or before either Qie probably meant

"that"J for that matter."^ Ee has said many times since that his marriage was the single most Important step in his life. Althoug^b the Stewarts were a family of considerable wealth and social position* and there was at one time some concern about whether the disparity between the two families In these matters would hinder the marriage* nothing came of it.

Violet was an Independent woman and made up her mind to marry Thomas

^^Thomas* unpublished memoir* p. 5^.

^% l d . p. 56

Record of the Class of 1905. edited by the secretary* 1 9 1 0 . Ca mlmeo^phed collection of letter^ Thomas papers* Rev York Public Library. 56 35 and llva M # kina of life. H e rautione vith the Steearte a m alveya eKceptlonally friendly. Violet Thomae, thou^ never a convinced Socialistfaithfully supported her husband throuf^ every difficult circusatance» stood by him no matter how unpopular his cause, and encouraged him In the face of repeated political failures. She never tried to dissuade him from any of his activities. She was always cosqpletely loyal. In the press of a casqpalgn she frequently accompanied %cmies and became his ptional 3 8 secretary, carrying on liaison between him and campaign headpiartMi.

Otherwise she took no active part in Socialist affairs. Her husband and her children were her sadn interests. In the eight years following their marriage, six children were b o m to the 39 Thomases. It was a large family to keep well-fed and clothed. In addition to the attention she gave to the children's

35 Sana Thomas, op,, cit.

^^or example, William Stewart, Violet's brother, has been the family's personal lawyer, judging from what information there is, there was always mutual admiration between Thoems and his mother-in-law.

^This is the opinion of Svan Ihomas (a son) as given in an interview with Robert Alexander, March 3, 1950. Âosms, in an inter­ view with the author. May 11, 1955, said that Violet would deny this, but that it is prObebly true she would not have been a Socialist were he not one. 3 8 This was true for the csnpaigns beginning about 193k, when the children were grown end away at school. Before that time Violet was pretty well tied down to home. 39 Five ere still living. Norman Thomas j r . , the eldest, died in 1 9 2 0 as a result of a mastoid infection. 5T

Violet V M aterly almqra emgegod. in plane to bolator th# family*# flMHi* kft eat. At on# time aha oparatad a kannal) aha h o u ^ tha oniw l m a

Thoaaa hona at 71 Irving Plaça in Raw York aa an inveatmaat, hut nanrar

nada money from it; and aha alao opanad a raataurant in the Xrving Plaoa

building, but neither did it turn out profitable. She carried on all

thaaa undertaking# and ralaed her family daapita a chronic heart ail­

ment which invalided her for moat of her life and finally lad to bar

death in Aiguat 19^7*

In the face of tha great demanda made on her aociabili^ by

her huebanlHi videspread affiliation#, Violet vaa ahy and afraid of atrang-

ere. There vaa actually very little aocial life for tha Thomaaaa ex­

cept ae it vas in acme way connected vith one of the cauaea to which Thomas was forever giving his energies. Even dinners at the Thomas

home were primarily business affaira, but Violet patiently played tha

part of hostess without complaint. Throughout the many years when

Thomas was a public figure, she carefully avoided any sort of personal

publicity, but was happy whan Thomas himself got it.

For his part, in view of the exceptionally active life ha baa

led, Thosw has been a dedicated family man. To be sure, his activities

^ e r grandfather— the first president of tha united States Trust Co.— left her a small trust fund, the Incoem from which she used to add to the family budget. Eer father left his money in trust for the children, but gave her the use of it during her lifetime,

^^Bvan Thomas, 0£. cit. A similar description of Violet is given by Dr. Sidney Lovett'ltn an interview with Robert Alexander, Eovenflber 2 8 , 1950. 58 h a w •oBMtinM Intarfarad vith family dh&%atiom#, hut h# ##t up a hmrriter bayond which thaaa axtra-famlliai aetivitiM did oat yanatmta* Xft tiaaa of family criaaa, for inataoca, ha caaeallad all oWkar duttea io oriar to ha at home. Liluwlaa^ tha Thcoaa aioaaar home at Cold Spring Haxhor» Iiong Island, vaa a family aanctuary to Vhich even hla moat intiaata eomradaa kg aeldom had accaaa. Whan tha children vara young, ha alvaya triad to ha horn# at hadm time for a period of play vith them. But aa they came of achoOl aga the children want off to private hoarding achool, and ainca Thonaa vaa also frequently away from home, hla children aav little of him. The ex­ tent to vhich he attempted to keep hla family life entirely aaparata from his other activities may be judged from the fact that he never in any way forced Socialism upon his children. Perhaps, he misas now, he vaa too ki lenient in this respect, for until now none of thorn has shown any in­ terest in carrying onward %omaa* standard. Nor would there seam to ha any hope in this direction from the fifteen Thomas grandchildren, who adore him personally— and he them (he never forgets any grandchild's birthday)— but who, like other children of their generation, know socialism only vaguely. No one who studies Thomas' life can fail to note the extreme

^arry Laidler, vith whom Thomas has worked in the League for Industrial Democracy for more than thirty years, told the authw in an interview (March 21, 1951) that he had never been to Cold Spring Harbor. This testimony must be tampered with that of Bvan Thomas (op. cit.) who says that there vaa an annual U D picnic at Cold Spring Harbor, and Laidler must have been there on those occasions at least.

^^Thomaa, unpublished memoir, p. 23. He adopted this attitude, he writes, aa a result of the bitter experience he had vith his own parents concerning his religious views. 59 hk l o w «ad dawtlon that #%i#t#d b#to««n him «ad Violât. Wm d«f«wd«d on b«r la « gr««t aaaor ooyo# «ad, « w a «v«rt from ikm flaoaolol «iqnisrt #h« V M Obl# to glw, vlthout h#r h« eould act h « w totea th# eotfM ho dotoxidaad to t«ko during World War I and aft«r. la thl# ««aao at loaat, Violet eoatrlhutad to hla aoelaiiaa. ikt the time ho vaa married, ühoau mas ao loogar at Chrlat Church. Be had accepted the offer of Dr. Beary Vaa Dyke to bo hie aeeletant at the vealthy aad faahloaable Brick PrMbjtorlaa Church oa Fifth Avenue la Hew Yoak. It waa a complete ehaage from the character of hla voric at both Spring Street aad Chrlat Church, In the atla, hla job waa to take over aa preacher when Dr. Van Dyke was occupied else- where, aad especially to officiate at the less lagpwtant Sunday aftemoon services. There was no opportunity for religious social work. It was not the sort of position In which he could be most happy, but the salary was an Inducement to a married man, and he fulfilled the reqgulred duties reasonably well. At Brick Church, Thomas preached under an esqpert, for Dr. Van Dyke was one of the foremost preachers of that day. But If he profited at all In this regard as a result of his year's stay at Brick Church, It was by virtue of the numbers of aa^erlences he had, rather than by any Influence Dr. Van Dyke exerted. '

^)r. Sidney Lovett, cit., says they were the most devoted pair he has ever seen. The testimony of their children corroborates this too. Friends of various degrees of intimacy all were able to sense this about Hoxman and VlOlet.

^^Chls must be written because Stone, o p . cit.. maintains that Thomas was strongly Influenced as a speaker by Br Jtanry Van Dyke. (p.6 1 ) In a letter of Jhnuary 1$, 1953 to the author, Thomas asserts that Dr. Van Dyke absolutely had no such Influence. 6o upon th# Inolmtenc# of th# Brick Church truot###^ nhe ##nt#& #

fully ord#in#& minl#t#r in th# pulpit, Thom## took his oardlnstlon m m » instlon b#for# th# #nd of hla sonlar y#ar at Uhlon. Th# ««amination va# a Uttar dlaastor. Tb# trouhl# va# that h# gay# "hooast a n a v w # " ^ to q]u##tlon# about th# historicity of th# Virgin Birth and th# phyaleal resurrection posed by the examination eonalttee of th# Hev York Pr##- bytery. The coemittee pressed the Issue vith rigid qjiestionlng, but accepted him nevertheless. As a matter of religious precedent th# Incident vas important enough to get newspaper space In New York.

We Bust pause here momentarily to answer the (piestlons What happened to Thomas' religious orthodoxy ; the old-fashioned Calvinism which his father had inculcated? H# had begun to question his father's theology— particularly the concepts of the verbal inspiration of the li7 Bible, and Hell— when he vas a student at Princeton. ' But overall there vas no appreciable change from his conservative religious outlook. At

Spring Street he was somewhat less conservative in theology, but at the same time religion itself took on a new meaning for him. In the early 1 9 0 0 's many religious leaders came to the realization that while man did not live by bread alone neither could he subsist by faith alone, and that a society in which extremes of poverty and wealth existed side by side could not be reconciled with Christian ethics. It vas the time of the social gospel, and Thomas, partly as

^6 These are the words Thomas used in an interview vith the author, JUne 10, 1953 • B# brushed aside further questions and so it must be assumed he meant to say b# rejected these concepts. 4? Horman Thomas, in an interview vith Robert Alexander. Cf. with Fosdick's impression, p. 42. 61 a rMult ot hi# Bfriat Stratt #K##rl#me##* hin— a dlselylU* # # U h * aral tbtaiogleaX Intergratatlon# at Union flwriniry iaifirad hi# ###&#%# hraafc vith orthodoaqr* Daofita an aarliar dteision not to dioeu## ia« llgious diffaranea# vith hi# parants, at Union ha ha#an to naha hi# kS raligious vlavB tha aubjact of long lattara hona. What tala parant# had alvaya faarad— it waa tha raaaon thay did not vant him to go to

XMion— had finally happanad: Homan had conoluaivaly rajaotad Calvinism.

Hla ordination disputa shook tha confidanca ef soma of his friands and surprisad othars, hutthare vara no raparcusaions in Brick Church.

Aa a aattar of fact, ha raaainad at Brick Church for naarly a yaar altar hla ordination, all tha vhlla praaching tha aocial gospal. Far from up­ braiding him for tha nature of hla aamena, thia vell-to-do coogn^tion praiaad him aa a capable and likable yoa% miniatar % Baaily tha moat brilliant maabar of tha clasa of ipu, Thomas vaa graduated from Union Theological Smalnsry magna cum lauds. Upon graduation union offered him a travalix^ fallowahip, but ha dsclinad it

^4lalph Thomas, 2E* 5âl* ko _ ^Thomas, unpubliahad memoir, p. $8-9. Be tails hare of hie axparlanca on Palm Sunday 1911, vhan ha made a special effort to preach the social gospel. "A msdmfactor at great vaalth" on vhom ha had oon- cantratad, came up aftarwarda to tall him ha had dona a great job. As a result ha vritaa, "I baoama vary skeptical of clergyman vho tell me hov much they "gat across" vlthout thalr congregation knoving it." Coffin, 0£. cit., vritaa that his brother, an alder in Brick Church, thought vary Eïghly of Bie

^^Thla is tha conaenaua of hla claaamated. In lattara to the author they made stataamats such aa; "I doubt that anyone vould question that ha vaa the most brilliant student in tha class,"(Fred Hastman,letter of Jhly 26, 1953) and,"To me, because of hia manifest qualities of leader­ ship and brilliant mind, he vaa a sort of superior being,... .«(Howland, op.cit.) 6e

M not boing bhat h# nmmtod to do, B# on# nt that tSaa bant nycn doing ooeial nlaaionary work at hona, aad ba ramtnal at irlek C W r A until much an opportunity fraaantad itaalf,

Tha opporiutiHj can# in tha form of an invitation from tha lonm

Mimaionm Comaittaa of tha how York Praabytarj aaking him to bacoma paator of tha laat Harlan Fraabytarian Church and chairman of tha navly arganttad Anarleaa Pariah. Ba accaptad# and took on thaaa dutiaa

In Oetobar 1911# It la no aacrat, wrltaa Dr, Sldnay Lovatt* that

Thoaaa could hava movad into tha pulpit of on# of tha graat hiatoric

Raw York Cburchaa^ had ha not dacidad to caat hia lot In with tha moat 51 difficult field-*tha American Pariah. Thomaa choaa tha Jbwrican

Pariah baeauaa both ha and Violât ware intaraatad in tha kind of work there waa to do there^ becauae he conaidered it a "challenge", and be* 52 ceuae ba never fait out out to be merely a preacher.

^hr. Sidney Lovett, letter to the author, February 2T, 1952. TAie hiatoric Raw York church to which Dr. Lovett alludea ia probably Brick Church. Ita paator. Dr. Henry Van Dyke, had atapped down before Thonaa left. Thomaa wrltaa In hia memoir (p,62) that he could have ateyed on, "but thought the new paator ahould ba free to chooae hla own aaaiatant." Thia aeama to mean ha did not expect to be eppointad to fill Dr. Vaa X3yfca*a place.

^^orman Thoaaa, interview with the author, JUne 10, 1953. c m m m V

m BocuL Èmmmr, 1911.1916

M it v u MtabllitMd by th# Beat Mimmloa# Condtt## ot th# H«tf York Pr##byt#ry, th# Am#rlc#n Farlth #Ébr#c#d # l#rg# part of H#w York'# uppor l u t #ld#— roughly, th# ar## b#t###m 106th #ad IgOth #tr##t# flanking Park Avonue* Today, thia ia aomatimaa k n m m as Spanish Barlom, a district of slums and concomitant vie# and orins. But th# neighborhood vas àlraady dstariorating In 1911 vhan th# dm#r- ican Parish v u founded. Many of Its aarliar inhabitants— aspacially those vho could afford to do so— moved out, and their exodus mads room for the enormous pre-World War I emigration from th# countries of Central Burope and the Mediterranean. Th# district v u soon settled by nevly arrived immigrants from Italy and Hungary vho could find no market for their peuant skills and no opportunity for dispelling their ignorance. Until the beginning of var in 1917, there appeared to be no hop#, aad no vey, of improving the circumstances of these people. In this community of foreign b o m aad mixed nationalities, the Presbyterian Church had been operating several mission churches in addition to the English speaking church of E u t Harlem. The establishment of the American Parish confederated these more or less feeble churches and placed them under central supervision. The Parish consisted of one Hungarian church, three Italian churches, the E u t Harlem church, a Svedish Sunday School and a settlement house. Each of the foreign language churches had Its p u t or, of course, but Thomu became the putor for the English speaking E u t Harlem church, and supervisor of all the other churches u veil u the charitable and settlement work in vhich they

.63 - A

•ngBeed. It « M th# #crt ef #rr#m#m#ut, ## h# ht# hi— If srtttei, that gtv# him th# chane# h# lens vantad to ##t Into Imdgrtut oocfc la th# poorer pert# of th# clty.^ It alto save him th# ch#n## to pveetioo and preach the loclal goepel on a vide ioale^ u d to geog# it# offioooy,

% # re#ult va# that Thoma# gradually xeliaqixiahod hi# faith ia th# u#e« fula### of charitahl# vork# tad toeitl aid#--a# praeticod in ##ttlma#nt houtet, tad took up inttead a belief in a broadly bated political militancy— the creed of the tocialitt#— a# the only effective mean# of achieving detirabl# tocial end#. Th# American Pariah warn for him the teed bed of tocialitm.

"If I vere to vrite the ttory of tbete year# Q r o a the time of hi# marrlag^ down to World War I^" #ay# Ihomat* "the title might veil ,2 be 'All Thi# and Heaven Tool •" He vat extremely happy in the day# at the American Parleh. And he made a vonderful tuoeet# of hi# vork there.

Under hi# direction the church## grev and divert# national and religiou# group# learned to live together in greater harmony.^ He expanded th# facilltie# of the neighborhood house and added a temmer cet* to the

Parish properties to that more children could enjoy a vacation w a y from the tenement# and the gutters. Hi# club vork vith yoong boy# at

S^ornan Thomas, Princeton class letter dated Decenher 6 , 1913, Thomas Papers, Hev York Public Library.

Sforman Thomas, unpublished memoir, p. $4.

Kenneth Miller, testimony before the Joint Committee for th# Investigation of Revolutionary Rediealism (Hev York State) 1920, Vol.3, p.2 7 2 1 . 65 th# n#lglïboartieed hou## ### outstaaAlxis^^ aaA h# Aid «a # V " U y food vith th# #mll#r ehlXdr#ii« E# could talk te jouagoton «t Buodoy Behool and kaap thair iat«r##t, but ha could alao paelfy tough hegra and via thalr friandahip.^ At Chrlataaa tlm# ha vaa Saata Claua ter aoat of tha district, providing tcgrs and candy for ail vho had ncna« Whaa ha organlsad a nalghborhood chlldran*# orchaatra, ha hroutfit togathar ia a spirit of ecsmon causa, parants and chlldran of dlvarsa and oftan antagonistic beliefs Nor Is the list of his good vorks limited to children. Ha responded to vhoever came to him for help. He visited the sick, gave money to the needy, settled quarrels, and gave advice. This tribute by Dr. Sidney Lovett sums up the Impressions of many others vho have a first hand acquaintance vith Thomaa* vork at the Aasrlcan Parish,

It. Among the Thomas Papers In tha Hev York Public Library there la vhat semss to be a draft of a speech, prohahly given at a dinner In his honor, by someone vho remains anonymous. It says In part* "We have c c b m here tonight to honor the man vho has done most and struggled hardest for the establishment and successful maintenance of the Church of laat Harlem.M.AU of us knew Mr* Thomas as a good friend, especially ve boys of the clubs vho have often net him and enjoyed his compenionahlp in our meetings and good times ...Mr, Thomas helped us out by attending our meetings ...tend kept the club going until another leader could be found, .,,%rough his untiring vork, difficulties vhich vere constantly crop­ ping up vere soon settled." 5 Leonard Covello, In an Interview with Robert Alexander, February 1 6 , 1951; and Ladlalaus Harsanyl, In an interview with Robert Alexander, December 29, 1950. Covello vas a Sunday School teacher In one of the Parish churches, Harsanyl vas pastor of the Hungarian Church. Vito Marcantonlo, one-time maaiber of Congress, vho vaa long active In polities In the American Parish district,also attested to Thoaaa* **vay" vith children, and his ability In fostering good relations between tha differ­ ent national groups. Intervlev vith Robert Alexander, Nay 6 , 1950, 6 Harsanyl, o£. clt. 66

In this polyglot o o h u b I ^ h# vss th# esdluB# psrsomlly snA profssslooslly, through thlSh rsllglom Im its hssie sous# of rolstioBShlp bstw sn asa sod asm* saA ana and OoA vas traas* aittsd to all sorts of ladltlAual a n aaA aoasa aad tha parata aatioaal sad cultural groups to s h t ^ thsy baloagad. I havs BSTsr saan sayoas so parsoaally lovad hy othar paopla as Varan «as, sad Isrgsly baesuso of his ospaelty to lAaatlfy hlmsslf vith thalr hops# sad faars, thgjlr joys sad sorrows, their capacities and their lladtatlcns•'

There is no testlmooy to dispute that#

7et the American Parish did not get all his attantion# BO found, or mads, time to he an activa civic leader and to assume various ccsnittee posts in the Preshyterisa Church# Bs «as sppointad a asWbar of the Coamittee on Bducatioa and Vaturalisatioa of the Insigration

Countil of Ve« York# He «as also a rnesAer of the local school board. At one time or another during his period at the Aswrican Parish he held down poets as Chairman of the Ccnmittee on Bducatioa of the Hev York

Presbytery, acting Secretary of the Home Missions Committee, and «as assigned as a special fund raiser for the Home Missions Board# Letters among his papers seem to indicate that he achieved a fame that extandad beyond the bounds of the American Parish and reached into lay as «ell 8 as church circles.

While Thomas vas vorking to serve the needs of the community embraced by the American Parish— providing recreational facilities for children, organistSg vork centers in time of unesployment, caring

7 Dr. Sidney Lovett, letter to the author, February 27, 19^2# 8 For example, there are letters from people vho «ere surely total strangers asking for personal advice or guidance in settling a family problem. Letters from sdnisters in situations similar to his also seek his advice# directly for the ilok end needy, flUiag the eyirituel void of the dee- / peirlag end bewildered imdgreote, brought eheht by theee very dutieo, hie politicel end religiou# outlook we# undwrgeiaf frofound OhMf##* The Bepubliceni#m he had inherited from hi# father led him to caat hi#

first vote for Eoward Taft in 1908. After that, and during the very year# when the American Socialist Party was at it# peak strength both numerically and eleetorally, Thonaa was a progressive. At one time he even contemplated writing a book in support of progressivism a# 9 against aociallam. Thia turning away from conservative Hspubllcaatsm

waa unquestionably the Influence of the aocial gospel and his own eaqper- lencea with settlement work in poor dlstrlcta* % writes about the

period at Brick Church when he waa preaching the aocial gospeli "I

was still not a aocialiat but xmar it, I had read Bauschenbusch."

The needle trades strike of 1909-IO as well as hia experience in poor 11 vorking claaa districts made him sya^athetic towards labor.

%lonnan Thomas, A Socialist's F^th. p. 6 . A good portion of the first chapter is devoted to outlining M s conversion to Socialism.

^^Thomas, unpublished memoir, p. 5 8 . Walter Bauschenbusch was the leading proponent of the social gospel in the early 1900*a. Be .was b o m in Germany but migrated to the united States and received#; AB and K) degrees from Rochester University. Among his moat important books are Christianity and the Social Crisis (1911 h Christianising the Social Order (l9l3i and tEs Sociai C T^inies o f 3baus^l916). He djaTln I M . Di his book American Mind. B e % ^ Steele Cosnager writes that Rauschenbusch learned tlba facts of social life in New York's Hell's Kitchen, and after 19OO was a socialist by conviction if not by mesher- ship. In Christiyity and the Social Cris^. says Cosamger, Bauschenbusch'# argument is religious * capit£Llaa is anti-Christlan because it corrupts the spiritual and moral growth of man; it encouragea fear, intolérance, covetousness, inequality, pride, and other aims. The American Mind.nn.173^5.

^'^Tbomas, unpublished memoir, p. $8 . 68

In 1912, ThioaM voted & etrmlg!bt Proereeslvo tiekot, bat out of poroonel Icgr<y and mffoctlcn for this fororlto eOUogo profOoeor, lupportod Vlloon. Bio politico duuagod grodumlly, oad ot flrot th# change voo no more than bio peroonol cootrihuticn to the ooclal eon- ocience vhich Americano vere beginning to manlfeot* At tha ohoarvoneao of Hev Americana for Hev America Week oponoored by dae Beam NLoolono

Comnlttea of the Hev York Freobytery in 1913* ho opcka on tha oubjaot of

Immigrant problème and oaid: Do not get the idea that becauae there io crime by theoe foreign peopleo they vere of neceooHqr bad vhan at home in Hcropa. Hev York conditlono have in moot caoeo made the crime. Thera io a condition here never obtaining in the vorld before. Who v i U help to Improve ItT^

Who, Indeed? Ae it became apparent that the anover vaa, "no one," hie attitude toward the social order became more and more qpieotioning.

In the decennial Princeton claoo letter in 1915* he aokad hie claooaateo some of the queotiono.

With all my love for Princeton I eometimeo think, unjustly of course, that ay education really began vhan I left there and that not the omalleot part of it has bean the life here in this district ftha American Pario^ • It io a sort of school vhich eats hard leoeono and aako some dlAcult questions. What is our democracy vorth? Bow shall ve make it apply to our social, in­ dustrial and political problems? Are ve preparing veil for national safety in peace or var vhen so many of our varkars can­ not even under favorable conditions make the proper living vagat I vish mora Princeton men vere students in this school— but that is preaching, vhich is against the rules in a class letter

^% e v York Morning Sun. Hovenber 17, 1913* in Alumni file on Horman Thomas, union Theological Seminary.

^^oraan Thomas, Princeton Class letter, 1915* Thomas Papers, Hev York Public Library. 69

Els cnwjistnt sgslnst Prlnoston la this Isttsr Is sohssA « yssr

Istsr sgslast Uaioc la s Isttsr hs seat to oas of Its dlrsetom* "%f

I vsrs to criticise tbs sealasry oa say psrtleulsr point«" fas inrote*

"It vould be that It does aot sdeqjuately fit non to meet coadltloas* religious mod soeiml, la the vorld to vhich they ere going." Be continued;

There is too much of a tendency to set before the men truth sod to leave the mppllcatloa to them. Men like Johnson Boss aad Eugh Black in the Eonlletlc Dspertmsot are alveys holding up the ideal of preaching before a congregation of more or less cultured people,...Eov the actual minister as you know has to vork smong imperfectly educated people whose Ideas of religion are often primitive and vho are easily led avsy by all sorts of preachers of the second coming on the one hand and on the other Inclined to be religiously Indifferent or even agnostic on the face of the injustice of life which they cannot recon­ cile with our doctrine of God,...The same holds vhen one con­ siders social conditions .X do not think that the average Union Seminary graduate, fen* all the fact that he has had the sdvan- tagss of Eev York City, does not |^sic] understand the real social problems that confront him; he is dased and bewildered; fas gsts a few catch words of the social gospel which lead to a new form of hypocrisy.^^

These complaints should not be taken as a real sign of his dis­ satisfaction with Princeton or Union; rather, they are a measure of his preoccupation with the problems of the American Parish, and particularly, the role of the church in solving those problems. It was the era of the socialization of Christianity, and for Thosms that meant the application of Christian principles to the difficult problems of vork, housing, health, recreation, etc., which he found in the Parish. Be bad dlstlUed from

Christianity its ethic, but found that it had no place in the existing

^Slorman Thomas, letter to Rev. Robert R. Wicks, October 30, 1 9 1 6 , Thomas Papers, Rev York Public Library. 10

•oelal ordUir.^^ Slowly ho grow to th# reollmotloo thot wtet IM wo# occomplimhlng In th# Aotrlean Porloh, good ## it wo#* wo# littl# ooro than a aop to ftppovorishod workora who noodod instood a goouin# oppor­ tunity for *cancad.c bottement. Be conceived hi# own job, and eoooo- quently that of the church, as fruitless because there was no hope that its method of attack vould ever conquer pover^ and its con­ comitant evils. The bonds that bad held him to the church began there­ fore to sever. Thomas expressed his sentiments about the work of the church in 16 a booklet entitled The Church and the City which appeared in 1917 • Its Ideas vere still social gospel, still progressivism, but they were a clear portent of what was to follow. As such, they warrant extensive quotation. He wrote: We need far more mission churches in industrial sections and the success of tlu>se we have abundantly justifies a forward policy. Yet there is a real danger. In too many "missions" patronage takes the place of brotherhood and soeisl service is made a substitute for fundamental justice. wnehristian economic and social conditions which the church does not attempt to remedy set iron bounds to all that such special churches can do.... It is a thousand pities when the time of Assenblies and Presbyter­ ies is taken up with discussion of parliamentary procedure and matters of dogmatic statements that seek to coerce ordained Presbyterian ministers into an absolute conformity or belief on questions of interpretation and doctrinal substance that are not essential to salvatlcm while the anxious and toiling multitudes

15 ‘^Ethicshas been the key to Thomas' politics* He writes, in A Socialist's Faith (p. 6) that his conversion to socialism had in it ^ large element of ethical compulsion." Even today he classifies his type of socialism as revisionist with strong ethical overtones.

^^Ihomas prepared the booklet teat tha Church Extension Cobk mlttee of the Presbytery of Hew York, and it was published by them in March 1917* Letter from Theodore F. Savage to I. N. lydenburg, Director of the New York AAlic Library, J W y 2, 19hl, Thomas Papers, Hev York Public Library. 71 outêld# the ehureh emit to beer the voiee of eyegethy end e pledge of Chrietiea lore for them.

In lieu of e eoclel meeeege that thxoata the remedy of lore Into uoohrletlmo eoelel end eoonomle reaction to life, ehe [the churehj hae too often underteken an ethioleee erangeliem ....The Church hae been eadly aloe to ocneider euoh profoundly epiritual prObleme ae ere ndeed in our life by the modem derelopmente of private property end the State...* She hae not graeped the meenipg of God ae a loving father, in the practical exerciee of Bla lore. Soemtimee, therefore the vorher i# alienated from the church becauee eo fer ae hie problème are concerned he hae gone beyond her in hie practical juetice ex^ brotherhood in daily life.^*

The church can only proeper, Thomee concluded, under condltione of

economic eecurity and political democracy. Neither condition exiete under the preeent eyetem, and yet the church remaine eilent.

While the church remained eilent, Tbceute did not. The matter which provoked him and drove him from the church beyond recall, vae the war.

17 Norman Thomae, "The Church and Induetrial Populatione", Thomae Paper, New Tosk Public Library. Thie eeeey, eo titled, le among hie paper# at the New York Public Library. It ie the eeme ae the booklet ^ e Church and The City. Πt f s n vx

muamaxmt w o r l d w a r z - p a c z t z s n j r d so o in m i,1916-1918

The World Wer I years nurk » critical period in th# lifo of

Honean Thomae.- he reeigaed from the Aeericaa Pariah never to return to church vork, (although he did not demit the ministry until 1931)* eoA he became a member of the Socialist Party. In the course of these develppnente he was a bitter opponent of the var^ America's entry into it and preparedness for it, a pacifist and leader in certain pac­ ifist movements, and a non-partisan supporter of Socialist Norris

ElUquit's 1917 mayoralty campaign in Hev York City. ALl of these activities vere interrelated, and their eommmn factor «as the «ar.

When war broke out in Europe in 1914 the attention of most

Americans was directed toward domestic ^problems. Thomas himself was busy setting up work centers in the Parish for hundreds of immigrants thrown out of work by the economic recession which preceded the war.

Hearly five hundred unemployed came to these centers to beg for work that paid fifty cents a day. n » alternative was starvation. Pre­ occupied with W . S project and the other duties at the Parish, Thomas was not much concerned with the European war.^ Besides, President

Wilson, reflecting the sentiments of the American people, had declared the United States to be neutral. The war was a European affair and the United States would not get entangled.

Sto was bewildered when war broke out. Be was not then a paci­ fist in any sense. Borman Thomas, unpublished memoir, p. 6). —72— n Tb# period of noatrelltx im# ohort-llvod. Plret, th# #p####y of mo#t Mmrlcoo#^ «xportly dlrootod by a poworfbl Allied prepegend# ' eeapetjw» turned In feror of th# Aille#, Soon efter* Aeerloa'e m e t h was mroused ehen the Lueltenle erne eunk by e Oeneea eub— rtn# end 11%

Anerlcen# loot their live#.

Throughout the year 1 9 1 6 war fever in the United State# eas rlelms#

Although both the Democrat and Bepublicaa eeadldatee in the lieeldenttel campaign of 1 9 1 6 ran on a peace platform, it va# clear to memy people that the var criei# va# near at hand. Tboee group# vhich favored

America*# entry into the var agitated for the Imeediate latSilMhMl^of a preparednee# program, including rearmament and conecriptlom. Oppoeed to them va# a smaller, but still influential, group of Anglophobe#, anti-nllitarlst#, and pacifist#. Thona# belonged in the last of these*

Thoma# became a religiou# pacifist in 1 9 1 6 ,^ The year before he had been approached by the founder# of the Felloebhip of Reconcilia­ tion-- a non-denominatiooal organisation of religiou# pacifist# — to be­ come a charter megber. The general aim# of the FOR in World War I vere to give support and counsel to conscientious Objectors, and to voTk toward# peace by opposing any militaristic action#s preparedness programs, con­ scription, military training, etc. Though be may have agreed vlth the

FOR in substance as early as 191$, Thomas did not join it until about

lorman Thomas, in an interview with Robert Alexander* 7% tecMÉMT 1 9 1 6 .^ that tlat h# had dMOBatratad hl# to mtr and %r#p#r#dn### for m r , mlthou#^ hl# oibj#otlco# m w e not MltfXy

on rtllglou# grounds.

A U through 1916, vis correspondence, he srgued with his hrother

Ralph Sbout preparedness and pacifism. Els belief vas that the A U i w vere sommvbat, but not such, holier than Germany in their var position. Be felt that Asmriean preparedness would serve no useful purpose SKcept to lead eventual]^ to var. Anmrica could serve the ends of peace, he argued, by spreading relief to the var stricken, and not by building battleships. BO asked Ralph whether he clearly understoft the anti- nilitariets* point ewcemlng special and selfish interests and their k part in the making of var. Be suggested that Ralph read Brailsford*#,

The War of Steel and Gold, and Bowe's, Why War.^ Even When he became more convinced of Germany*# guilt hla position with regard to America*# participation in the war remain unchanged. In April 1916 he wrote to Ralph;

Things are serious, Germany is terribly wrong, but as yet I can't feel that %rar is the way to mend the matter, and hope with a U my heart that broken relations won't lead to war. I stiU feel as I did on...preparedness propaganda.... It is an unpopular position.^

3lhe Thomas Papers give no indication of the exact date. Be wrote about the FOR in Decemher 1916, but not until a letter dated January 3 1 , 1917, did he announce that he had become a member.

Svoxnan Thomas, letter to Ralph Thomas, April 3 , 1916, Thomas Papers, New Toxk Public Library.

^Loc. Cit. Both books offered evidence for the charge that the var was imperialistic on both sides.

^oxnan Thomas, letter to Ralph Thomas, April 19, 1916, Thomas Papems,Bew York Riblic Library. T5 A cou#l# of diqro Istor bo ovoto ofoiBS I thlfik ttao W o o l d o n t U aoto to Qo m a r m o rtaty mtroog oaA Ido ladietaoiit of bor moUwAo ooBvlaolag* %t mgr looA to • brook In diÿLemtie roXotlooo but ovon oo 1 do not tklak #o oogbk to oUew it to load no into nor. Boon if oftor brooMn# off rolotiooo aomaar'o sribeorlno folioy rooolni nmlterod % do not bollovo no nil! notorlmUy bolp cinilimtion by tho dunoy aotbod of involving ouroolToo in o nor of nhicb tbio lo o d y o oido ioouo. Tboro io o grootor ioouo tbon tbo ioouo bon nor ■boll bo vogod, thot io bon to dooidt dioyutoo vithout nor. Of eonroo oronts noy cbongo ny opinion but tbio io oy mind ot prooont. I rotbor wiob tbo Prooidont could too bio noy eloor to orgonioo a coogroo# of noutrolo to opook on tbio oattor. Tboro Mgr bo roaoono nby tbio cannot bo dono but it looko to no that ouch a otop toward world gooomoont sLkbt bo-qjuito poooiblo and a roal contribution to a bottor futuro.'

Toward# tbo middlo of lpl6 ThcMi# bocaao a anribor, and obortly afterward# chairman, of tho How Took Anti-Conacription Loaguo, a braneb

of tho American Uhion Againat Mllitariam. Tbo Loaguo oppoood ccnaorip- tion and proparodnoaa, and one of it# original purpooo# warn to prooorvo

the right of individual conaeioneo. Through ttao Looguo, and aloo ttao FOR, Thoama bocamo troaandouoly activa on botaalf of conaciontioua ob­ jector# •

The war aovaaont grew, and proparodnoaa aontiaanb with it,

#0 that by February 1917— in part due to Internal diffieultioa— tbo

How York Anti-Conacription Loaguo waa already iapotont and noazly defunct.

But tho Anariean union Againat Mllitariam roaainod, and Herman Thoama became a nenbor of it# national exoeutivo coanittoo. When ttao United State# entered tho war, tbo AUM did not diaaolvo. It aiiqply modified

it# program to coneontrato on poot-war alma: it oppoaod adlitarlam

7 Homan Thomaa, letter to Ralph Tbomaa, April 21, 1918, Paper#, Hew York Public Library. 76

#v#ry*b#r#f eujported th# zwticn of « norld orgmmimtlomf #b A A#el#v#d that It voald uflioGLd civil libertl#* ths##t#n#d In th# hy#t#rl* at var* 8 tlJM.

Them## eootlna#d uxgrlaldlng In hi# opposition to th# m r * B# had aOduced thr## ground# on vhich to b### hi# oppositions poUtleal, z#« llglous, sad historical. Th# historical argument 1# sat forth la a l#tt#r to his fonssr assistant at tha Parish. **I mistrust var in ganaral as an agent for national raganaratlon," h# wrote ^ and than want on to cite his­ torical evidence which showed that even for the victors post-war periods were years of great social and moral dscadanee. Moreover^ fa# add#d* **Xf we enter this war motives will he mixed sad idealistic motives will not he ascendent; rather all kinds of passions will he aroused which will not 9 serve ideal ends in say sense."

The argument from religion Thomas stated succinctly In this fashion: "The one thing about which I am sure from th# standpoint of

Christian truth is that the Christian may not do evil that God mey c o m ^ and war is hideously evil."^^ But he had also developed this argument sonewhat more fully as follows:

^Bed hy Roger Baldwin and Borman Thomas in 191S the aoceautlve members of the iHJK (unofficially) founded the Civil Llhertles Bureau which hecame the Aaerican Civil Llhertles Union in 1920.

^Hormsn Thomas^ letter to "Jack" ^Mv. John W. Darj March 30, 1 9 1 7 , Thomas Papers, Hew York Public Library.

^ ^ o m a n Thomas, litter to Ralph Barlow, September 7, 1917, Thomas Papers, Hew York Public Library. 7T Zn tpit* of mgr tr&lnlmg #t % lom I mm not ommogh of a pMgaaWWt to ballav# that var la ganaral la Irratloual aoA vaCbriMtim tat ~ that a particular var la juatlflahla for tha Otaiatlaa aa a vathaA of rl^htaouaaMo. I have too much faith la Ood to tallava that Hm lad H a cauaaa maat bo aavad by tha davU'a vaana» oar eaa % coacalva that It la tha bualawa of tha ehoroh to auppcrt var aa tha laaaar of two avlla lAaa tha avqpport aaaaa oa bar part part­ icipation la that which la uaChrlatlaa. What baoomaa of bar auprama loyalty to tha Hngdcm of Ood or bar auprama alaaloa aa nadlator of Bla SalvationT la act ataadfaat wltaaaa to tha aora axcallmot way tha hlghaat aoclal aarwlca and tha only way la Which tha nation eaa ba fraaly lad to tha llghtf^

On religloua grounda ha could act auppcrt any war aa a rl#0taoua

war, but ha argued that thia war waa aapeclally bad bacauaa nalthar

America nor the AUiea (nor Germany, for that matter, ) had any claim to nOble political purpoaea. Be aaked tboee who aupportad the wart

Do you really believe that our great papera like the gaw York Tlaaa which prate about war for democracy are fighting for danocracy when -Uiey have devoted all their atrength to oppoae political and induatrlal democracy at hoaat Do you think thelra la a pure lore of humanity when t h ^ have been the open dafendera of a ayatem which produced the unnumbered inhumenltlea of our Induatrlal lifat Do you think Americana In general with their ahamaful record for race rlota are purely dlaintereated redreaaera of the crlmaa of Belgium and ArmenlaT Do you think the whdle ayatem of military autocracy will be a training achool for the democracy we needt If ao why did we not enter the war earlier inatead of waiting for the aubnarine iaauet^

Thia argument ia an example of the way in which Thomaa* feelinga about the war coincided with hla feelinga about aoclal injuatice in America.

The two were aoon to cryatalliee into aocialiam.

There ia clearer evidence of thia coincidence in a apeech entitled

"The Chriatian Patriot" which he made, a month after war waa declared.

I o n i a n Thomaa, letter to Dr. Henry Sloene Coffin, JUne 2, 1 9 1 7, Thomaa Papera, Hew York Ribllc Library.

^-?Norman Thomaa, letter to Ralph Harlow, op^. cit. T8 to tho Young Frlondo Mor— ont of FhUodolfhla. Tho opooch o m hooleoUy o ploo for pmclflom* but along tho noy ho touehod upon oovoral othmr

Idoao vlth vhich ho vao thon prooeeuptod. laving nado a ovooping la- dletnont ot tho daorlcan ooelal ond oconomlc oyotom oarly in tho opooA#

Thomas thon said:

Hy only intontlon In making this Indietarat of our social ardor is that in it, in its prlnclplos of solf-opoktog and its practical donlal of brothorhood, aro burlod tho roots of var; and tho avful horror of war itsolf is not aoro terriblo than tho dally vastes of life ond tho vorso sacri­ fices of vhat mshss lifo glorious, vhich aro tho Aruits of a system of the exploitation of the weak by the strong. •••Be­ fore VO spook of var or of tho state in any detail vo cannot too cloarly understand that tho religion of JSsus is profoundly rev^uticnary. It would substitute co-operation for competition, greatness in service for vosdly gain, tho blossodnoss of giving for the joy of acqjuisition.^3

This vas Christian Socialism and still a long way from the thoarios of

Karl Nanc.

Both in 1916 and 1917 Thomas was very active as a public speaker.

His correspondence shews that many of his speaking dates vere arranged through the Anti-Conscription Loa^xe, and later through tho No-Conscrip­ tion Alliance. In tho name of these organizations ho appeared before

IMCA grmips both locally and on campuses, before meetings of the Society of Friends(an 4UMbt because of his vork on behalf of conscientious objectors and his pacifism), before other affiliated peace groups like the Women's Peace Party, and finally, towards the end of 1917, he began to address Socialist meetings. The letters of thanks vhich followed

^%forman Thomas, "The Christian Patriot," a William Penn lecture delivered before the Young Priends Movement of Philadelphia, Mmy 12, 19 1 7; published by Waltir E. Jenkins, Philadelphia, pp.12-13, (copy in the Uhion Theological Seminary Library). 19 thM« #pp##r#nc*m, #omm of utalch b# hm# ar# all «actraotlgr Éavor- able toward# hi# view# and voluainou# in tbair yml## for hi# #p#a1ting>

On# latter is of particular intarast bacauaa it giva# sona aridanea of the effectlvene## of these speechae. On tha basis of six years Ansy experience, the student president of the n C A at Wesleyan Ohivarslty had agreed to give military drill to all interested mala students* But the day following Thomas ' speech at Wesleyan, the H C A president got up before the student body and said, "Fellows, after last ni|^t*s H C A talk I am an out-and-out pacifist, and I can't take this [bha training] Job."^*^

While his public utterances were vigorously and unequivocally for pacifism and agAinst the var, in his own mind his position vas not vithout reservations* Shortly before the United States got into the var he wrote about his pacifist position as follows: It may be that those of us who like myself are inclined to be pacifists, who are certainly opposed to the present prepared­ ness yropaganda but who will not go the length of saying that under no circumstances would ve fight, are in a philosophical or idealistic point of view not abaolut^y consistent, but practically speaking ve are by no means as "suddle-headed" as Bvan mobably his brotheij would seam to imply.

^ ^ r m a n Leum, Secretary of the Wesleyan University HCA, in a letter to Horman Thomas, February 12, 1917» Thomas Papers, Hev York Public Library. On the other hand, some who heard Thomas speak in those days remember him as a good, but in no way exceptional speaker* **I never thought him at that time as remarkable in any way," writes John Baymes Holmes, "and I think this would be the general opinion of his friends," Holmes, in a letter to the author, March 7, 1952* ^^This ia an wccerpt from some undated notes for a letter or speech* Thomas Papers New York Public Libraxy. He vas also changing his mind about the work of anti-militarist groups* He now felt, for exanple, that the Ho-Conscrlption Alliance ought to vork qjuietly and without publicity in order not to embitter the groups that opposed eo H#r# at laaat, thara is an Inaieation that Thmaa* gaclflam m m in no aanaa ahaoluta. Mieh latar^ba dropptd raliglonm saelflni altogethaf In

tha faca of différant circnmatancaa and in part aa a oonaaqiAanea of hi#

dlaaffiliaticn from the church.

Hla attitude toward# the war al#o wavered a# avant# lata in 1917

and the beginning of 1918 created condition# Thcna# could not have fora-

eean. He then wrote to a friend*

Frankly hqt own feeling with regard to the war 1# undergoing aonethlng of a change. On religloua grounda I am at ill 6b* llgad to think that war ia a hldaoualy unaatlafaetory method of rlghtaouanaaa, hut tha Roaalan aituatlon and tha ptrograaalva abandonment of iaparlaliatie alma by the AlUaa under praaaura from the Preaidant and Brltiah Labor remove tha reproach of hypocriey from ua. Meanwhile the German people aeem to ba more coBVletely under the dominance of their cynical junker claaa than I had thought. .Thing# change eo faat that one ia at a loae what to think

Whatever doubt# about hla attlWle toward# the war he have enter­ tained privately and in confidence# to friends, they muat have been only momentary, for hi# public action# placed him ever more firmly In the camp of the anti-war group.

Jn October, I9IT» Ihomaa took— aa it later turned out— one of the moat aignlfleant step# in hla life. He wrote to Morris HiUquit,

Socialist candidate for Mayor of Hew York, "For various reaaona I have not aeen my way clear to join the Socialist Party but I am behind you

^ ^thsm. H o m a n Thomas, letter to Rev. H. B. Chaffee, secretary of Ho-Conaeriptlon Alliance, March 12, 1917> Thomaa Papera, Hew York Public Library.

^^oxman Thomaa, letter to Lillian Wald, March 1, I91B, Thomaa Papera, Hew York Public Library. ai In this ewvnlgn... Th# foUovlag month h# Jolatd th# BUlQiit BOB* Partisan Lsaga#, but it va# alraady aftar ha had addrasaad a M ailman 8q)imr# Qardan rally for RiUqjilt. During tha raaalnlar of tha aam#algn ha ■poke fraqusntly In HlUq!ULlt*a behalf. This vae hie first poLitieaX in* tlvlty and hla first attempt at political speaking, but ha apparantly did 18 an excellent jbb. There vere probably several reasons vtajr Thomas endorsed and actively

supported EUlipilt, but the most Important one vas that he more or leee accepted %ie domestic and foreign programs of the Socialist Party, Be began to realize at this time, he hae said, that If he accepted the perpetu« atlon of the economic system nothing could be done for people like those 19 In his Parish, And he vas also In sympathy vlth the Socialist position

on the var. The Anerican Socialist Party at its 19IT convention in

St, Louie had called the var Imperialistic, and therefore vhoUy unjust- 20 If led. Thomas agreed vlth this. The Presbyterian Church could, vlth some misgivings, be tolerant of the publicly expressed pacifist and antl-var opinions of one of Its

ordained ministers, but it could not suffer his endorsement of a Socialist,

^'^Borman Thomas, letter to Norris ElUqult, October 2, 1917, Thomas Papers, Hev l o A Public Library. ^^Dr. Sidney Lovett, vho accompanied Thoeme frequently during the 1917 campaign, says that even the pOllcemsn vould listen to him eagerly at outdoor meetings, and vould refrain from closing dovn the ametlng at 10 PM as they vere regulred to do by city ordinance, Intervlev vlth Hobart Alexander, Bovanber 28, 1950.

^^AUan Bevlne and Dean Albertson, "The Bemlniecencee of Bomaan Thomas" p. 22. ^Loc, Clt. ai TboMu* friMdt v#r# ■heektd, and hl# mother too* Sh# hot rtochod tho oooclumlom, o# had monj othow, that tho Soeiolist fooitlom oo tho «or w u tre##coâble,®^ ood eoooagiootly, that im a Soclailft candidat# h»r mon bad gooa toc far* Jüat hofora tha aarnamoe» mont that ha waa ai;vportlng HilXqjult became pübllo, Thooaa wrote to hla mother about ita poaalble affecta* I am perfectly aware that the ataad I am taking la coating aa many friendahlpa; every poaalble chance of getting another church If I ehould leave here, and perhapa, hhoutfi I think not, my preeent poaltlcn..** The danger will coam ftom the praaaura of reapectable church f d k with money.^ In all reapecta but one, be accurately appraiaed the aituatlon* U a gueaa that he could keep hla poaltlcn In the American Pariah waa wrong* Soon after he began to campaign for the candidacy of HUlgialt,

Thomaa waa called In by -Uie Chairman of the Hone MLaalooa Board of the New York Freabytery, William Mama Brown,^ and aaked to go eaay on the

HlUault apeechea becauae they were having a damaging affect on contrib- utlona for the American Pariah* By that time, however. It waa already

^ n the ao-ealled "St. Louie Deelaritian" of 1917, the Sociallat Party aaaerted that modem vara were "made by the elaaaea, and fought by the maaaea*" Tha Party urged worker# everywhere not to fight lAila war. The only juatlflahla taking up of arma by workera. It aald, la In the atruggle of the worker# themaelvea to overthrow capltallam* To many people, among them acme Sociallat#, thia aounded like treaaon. The declaration led a good nuaiber of Sociallat# to leave the party*

B o r m a n Thomaa, letter to hla mother, Novenber 2, 1917, Thomaa Papera, New York Public Library.

^%rown had been one of Thomaa* profeaaora at Union, and afterward# hla good friend. oL Nevlna and Albertaon, og^. cit.. p* 25* % too lato to undo «bat had boon deao, and tboro ia aaQphao no iattoOtlOB that Thnma# vould havo eonaldorod a rafudiatiea of hla peaitim* But it m a t havo boon eloar to all that ao long aa Thomaa raoolnad tharoy tho Anorlcan Pariah could oxpoet littlo or no financial auppcrt from ita uaual aourcoa. In DocmAor 1917 Thomaa tOId Broan that ho plamtafl to roalgn. Ho vaa not actually aahod to loavo.^ da a mattor of fact* the Homo lUaalona Board mantod him to atagri to bo tho power behind tha B6 new director, but not to bo publicly connaetod vlth tho Pariah vartc*

Eo refuaod thia offer. Ho roaainod only long enough to aottlo affaira and until hia auccoaaor could bo found, and than in March ISHLd, ho roalgnod the Pariah poat. Tho following month ho moved out of the neighborhood and left the Pariah for good. The aoverance of hia relaticna with the Pariah created more than a paaelag diatuTbance in the church, and further alienated Thomaa from many of the frienda he had made in church elrclea, including former claaa- 27 matea at union. The auecoaaful career he had boon building for more than ten yeare— ever ainee hie daye at the Spring Street Haighborhood

Eoueo— vae complatoly damollehod in eoveral montha. The impact of hia

% h e # a h m W to bot.two veraiona to thia, both by Thomaa. In Nevlna and Albertaon (cm. cit.. p. 2$)he aaya that he vaa not aaked to leave. But in hie memaw (p.TO) ho vritoe that Brown hinted at hia resignation and vaa roliovod when he finally got it.

^^ovina and Albertaon, on. cit.. p. S6. Thia ia corroborated by hia correepondoneo, that ia, nie iottera to frienda, in thia period. See Thomaa Papera, Hew fork Public Library. 27 Dr. Theodore Savage and Dr. Sidney Lovett, interviewe with Robert Alexander of JUno 21, 1951, and Hovombor 26, 1950. Savage aidd that eomo of Thomaa* frienda actually villified him, and that Thomaa had a right to bo bitter about that. VftclftsH «ad fuppert of U U q ^ i t v m bo greet ttat it reeohed W e k # r m

Into M e PrlnoetoB eeeoeiatleae. Bat thie m e fertly fboMui' o m doing»

Berly in 1918 he reelgned fran the Boerd of Bireetore of the Philedelghi#

Society— Princeton'e HCA»heceuee> me he put it, he hed eo meny other interest#, end in addition, "he m e out of spavnthy vlth much of PMnoe- ton*# social and intellectual outlook."^ Later that year, he qgudt the

Colonial Club, saying, "I am persuaded after long thought that the vhole club system of Princeton is not for the best interests of the Uhimreily, still less is it appropriate to the new esa of democracy vhich it is ay profound hope vill dawn upon the earth."^ Bad he not taken steps to cut hie ties with Princeton, he vould still have been "persona non grata* there. His pacifist activities badly disrupted his relations vlth 30 Princeton from 1917-I92» when he vas not even allowed to speak on cas#us.

^^orman Thomas, letter to the Board of Directors of the Phila­ delphian Society, February 9, 1918, Thomas Papers, Hev York Phbllc Library. Thomas first sounded out the board*# feelings vith regard to pacifism and m s told that he vould be vise to resign sixuse he vould be out of sym­ pathy vith the other board, mesbers. J» 8 . Bvans, General Secretary of the Philadelphie»Society, in a letter to Harman Thomas, February 8 , 19 1 8 , Thomas Papers, Hev York Public Library. 29 Horman Thomas. letter to the Board of Managers of the Colonial Club, November l4, 19I0 , Thomas Papers, Hev York Public Library. Thmmee writes in his memoir, (p.2 8 ) that in part 'he resigned in order to lend support to the campaign then being waged by Grover Cleveland's son to do away vith the club system at Princeton. He later rejoined the Colonial Club when his being out did no one any good.

'^Norman Thomas, interview vith Robert Alexander. 05 At com ttM In thl# v«riod Prwiamnt mitWn at Prlmontoa atm to hovo told thot gerotn Thnmtt it tho hloekott mtrk on tho M a o o t o n Moutobton*^ The tuddon dottruetion ot noorly twon^ yttrt of ondtovor, ond oil of tho ottoeiotloot occruing from it^ vould vlrtuolly ruin moot non. Tortuaotoly for him Thomot wot Ohio to tolvogo tovorol loportoot thingo from thlt dohocle* Bo ttiU hod hit odueotioo ond hit tolonto ot o opook* or and wrltor« A few frlondt romolnod faithful. Hit vifo not only vo* nolned fAithful* but It wot hor tnoU Inhoritoneo thot ttnr the foaily through the financial pinch thot foUowed, And finally, hit newly-found devotion to paclfitm and toclalltm vat in many vayt on Inportont ptyeho- % logical boooter to Thomat,

Thomae emhracod rollglout paclfitm in I9 1 6 , bo tupportod BUlqiiit

In 1 9 1 7 , and became a Sociallat in I9 1 8 . When ho took tho official ttep of handing in an application for menberthip in tbo Sociallat Party, he did so vith declared rotorvationt * In tho letter vhich i^coaponiod hit

3^Loc. Cit. Thlt mutt havo boon oftor 1 9 1 7 . For in reply to a letter Thomot hod tent him to protoat tho barring of on ontl-militorltt tpookor at Princeton in 1 9 1 7 , Eibbon wrote to Thomot t "I an olvoyo glad to hoar from you bocauto while wo do differ radically on tone tuhjeott, your Iottera ore olwoyt moat atroightforward ond fair in tho prooentatlon of your own pointa of view." Protident J6hn 0. Hibbon, letter to Thomot, March 30, 1917, Thomot Papera, Hew York Public Library.

^ ^ e writes in hit memoir (p.32) that: "In all thia sudden brook with old friends and wayt there ley for one vfaote life had been by accepted standarda ot conventionally respectable or even in the ecoleti* astical scheme of things admirahle at mine, poaaibilitiet of contideroble emotional shock and strain. That they were not greater is due to the clotenets of new friendthipe of fellow protêt tort, the confidence that we had then that the future would be with us, and above all, Violet's steads inett who took what befell in her stride." 86

«ppUeatloa b# irrofUt

Pwtm*# to eortala m#mb#r# ot tbo vorty agr ooelmliom «euld M t bo of tbo moot orthodCBc vorlo^* Ao jou knoo* I bmvo o fVOfOOBd foor of tho tuoduo oxoltotion of tbo Stoto oad o profouad fOltb tbot tbo now world wo dooiro moot dopomd npom ffoodom ond fWUoo» ohlp rotbor thon upon ony sort of eoorolon obotoooror. X o# Intorootod In politlcol port loo only to tbo oxtoot in Ohldb tboy mmy bo oorvlcooble In odvoootlng certain idoalo and In winning liberty for m m end women. Hy acceptance of tbo eoelallot plat* form le on tho baeie of general prlnelploe rather than of detallo. If I were a farmer and lived In certain atatoe of tho Middlo Veot^ It ie qixite likely that I ehould bo a monbor of tbo Von-Partloaa League and I regret the provlalon of tho party conetltutlon which would automatically expel me. Though I em a atauneh paclflet* I should not have voted for the preamble of the St. Louie platform.33

But at thie time, when the party vae t o m by internal argument and weakened by desertione on account of Its war stand, it vae only too glad to welcome any new member, particularly ecmeone with Thomas* reputation, experience, and speaking ability.

^%oromn Thomas, letter to Alexander Trachtenbem, Executive Secretary of Local Mow York, Socialist Party, Oetdber lo, lpl8, Thomas Papers, Bow York Public Library. The last sentence refers to tbo state­ ment in the "St. Louis Declaration" that tho only justlflablo taking up of arms by workers Is the struggle of tho workers thomsolvoo to overthrow capitalism. In his testimony before the JUdlclary CcmaLttoo of tho Hew York State Assembly investigating the qualifications of elected Socialists to sit in the Assembly, (Vol. 12, p. 168$) Thomas said when asked Aether he approved of that statemmnt: "...I am ons of those queer fanatics that doesn't believe any great end is achieved by war, but that the force is so tremsndous, that the end is not worth it,,,. Therefore, I personally. In view of my attitude to war as a whole, am not in sympathy with the declaration. But may I add this, that were I to believe that war ever was justified, I should bold that it would be justified in the struggle for economic freedom, for the abolition of classes, provided that it seemed to the workers to be the only way.” cBinrant v n

K æ i m TO 80CIÆIST UUOBBEIP, I918.I926

At the tine he left the Amerlcea Perlmh Tbonu vae not eon* vlnced that he vould never again go back to church vork*^ Aa a matter of fact, he thought that vhen the var vaa over and the anti­ pathy tovarda pacifiata and Soclaliata aubalded, the church and thoae vho supported it vould adopt a more tolerant attitude toward people like hlmaelf. But these expectations vere not fulfilled. On the contrary, antl-radlcal sentiment remained strong until veil Into the

1 9 2 0 *8 . Worst of all, the church did nothing to quell the popular antagonism toward Socialists and pacifists, and Instead supported and exploited It. Because of this, Thomas on his part vaa further alien­ ated from the church, and even had they vented him vould not have gone 2 back. By the time the clamor had subsided and he vas acceptable once more, he vas deeply Imersed In vork he considered to be far more

Important than that of the church and had no thought at all of going back.'

Sloxnan Thommia, Intervlev vlth the author, Jhne 10, 1953* The same thought may also be found In his uxqpubllahed memoir, p. 77*

^Loc. clt.

clt. What needs to be explained here la that Thomas vaa never really Interested In the ministerial activity of the church; that la, the pulpit. Prom the beginning he vaa drawn to the church by ita social vcadca. When he became convinced that these social vorka vere only scratching at the surface of a deep-rooted problem, and felt at the same time that hia present efforts vere truly digging at the roots, then there vas no point In going back to the church.

-87. Tat mt l###t thr*# jmxt after ta* joined th* 8*ei*U*t Party 1918, ThflwM * M only partially active In it. Hla principal each la thia period eaa for tha PoUomtaip of BeconclHatlon. Ba had jdnad tha P #

in 1 9 1 6 ; tay the end of 1917 he eaa ita parttlaa aecretary. Maanahll*, after the mayoralty election of 1917 he became Intexeated in founding a

j m m a l of eoomentaxy under the unofficial aponaorstalp of the VQB* Plana for the journal progreaaed very rapidly. Thomaa tapped to raiae the money for it and became ita firat editor. It appeared Initially ia

January 1918 bearing the title^ 3^ World Tomorroe.

under Tbomaa* editorahip JQe World Tomorroe took a poaltlcn ebldb vaa atrongly anti-ear, critical of United Statea ear alma, in ayapathy vith the Huaaian revolution, and vigorcua in condaaplng the govemmaot*a treatment of conaclentioua objectora. It eaa not long then, before the magaalne attracted apeeial attention from the government. Thoama Ihliurvlf came under aurviellance by the FBI. Inveatigatora trailed him, tapped tala telephone,aeamataad hia office, and took notea on hla apeechea in an attempt k to get aufficient evidence for l%al proaecution. All efforta in thia re^rd failed.

The poetoffiee vaa no more auceeaaful than the FBI in putting a atop to Tte World Tomorrov. Poatmaater Borleaon, vho aaid of Thomaa than that, "he ia more inaidioua than Beba," vithdrev the ma^sine*a privilege# vhen Thcmaa vrote an article aharply eritieiaing American

k It ia at thia time, aaya Thomaa, that he acquired the bad habit of talking too piiekly In order to foil the agenta vho vere trying to copy down everything he aaid. 89 lnt#rv#mtlqm at Arohamgal and HadlToatek ia the Bnaataa svrelatlflB*

Burleaon*t action delayed one ieeue of tha eeeMine astil Thenae eaa able to get President Wilson to overrule the Poetnaeter Oeneral.^

It was his own religious pacifism which brought Thomas into the

FOR, but it was the FOR and the ease of his brother Svea which led him to become a chaavlOo of the rights of conscientious objectors during and after the war. Thomaa had no personal problem vith conscription.

Althoigh he registered as a conscientious objector, he was exemp t from military service both as a minister and as the father of five children.

His brother Ralph, who completely disagreed with Roman's position toward the war, served vith the Army as lieutenant in the engineers.

But Evan, who was at this time more or less interested in the church,^

^Thomas reached Wilson through his close friend and fellow pacifist, John Kevin Sayre, a brother of Wilson's son-in-lsm, Frances Howe Sayre. Thomas ' pacifist activities and his run-in with the government resulted in the cancellation of a course dealing with social week maong immigrants which he was scheduled to give at Teachers CoUsge, OelMbia university in 191Ô. The cancellation was his own suggestion in order not to embarrass the college. Thomas letter to Lavinia Tallmmn of Teachers College, Jhly 12, 1 9 1 6 , Thomas Papers, Rev York Public library.

^Sarly in 1917 Bvan wrote to Roman that he was contemplating the idea of church work despite the fact that he did not basically believe in institutionalised Christianity, nor, so far as theology was concerned, in the Trinity. (Even, in a letter to Roman Thomas, January 15, 1917* Thomas Papers, RCw York Public Library). Jbout a year later Evan became an assistant to his brother in the American Parish, replacing Sidney Lovett who left for another post. Bvan worked in tha Parish for several months and then was drafted. fo to0k « 9ttaà M a ooMel«Btl«ai cbjaeter w A vtMaA miHWav MfflM*

Bt w a draftad aavarthalaaa^ aadj Ilka angr etkar 0 Ü la Wocld Itar X« T undarwast aarara taardahtpa ia tha Angr*

In the hyataria of aartlma, Xlttla could ba doaa «heat or for tha CO#. But vban the war ended, many paovla, Tbomaa among them, were aura that a general amneaty would be declared and tha 00a freed from the federal panltentiariea and Army atockadea ia Which moat of tham ware iBVrlaonad* Freaident Vilaon, hoaawar, would not yield to tha Braaeuraa for an amneaty; at any rate, not ao long ae war feeling waa atill running atrong. Thommia vaa deeply concerned about tha wartime traataant of 00a, but eapecially about the failure to releaaa them at war*a and. And both during the var and after, he vaa particularly incenaed by the poaition 8 organisad religion took toward oonaciantioua objection. All thia

^It la not unfair to aay, I ballawa, that Bfan'a caea atrongly Influenced Thomaa ' intereat in, and woric on behalf of, COa • Thcmma had a apeeial atake in Bvan becauae Bvan railed on himmore than on any other member of tha family, and alao bacauaa hla mother turned to Borman aa tha peraon who could eacart the moat Influence for Bvan*a benefit. Aftar re- fualng military aarvlca at Camp Upton, Bvan waa aant to Port H l ^ . Thara ha began a hunger atrlke, waa placed In aolitary and put on bread and water aa a xwault, and vaa finally court-martlalad for rafuaing to obey the order of an officer to eat. The dourt-martlal found him guilty and aantenced him to life laprlaoomant. Later, thia aeotanoa waa reduced to 25 yeara. Ha vaa aant to Leavenworth vhere he went on a work atvtke to proteat the manacling of prlaonara. (Thame facte abomt BamnAdmamaa are contained In a letter from Borman Thomaa to hla brother Ralph, January 10, 1919, Thomaa Papera, Bew York Public Library). While all thia vae hmgpen ing to Bvan, Thomaa vaa ualng all the power at hie command to gat batter treatment for Bvan and all other COa. Bvan waa freed ahortly after the var owing to a legal technicality which voided hia courlwaartlal. But bacauaa Thcmaa waa alonOy winning the uphill atruggle to have him freed, the Army vaa glad to gat rid of him. Q Thomaa write# in hla memoir (p.?6), that the church not only failed to taka any action about the cruel treatment of COa, but turned a deaf ear to all plaaa on their behalf. In their book Babel America. 9 1 lnt«m$ Imtarwt In th# prùblmm# of COt n d In thmlr iptlfm, lad to tte Id#» for # book. Thr— o ooUoetod iofounmtlon from draft board aMfeam« loader# of rollgiou# ##cta, lawjer# obo defandad CO#* eoaaelantlooa ok* Joctor# tboam#lv»#j and than added hie own eacvarianoaa. Tha raaolt aaa hie flret book, Tha Copaciantioua Obdactor in daarica. publiahad In 1^3* ALthoogh* in tha year# 191B.19#.* hia mein eoooam# «ara tha FOR and conacientioua Objactora, by no aaana «ara Thomaa* aetlrttia#limited to theaa areas only. Among other thing#, ha «a# a laadar in tte f Ê # t for Iriah fraadom, and together vith Senator# Horri# and Walah va# a membar of the American Oomaiaalom on Condition# in Ireland. In that cauae, too, ha vae frequently called upon to be a i^rincipal apaakar at ralliee and meetinge. And as one of tha founder# of tha American Civil Liberties Union he maintained a constant vigil over tha right# of cit­ izen# . He fought the "Palmar raid#He aucceeafuUy challenged police lav in Faaealc, Hew Jereey. Ha marched on picket line# in Hew York after Injunction# bad been iaauad forbidding tha picketing. He «a# alvay# available in tha campaign to preaerve and enlarge American free­ doms . By all etandarda, except parhape hi# own, Thomas vaa alao an active Socialist. From IplB to 1920 he taught claaeae at the Band 9 School and vae also a freqjoent lecturer for tha IntarcoUagiata

4 ^Lillian Symaa and Travers Clement report (pp.310-11) that YNCA officials and chiplalna condonad brutality to COa in army camp# and, moreover, were moare intolerant and bitter toward# Objector# than even old Army officer#. It vaa easier to make a case for Objector# in talk# vith the War Department, than it vaa in dealing vith higgi church officials, they aay.

^abe Band School, at 7 Beat 15th Street in Hev York City, atill exist# • Than and now, it offer# popular adult elaaaea in history. 98 Socialist Socisty. Afe tbs ssms time h# «as seesftiag dstss to sfsak sit

Socialist Party nsstings sad «as sspscl#lly seti«a as a sysiksr tariag

Dabs * campaign for tba Frasldsney in 1920. That asms yaar ba «as a kty

«itoass for tha Airty at tha haarings of tha judiciary Comnlttaa of tba

Hev Tork State Assadbly «hieh «as invastlgatlng tha qnallflcstlOM of five doly-alected Socialists to sit in tha assaahly. In fact^ tha only serious limit to his Party activity vas that it be coofinad to 10 Hev York City so that he might slvsys be close to home. There vae, hovever, an important Obstacle to %osas* activity vithin the Socialist Party. He had no stomach for tha factiooal dis­ putes that rocked the Party soon after the Bdshavik revolution in

Russia;^ the disputes vhich chlminated in the Communist split of 1919.

Actually, Thomas* position, like that of many Socialists, seams to have been equivocal at this time. His sympathies vara vith tha Russian 12 revolution and, in fact, vith revolution generally. In 1919, vriting

9(Cont <^)0conomlcs, labor-relations, speaking, etc. Its courses used to have a decided socialist bias. This is lass true now. The school has also lost most of its influence.

1920, Horman Thomas JT, died of meningitis fcUoving a mastoid operation. This death drev Tbosmm closer to the family hearth, especially since Violet vas already ill,

^ T h e everlasting discussions, the endless ebeving of the smas bitter cud of controversy, bored and irritated me," be has vritten. Thomas, unpublished memoir, p, 8 0 ,

^%«ess than a year after the Russian revolution he vrote to his brother Evan that, "I quite agree that in the name of a cause or of an abstraction like Christlsni^, society or hmmanlty, cruel deeds have been done and individual lives ruthlessly sacrificed.,.. It has been done In Russia in the name of the glorious ideal of the abolition both of classes and of economic injustice," Horman Thomas, letter to Ivan Ihcmas, Septeidser 11, I9I8 , Thomas Papers, Hev York Ribllc Library. n «bout polltloal «Bd «oclal eondltlont ia üMrioa, h# d#ol«r#d#

If it finally com# to ooeial rordatiOB A # bad #«ld ««rlior that fa# doubted they ay #y#athie# «ill be vith the «oartcan. Noreover, einee I regard the struggle aa aora Amdaamtally « Btruada for justloa, sad more vitally signlfleamt for the veil being of the «orld, % ahall cooperate ia ao far aa I m y vith the vorhers, and use any In&Lueace I have ia b^udf of moderate mthoda and good «ill. But he vaa opposed to tha dictatorship and other extram actions taken by the U#8.8#R., and he had no use for Lanin's inaiatence on absolute It control of all parties in the third international. It vaa for these reaaona that Thomaa eschewed the various "left«vingf groups that broke off to fona splinter Comauniat parties, and chom inatead to remin vith the Socialist Party. But the revolutionary fervor that gripped radical and labor groups in the years inmdiately foUoving World war I, stayed vith Thomaa for a while longer

Towards the end of 1921, after an affiliation of nearly five yeara, Thomas decided to give up all connections with the FOR, including his position aa editor of Tto World Tomorrov. He felt that he could po longer do aa effective job under the restrictions of the FellawBhip'a

Cornea Thomas, letter to his mother, March 31, 1919# Thomas Papera, New York Public Library. It should be noted that Thoms «as iliot alone inlhls opinion. After the success of the Russian revolution, and the apparent impetus it gave to revolution everywhere in Rurope, many Amrican parliamentary Socialists rushed to get on the revolutionary band wagon and shout the praises of the Bolsheviks. llf Thomas, unpublished memoir, p. 8o.

^^In February 1921 the Brooklyn Regie called him an avowed friand of the IWW because in answer to the qjuestion, "Don't you tMnv that all of these changes you advocate can be brought about by political actiop alonet", he replied, not Christian oriantation.^ So tax had he atragrad from tha OfeurOh* Whan ha left tha TOR ha aceaptad a poat as assoc lata editor of Tha Nation, under Oswald Garrison TUlard. Within a yaar ha re­ signed from Tha Nation bacausa» as ha said, "the staff was too large." dl# most Immediately ha stepped Into a position as associate aacaeutira direct- 17 or— along with Barry Laldler— of the League for Industrial Democracy. Each new step be took seemed Inevitably to lead Thomas toward a closer and more direct association vlth the Socialist Party. Woortdng for

the LID was only a step removed from working for the Party, for tba LID was more or less the Intellectual front for the Party^^— the Asariean version of the English Fabian Society. To a large extent. It was also the Party*8 research, propaganda, and proselytizing arm. Thonmis starred In the last two of these functions. Within a few years, according to

Laldler, Thomas became "one of the most popular and effective speakers 19 on social problems In the universities of the country." For a short time In 1923 Norman Thomae was editor of a full-fledged

^^Thomas, unpublished memoir, p. 8k. ^^The League for Industrial Democracy (hereafter called tha U D ) was the new name for the Intercollegiate Socialist Society, of which Thomas had been an executive cosmlttee menber as early as 1 9 1 8 . JUst prior to the time Thomas assumed his post, the name was changed and the structure of the group reorganized. 18 The LID, and before It the I^ , took no direct orders from the Socialist Party. Aa contrasted with the position of the Party, for axanpla, the IBS took a neutral position on the war and wanted a pro-war man to be Its chairman In order that IBS view would get a fair hearing. Minutes of the Executive Committee of the IBB, April 8 , 1 9 1 8 , Thomas Papers, New York Public Library.

^^Earry W. Laldler, "The LID and the Old Intercollegiate," New Leader. Bee. I H , p. 15, April 28, 19#k. 95 dallar ttw p a p r In Hav Xcack City. Vbm #mgm of th# ISSSSL liÉÊter*^** âo paper he editad— ie brief. Da 19%, vith the support of e@ee #ev Dork unions end e siseable mooetery grant fro* the Oerlend fund. Local Per York of the Socialist Party decided to aake the Per Too* Cell— its propaganda weekly’— a metropolitan daily. An excellent staff, including Sd Sullivan on sports and Bd Duffey as cartoonist, vas procured in part fro* other Pew York papers, and Thomas vas recruited fro* the LID to be editor. The Hev York Leader vas not just a propaganda toOl, but a com- ventlonal dally with conics, features, columns, end even race results. About the time it first reached the newsstands, a printer's strike crippled the other Hew York dailies and as a consequence the Leader sOld out. But people vere buying it mainly to read the racing results. After Its initial and short-lived success, the paper ran into serious difficul­ ties. The printer's strike was settled at the other papers and spread instead to the Hew York Leader t the unions refused to support the paper unless they could direct its policy to suit their own purposes; its in- expexrienced circulation department discovered that newsstands vere slipping in returns of other papers beneath a cover copy of the Hew York Leader and getting credit for the entire bundle from the Leader. Within several months the money ran out and the Leader folded. % a t was all. Thomas returned to his job vith the LID, but the demise of the Hev York Leader, cmipled vith the abortive editorship at the Ration, the severance of relationships vith the FOR before that, and the break with the Church before that— all in the span of five or six years— left hi*

^9see Allan Hevins and Dean Albertson, "The RsAiniscenees of Horman Thomas," pp.ST-9B; and ISionas, unpublished memoir, pp. 8k-8$. crusbtA* B# hm# OMcrlbtd hi# thought# #t that tta# m# folio##; ova #pint# ##r# at lov #bb. B#r# #m# I alao#t fortgr^ fathar of a largo family, ##11 traînai for a profaaaloa I couldn't folio#, a fallura In maating tba graat opfcrtaai^ which had. coma to ma. I anriad man who aamad thalr living by doing thing# like doctor# and anginaara rathar than by lacturing and imparting idaa^ They had objactlva atandarda of valua and acconqpliahmant.^

Mattaro vara not aa gloongr aa Thomaa imagined than. Although tha attempt to publiah a New York daily miacarried, hi# o#n reputation aaemad in no vay to suffer. On tha contrary, so far aa the Socialist

Party vas concerned, his stature vas being steadily enhanced. In 19^» although he had no previous experience aa a candidate, and made no 22 attempt to capture the nomination, Thomas vaa chosen by the Party to run for governor of New York. To be sure, in the years between 1920-2b he had been asked sev­ eral times by the Party to run for m i n w offices, but the extent of his activity on behalf of other causes compelled him to refuse Now, in

192^, the situation vaa different. One of the moat important changes vaa that in an unprecedented move the Socialist Party had withdrawn from the Presidential race, and under the aegis of the Conference for Progpressive Political Action had joined a coalition to support Robert

^^Thomas, unpublished memoir, p. 8$.

^^%omas vas not even at the convention which nominated him. He vas told of his nomination on the telephone and promptly accepted.

^^oxnan Thomas, interview with the author, JUne 10, 1953* And the fact that his family was plagued by a variety of ills during that period.

^^*The C.P.P.A. vaa founded in 1922 on the initiative of the rail­ road brotherhoods and later supported by other unions and farmer-labor groups. Aa originally intended, the C.P.P.A. vaa to be a non-partisan m M. UPdllrtt* mna Barton K* Wh#el#r m » Pr##ldmttlml ticket. Tboeee,

M did a graat many otbar aociallsta, auvportad thia coalition baeanaa ha had high hopas that^ vin or loaa, a ganaina labor party vith aoclallsta as its driving force, vould émargé after theaSgUlon.^ While it put up a national slate, the coalition decided against state tickets, and so the Socialist Party, in order to maintain its state organizations and remain on tha ballot, ran its own candidates.

Thus split in its interest and diffused in its strength. While esghasis- ing the Presidential race, the Party conducted poor state caayaigns. For example, when he spoke at LaFoUette rallies in Bev T

Colonel Theodore Roosevelt Jr., out of Albany. The result was shown in the returns: Charles Solomon, running for Lieutenant-Governor vith Thosmis, polled 30,000 votes more than he did.

Five million voters cast their ballots for LaFoUette and Wheeler, but after the election, instead of becoming a third force— a labor partyL* the coalition disintegrated. Having thrown all of its efforts into the national canpaign, the Socialist Party vas left vith hardly a skeleton of local organization. Already weakened by tha defection of many leaders because of its war stand, then later by the Communist split, and suffering

2k(Coat d)gygyp nQuioating "progressive" candidates on old^party tickets. But in 192k when Coolidge ran against Davis on the old-party tickets, it felt its only choice was to run an independent ticket.

^^evins and Albertson, og^. cit.. p. 32-33. 96

from a lack of outataaiimg apokmamm to replaça Qana Daba, aftar tb»

alactlona of 19A tha Socialiat Party lay halplasa and hcpalaaa.

From 19A to 1926, vhlla Wall Straat vaa booming, aoelallaa*a

stock droppad ataarply in tha political narkat of tba tFSltad Stataa*

Harding*a "normalcy bacama Coolldga*a prosperity, and it appeared to

many that capitalism vaa not only working, but that it vaa rapidly ap­

proaching tba millenium. A few intellactuala bacama expatriates becauaa

they could not tolerate tha cultural climate, but moat Aaarieaaa believed

they "had it good" at home. Social protest and political agitation became

devices exclusive to radical sectarianism, and even these were more or

less relegated to local reform.

In Hew York City tha reform movement vaa directed against Tammany

Hall. In 1925 the Socialist Party worked out an elaborate program for 27 slum clearance and sunicipal housing, public ownership of transportation,

and other municipal problems, and chose Thomaa to head tha mayoralty

campaign that year. Thomaa was opposed by Republican Prank D. Waterman,

(the pen manufacturer), and James J. Walker, a Democrat State Senatw.

It was the best campaign Haw Yorkers had had in a long time, reminiaced 86 Thomas, and vaa also useful in promoting tha local growth of tha Party.

^^Debs was than an old man, but ha was, in addition, sick with tuberculosis and frail as a result of his incarceration from I918-I92I. He was practically inactive. 27 This was the first program for public housing, says Ihomaa, and marveling at how times have changed, points to a far more "socialistic" housing bill proposed by Senator Robert A. Taft in 1990. Horman Thomas, "American Socialism in Mid-Century," Labor and Ration. Fall 1991, p.26.

^^evins and Albertson, cit.. p. 3U. 99 But Tmummny r#t*ln#& Its control «nd J l m y Walter **braasad** Into City Ball to begin one of the most scandalous adainistratlcns In lew Tock*a

history. % e dismal atate of teerlcan socialism and two unaucceaaful canqpalgns did not discourage Thomas. "My path has led me away from

the road travelled by many old friends," be wrote In XS2 5 » " % a t 1 29 regret, but nothing else." If anything, his activity as a Socialist

Increased. In 1926 he ran for State Senator from a district on tha lower

Bast side In Hew York, and In 1927 he was a candidate for city Alderman.

During both canqpalgna the Party made SKtenslve use of outdoor meetîâgS» and in the course of these and later caaqpalgns TAomas became an expert 30 in this type of speechmaklng. There seemed to be nothing and no one,

^"Twenty Year Record of the Class of 190$," (Princeton) p. 91. Thomas Papers, Hew York Public Library. (A mâmeographed collection of class letters.) 30 In the 1927 campaign Thomas averaged one outdoor speech every night for two months. This type of canteLlgn speaking barks back to the early days in American politics and before that, I suppose, to the Ehgllsh hustings. It is akin to soap-box speaking although a more elaborate plat­ form was used. The platform, built like a ladder with an overslaed top step is carried folded to a convenient street comer. There It Is set up, an American flag attached to it, and the meeting Is odder way. There Is often no previous announcement of the meeting. The job of the speaker is not only to attract an audience, but to hold them against the pull of whatever it was they Intended to do when they stopped momentarily— perhaps out of curiosity— to listen in on the meeting. There are always some Party faithfuls up front to make the initial audience, but the remainder of the audience constantly varies as new listeners stop for awhile and others continue on their way. A few idlers and a few hecklers remain, for most of the meeting. The speaker is In continuous competition with the noises and the distractions of the street. Should the crowd get too large and block off an entire street or sidewalk, then the police may cut off the edges of the audience. Young hoodlums, frequently In the hire of an opposition party, may attempt to disrupt the proceedings In any way they can. And there are also capricious or deliberate hecklers to contend with. It Is a situation designed to test the mettle of the best speakers and any­ one who successfully masters It should become a first rate debater. 100 however, that could dethrone Taemeny.

All this time the Soclellat Party we# vainly trying to recover

Its lost strength and to prepare for the national elections In 1926.

In this attempt the Party leaned heavily upon Nommsn Thomas, for in

1 9 2 6 , a broken old man of seventy. Gene Debs died. It is significant that Thomas was asked to speak for the Socialists at Debs* funeral.

Except for the prestige of his name. Debs was of little real value to the Socialist Party after his release from jail in 1921.

Never one who vas active in Party councils, since I921 Debs could not even fulfill his customary roles as spokesman and agitator. Besides, after 1919» the Communists did everything they could to claim him for themselves. It became increasingly clear to the Party higher-ups that be vould have to be written-off as the leader of the American Socialists.

But when they had written-off Debs, the Socialists could find no one within the Party hierarchy at that time to take his place. What they sought was someone whose socialism, like that of Debs, was rooted in the American soil; someone whose effectiveness as a speaker vould make him a good agitator and organizer; someone who could lend a strong feeling of "nativeness" to a party that was conposed largely of foreign elements.

Morris HiUquit, one of the founders of the American Socialist Party, its Marxian oracle, and an internationally renowned Socialist, was foreign bom, so were Victor Berger and Meyer London who bad both von seats in

Congress.

That was why, when he became active in Party affairs. New York IQL

Socialists began grooming Thomas for the Party leadership.^ although be did not have the same qjualities that made Debs their leader, he had much more than the mlnimm reqtiirenmts • The oae#a1g#of 19@k, *2), *8 6 , and *27 held no remarkable promises for Thomas* future as a Presidential

candidate, but then, these were years of despair for socialism generally.

Considering his own activity in the Party, the reputation he had made as a speaker through the LID, and the high regard in which he was held by most Party leaders,^ it is vith some modesty that Thomas said, "I had 33 to run for President in 1926. There wasn't anybody else."

31 Nathan Cbanin, long-time Socialist and one of the leaders of the Jewish Socialist Farband, recalls that lAile no one said it in so many words, the Party had hopes that Thomas would become a second Gene Debs. Nathan Chanin, interview with the author, Beptenteer iS, 1951, Joseph Baskin, whose history and associations with socialism parallel Chanin*s said that the Party was glad to get Thomas when he joined. It was really proud that Thomas was a "fuUblooded American." Baskin hint- self said, "There is a man." In consequence, the Party pushed him ahead as rapidly as they could. Joseph Baskin, interview with Robert Alexander.

^ O f the finest metal— steel tmnpered in the mill of reality, hardened by struggle and polished vith a nOble character," says an article about Thomas in the New Leader in 1928. It goes on, "In learning, ob­ servation and vision— a scholar, a sympathetic student and a practical dreamer— Norman Thomas takes his place among the great leaders of the International Socialist Movement. To those who are fortunate to know him intimately, Norman Thomas is an inspiring example, a flaming torch, an irresistible magnet— «a leader who must arouse a fadth and a foUoving." Aagust Claessens, "A Tribute to Norman Thomaa," New Leader. November IT, 1906, p. 3. Ironically enough, Claessens, a life-long Socialist and until his recent death the executive secretary of the Social Democratic Federa­ tion (the group which split from the Socialist Party in 1936), later became very bitter towards Thomas as a result of the split in *3 6 .

^&evins and Albertson, o^. cit.. p. U3 . loe

On the other head, m e Sociellet Freeidentlal eeadldete #neme bed «one eerlaie hendlcepe. The flret vee that exeept in Mev York end In certain intellectual, and liberal rellgioue circle#, he vas relatively unknown on the national scene. In 1908, one of the first tasks of the Socialist Party vas to tell Americans— even its own mesAers in states othelp than Nev York— vho Yorxuan Thosms vas. When Debs ran no build-up vas necessary. Furthermore, neither by origin, experience, nor disposition could he be called a proletariat, a man of the peopleBather, he vas a graduate of Princeton, a "sky-pilot"; a man vho had never done a hard 36 day's labor in his life. unlike Debs, he had no trade union background

3b The Socialist Campaign Handbook of 1928 contained a biography of Thomas written by W. E. Woodward. This biography also appeared in the Hew Lemler in several installments. In an interview vith the author (December ÿl, 1952), Thomaa expressed displeasure vith this biography and called Woodward a "hoaxer." It seems to the author that the biographical sketch was for the most part a romantic invention, but perhaps that is what the Party wanted in 1 9 2 6 . ^^is wigin and training were always the objects of disparaging remarks from those within radical circles who opposed him. The following are seme examples : ".. .his tendency must unconsciously be to make his appeal to a mildly rebellious section of the middle class from which he himself springs, and which he understands. For the laboring masses whose language he speaks but haltingly, his appeal will be weaker." Hattbev Josephs on, "Horman Thomas," Hew Republic. August 10, 1932, p. 3 3 5 . "Mr. Thomas enjoys the amorphous distinction of being the leader of an incal­ culable following. His adherents are practically all of the splendid character type— liberal rabbis, modernist ministers, settlement workers. Intransigent pacifists,...good government addicts, and a lot of just decent bewildered folk." Benjamin Stolberg, "The Socialist Party Today," Ration. Jhne 5, 1935, p. 649. As a matter of fact, both Marx and Engels came from good middle-class families, and it is safe to say that the majority of Socialist and Communist leaders in all countries similar origins,

^^Bard boiled reactionaries mention him vith affection ««A be doesn't fit the stereotyped picture of radicals," observed Claude Fuess. Mr. Fuess went on to describe Thomas as a gentleman vith a "faintly academic" manner. In the White House, he concluded, Thomas vould behave like "the vell-bam, well-bred aristocrat that he is." Claude Moore Fuess, "Horman Thomas: Socialist Crusader," Current HiatayOctobev» 1932, pp.1 -6 . XQ3

•Ithou^ fat bad bttn aott tetlvt In fa^jdog unlont In tbtlr oapgnmltntltn- ml ttruggltt mod tfamlr ttrlkm# • Bloom fat fatd net ymt dndttmd tfam mlnlmtry, tfam ottmpmptCT utmd to rmfmr to him mm Rtvmvmnd or Or* fhOMM* In this zmmpmcty tfam contrmmt vltfa Dmfa# mmonmd very mtreng* DrtM fatd rmadlly idmntiflmd hiamelf with the eontoa folk, mod tfam kind of moelalimn be prmmchmd mppemled to fmrmtr# mod worker# alike. & fmet, hmform 1Ç20 the Party*# vote wa# relatively etronger In the KLdwmet farm area# than in the indue trial last. In 1926, however, it appeared to mom* polltioml analyst# that the Party had abandoned the notion of clam# struggle and nominated Thomas because he could most effectively carry out a **aoderate** socialism and appeal to bourgeois support.^ The Socialists sent out a three man team to cover the nation in the campaign of 1928. With Thomas went Aigust Claessens as organiser and party contact man, and MacAlister Coleman as press representative, They began their tour with a caaqpalgn chest of $ $ 0 0 and relied for the rest of their expenses on whatever the audience was willing to donate at meetings.^ Valises were filled with literature Instead of clothing. The teem traveled In railroad coaches and sometimes by bus. The Party organisation was small, prosperity was great, and the couAlnatlon of these two brought only 39 a sprinkling of people to the meetings. There were some lau^dis, but

^Roy V. Feel and Thomas C. Donnelly, The 1928 Campaign, p. 9 6 . 38 MacAlister Coleman, interview with Robert Alexander.

^^bomas concentrated a good part of his campaign In the South* In one little town, speaking on the topic, "Somlalism, the Only Cure," Thomas was heckled by a man who staggered up to the platform to buy a bottle of it* In Louisville, Kentucky, a woman comrade from the local branch of the Party asked Thomas to explain the connection between spiritualism and socialism. The local comrades had been bringing a ouija board to meetings and had already been in touch with Karl Marx. Nac- Alister Coleman, interview with Robert Alexander* #11 In mil It vm# m terribly disbemrtening eaagmlgn* Vben th# W l # * # v#re counted Thomme bed received only ellgbtly over m gamrter of m ail- lion vote#, the loweet Soclmllet Freeldentlel vote elnee 1900. The Rmtlon. eblcb bed eupported Tbomme, cmet eugbeelem meld# to cell the American voters "stupid and conservative."^ The more even» tempered gew York Times explained that the voters «ere plainly umfUllng to change from the prosperous status-q^o* Nearly everyone had bl^di praise for the «ay Thomas had conducted his campaign, «hlch led him to g.ulp, "I appreciate the flowers, only I vlsh the funeral hadn't been so lf.2 complete

1^) Idterarv Digest. January 5» 1929, p.9*

^•4iOC. Clt. ko Anonymous, "If 1 Were A Politician," In Adventurous Jmertcans. ed. by Devere Allen, p. 7 6 . Allen himself proit^bly wrote this piece about ThomasQ There «ere especially good cosments about Thomas' speectaaaklng. Peel and Donnelly, (op. cit.. p.Ill) «rote, "The speeches of Norman Thomas•..were marked by sanity, tolerance and kindliness,... Pev people heard or saw him during the campaign.... Some day he «111 be heard." In a letter to the Quarterly Journal of Speech. (April 1929, p.252.) Franklin Folsom analysed the caaq^lgn speaking of ipzB. He wrote about Thomas that he not only had theoretical requisites to oratory— "be made good speeches." Although In his speeches Thomas berated Alfred S. Smith for being a peuedo-llberal and far behind the social advance of the times, at the same time be wrote open letters to Protestant churches warning them that the campaign against Smith had taken on religious coloring. CHiraBTxn

TES m æ or bops, 1999-1932

ThooM had hardly time to recuperate from the gruelling routine

of the Preeidentlal race «ben he vas svept up in another caapaign, in

many vaya more taxing than the Presidential— the Hev York mayoralty

race of 19S9 . By 1929 the reign of Moycnr Walker had reached the pro­

portion of a national scandal. City corruption bad become a subject of

common knowledge, but Tammany Hall «as so firmly entrenched and prodigal

Jinny Walker such a popular idol, that corruption seemed to make little

difference, nevertheless, good government forces were organising.

Tammany displayed a snug indifference to the movement for reform by again

nominating Walker. The Republicans countered vith Piorello H. LeOuardia,

who had the support of some of the reform forces. Thomas readily accepted

the nomination of the Socialist Party and immediately plunged into the

canpaign.

Of all the campaigns in which he participated Thomas believes he was best prepared for this one.^ He had built up a large body of informa­

tion about city affairs by studying city plans, attending meetings of the Board of Estimate, conferring with civic leaders not in the govern­ ment, and by speaking vith individuals who would come to him voluntarily 2 vith evidence of corruption. As a result, his program was no idealistic

^Allan Kevins and Dean Albertson, "The Reminiseenees of Eorman Thomas," p. 44. 2 Ê2Ç. clt. -105- 106

■oolallst ■tvtowBt, but « ounem## tëhielt la thleh ht aadt #M#tt#1t tbout houtlBgi city ttat trtacit tyttta, t m t taA tte hudttt^

éducation, city mmrkete, etc. It v m a purely local refoane progpem of the type that had brouifht Soclallet vlctoorlee In miweukee, Beading, and Bridgeport.

So far as the newepapere «ere coocemed, Thoaae «me by far the moot popular candidate. For the flret time since 1917, a Sociellet nayoralty candidate «ma making the front page. Moreover, he vas the topic of the editorial pages too. The Hev. York Telegrea. the Hev York

World, and the Hev York Times, all gave Thomas editorial aecoladee. The World vrote :

As the campaign has proceeded. It has In our opinion, become increasingly plain that Major LaOuardla Is entirely unfitted to be mayor, that Nr. Walker has sllgned hlmeelf definitely vith the old-fashioned Tanaany, and that Mr. Thomas alone has paid the voters of this city the compliment of believing that seme substantial fraction of them, at least. Is Interested In wderly, progressive and enlightened government. Nr. Thomas' campaign has earned him the respect and admiration of thousands vho do not accept the Socialist phlloeophy; he has dealt sincerely, persuas­ ively, expertly, and unexcltedly vith all the chief problème of the city.. .Independent voters can support him vith a good con­ science. They cannot elect him, to be sure....^

In addition, Thomas received the outright endorsement of the Cltlsens union, and a Non-Partisan Committee of proadnent cltlsens also support- U ed him.

To be sure, as the World vrote, he could not be elected, but

Thomas vas putting on an extraordinary caapalgn. The Telegram said

& e v York World. Hoves(ber 2, 1929, editorial. k According to MacAlister Coleman, all the vorklng newspepermen also supported Thomas. Nev Leader. November 2, 1929, p.l. 10? edltopimlly, "Be it ttrlkiag th# yuhlle ftmey hj th# mtam fomr ot hi* v#io#* hit fin# iat#lllfl#iie#^ «ad hit vld# tad intiatt# kattltd## #f th# prohltnt at th# ptopl# tad of city govtntMBt**^ L*t# ia Oeteh#r« the gcnr York Timet reported at foUoirat

A narked drift to Homan Thomat, Socialiat caadidat# for meyor* hat been the principal development in the o i ^ cttqpaign during the latt week. One etriking feature of the tendency of mtay votera to tupport Mr. Thomat at a proteat it that thit year it hat become "reepectable" to tupport the Socialiat nomiate» The movement for Nr. Thomat it atronger in the better reeidemtlal eectioat, vhere real tocialitt are almott entirely lacking#

Alaa for the Socialiste^ just one veek before the election the stock market caved in. Slection newt dittppeared from the front pegeti and it vas perhaps too such to expect voters to remehber it sues in a local election. The outcome vat a traditional vote. Jkmet Walker von> but Thomas gained the biggest eucceee. He polled 175^000 votes ^ in

Increase of over UOO per cent compared vith the Socialist mayoralty results in 192$. To indicate how much of a personal tuecett this vat,

Charles SOlonon, running for city comptroller on the Socialist ticket, received only 90,000 votes.

For a moment, the startling success (relatively, of course) of the

Socialists in the 1929 campaign seemed to be inducing a political realign- nent in Hev York, or at the least, prompting the Socialists to broaden the base of their party. Several days after the election, in an inter­ view for the Nev York World. Thomas announced that he vaa not wedded

^Anonymous, "If I Were a Politician," in Adventurous Americans ed. by Devere Allen, p. 6 9 .

S e w York Times. October 21, 1929, p.2. m to th# Boelallst 1# M 1 and that th# Ihrtj stood roodj to aWn## ito flIMOÿ

#nd/or to marg# or «ffilioto irlth a n g r ertanlistion oith oh W & it o m S A agro# on # hosio mmlolgml platfon J At tha ë t m tino. Marri# lUltpit

«anouneed that th# Party vould try to awA# Socialiat# ont of tiwoo vho voted for Thcaaaa. "Alraady v# hav# taken step# In that direotion^* h# aald.

Ve have don# avay vith all rigid reqinirenent# for anoherahip# done avay vith ritual or anything that anaeka of do###tiam. We have also adopted the policy of uphaaialng th# practieal and inmediate iaaue# rather than general Socialiat philoaophy. We are cooperating vith progressive groupa of non-Socialiata vhenever ve can mset them on coasmon ground.*

This vaa a big step for a Marxist party to take» But ’Uiere is often an unbridgeable chasm betveen the statement of a policy and its fulfillment* and this nev Socialist policy stood at one brink of such a chaam. Mors* over* national and vorld events kept videning the eteam vith each aucceedlag year.^

^Bev York World. Bovember 10* 1929* clipping in Thomaa Papers* Nev Yoxk Public Library.

^ e v York Evening Poet. Decenber 6 * 1929. o "^The political realignment and the policy never really got started. In a statement vhich he apparently released to the neuspapers (Thomas Papers, Bev York Public Library) several veeks after his earlier announoe- ment above, Thomas seemed to have changed his mind. To a request that he head up a movement of "righteousness" that vould clean up Bev York, he replied: "You cannot defeat Tammuv.. .vithout a philosophy and a program, and organization; that is to say, vithout a party.... Ai I have said over and over again, Nev York needs not a good man* but a good party.... We shall not be saved by a political Messiah." And in anaver to a request that he lead a nev party* he said: "If a nev party means merely a stronger party, of course I am already for that heart and soul. If a "new" party means a party essentially different in spirit and program than ours as expressed in the 1926 and 1929 platforms, I am not for it...." m 1929 «Uetlon, eoMag as it did «t tlM y m t fM k 9t vms to Socialiat# aa augury of a auccaaaful Itttora. la the aaomiMie #e» praaaion deapanad» aad thalr pradietioa about tha dooa of JMVieaa oag^tal-

1am saanad to ba coning trua at laat, tha Socialiat gram avam m o f w agnla# for thalr future» Tha glocniar bacama Amarlea.'# acononle aituatiom, the brighter ahona their own hope# for a aoclallat haarlca. They pal& eoant attention to the local political acene, for their ayaa were fixed on 1932 10 and the national election#. In 1930 Tboama ran for Congre## from a district In Brooklyn, and in 1931 vaa a candidate for Borough Braaidant of Manhattan, but these vara idle geaturea*

In the years between 192B and 1932 the Socialist Party doub l é its nenharshlp,^^ for the moat part by recruiting depreaaion-diaiUuaioned youth. The Party had survived its dark years from 1920 to 1928 thanks largely to a hard core of old-timers centered principally in the lev Tooric

City area, and affiliated vith the Jewish Daily Forward, the Workmen*# 12 Circle, and the needle-tradea unions. Until his death in 1926 Debs may have been its spokesman, but Morris Billqult was the real leader in the Party. The old-timers, virtually all Buropean b o m and more or

^fhe Party had hopes of electing Congressmen from several states and Thomas believed that the Socialist might even becoam a major party. Borman Thomaa, interview with Robert Alexander.

^"^There were about 70OO menhers in 1928 and 1$,000 in 1932.

^^)eniel Bell, "The Background and Development of Marxian Sottialiam in the United States," in Socialism and edited by Donald D. Egbert and Stow Persona, n. t6Q. The Pormard was and is the largest Jewish daily in Aaerlca; tha Workmen*a Circle is a Jewish fraternal organization, quite wealthy and influential, but now slowly dying at about the same rate as its members. XIO

1### d m t o d to tnAitlenftl m n d m w r n A ofoMolly tte ate&m of fliote eoofllot— roooatod #ny ottMOt to "te#rl«mlW or teoodon tte teo# of tte Forty by olllonc— vith nstivo llterml, eMdls-oloee foroeo# te tte otter tend* Ihomm#, loodlag #n IntoUoetual, rialotorlol»^^ foolftot group vithln tte Forty, oought to odopt ■orepooa terriom— to vhiOh te novor fully oubocrlbed — to tte fromovork of tte teorleon polltleol# oociol, and economic ■trueturo.^^ Ttero ve# mloo o poreonol el moont of conflict between Thonos and HiUquit arising from Thnmee* deoire to assume tte leadership of tte Ferny in fact as veil as naas.^

this time, Thomas* relations vith the cterOh had became at least cordial. Nevertheless, in 1930, he completely severed all ties with the church by demitting his ministry. It has been said by soma (Henry Sloane Coffin, in a letter to the author, October 12, 19^L) that he gave up the title Reverend because having it made him suaceptiWm to jibes by his political enemies, especially tte Cosmunista. But he denies this. In an interviev vith Robert Alexander, he asserts that he left because of fhndamental differences vith church ideas, and had kept the title so long only to please his mother while she was alive. ^Shere are numerous evidences of this. For exaaqple. In a talk to a Socialist discussion group, reprinted in tte JUne 15, 1929 Row Leader. Thomas said that Socialism needs to be restated in tte Idgkt of newer developments and that Marxism must not become a theology vith eternal values. In his book teerica*s Wav ^t. he vrote of Marxism that it cannot be tte philosophy of tne Socialist Farty because it is already anachronistic and inadequate to explain, interpret, or predict today's CL9 3 4 world. (p.l33-ll»0 passim) ^ ^ o r example, in 1926, together vith non-socialists John Dewey, Oswald Garrison Villard, and Paul Douglas, Thomas launched tte League for Independent Political Action as an organization in which non-socialist progressive and reform elements could operate. Bell, ££. cit.. p. 3 6 9 * Tte League backed Thomas for mayor in 1 9 2 9 * and in 1932 it endorsed Thocms and nearly tte whole of tte Socialist platform. It never had strength enougdi to put up its own candidates.

l6xhonuui was probably learning from tte lesson of Debs, who, though nominal leader of the Farty, had practically nothing to say a- bout its platform or other internal matters. Tte difference was that Debs disliked Party discussions on theoretical or even tactical questions. Ill Th# diseord h#tw— n th### two grow## h#l#|gA«n#d iflth th# tutfliat of youog#r »Wb#r# into th# Flirty* Moptimg th# a#B# ’’Wllttut#*» th### 8oei#li#t nÊOfiaçft— #tt#ek#d th# oid-tlm#r# ## r#fonwr# «ad •greftoaltst#**^^

Th#y pr####d th# Party to tik# #, frl#ndll#r ittltud# toward Btt##!#;^ #nr#tt • I excusing th# Russian dlctetorahlp as # n#c###ary Instrumant for that 18 country's Industrialisation* Burning vith youthful enthusiasm sad fired by America's mounting econonic catastrophe^ th# MUitaiit#*»ln th# eyes of the "Old Guard"-*v#re attempting to make th# Socialist Party a revolutionary vanguard. It seems q^lte plain from th# evidence and from «hat reason vould lead u s to believe, that the MLlltaata isqposed themselves upon 19 Thomas' leadership and not the other vay around* But it is also true

l$(Cont d ) ^ by his own choics abstained from them* In all tbs years he belonged to th# Party, Deb# attended only one national oomvsmtion. On the other hand, it is doubtless true that Debs vas often shmasfülly manipulated by Party leaders, especially in the period after his release from prison vhen both Socialists and Communists vers vising for his support, 17 'The revolutionary spirit of the Party had certainly changed since the days of World War I, Its maahership had become older, more settled, even more secure* The years of marking time betveen 1920 and the depres­ sion, had atrophied their "action" muscles* 18 Bell, clt** p. 371* Although he had praise for the economic gains Russia had made since 1917, Thomas vas clearly opposed to the dic­ tatorship* "Nmking every allowance for the immense value of econoodc justice and equality, and tlM ad>olitlon of poverty as in themselves good and as likely to bring release to the human spirit for new flights of creative achievement," he wrote in 1931, "I cannot believe that the good life for man will be peacefully and automatically attained by or svolvsd through a dictatorship *. .which is so absolute In control, *. .so skillful in the manipulation of the crowd mind as the Stalin dictatorship now is, and so sure of the inevitshilitv of war." Borman Thomas. Assrlca's Wav Out, n. 87-88* SSL

^%fiUism B* Bohn (in a letter to the author, March 6, 1992) writes that, "There were lots of young people in the Party in the 30's vho were leaning toward Communism* % e y were devoted to Thomas, he was xm that h# VM eynpatbetle If h# did net maowr### eatr^ÜA# this younger grouf, sad said nothing to rafodiats thsrn. At th# W d t t W l eoQTsntioo of 1932 in NUwauk##, Thomas allisd M i w l f with th# Mtltt— t# in an attmqpt to unseat Eillqjuit as national chairssn of the 9#r^«

Ths bitter debate vhich resulted brought charges from th# UllQiit #d* herents that the nwty issues of race sad sectionalism (UUfuit vas a Rev York J#v) had been brought into the Party by those vho vers trying to Américanisa it. % e charges vers denied by Thomas and his group* but the rancor created by the debate vas manifest on both sides. The 1932 convention eventually re-elected M U q u i t as national chairman of the Party. It also nominated Thomas to run for President.

For evhlle, at l e M t m long m the Presidential campaign lasted^ there

V M peace and harmony vithin the Party. Thosms Tieved the I932 Presidential election hopefully but vith vary eye. At this state of his own and i#wrica*s political devsl-

1 9 (Coot heyo,,,^ They vould give him the clenched fist salute, and cheer him vildly, and he v m eidbarrMsed by all that." It is only an apparent contradiction that the Militants* vho smintaimed that they vers better Marxists than the Old Guard* should Msociat# themselves vith ThomM, vhom the Old Guard had only recently excoriated for not hewing closely enough to the Marxist line. There were* and still are* "57 varieties" of Marxist interpretation on the qjuestions of tactics and strategy. One man's Marxism may be another man's "reactionary fMcism." 20 ThcmM* correspondence in the years 1930-35 contains numsrous indications of his desire to mttUify the youth in the Party. He hoped that they vould provide the base for the "Americanization" of tha Party once and for all. He has himself said that cosparsd vith the Old Guard* he V M willing to give a lot more freedom to* and take chances vith* the young people* even at tlM risk of a little extreme radicalism* in the hope that the young people vould eventually settle down in ths Party. Revins and Albertson* op>* P* 62-6 3 . u $

■li ofnnatf hm vm# merm M H d t t m d to m tnam tatMfMtaütÉ ###, boforo or mine# thom.^ B# mimowoly W l l o m à that WMiman lügi^ltilildll v m# dooMd^ bat v m # by no aomna m r o that tte anct #to# te# te t e ■oelmlisa. 'inmt###» te r#m#oo#d, tetrlee vee anre Iltely to drift into 22 chaoe* eeteetropte, end pertaeye Awclem. Beeeuse of ttaie^ te erpwd, tte ceapelgn noet etrem# tte ecnetruetlve eepecte of eoeiellem, end mot thet copltaliea is doomed; for tte voter vho le efreld* "mey m e h blindly into tte era# of tte polltlcel *vttch doctor* •** Tte note te struck in hi# ceu^eign epeecte# ve# more or lee# con- #i#tent vith hi# own advice. Socieliem i# tte only enever to teerioe*# problems he declared, and added, "ve can (have i^ if v# have tte ri^bt ideal#, and if ve rid our soul# of the curse of racketeering bred by tte low standard of an acquisitive society.^ He adjured hi# audiences not

^Bee, Horman Thomas, M See It. pp. 172-3; also tte etatament he prepared for tte Literary Mteet in 19%. Thomas Papers, Hev York Public Library; and Horman Thomas, ^ Socialist*# Palth. p. 6 . In de I See It he vrote * "We may differ in tactics, but on one thing facts coavel us to agree % in tte struggle in vhich ve are caught there can be no true neutrality. He that is not vith tte vorkers is against them* One thing or tte otter." These vords seem to paraphsteO Lsnin. This vas, of course, a shift from his position of only a year or so earlier, vhen he denied that Narxiem vas at all useful a# a philosophy. There is no question but that tte depression brought about this temporary change in his thinking.

^^onaan Thomas, "A Hote on the dmerican Political Scene," Aaericim Socialist Quazterlv. Summer 1932, pp.3-9. The reasons he gave were tkat there were (1 ) a blind faith in impossible nostrums and simple answers; (2 ) a growing impatience with political action; (3 ) an atmos­ phere of assorted prejudices that could be easily exploited; and (b) an im­ portant aad siseSble group vhich felt it had a vital stake in the present system. " % e United States," he said, "has all 'Uie elements of a very strong fascist movement, except tte particular leader or demagogue vte can esulate a Missdini or a Hitler." ggv York Times. Ally 3>1932,Sec.8,p.2,

^%ev York Times, October 30, 1932, Sec.8 , p.l. 1 # to go OB throolmg awoy tteir Totoo lay votlmg for o W b ^hoy #o ao% # » # and getting It, by voMAg their foere Ineteod ef hefoe, «ai by teytag to pick « Vinner rather than the thing tta^ vented to via* At the M U M time he did not neglnct the euetoaery Socialiat oeeyaign egainat both old partie#. B» deecribed them a# "merely glaea bettlee vith Aif* feront label# and both of them empty of any medicine for the eicknee# of our time#." Wherever he appeared in the 1932 campaign, Thnma# acored a tre- mendou# popular eucce##. The turnout# vere huge— eepecially compared vith 1 9 2 6 — and the audience# enthuaiaetic. Other partie# are veonried about the Socialiat vote in Connecticut, vrote the Sev York Time#, be­ cause niooas i# drawing the largest audience# at campaign meeting# all over the atate. When he came to Maaphis, Tennessee to apeak, the mayor called a city holiday and gave him an official escort. A sampling of straw votes in colleges showed Hoover far ahead, but Thomas frepoently edging out Roosevelt.^ The Literary Dimest noli predicted he would get S6 nearly five per cent of the total, or about three million, votes.

ok . Hev York Timse. Hovamber 6 , 1932, Sec. 2, p. 5* In three rturt meetings at Hartford, Hew Haven, and Bridgeport, Thomas drew 15-80,000 people. In ultra-conservative Hartford he spoke to a larger crowd than did Ogden Kills twenty-four hours before him. ^^ e w York Tiams. Hovember k, 1932, p. 17. At Hunter College in Hew York City Thommm ran ahead of the field. 26 Loci Cit. Along the vay there vere little encouraging signs such as the announcement Iqr the president of tha Roosevelt Independent Club of Missouri that all the officers and 355 of the club's lOODamWbers had switched to Thomas. All this should be evaluated against the statement by Herbert Hoover that tha Socialist Party carried practically no weight in the campaigns of 1928 and 1932. Herbert Hoover, letter to the author, October 12, 1951. m ieong # long list of ortist# sad IntoUoetasls lAo foOHsly # # # ## ##

him ver# much imbm m frmaklia Plore# Mgm, Mure Ow l l y » M M t

Beard, iiMxmnOmr Vodeott, Doom# Tiqrlor, Oooorgo Oorstarla, Brm X* diSJle#^

Loi# Morgsa,MAs St. Vincent NLUsgr, and Irwin Banon. In fact, tad art

and intoUact boon the key to victory, Ihonu vould have von tandlly. Aa it vma, the 881^,000 officiel vote# he received vere tvt ahort of

anyone's expectation. Considering the angry mood of even some of the most conMrvetive

elements In American political life— the farmers vere using ahoÈguna to prevent mortgage foreclosures— the 1932 election vaa an amsiing pofL* Itlcal phenomenon. Anger and frustration moved the voters no fttfther than to throw out Hoover and the Republicans, and despite that, hoover polled 16 million of the UO million votes east. If there vaa any doubt vhether Americans bellevdl In capltalln and the two party system, the 1932 election surely dispelled It.

Many explanations have been offered for the failure of the Socialist Party to r O U up a bigger vote than It did. By virtue of direct power and superior finances the "old" parties still controlled the principal media of con— mlcation. For exas^le, vhereas tta Repub­ licans had seventy hours of radio time and Democrats sixty, the Socialist 27 had three fifteen minute programs In the entire campaign. Also, among the great majority of voters there was the traditional aversion to socialism and the blind faith In the two party system. In a letter to the Nation after the campaign, one discouraged socialist asked that the

27Roy V. Peel and Thomas C. Donnelly, 3^ P* 1%6. u â xmm of th# party b# chamgoA h#eau## la thoUhltoA 8t#it##, i# itiU frofGwntly eonfu##d irlth an a H # a phUeMfiqr of govonierot n/kbA.PB iælud## tmythlag from atiitlni to th# natiomllsatlon of Aoothor fact ifhich h#lp# to «xplaln th# ui)#aqp#ct#dly aaall Socialiat rot# la that baglnning about nddway In th# caapalgn th# p— oorata and

Roo##v#lt crlbbad th# "Ixaaadlate demanda" of th# Socialiat platform plahk .by plank.^ Th# result, aa scan by Walter Llppmaa, m m that "th# promis# of some relief prosqptly throutfi Mr. Rooacrelt destroyed their (he people'^ Interest in Mr. Thosms' casqpaign."^

But by far the most Important explanation aa It had a ^Irect bear­ ing upon the potential Socialist vote is that for fear of getting Boorer again, the voters made sure they would get Roosevelt. "1 received hun­ dreds of written and oral regrets," Thomas has since reported, "from people who told ms that they had fhlly Intended to vote Socialiat until at the last minute they were frifghtened into thinking that possibly

^®Bsw York Times, editorial, December l8 , 1932, Sec. b, p. 1. Thomas replied to this suggestion that a catch all party would telng in members at first, and then when their Immediate des ires had been met, they would leave. Furthermore, he said. It would not be honest to diange the name since socialism has a special significance and a specific goal, Loc. Clt. 29 The Democrat platfom of 1932 contained no hint, of the ex­ tensive program later engineered by Roosevelt. The first plank rebuked the Republicans for their failures, and the remainder of the platform called for greater economy in government. Ironist

cited in a Christian Century editorial, R o v m M w 23, 1932, pp. lb3l-32. UT 31 Hoover vim." It «m mmetly lAot Thmmo Hod iNomod ofotaftt

Tooplo hod voted thoir hate# aad thalr faara. Uhqoaatlooahly* tha alma of thalr vota vaa a hlttar diaavfolat*

aant to Soclallata and to thalr voU-irlahara among tha llbarala.^

Hot that tha Soclallata had aqpactad to ciqptura Waahlagtco^-aot avaa la

thalr vlldaat draaaa, hut thay had hopad for enough votaa to maka thalr

poirar fait in national polltlea, and had alncaraly ballavad that thay

vould aaat aavaral Congraaaaan and a good numhar of atata and city offlclala. Thalr only auccaaaaa vara In tha old Socialiat atrongdwld#^

Raadlng, lUlvaulMa, and Bridgeport, saabla to contain Ita dlaappdatmant,

tha llharal Chrlatlan Century, vhlla lauding Thomaa on tha one hand* on tha other aceuaad him of talking to vorkara "from Gothic e^Llaga ehapala 33 and aalact parlor meat Inga" and thua failing altogether to reach them.

Wa nuat begin to give aarloua conaldaratlon to tha notion that tha vay to gat aoclallam la through the two aatabllahed old partlaa, and not by 3k tha formation of a third* aald the Chrlatlan Century.

Thomaa rejected thla auggaatlon aa ha had turned down aladlar propoaala pravloualy made. While admitting that he had obvloualy failed

h o r m a n %omaa, "ReflectIona of an Old Caaqpalgnar," Crmmrmvaal. December 22, 19^* p. 2k7. "lUlllcoa acclaim him aa thalr leader * but of theme only a few v l U vote for him [^cmaA*" la the vay Peal and Donnelly (c£* d t .. p. 19>^) put It. 32 It haa bean aaaerted by many obaervera (for example* Feel and Donnelly, 2 p,. cit.. p. 1 ^ ) that tha Socialiat vote vma actually at leaat twice aa large aa tha official count* but that Democrat and Repub­ lican ballot countara had conaplred to keep It lov.

^^Chrlatlan Century, editorial* Hovember 23* 1932* p. 1433.

^ Chrlatlaa Century, editorial* Decahber l4* 1932* p. 1536. IXA to roach th# laboring man and tbni to got his vsto, ho sr#Md that and oapoeially organlaod labor, ona not roodgr for tba aoolalist soooS»* tion. Ho cautloQod tba Socialiat Party not to condaam daawcracy on th# grounda that It had mlacarrlod at a vital ncawnt. dngr cours# othsr than danocracy vould ba dlaaatroua, ho vamod.''^ Fov hmarlcana, and certainly tba Soclallata, coneolvod of ths radical aaaaurea Franklin Rooaovolt vould talk to ahoro up a cruabllng ecoQcagy* Tbctaaa' early eatlnate of Rooaovolt vaa that ho lackod tho program and the peraonal atrength to give imerlca the kind of loadorshlp neceaaaxy for thla crlala. Without hold leaderahlp, Thnmaa yrodletod, America vould drift Into var or faaclaa* But the four years botvaon 1932 and 1 9 3 6 , and especially the hiatory-maklng 100 days foUovlng Roooovolt'a first inaugural, provisd Thomas and the Soclallata vrong. As it later turned out. It vaa exactly Rooaovolt'a bold leaderahlp— acne say pOlltloal astuteness— in adopting far reaching reforma and emergency maaaurea— vhich in many caaea vere first proposed by the Soclallata— that cut the ground out from beneath the Socialists and finally plunged the Party Into obscurity.^

In 1 9 3 3 , however, there vaa still much hope for the Socialist Party and socialism. When the Socialists had recovered from the first

35 Norman Thoama, letter to the Socialist Party Conference on Organisation, sometime in November 1932, Thomaa Papers, Nev York Public Library.

3^.orman Thomas "The 1932 Election aa a Socialist Sees It," an article apparently submitted to Current Hiatorv but rejected aa too late to be navavorthy, 4hcmaa Papers, Nev York Public Library.

^ " F r o m 1932 to 193^ It looked aa If ve vere going places," Thomas haa aald. "What cut the ground out pretty completely from 119 ■hook of dioavpointanity thoir roopgrmlool of tho yolitloal oltwoMm

V M coooidorohly moro choorful* itft«r #1 1 , thoir tot# ia 1938 th# o#con& Imrgoot la tho hiotory of tho Jlo»rie#n forty (#ad yrehohly th# Imrgoot if tho full count hod be#n booMtly modo), aad if o NundLst n oly» oio of th# oituatioo woo at all correct, thoir otrength wo# bound to increao# ao tho économie oituatioa grow progroooiwoly woroe, Norooeer, there woo nothing in tho nature of capitalioa to prowont the deprwoioa from deepening. Conoequently there were no lomodiote oign# of alarm among Soeialioto when Roooewelt announeed the Rev Deal and proceeded to implement it vith broad legiolation. Inotwd, the Soeialioto blithely went ahead vith piano to organize the creoiwo discontent and dioiUuoioa- ment of the people into a force for Socialiat victory. Seeking to capitalize on the impact of the recent caaQaign, and with an eye to exploiting the Aooriean tradition of a epootaneouoly evoked revolutionary body, the Soeialioto called a Continental Congreeo of Worker# and Farmero to meet in Waohington D. C. in Hoy of 1933« Dee- pite an impreooive array of oponooro— including Sidney Billaaa, David

Dubinaky, and Bail Rievo— and notwithotandlng the opirit of hopeful ag- 38 greoolveneoo vhich characterized the meeting#, the Congreeo fissled.

Americano, and eopecially laboring Americano, were falling under tho apell of Rooeevelt's wooing vayo.

37(OOnt*d) under uo woe thio. It was Roooevelt in a word." Howino and Albertoon, eit.. p. 6 ).

3^A# a boy of thirteen I atteadhd the Continental Congreoa vith my father. The moat vivid reeoUectiona I have are of fiery apeechea and enthuaiaetic audleneea. m

When it b#c«m# clear to them thet Rooeevelt nee mcceedlag lAtM they bed felled— in vlnniiig the support of labor— tbs Soeisllst hagwi to attack the Nev Seel* The Nev Deal Ineorpereted poor copias of asflgr of the Socialists* Innedlete demands^ but it Is not socialism* It Is state capitalism* said Thomas.^ But he Imd to edalt thet "it provides a technique and machinery that labor can use and has already begun to llO use to go forvard in orderly fashion •" Under the N«R«A* the dasrican

Federation of Labor gained nearly a million and a half msnibers in less than six mohths.^^ Though they had never had great labor support* by their obstinate attacks on the Nev Deal the Socialists lost vbat little they had* The years 1932 to 193^ mark the peak of Thomas* popularity as a political leader and as a speaker* % e modicum of national prominence he had acquired as a result of the campaigns of 192Ô and 1929 grev steadily thereafter and vas greatly enhanced by the campaign of 1 9 3 2 .

Nor did his reputation rest solely on his position as the head of the

Socialist Party; the Inportant fact is that he had gained a large personal following* particularly among the middle-class and the intelligentsia.

Liberal minded religious leaders* social reformers* college professors as veil as students* and those artists and writers vho owned a social

39 Norman Thomas* "The Nev Deal As A Socialist Sees It*" about August 1933* probably a recast of a Chautauqua speech* Thomas Papers* Nev York Public Library. Further on Thomas said that the Nev Deal had set up machinery vhich vould make it easier for socialism to take control* but warned that fascism might be similarly benefited. Uo Norman Thomas* an open letter to Socialists* circa 1933* Thomas Papers* Nev York Public Library. Ul Bell* op. cit.. p. 373. m eoomoleno*; in wbort, th# #po#tl## of oardorly dloMOit gonmarmlly lookeA to ThoDMui M ttaoir epeiewwa»

Zn the Spring of 1938 Thome# he& left the pegrroU of the L M 0 M

for mduetriel Democreoy in order to devote hiaeelf more emelueiWly to h2 e career of writing end lecturing. The exigexkcle# of the Freeldestiel

cenqpaign allowed him hardly any time for the new career, but onoe the campaign was over, he was free to fill the great demand to hear him apeak that had grown up a# a result of it. In 1933 he had all the speak*

ing dates he could find time to take, and he ma(made nation-wide lecture Uk tours in both the Spring and Fall of that year.

^%orman Thomas, interview with the author, June 10, 1993* Actually, Thomas had been a lecturer and writer for many years. During World War I he lectured under the auspices of the FOR and the Anti-Conscription League, and later, for the Rand School, the LID, and the Socialist Party. FOes for his lecture engagements were turned over to these organizations so long as he was on their payroll. When he struck off on his own in 1938 be meant to make this career earn a living for his faaiily. BS was his own literary agent, but he i^mced all his lecture work in the hands of the Roocanna Wells Lecture Bureau. Other lecture bureaus demanded an ex* clusive contract— which would have prevented him from addressing even Socialist meetings without special consent— but Roxanna Wells agreed to terms that gave him greater freedom. To their mutual satisfaction and profit. Miss Wells has been Thomas* lecture agent since 1938, except for a brief period immediately prior to World War II. ^^OKsttna Wells, letter to Woman Thomas, April 28, 1933» Tbossui Papers, New York Public Library. Mv The Itlmerary of the tour he made from October 8 to Vovenjber 1 , 1 9 3 3 , provides a typical example of the lecturing he did in those years. On October 8 he was in Detroit where he gave two lectures at the Detroit Institute of Arts and made a fifteen minute radio address over station WWJ. October 9 he spoke at De Pauw University and to the Oak Park Women*# Club. The next day he was In Dlencoe, Illinois, participating in a forum sponsored by Congregation Israel of that city. On October 11 he attended executive committee meetings of the Socialist Party and the LID in Chicago, and visited the Socialist Club at the university of Chicago. The executive committee meetings continued into the next day. October 13 he addreesed the Michigan Education Association in Detroit. Be then traveled to the coast. Be arrived in Sen Francisco on the l6th, was interviewed by the press in the morning, addressed a Woman*# Club Luncheon in the afternoon, and debated Lincoln Steffens at the San Francisco Forum in the evening. Iflt

Althoug)! tt h#l##a him* sad certainly th# SoolaXiat caw## toe»

Thomaa* popularity aa a l^cturar in thoaa years hurt M a ralatiooa adLth tba Party. H# vaa ao outatandlag an attraction that vhanarar it #aa announced he vould make a lecture tour» local Party groupa all along hla route deluged the national office with regueata to have him apeak.

It vaa plainly liqpoaolble to aatlafy all the reqjaeata. Sometime#» Party locale» acting vlth hope rather than malice» or hecauae algaala «ere croeaed In the Party's national office» scheduled an appearance for him without his prior knowledge or consent. Frequently» the result was a conflict on his schedule» and because of a cosnltaent to lecture he had to turn down the local Socialist group» often after they had announced his appearance. Such situations hurt the Party locals and were awkward and embarrassing for him since It seemed aa If he did not want to

(Cont d)o^ October 17th he spoke at Dr. White's School In San Anselmo» had dinner with Dr. Spruol» the President of the university of California» and debated Chester Rowell In Berkely that evening. The next day he spoke at an open air meeting for the unemployed In Oakland» then briefly talked at San Mateo Junior College and Stanford University» end­ ing the day at a Socialist Party Dinner In San Francisco. On the return trip he stopped over In Denver» Chicago again» and Cleveland. Bis sched­ ule was just aa crowded. The tour grossed about $3175 In lecture fees. Almost without exception he spoke about the Rev Deal vs. Socialism. Itinerary of a lecture tour from October 8 » to Rovember 1» 1933» Thosaw Papers» Raw York Public Library. he ''Many Party branches used his appearances as a means of bolster­ ing their treasuries by charging admission to the meetings at which he spoke. When he came unter the management of Roocanna Wells» this prac­ tice stopped so long as he was on a lecture tour; It was the only "exclusive" Item In their arrangement. But there was really nothing to prevent the Party branches from taking up collections» as they frequently did. m «ooonodvte th# Party. B# triad to aüD# arm^tnitt thrit «ailA « M i hlm to giv# th# Party aarliaxm us# of hi# aarvioa# « 11# h# teufad* # t * h# yr#f#rr#d to fill laotur# dat## rath#r than to apaak at Party aaatlag# bacaua# b# hallortd that ha could aehlata largar hmaflta for aoelallmm k? apaaking to non-aoeialiat audianeaa. Thoama triad to aaavar Individually aaeb of tha thouaartla of

Amarlcana vho irrota to him aolleltlng advioa about, or offarlng panaoaaa for, tha dapraoilon. Fev paopl#» hewavar, vara aatlaflad vlth thomai* reply to "join tha Party and cruaada vlth ua"| hop# that vay aaamad too far off. But bit# of evldanca from hare and thara taatlfy to a raal Influence that %omaa exerted vlth hla apaaking. "I haard you apeak

In Nlneola j^cng lalanQ laat Saturday night,” vrote a yougg man.

^Thla bualneaa vaa eapeclally damaging to Thoama and tha Party vhen the appaaxaaee ha had to call off vaa at a atrlka rally, or Involved aoma other matter to vhlch Soclallata vara auppoaad to lend their aupport.

^^Thla la not Intended to be a direct qjuote or even a paraghraaa of Thoama. It la a reflection of the author'a feeling after reading Thoama' correapoodanca and apaaking vlth him paraooally aavaral time#. Furtharaora, It la Implicit fn vhat Thoama believed to be hla prin­ cipal duty to the Party; to make Ita vleva aeeaptable outalda Ita ranka to larger and larger numbara of paopla. Bevartheleaa, Thoama often appeared to be ap

"•ad you hod m# on the #d@# of th# ehair vlth your dyoomto roio# o b A th# ohTlou# tru^ of Obaet you ##ia."^ Aftor » eoofonae# on ##&tt$##l yhiloeoghlo# #t W##loymm %d.v#r#Hqr la lttail#teen, Oouaootlout* # mtudont poll sbowod that Thom## oo# votod th# "moot i#r###iv# sp##k#i^ by 239 out of 319 otudont# vho voted. Thl# same poll rovoalod that

129 otudeat# had ahlfted belief to more radical poaltlon# and that 6 8 I^Q of theee favored aoeialiam. A# a debater, vhen h# could give dlraet 90 end Immediate reply to oppoalag Idea#, he va# at hi# bwt, and ha va# elvay# vllllng to debate In public vlth any vell-recogalaed pro* pooent of another point of vlev. 51

LA Anonymou# letter, elgned "Men, 21", October 31» 193^» Tbomaa Papers, New York Public Library. Another letter, from a writer irtio apoka and voted for the Democrat# In 1936, aald, "I want you to know, unliper» tant a# It la, how deeply your vwda, and the sincerity that l##a##lcmed them, moved me. I can have no higher pzalae for them than to aay that thus Isaiah mist have spoken." Thomas Papers, New York Public Library. Lo New York Tinas. Jenuary 13, 1935» Section II, p. 3 Amspg tha speakers were: Max Eastman, Scott Nbarlng, V. P. Calvert on, Baaama'M. Kallen, Cdooal Breckenrldga, and Bamlltcn Fish, JT. According to one cbaerver, Thomas "stole the show" at a similar conference at Ohio State Vhlvarsi^ In 1933* "I am convinced," wrote this person, "that you succeeded In dissipating soma of the prejudices that surround the Socialist cause In this country, and I believe that you made a good many new friends, and probably von some pumanant new adhérents." But, continued the writer, "you assumed too great aa understanding of tha history and philosophy of socialism and spent too much time attacking tha opposition and not enough In constructively developing your own case." Buntley IXipre, Junior Dean at Ohio State University, letter to Norman Thomas, February 25, 1933» Thomas Papers, New Ytork Public Library. ^^A letter from W. M. Klpllnger (of K[ipiinp|ar«e Letter) JUna lb, 1933» said: "You may be Interested In knowing that I took my young son and his pal to hear your debate vltii HSaiiltcn Fish last year. A few nights before we bad behn to a wrestling match where the bruisers were unevenly matched. The boys aald that made two of tha amaa kind of matches In one week. P. 3. I trust you will not have any doubt as to the ooaparatlve debating q^ualltles of yourself and Mr. Fish." Thomas Papers, New Teak Public Library. ^^Thougb he was anxious to schadula debates rather than lacturaa m Jm hi# t w m iir— d h# « m ##k#d to load ht# #### aad ht# v#âo# to floro c#u#o#, toMvtiaM vlth huafol xoouXt# hoKh ho himoolf «nd th# Pmrty.^^ ikt th# ##mm tlm# th#t ht# inflwno# gr#v æar# poFMPftol, #####» itloo to hlm h#e#a# mtrooger^ mol oftmo violmiEt. During m tour of th# MLlwatt lu 193k m toar gm# bond» broik# up m m##tl%# mt which h# #pck# Im Rockford, m i n c i # , and in Tmylorvlll#, n U n o i # , h# wm# mrr##tod for »#v#r#l hour# and not allowod to nak# m apoach# 8uoh damooatrmtloo# alavly atrangtbazMd hla effort# 00 behalf of civil libertle# mad other cauaea, and whan he followed a caae throu^ he uaually won in th# #oart# thqae freedom# denied to him by local official# •

gl(Comt freqjuantly aa poaalble, he wa# wary of iSam "crack­ pot#” who a ought to debate with him becauae the drawing power of hi# name vould give them an opportunity to apeak to more people than they could ever aaaeable on their own. Norman Tbomaa, interview with tha author, Jhne 10, 1953* ^^onaa aeemed alway# ready to aupport a movement that appMled to him in principle, occaalonally without adeqiaate awareneaa of ^ facta. In 1933 he received a complaint from World Peaceway# that th# Chicago World*# Pair had refuaed them pemiaaion to eathlbit tha Ten Peace Book. Be immediately wrote a letter of proteat to the Pair management and received a reply aaylng that other peace exhibit# were on diaplay, but that alnce the Peace Book aaked for aignaturea, it waa propagaadlatlc In nature, and therefora could not be exhibited. The OoBRuniata tried devioua amena to praeayt hi# influence for their own end#. In New York City about 1933# they worked to have him Intercede on their behalf in the intramural atrugglea for power that ahook up the Purrier*#, Miaicladb, and Walter*# union# at that time. Thara waa proof enough that the leaderahip of tbeae union# engaged in auteesgfcie and frequently corrupt practice#, but the Coanuniata were not intereated in democratic reform; they aougbt abaolute control for thamaelvea, or barring that, ruin for the union. Por awhile, by exploiting hi# atrong aenae of juatice, tha Coamuniata aucceeding in uaing Thoama, with tha reault that tbeae union# were alienated from the Soeialiat Party and Tbomaa waa accuaed of playing the Coamuniata* gaam. CIiKPT9R DC

EBB T X n FOR TBÊ 80CXALI8TB» 1933-1996

Xn 1933« for the flrat tlm#, Thom## turamd down m, call to run for an Important office aa a Soelallat candidate. Sana groupa In tlM

Party wanted him to run for mayor In Raw York City, where, with Taemany a tewing In Ita own aeandala and the RepubUcana unable to live down their recent national defeat, there promlaed to be a wide-open caapalgn*

It waa argued tiuit the Party would profit from Thomaa* national repu­ tation. Thomaa countered with aeveral reaaona yhy he did not want to run.^ Hla argumenta prevailed. The Party put up Charlea Soloaion, who ran a weak third to La Guardla*# overwhelming victory on the Fualon ticket.

The 1933 campaign In Row York highlighted one aapect of a trend that was pulling the Party apart at the seama. Many of the bright young men who had become Soclallata at the beginning of the depreaalon and whoae presence In the Party promised to lend It that American character and youthful enthusiasm that had heretofore been lacking, left the F a r ^ to Join forces with the new political alignment that aeemed to be

^oxman Thomaa, letter to George Stlenhardt, JUly 21, 1933» Thomas Papers, New York Public Library. Thomaa argued that (l) he didn't want to be a perpetual candidate for every office; (2 ) he waa now too closely Identified with national laauea to do an effective job locally; (3) If he waa badly beaten— and with the Fualon forces In the race he expected to be— it would hurt his national standing; (^) he needed a rest and a chance to write and continue his lecturing; and (5 ) he waa already at odds with the local Party In New York over hla alleged aid to Communiât unionists and In conflict with It over P a r ^ tactics In general.

—126— IfT mhmpïng up in Anmrlon. fnul SUaHMrd, ifte imà W n fhOMMi' %!««#,### at the 1932 ocnventlon, joined the La Ooaidia eee#aigB ia 1933 #M# tf U V the election beoame part of the La Quaxdia aftatirt etreitlen. La h W Lettear of reeignation from the Party SLaaebard eaidt The bald txutb ia that although the party hae been in eadetenoe for a generation it hae alaoat no hoOUL on the American working claaa, and it ia weaker than it waa twenty yaara ago. .. After four yaara of the vorat depreaaion in hietory Mid after imanerohle aeandala in local pditiea the local party ia not in a poaltlon in thla eity^ the natural atrongbold of Jlmarican aoclallam* t4 elect a aingle aldexvan* Three aanbera of the Soeialiat City Affaire Coaadttee alao took jcha in the La Ouardia adminiatration. At the aame time there waa a alaeahle movement of young lawyera and reaearch apecialiata from the Party to Waahington, where they were finding joba in the New Deal bureaucraey.

Other popular movementa in lAeae yeara alao took their toll of

Soeialiat Party mehberahip and leaderahip. Sapecially B*P*Z*C. in

^Thia atatement may be found in the Thomaa Papera, New York Publie Library, but it alao appeared in the Leader. BepteaAer JO, 1933, pp. 5-0. Other parta of tho atatement warrant citation for their ineight into the condition of the Party at thia time. Said PlMiahard; "Rooeewalt with hia program of managed capitaliam baa taken the initiatiwa away from ua in immediate economic change, and ‘ttie Soeialiat International haa loat preatige ao coagletely in Europe that it ia a poeitira die- advantage for an American Party to be connected with it. .. I believe now that American Socialiata have been thinking too excluaively in terme of rightneaa and intelligence, and not enough in terme of power po<lce .... After all, a political party ia not a church which la baaed chiefly on idealiam and righteouaneaa; it ia an aggregation of citizena to exer­ cice political power, and if ita faila to develop any political power, after a lAole generation of effort it haa no claim to the name."

^Daniel Bell, "The Background and Development of NaaRlam Sociallem in the united Statea," ia Boci ^ a m and JMerican Life, ad. by Donald D. Egbert and Stow Peraooa, p. ^ 3 . m " % . a caae, the three men wanted to remain in the Party, but Thomaa aaked them to reaign becauae of the political implicationa of their action. lift

tut #1#0 TewiMWBftles, T e d m o c w y , aaft iandatd twagr soeialiat strength.^

NMowhils, the Party vaa bslag saut AemlUthim ## «ail m from vithout. The lid vhich had hoan plaoad on ^bm alwssrinc struwl# bstvaan Militant and Old Oiard for tha banafit of tha 1932 alaotian eaopaign, blow off in 193^ aa tha conflict c a m to a bedLl at tha national Convention in Datroit.

The two years batwaan 1932 and 193k vara fillad vlth vorH-ahakiag and hopa-ahattarlng avanta. Por the Socialiata, tha two m a t notahla wbra Hitler*a riaa to power in 1933 and tha Ddllfaaa "putsch" in Juatria in February 193k. In both Qaxnany and Austria there vara large and vital

Socialist movementa, yet the forces of fascism had easily aiaaad control of tha countries vhen economic collate threatened political stability.

The German Socialist movemnt, numbering in tha milliooa, had capitu* lated vithout ao much aa a shot being fired. But in Vienna tha Social­ ist citlaan*s militia fought a civil war and vera finally overvhaljaad by

^In California, Upton Sinclair, long-time Socialist, had joined the Democrat Party in 1933 and von the Dmsocrat nomination for goveznoB aa a reault of the tramandoua popularlly of hia B.P.I.C. plan, (the initials vara taken from a paaphlat ha wrote titled, gow 1 Bhdad Poverty in California.) Tha plan vaa nothing more than a nostrum for economic Sla, tut in those days nostrums vera extremely popular. & narrowly missed being elected governor and vaa only defeated by one of tha most viscious smear campaigns in U. 8 . political history. % a national office of the Socialist l^rty denounced him as a renegade and a traitor to socialism. But Party branches on the vest coast came to his defanea and the Oregon State party left tha national organisation as a consaqjuenea of this sqjualBbla. It is true, however, that between 1932 and 193k, Party mssAmrehip increased from fifteen to twenty-two thousand despite this drain on its strength. m th# •uparior torom «ad w m of th# Mjwakr* Tbm Awtrl#h e â t w ü w i pol«t#d meX#«rl#MOii lu r#vQ]j#tlen#ry taetle#* *Xf #• Aid héb# a ml#t#k#," ##ld Otto B#u#r^ th# l##d#r of th# Anatariah Boeialist## "air mdL#t#k# eoo#iited in unduly prolonging our #ffort# for a p#a##fal

##ttl#m#nt ^ t h DoUftt#^ and in unduly foatpoalng th# d#ol#lv# ntruggl#, Should th# Socialift# again gain porar, add#d Banar* tbay ahonld flrat •atahliah tha "ravdutionary dictatorahip of th# working ela##^" and only after building a firm foundation for th# soeialiat aociety ihould they establiah the aocialiat democracy,^ These events in recent Buropean history atrengthanad th# Militant# in their demands for a m w e revolutionary party organisation and program. While in the situation at honm there vaa nothing which could holater th# gradualists* position. In 193^ the United States was a long way from economic recovery; there waa no sign that it had even passed the crisis of the depression, and many Socialists, disciples ot Marx, believed it never would. Immediately after the election in 1932 Thomas had warned that unless economic conditions improved, dsmrica vould be ripe for

^Otto Bauer, "Tactical Lessons of the Austrian Catastrophe," International I^ormation. March 6 , 193k, cited by Barry W. Laidler, in Socialising (Xir Democracy, p. 92. Laidler goes on to write, (p. 9k) "The success of fascism in Qermany, Austria, and other countries.. .has caused them |T»conomic radical^ to advocate...a course of action cal» culated to suppress counter-revolution and to ensure the success of a program of socialisation." Fascism, Laidler explained, vaa the capitalist answer to labor*# threatened rise to power, (p. 29k) Even the democrat­ ically oriented British Labor Party, at its 1933 conference, heard Herbert Morrison declares "w^.^we reserve the right in those circus^ stances Pin case of a fascist threat in BaglanQ to utilise aay method of coobating that threat.... In such circumstances I would not worry about democratic abstractions or democratic formulas." Laidler, on. cit.. p. 9k-5 . 130 fmmolmm. BQr 193k* sad ia th* otf muM#e#a h«#*#niag#, tte ###»## df m fM cist Jasrlca

°As one can easily demonstrate* there was not a new or original Idea In the entire declaration. It was an eclectic document cos#ounded of existing radical thought and adapted to the purposes of a statement of principles. For example* notion that a war crisis might becos* a socialist victory may be found in this excerpt t "The fwoe which above all others may destroy capitalism Is not the blind movaamnt of economic factors* but war." Paul H. Douglas* "Lessons from the Last Decade*" In The Socialism of Our TiMS. ed. by Harry V. Laidler and Herman Thomas* p. 32. (published 7Although the text of the declaration Is usually credited to Devers Allen* those parts of it which advocate the use of general strike as a substitute for violent revolution* could just as easily be credited to Thomas* thinking. In ^ See It (published 1932) Thomas writes; "One of the most powerful of possible preventives of war would be a general strike against sm ii*ending war by organized woricers. This would be an example of the use of non-violent coercion against vioienoe; and the development of means of non-violent coercion ia of revolutionary sig­ nificance." (p.55) Further on he says that "no exploited class can afford to let the masters think it will net use violence unless it can discover a more effective instrument of struggle than violence." (p. 5 6 ) Be then adds that the weapons of non-violent revolution will not always be Wholly 131 democracy.... If the oepitalist eysten sheald epllepee in a general chaos and ccnfttilcn, vhlch oannet pendt of orderly procedure, the Socialist f a ^ vtaether or mot...it le the 1 majority, vlll not shrihk from the reepamefhility of or#am-g ising and maintaining a goverasent under the voAer'e rule. ^ To the Old Guard, thl# sounded like Oosmunlst talk, and they re­ solved not to let it pass. In the heated debate vhlch foUoved, both sides used their biggest voices. The Old Guard argued that tiie declara­ tion vould frighten potential memibers and aliraate loyal American vockers. Moreover, they said, the Socialist Bsrty vould be foolishly and needlessly heroic to adopt a statement that might present to capitalist forces the excuse they needed to persecute the Party. There vas genuine fear that the declaration vould make the P a r ^ illegal in many states vlth "snar- chist-syndicalist” levs. The Militants retorted that the fears of illegality vere unfounded— but later submitted the declaration to a coenittee of prcnlnent lasyere for their opinion— and that the declaration vas really an ansvwr to the problems posed by recent vorld events. The Militants carried the day. The convention approved the declaration but voted to put it up for a national referendum vithin the Party. The delegates also elected a coal­ ition National Executive Committee vlth Militants In the majority. To the Nev York Times reporter at the convention, Thomas* leader­ ship in the debate on the declaration, and the subsequent victory of the side he championed, "marked the definite ascendancy to the party leader- ship of Mr. Thomas."^ If this vas so, Thomas had, in fact, taken power

7 (Coat d ) ^ #oi#ly and that the Vest can take a leaeon from the methods used by Ghandl In India, (p. 6o) Incidentally^ Devere Allen vas a Qhandian pacifist. ^Debate on the Declaration of Principles," American Socialist Quarterly, (special supplement) 193^, p. 6 . 9joseph Shaplen, fjw York Times. June k, 193^, p. 1 131 only to offleinto at tte aiMolntion of tte 8ool#ll#t#$ fte #»#### of tte teelnntion touoted oft an agploalon vlthlB tte forty in m m y m y a mor* torrlblo than 1919* for tte aaeond tlma ia a ftaaratiOB tte

Soeialiat Party vaa to te aplit, thia tlma vlth llttla hop# that aithar alda vould aurvlT# for long.

What may hava markad Thomaa' aaeaodaney to party laadarahip la tha littla racognlaad fact that Thomaa actually took a mlddla ground tetvaan tha axtrama laft-vingara and tte Old Guard at tha Detroit eon# vantlon. Bafora tha declaration vaa brought to tha floor for a rotOj tha laft-vlng had propoaad aavaral raaolutlona andoralng vlolanea and direct action, repudiating tha bourgaola democracy, and advocating tha dictatorahip of tha proletariat. Tbaaa vara voted dovn by a narrow majority. % a convention likavlaa rejected a reaoiutloo calling for unity vlth tha Coamuniata and aalsure of power to daatroy tte

"bourgaola state *" In both Inatancaa Thonaa joined tha Old Guard In arguing against tha resolutions.^^ Only on tha Declaration of Prin­ ciples did he side with tha laft-vlngars, and It Is likely that ha did so principally to mdlllfy tha young Militants,^ and partly to allanca those alamanta In tha Party and out vho sneered about tha Socialists

lOLoc. Clt.

A New York Tinas editorial tha following day, (Jhna 5, 193it^, p. 2k.), said that Thomas was pressured Into taking this stand by tte younger alamsnts. Tha editorial axprassad surprise that Thomm, vho had always bean "the chsaqylon of peaceful and democratic methods in bringing abmt social rafonf* should support a declaration which said that In a crisis tha Socialist Party vould organise a govsmmant Whether or not It vas In tha majority. 133 getting "#oft".

A v#«k after the convention Thome erne e t iU defending the dee* laration.^ Within three eeeks after the convention the argumente over the declaration beceme factional and vicioue, and dealt in jereon- alitiee more than in the eubetance of the declaration. Within a menth,

Thcnae vae explaining aeey more than he eae defending about the dec* 13 laration. Hich later, he vae to regret the vhole thing.

On the eidellnee at the Detroit convention vere Benjamin Oitlov and Jay Loveetone, both leaders of splinter Trotekyite groupe exqpelled from the Communist Party in 1920. Their presence in Detroit seemed to be aa interested onlocOcers, or at the most, cheerleaders for the left* wing. In retrospect, however, it is clear that they vere at the con­ vention to direct forces that had infiltrated the Party and had been primarily responsible for the formation of the Revolutionary Policy

Committee, a Militant caucus. The revolutionary phrases, the Marxist cliches, and the call for direct action by the R.P.C. naturally appealed to the younger, uninitiated Socialists vho soon became, store or less, pawns of the Trotshyite "fifth column," To a large extent because of prodding by these young Socialists, Thostas vas made to favor

^%orman Thoests, "Timely Topics," |jjnr Leader, Jhne 9, 1934, p, 8 , "I think," he vrote, "that the Declaration of Principles,..eeys veil vhat socialists not only in Aseriea but throughout the vorld are thinking."

^^Poday he feels the declaration vas a blunder, but could be excused in the pQIitioil situation of 1934, Wonsan Thoeme, interviev vitb the author, December 31, 1958. 13% ik admitting Trotekyite# Into the Party, and later, In 1939» "to yroclals the doctrine of the ’all-lnclualTt partyi in uhleh all homelea# radical a could unite

Msamiblle, vorld Coanunlam had announoed the program of *pofttlar front" (sooetlmea "united front") to fight faaclam, and aa part of Ita tactic iought rapprochement# vlth Soelallat partlea evaryVbere. In

August 193%, %arl Browder, then head of the Comnanlat Party TJ«8 *A., vrote to Borman Thomas offering a united front In the United Statea and l6 suggesting talks on this subject, Thomas replied that he doubted that the Cosaainlsta could enter a united front in good faith. Xn October, he repeated this sentiment to the National BMcutive Coaadttee of the

Socialist Party, but added that there could be no harm in conferences with the Communists, and that united efforts on specific issues might be conceivable.17

ik As early as August 193%, Thomas suggested that Oitlov and former Trobskyites be admitted Into the Par^. In October 193%» he told the National %ecutlve Coeadttee that he favored talks vlth tlM Lovestonites preliminary to tiieir admission into the Party. But by Noveniber 193%, he vas becoming critical of the R.P.C. because he had been informed by several sources that many R.P.C. members vere Lovestonlte plants in the Party.

^Spell, 0£. cit., p. 38e.

l^Earl Browder, letter to Norman Thomas, August 17, 193%, Thomas Papers, New York Public Library.

^^Norman Ihomas, letter to National Sxecutive Coemlttee, Socialist Party, October 8, 193%» Thomas Papers, New York Public Library. Els position seemed sometimes to be equivocal on the matter of a united front. Be definitely distrusted the Cosmainlsts, yet he felt that their proposals had too much appeal for the young folks In the Party to be safely Ignored, NOnsan Tbosms, letter to Clarence Senior, August 16, 193%» Thomas Papers, Nev York Public Library* He therefore chose a middle rood of joint action on particular problems, but no overall union vith the Cosmunists • Incidentally, all the w Both th# "#U-iBeluslTt p#rty" doetria# tad th# uBlt#d f M t vith rr— inliti en yartieular i##u#t o#a# to p### ia th# a#xt two y m n , but vith dloaitroos cco##qu#ne## for th# 8 oei#Xi#t#« One# iaaid# th#

Party vwhicl#, th# Trot#hyit## wv#ck#d it la th#ir attoapt to #t##r it up th# road to revolution. A U united efforts vith the Cc— iinlsts ended vith the Communists in complete control of the joint acrveasnt.

Of all the offices for which Thomas vas a candidate, th# offio# 18 of United States Senator is the one he most wanted to achieve. Per this reason he was willing to run for the Senate in 193^, at a time when the Party, especially in Hew York, was concentrating more effort on its 19 factional disputes than on its struggle against capitalism. It happens.

17(Coat*d)ta]jc of a united front and the gestures of peace made by the Connmists did not prevent them from continuing their attacks on the Socialist Party a# "rendering the most loyal service to th# capitalist exploiters of workers,*^ and the Socialist leaders as having mad# "th# Socialist Party the third party of capitalism." Election Platform of the Communist Party, Nev York State, 193^, pp. 9 and 22. 1 8 Norman Thomas, interview with Robert Alexander.

^^Ths battle between Old Guard and Militant continued to rage at th# Nev York State convention of the Socialist Party. Th# Old Guard offered a resolution opposing the Detroit Declaration and asking for its revision. Thomas argued against the resolution, but lost. The resolution was ap­ parently passed on the strength of a speech by Charles Solomon— who was nominated to run for Governor— in which he addressed Thomas directly and accused him of being the spokesman for a "fraction of th# party." The feud was so bitter that for the first time Thomas found himself ser­ iously opposed for a Party nomination. The Old Guard put up James O'Neal, editor of the Nev Leader, but after a heated debate and plera from a centrist unity group not to press the issue, O'Neal withdrew. Thomas was nominated by a vote of 53-3 8 , with fifteen abstentions. William Peigenhaum in th# Hew Leader. July 7, 193^* pp. 2 and 10. One can imagine what sort of uzütylm& consistency there could be in a ticket that featured Thomas and Solomon together. 1)6 hcw#v#r, that th# 193k campmlga 1# ^ havfi#at la hi# P###ll#ot3km# mainly b#eaua« NN . %cma# traralad vlth him, «ad th#y v#r# ahl# to 20 enjoy th# h#autlful Fall 8c#xi#ry of Upp#r B#v Xnrh 8t#t#.

D##plt# th# Inereasing ol##vag# vlthln th# Party, th#r# va# cam* alderable bravado in the Soeialiat attitude toward the election# of 193k* Condition# favor the Socialiata, vrote Thoama, becauae the naaaea are diaiUuaioned, vorkera are reatleaa, aa ahoim by the vav# of atrlke#, and fermera are deaperate. All realise that the Nev Deal la bankrupt, he said. Soclallata should be ready to join and lead a genuine farmer- labor movement, but not to abandon their own principles to it, he added. Aa for the campaign, Thomaa reasoned that it vaa more Important for Socialists to elect legislators than executive officials vho vere oi bound to uphold capitalistic law.

Clearly, the principal issue in 193k vaa the Nev Deal. In the congressional elections the Democrat office seekers vere more or leas compelled to support it, vhile Republicans and Socialiata attacked it, though for different reaaona. By 193k, conservative elements in both old partlea had already joined forces In the Liberty League, and mare crying that the Nev Deal ia "socialistic" and deprived Americana of

^^rote Thonaa, "Michigan ia beautiful but I do not know of any state with more beauty than Nev York. It is a joy to be alive on some of these radiant days vith the hills aflame vlth color." Norman Thonaa, "Timely Topics," Nev Leader. October I3 , 193k, p. 8. B o r m a n Thomas, "The Campaign of 193k," American Socialist Quarterly. Autumn 193k, pp. 3-8* Thia is perhaps another reason that he chose to run for the most important legislative office in the land. 13FT their freedom. The Socieliete declared that the Hev Deal wae already

"vaahed up" | that It had fatled**and hy the very fact that it vaa not aoeialiam, had to fall— to aolve the econoadc oriala. The HZBA,

Soclallata charged, had permitted en^oyera to collude In fiadag prleee at a high level vhlle vagea remained lov.

It vaa true, aa Soclallata aaaerted, that there vaa nuOh labor unreat. In a rather uroiaual move, the executive council of the American

Federation of Labor In early October laaued a report aaklng for higher vagea and reduced working houra. The report hinted that It vould he 22 vlae for employera to voluntarily give labor a voice In nanagamant.

At almoat the same moment the report vaa made public. President Roosevelt called upon labor and management to get together to guarantee a period of Industrial peace The call for peace vas Initially veil received, Sk but vlthln a month there vere again signs of labor discontent.

Yet, the Soclallata* optimism about the campaign vaa scarcely warranted. Roosevelt's hold on Aaerlcans had already become ao power­ ful that In the 1 9 3 ^ "off-year" election, aa the party In power, the

Democrats were actually able to Increase their Congresslonal majority;

^^Text of "Problems of Recovery," report of the executive council of the A.F. of L., Rev York Times. October 1, 193^, p. 2.

^^Text of radio address by President Roosevelt, Rev York Times. October 1, 193^» p. 3*

Labor's complaint waa that the government had no Intention of enforcing Section 7a (the section which provided for elections to detezmlne bargaining agents for workers, and gave labor the right to organise) of the RRA, Meanwhile, It was also becoming more and more apparent that the RRA vould not stand up on a Supreme Court test of Its constltiHomallty, Labor's answer to all this vas the strike. UB an uncoBwm ftauioMncn in JiMViean pelltiea. Baai&a# that^ tto «Mpalg» la H«v York had not gone vail. Thonaa eonplainad that tha Old CNtacd vaa giving more attention to ita ipiarrel vith tha left*ving than to tha campaign^ and among the votera^ he found **a peculiar quality of apathy 25 and fear.” Shortly before the election ha predicted a Danoerat vic­ tory, and charged that it vould cone becauae of relief money diatrihuted aS through the federal government. Thoama* vote vaa juat under 200,000, about two million leas than that of the winner. Royal 8 . Copeland, 27 Democrat. Uaing their atrongeat vote-getter In the area of their greatest numerical strength, the Socialist had once again failed to capitalize on the continuing economic crisis in order to achieve victory by the ballot, unbeknown to the Socialists, their tlma had run out, there would be no other opportunities as good as the ones they miaaed.

Each month in the period 193^ to 193^ brought steadily inerwaing tension and danger in world affairs. After Hitler had achieved complete mastery of Germany and won the Saar in a plebiscite, he began to make distressing noises about the Rhineland. Missolini, carrying out a pro­ gram of empire expansion for Italy, suddenly invaded helpless Ethiopia

^^orman Thomas, letter to Maynard Kreuger, October 13, I93U, Thomas Papers, Hew York Public Library. He registered a similar com­ plaint in a letter to Clarence Senior, October 1, 193^* Thomaa Papers, New York Public Library. 2 6 New York Times. November 1, 193^, p. 1 6 . 27 To be sure, thia vaa a larger vote than Thomas had gotten aa a presidential candidate in 1932, vhen he polled 177,000 votes in New York State. The gubernatorial vote, however, had fallen steadily since 1 9 3 0 , eapeclally in New York City, Becauae he had campaigned arduously outside of New York City, Thomaa did better there than any Socialist candidate for Senator ever had. m in 1935* Th# feUowlag y##r Fr#nee*# f##ol#t# h#6 #a * elvil $# S p É A »

•gg#d oo «nd strongly supported hy both Hitler and Hi— ollnl*

B#r# in th# Ohitad Stst— , th# Soelallsto s— so#re#ly aay d W n s m

tion in th# economic gloom that bed settled over the aetlon. Th# 9 sv

Deal's progrem of "relief, recovery, and reform^ v— most succ— sfol in

relief, and there had been some recovery— fame income was up, as was th#

money value of exports and total domestic production. But b o r mmbh

better could economic conditions have become, or vould they becom, vhen

ten millions of workers vere still unenqployedt P w that matter, in order

to raise farm income the Nev Deal bad been trying,in Thom— ' words,

"to starve the nation into prosperity." By regulations of the Agricul­

tural Adjustment Act, cotton v— plowed under, vlwat crops destroyed,

c o m and potatoes bought and dumped by the government, and thousands of

young pigs slaughtered so that they might never grow up to be maAeted.

To millions of Americans vho vere literally at the point of starvation,

these vere tremendously tragic actio— .

In all th— e events at home and abroad there v— again such from

vhich the Militant Socialists could draw sustenance. It did indeed seem

that capitalism v— collapsing and that it v— being everyehare replaced

by a rising f— cism.intent upon thr— ting the vorld into war and chaos.

P— cism vaa corrupt, immoral, without scruples and without justice.

In that cue, of vhat be— fit vould it be to hold f— t to a declining

capitalist parliamentarianism? Would it not be better to join forces

vith all those opposed to f— cism and to prepare to take power— by what­

ever mea— — the mosmnt that the capitalist collapse became inminentt

That vay the wrld might be saved from dis— ter. The lessons of Europe 1%0 v#r# b#lng writ #v#r cl##r#r, «ad t h v bad to te iMomad If

tte fat# of lurop# vas not to ovartak# tearloa alao.

It vaa vith thaaa notlooa In mind that tte Militant# and Thoama

had favored tte admission (and finally admittad) Trorbskylta splintar

groups into tte Party ^ and that tte talks vith Oosasmists on a Uhitad 20 front continued. On thasa and otter issues of Party tactics sad

strategy the arguments batvaen Old Guard and Militant ccntinuad, only at a nuch more Intense and personal level. Thomas vas not above tte

name-calling. He referred to one Old Guard action as **a Eitlar-lika go attenqyt," and accused the Hav Leader of shoving a greater pradil- 30 action for fighting Communism than capitalism. % e exchanges of

Thomas* position on these quastlcms vas not perceptibly changed In 1935 from vhat It had been in 193^. See Norman Thomas, **Immediate Froblmas before the Socialist Party," speech at tte Socialist Call conference, September 8, 1935» Thomas Papers, Nev York Public Library. He sav the principal problem of Socialists as tte creation of a mass movement to combat fascism and var In dmerica. To do this the Socialists vould even have to cooperate vith groups dom­ inated by a middle class ideology. 29 The Nev Leader vas controlled by the Old Guard, and so in 1935, the Militants, vho felt they vere not getting a fair deal in the official Party newspaper, founded a rival paper, the Socialist Call. Both papers have since taken on the format of magazines.

^^Norman Thomas, "To the Socialists of America," (probably one of tte many letters circulated among the Party members by both sides In their attempt to enlist support) 19 pp., Thomas Papers, Nev York Public Library. In this letter Thomas says again that be is against party dictatorship |jas in RussliJ but that, on the other hand, it is foolish to be "mere romantic parliamentarians" or allow the enemy to think that shcxild "our imperfect bourgeois democracy" coUapee ve shall surrender to the fascists. In his column "Tlmely Topics", (New Leader. JUly 7, 193*^, p. 12) Thomas explained that American democracy was Imperfect because it had one lev for the rich and another for the poor; it has no economic democracy, and even politically it is limited by economic power. It Is also mechanistic, he said, because it stresses nose counting rather than genuine discussion. Be warned, however, that Socialists Bust not reject the use of existing parliamentary machinery. m nuty #plth#t#f th# constant ovsr doetria#, end th# (fr##mntly dlrty) saosuvsrfng for control drov# many y#e#l# from th# Party, so that by th# tlm# of th# national convention la 19)6, th# Socialists had already lost nearly a fourth of their nssberehip.

On the very first day of its 193^ convention th# Socialist P a r ^ was split. Both the Old Guard and th# Militants had chosen NOW Tortc State delegations. Both delegations showed up at th# convention and demanded recognition. After a short but rancorous debate th# convention voted to seat the New York Militants. The Old Guard walked out taking about forty per cent of the Party with them.^ With bitter irony for

Socialists, after the Old Guard left, the convention voted to modify— but not drastically— the Declaration of Principles. Borman %omas was nominated to run for President a third time, and George Kelson, a

^^he walk out was really antielimactic. After the Party referendum had approved th# Detroit Declaration by a close vote, many state and local organisations doadnated by the Old Guard refused to be bound by it. The BBC, controlled by the Militants, proaytly relieved these dissenting groups of any power in the national party, and established Militant groups to take their place. Thus, there were rival Socialist groups in Mew York, Pennsylvania, Connecticut, Massachusetts, Rhode Island, Delaware, and (Biio, and a split existed in fact even before the 193o convention. On the other hand, Tbomaa argues that the split need never have taken place, since there were signs that the differences could be patched up. However, the Old Guard, who controlled the New York State Executive Coamittee, had taken measures to cut out th# New York State Militants, and so the Militants, in order to safeguard their position in Bew York, had to elect their own slate of can­ didates to the National Convention. This led to the split. Inter­ view with the author. May 11, 1933* gg VlaeocMln taanmr, v m ylcksd mm running mate# In 1 9 3 6 It might b# suppoMd that th# Militant# «#r# ballaamr# In th# aadieln# of blood-l#tting« for vith naarly half of ita ■aMber» ship gODs, th#y war# convlneod that th# Party vaa atromgar. *V# cannot mak# it too plain," aald Thoama, "that th# party la inflnitaly stronger.. .vithout those vithin it vho are doubters, vho.•• sabotage it, or vho fall to hear the banner of Socialism high...."^^ But at least Thomas had no Illusions about the Party's strength at the voting machines. Long before the campaign, even before the convention, he predicted that the voter's fear of a return to Hoover vould keep Socialists from getting a large vote.'^ While the Communists vere making the I9 3 6 caapadgn a struggle OK between fascism and democracy,'''^ and the liberal-labor forces saw the

90 In talks vlth the Militants before tha 193^ eenvention, the Conmunlsta suggested a joint ticket vith Bari Browder as Thosiaa' running mate. Bell, cit.. p. 302. (According to Time. Jhne 1, 1%6, p. 1), Browder came to the convention vith this propoaaXT) Thomaa rejected tha Idea. Later, though running their own ticket, the Coamuniata tacitly supported Roosevelt In order to keep American capitaliam from ruin. Tha strategy was designed by Russia so that In ease aha was attacked by tha fascist powers America vould be sufficiently strong and willing to coam to her aid. ^%orman Thomas, "At tha Front," manugcript of a column that appeared regularly under that title in the Socialist Call. June 1, 193^, Thomas Papers, Hew York Public Library. ^Nonnsn %omas, "Roosevelt Faces Re-election," 7 pp. manuscript, about January 193^, Thomas Papers, Hew York Public Library. 35 Some people were genuinely frightened by the fascist threat they saw In the Union Party vhlch had drawn tha support of all the political "crackpot" fringes. Including Coughlinites, Townsendites, end Share-the-Wealthers. Thonas edadtted that the Union Party talked like fascists, but predicted that the party vould fall apart after the election. Norman Thomas, "For Socialist to Consider," manuscript of letter, 4 pp., Thomas Papers, Hew York Public Library. (The Union Party did disappear after 193^.) During the campaign Thomas played down any talk of fascism. He did not believe it was the issue because "capitalists don't want it," m l##u# mm "Roommvmlt or Ammetlon,"^ "ftinn mrgu*d that th# AlfftfiOM

bmtwmen the old pmrtlmm «mm 11k# thmt h#tw##n T*##dl#»&## #ad Tweedle­ dum, and th# mlngl# Immue, mm It bmd heen in th# ?#mt* «a# moeiellmn

vs. cmpltmllmi)^-fr##don, p#mo# end pl#nty, or depreemion mod ver,

Th# strang# mllgmasnt of fore## in th# cwapmign of 1936— for sKmmple, th# Coommimtm ver# to th# right of th# Soclmllmtm mi^portlhg

Room#v#lt— mmrked th# dmndm# of th# Soclmllmt Pmrty mm m nmtlcnml electoral power. Thomms* star vas fading also, dimmed hy the hriUieno#

of th# Roosevelt "nova** in the political sky. "Ry 1936," said Tboseui, ”I found that Roosevelt had cosipletely knocked the support out from 37 under the Socialist Party. It was astounding to me." This realis­

ation came early, hastened by events such as the formation of th#

39(Comt d)aithough by their actions, h# admitted, they may take us along the road to it, Rorman Thomas, "Roosevelt Paces Rs-ll#ctica,- 2SL» P* 1* 36 Liberals vere afraid that if Republlcanm got back into power, the social progress made under the Nev Deal would be wiped out. Will Durant, the philosopher-hlstorian, vrote to Thomas in 1936 asking him to get out of the campaign lest he take votes away from Roosevelt and thus lead to the victory of the Bourbons. The Old Guard Socialists also supported Roosevelt, reasoning this way: Since socialists believe that capitalism cannot be changed at one stroke, they advocmte legis­ lation to cure incidental evils and thus provide opportunities for bringing about the socialist change. Most of the remedial legislation proposed by Roosevelt is exactly what socialists would propose if they had a voice in congress but were not strong enough to bring about complete socialism. But it is Imperative to return Roosevelt, they argued, because the Landon-%arwt party is against all reforms sad improvements favoring labor, and if it achieves victory v c u H mow# in a direction to hurt labor. New Leader, editorial, October 10^9)6, p.l.

^Allan Revins and Dean Albertson, "The Reminiscences of Noxnoan Thomas," p. T^. m imricva Labor Party In H«v York Stnta In Ally 1936.^ ky Oetokar, in tha addat of the eaupalgn, Thomaa* apeachea and pvaaa ralaaaaa vara fraa]y predicting a Rooaavalt victory. At tha aama tlma Thoama aaaartaA that tha Haw Deal vaa daad^ and, aa in 1932, pleaded vith üamrleaaa to vote their hope# and not their feara. Tha plea want unheeded. Again

Thonaa received the plaudita of political reportera for praaanting an intelligent analyaia of the aocialiat poaltlon, but if tha "funeral vaa complete" In 1 9 2 6 ,^^ the raaulta of tha *36 election poaitivaly burled the Soclallata under the avalanche of Rooaavalt votea*

It vaa traditional for the Party to hold Ita final rally of tha

Presidential campaign In Hew York's Mmdiaon Square Garden. In 1932, tha Garden vaa filled to overflowing and $000 people milled around outaide listening to the speeches over loud-apeakers. But at the final rally In 1 9 3 6 , Thomas spoke to an audience which only hsüf-filled the Garden.

The Socialist national vote did not do aa well proportionately. In

^^Tbe ALP waa the offspring of the CIO's Hon-Padlaan League/ and the needle-trade unions in Hew York. It backed Roosevelt and Lehman (for governor of H. Y.), but repudiated the did parties. It announced It would make Its own nominations for local offices, but it ended up endorsing many o U party caMidatea. In August, the Old Guard joined forces with the ALP, virtually Isolating the Socialist Party from any labor aupport.

^%onnan %omaa. After the Hew Deal. Whatt. p. 9* Thonaa' general approach in the campaign waa to pooh-podh the Hew Deal, but in Hevlns and Alberta on, (o^. cit.. p. 7^) he says that hla speeches indicated agreement with the Hew Deal but stressed that It vaa baaed on socialism and therefore there should be more of it jsoclalianQ. kO Duncan Alkman, Hew York Times. Hovember 1, 1936, Sec. k, p. k.

^^ee supra, p. 10*^. k6 1932 ThODM got 88i^,000 vote#; In 1936» 1 0 7 ,0 0 0 . fbe Perty loot g m e l ‘ - In every etete» end In Rev York City» Thmm# rea 1>ehinfl lerry Lelâler» 't%# k9 Soclelist gubemetorlel cendidete.

Even after the Old Quard had been purged» the Soeialiat Party continued to auffer from factlonallam. One bloc urged aupport of labor parties such as the American Labor Party in Rev York» and another inalated that unless the Party retained the right to run ita own candidate# it vould loee its identity. Thomaa vas ready to go along vith the pro­ labor-party forces» and» as a matter of fact» vithdrev from the Rev

York mayoralty race in 1937 in order to give La Ouardia— vhoae naam ap­ peared on both the ALP and Fusion Party lines— a better chance of vinning.

But at the Party's national convention in 1930 # slim majority turned down a resolution endorsing affiliation vith local labor parties.

This stand cost the Party dearly» for prominent members vho vere also union functionaries found themselves unable to play on both sides of the street simultaneously (unions vere generally coemitted to the support and endorsement of pro-labor old party candidates and ixutopendent labor parties) and slowly dropped away from the Party.^^

^^The condition of the Socialists was even worse than it appeared. They had lost their position as America's "third partyf to the Union Party which polled three million crates for Lemkej and their portion of the "other vote" (other than Republican or Democrat) had fallen from the previous low of 66 per cent— in 1928— to 12 per cent. ^^This was no doubt due to the strong influence of the Alf in Rev York City Where it received the help of Old Guard unionists who had pre­ viously supported Thomas. Laidler» on the other hand» waa more acceptable to the Old Guards. Furthermore» labor believed it vaa more important to support Roosevelt nationally than the Democrats locally. ^The opposition to the resolution was led by the KLlvaukee and Reading groups who were afraid that should it pass » they vould lose con­ trol over local governments. k % e e Bell» o£. cit.. pp. 309-90. M

Tb# «xt«it of ttaoir dlMfflUation from th# lifbor m m tmm t «#&

th# prie* of this aort of "iadtpoadoneo” v m awAo ■tmndntly oloir to

th# Soelftllsta In th# M#v York gubwnmtorlml #l#etlon of 1938. Ptaplt#

th# urging# of many union man to aupport th# ro-aleotlon of Oovornor

Lehman on th# ALP lln#, th# Soclaliata put up thoir own alat# hoadad hy kS Norman %omaa. Althou^gh h# would have willingly joined and campaigned

for a truly Independent labor party, Thomaa denounced the Alf in 193^. becauae it ran Demwcrat and Republican candidate# • He could not under­

stand, he said, how any labor group could endorae the candidate# of a party (the Democrat) that waa the political home of men auch aa "Cotton** 47 Ed Smith, Jack Gamer, Millard Tydinga, Jlamy Hlnea, and Frank Bhgue.

By early October, Thomas waa certain that Lehman would triumph

over Thomaa E. Dewey, and he predicted that a defeated Dewey would be 48 finished politically. But towards the end of the caapaign he bee apprehensive instead about the Socialists* own political future. A

46 Apart from the fact that it was Party dictum, there were two other good reaaona for the Socialist# to refuse to aupport the Alf. (1) In New York, a place on the ballot depends on the siae of the vote for governor. If the Socialists ran no candidate they would lose their place on the ballot. (2) The ALP had rejected the Socialists* offer to affiliate en masse and would accept Socialists only as individual mem­ bers. Thomas preferred not to run despite these considerations, but the "purists" in the Party insisted on a campaign. Later, the "purists" refused to support his campaign, which greatly angered Thomas. Norman Thomas, interview with the author. May 11, 1955» 47 New York Times. October 9, 193B, p. 33» In New York City Thomas made capital of the incident in which Mayor Frank Hague*# police­ men "kidnapped" him to prevent him from making a speech in Jbraey City*# Journal Square.

^*^e w York Times. October 1 1 , 1 9 3 8 , p. 5 . Thomas waa, of course, very wrong about Dewey. 3*7

rumor ru#tl#a throxgh M v York th#t th# BivubXictns hid #tirt#d a iM a «

perlng o#m#pilgn hiving ill th# tinnrks of lati-sadLtln. fhoan ###

•fnld that the liaaihl# Joviih vot# irhieh th# Soelillit# could m m m l l Y

mu#t#r in H#v York City would bolt to Lohma i# i prot##t. Such in

evmtuility would forecloie th# SociiUst chmeoo for polling #ufflel#nt

vote# to r e m i n on th# ballot. There vis i note of deepentlon la

Thomai* speeches when he cooten#lited this prOblbillty. Be m d # i f n h k

plea for votes on the basis of keeping the Party on the ballot, and

reminded the voters that for the past thirty years the work of the

Party "has been the single greatest force in dnsrlcan politics for 'U»s

very sort of legislation on which the liberal elements of both th# Demo- IlO crat and Repiblican parties now pride themselves^

All the voters Thomas could convince numbered l8,000, less than

half of the $0,000 necessary to keep the Party on the ballot. It was

a tremendous comedown for the Socialists,^

Th# Socialists* awfUl defeat was at least educational, declared

Thomas. The lesson Socialists should have learned was simply this, he said: "The inescapable conclusion is that we must shape our organ­

ization and our work primarily to other than electoral activities and 51 if possible to find a place in the ALP for electoral activity,"

1,0 Bew York Times. Bovihber 6, 1938, p. 3 8 .

^^More so because the Communist Party, usually elect orally weaker than the Socialists, drew nearly 100,000 votes for Israel Jtaiter, who ran for Congressmmn-at-large,

^^orman ThosM, "At the Front," typewritten manuscript of his column in th# â22llllEÈ.Stil» pi d] , ühomas Papers, New York Public Library. 4 •i

M

Aa a aattar of fact the ln##ca#ahle cenelualon aboold b m K t n that It vas ébb tlda for the Party, The vatere receded cerryl% MuQT liberal and labor aupport and revealing a handful of feuding Handati stranded on the Socialist sandbar. And by the time another election had come to pass the shape of Socialist policies vas not being detensined domestically, but principally by World War II.

51 (Coot re-elected, but 350,000 votes he got on the ALP line were crucial in his victory, thus making the ALP a powerful force in New York p^itics. This vae especially true in view of the huge victories scored by Republicans in other states in 1938. Some Socialists did turn to the ALP in elections. For ex­ ample, Barry Laidler and Coleman Cheney, vho were Thomas* running mates in 1938* ran on the ALP ticket in 19^0. Laidler vas elected to the New York City Council. c s u s m x

ANQTHBR ARKMUDDOH: WAR, PEACE, AND NBHEUKLm, 1936-19*^

In part because his adult life has spanned a period in vbieh

there were two great wars and several minor ones, the problems of war

and peace have been outstanding in Thomas' life— as pexhsps also in

the lives of all of us in this century. In 1936 there was again oc­

casion for his deep concern about a position on war. When Congress

passed tenporeoy neutrality legislation in 1933 « Tbosms favored the

action.^ And when President Roosevelt applied this legislation for 2 the first time in the Itslo-Bthiopian war, he approved that too.

But when civil war broke out in Spain in 1936, for Thonas, as well as

for millions of socialists all over the world, it was impossible to be neutral.

The war between the Spanish Loyalists and Franco's fascists

^Biring his campaign for the Senate in 193^, Thomas urged a ban on the sale of munitions and/or the granting of loans to bel­ ligerents or prospective belligerents. Although be favored United States' entry into the League of Nations, he said this should not cause us to be drawn into war to preserve the peace in Europe. New York Times. October 27, 193*** P* 6 . ^The same month that Missolini's troops marched on Ethiopia, there appeared a boOk by Thomas titled. War. No Profit, go Glory, go Need. In the publicity release announcing this book, Thomas declared tEat America can and must keep out of any war that may develop from the situation in Europe. Be berated the League of Nations for fail­ ing to organize itsmaaibers against Mussolini and for striving Initead to enforce an unbalanced status-q;uo in Europe. Be said America's only intervention should be by action which strives to remedy the economic imbalance in Europe. Publicity release, October id, 1935, 3 pp., Thosms Papers, New York Public Library.

-11*9- 150 oeeuplttd # good port of th# «norgjr of th# $hol# of th# iwrleon roAlool novonont. To #cn#. It vos "th# final conflict", th# oountorrsvàhitisa, the shovdovn botv#«n capitalism-tumod-foscism and socialism, hgr vhat* ever brand name. The syuqpathy of socialist# vas Inasdlataly «actondsd to the Loyalists fighting to preserve the republican coalition goremnant 3 of Largo Caballero. There were huge rallies and fuzkl raising caapaigns* Thomas himself was a principal in the efforts to enlist popular and government support for the Loyalists. For awhile, the Socialists joined with the Communists in promoting the Horth American Coonittes to Aid

Spanish Democracy, an organisation which sent money and supplies to the

Loyalists. Since the Spanish war was a civil war. United States neutral!^ legislation was not applicable. But in January 1937 President Roosevelt prevailed upon Congress to extend the scope of the law to include civil wars, and thus both sides in the Spanish war were deprived of any aid from American sources. This action was patently unfair to the Loyalists because while Kranco continued to receive his main auppwt from Italy and Germany, the Loyalists were virtually cut off from all outside belp^

^The Trotskyites, who had entered the Socialist Party in JUne 1936, wanted the Party to support a more revolutionary group in Spain such as the P.O.U.M. Defeated in this attempt, and since Trotsky him­ self had ordered their withdrawal, the Trotskyites began a series of provocations and were finally expelled from the Party in dugust 1937* They took with them most of the youth movement and seriously disrupted the Party in New York, Illinois, and California. Daniel Bell, "The Background and Development of Marxian Socialism in the United States," in Socialism and dmerlean Life. ed. by Donald D. Egbert and Stow Persons. p. 388: ^^England and France also maintained a strict "hands off" policy in Spain. 15X except that vhlch com trcm Baeela, end etoe ueed her aid as an instrument for furthering Cosaunist designs in Spain.

The embargo on shipments of arms to Spain was bitterly ettaeksd by the Socialists, and they were joined by many groups who sew the

Spanish war as a fascist agression and therefore an opportunity to practice "collective security." To the extent that he favored the repeal of the embargo, Thomas relinquished his longstanding position on neutral­ ity. But the war in Spain completed an even more fundamental change in his beliefs. Since 1918 he had been gradually divesting himself of all concepts connected with the church and religion. Although his pacif­ ism was grounded in the Christian ideal, he did not cast it off alto­ gether until 193T» when he supported the formation of a column of American volunteers to fight with the Loyalists. He took this step reluctantly 5 and after much self-persuasion. Thomas was never again guided by pacifist principles, though he was always in sympathy with the pacifists and came again to their defense in World War II.

With an eye to canvassing the worsening European situation, and a visit to Russia as his principal objective, in the Spring of 1937

Thomas took a trip abroad. On his way to and from Russia, he made stopovers in nearly every European country. What he saw and heard was more than sobering; it left him not much room for hopefulness about the triumph of socialism or the chances for peace.

For years Thomaa had been getting generally unfavorable reports

Borman Thomas, unpublished memoir, p. I0 5 . 152 about developDBnts Inside Russia. Be had accepted thwe repocrts vlth

a good deal of skepticism, although be had more or less come to believe

that freedom in Russia vas nothing more than a promise. Be had been

extremely sympathetic to the Bolshevik revolution, and within the Party

had sided with those vho in the 1 9 3 0 's favored a friendlier and more tolerant attitude toward the Soviet Union. As late as the Pall of 1936

he had kind words for Russian international policy#^ But his pezeonal

visit to Russia was for the most part a disillusionment. He arrived at

a time when Stalin was completing the great purge trials of 1936-38 and so was able to gauge their effects at close range. While he was convinced

that there had been tremendous economic progress in Russia, spurred on by rapid industrialization, the price of that, he later said, was the

liquidation of a couple of million kulaks. The complete lack of freedom

of any kind led Thomas to conclude that what he saw in the Soviet Union 7 could not be socialism as he interpreted it. And his visit to Spain

proved to him that the Russian Communists were perfectly capable of sac­ rificing an entire nation to fascism if it served the purposes of their

international intrigues.

As for the rest of Europe, he was optimistic only about the

Scandinavian countries. He returned with the feeling that European

Borman Thomas, letter to Earl Browder, October 22, 1936, Thomas Papers, New York Public Library.

’^Borman Thomas, "Russia A# I Saw It," typewritten manuscript, 20 pp., Thomas Papers, Hew York Public Library. This is perhaps the manuscript of an article he planned to submit for publicaticm. See also Norman Thomas, The Test of Freedom, pp. 13-23* 153 Socialists vors on the dsfsnsivs, aoxlous to savs Europe and perhape 8 democracy, but not socialism* Be found them supporting President

Roosevelt because they believed that Roosevelt's international policies

would help to protect their own countriw and perhaps the rest of

Europe from further inroads by the Nazis and fascists* Yet, in the

face of this knowledge, Thomas went on denouncing the New Deal and

Roosevelt's foreign policy*

One of the significant notions that Thomas brought home with him

from abroad in 1937 was that a war in Europe— or perhaps the Par East,

though with less possibility— was quite likely in the near future, and

that when it came America must stay out of it at all costs. War seemed

to him so imminent that almost immediately upon his return from Europe

he organized the Keep America Out of War Congress. Of course, there

were many who believed that war was impending, especially in Europe

between Germany and the Allies. Very few, on the other hand, held with

Thomas that America must keep out of such a war even to the point of

maintaining a strict neutreility*

In the years leading up to Pearl Harbor Thomas' poisition became

exceedingly unpopular and because of it he was subject to much abuse*

Be was at various times accused of being an isolationist, a Communist

(before June 19^1), a fascist, a traitor, or merely stupid— it was the mildest epithet. Again, as in World War I, he lost friends and his

Borman Thomas, typewritten manuscripts of letters he was send­ ing to be published in the Socialist Call. April 19 and May 20, 1937, Thomas Papers, New York Public Library* He later elaborated on this feeling in a 1938 book titled Socialism on the Defensive. 15^^

Influence waned in groups Vtere beretofore it had been powerful* The demand for his speaking appearances fell off too, so that he suffered financial penalties as well. In the face of all this no one can doubt that he held his anti-war position sincerely, indeed, held it as a matter of high principle. Yet, this phase in his political thought is perhaps the most misunderstood, and surely the one that gave him per­ sonally the most acute distress even after he had settled on it* It was, after all, difficult,not to say unusual, for a political moralist to favor "accomaodatlog" Hitler. All the more reason, therefore, to try to understand what reasoning brought Thomas to this neutralist position*

To begin with, %omas despised ei%ry sort of totalitarianism.

Whatever illusions he may have had— and fundamentally he had precious few— about the "dictatorship of the proletariat" were completely dis­ pelled as a result of his visit to Russia. Alongside his abhorrence of dictatorship must be placed his belief that democracy and war were

Incompatible; that no democratic nation could wage modem war without 9 adopting totalitarian measures. It followed, that far from stopping

9 He expressed this belief over and over again in speeches and writings. The germination of this thought seems to have come in his book America’s Way Out (1931)» He wrote then that "war means dictator­ ship not only for the duration of the conflict but for an Indefinite period thereafter. Whatever democracy can do. It cannot without deny­ ing the basic conditions of its life wage mo d e m war." (p. U 6 ) In a speech titled "The Choice Before Us," (delivered at Town Hall Meet­ ing In Washington D. C. March 13, 1938, typewritten manuscript in Thomas Papers, New York Public Library) phis speech should not be cwfused with another of the same title broadcast over WJZ, Hoves^ber 7, 1938, and reprinted In Modem Speeches on Basic Issues, ed. by Lew Sarett and William T. Poster j he saidT^Once war comes it will be totalitarian war and we shall have to have a totalitarian state to fight it." In "The Why and How of Neutrality," a radio speech of 155

the ipread of dletotantalpt kmriom &t mur vooXd Initoad tueotoib to

dlctatorohlp heroelf. Thlm vw, of cour##, th# vont thing that could h#pp#n,

Th# second key poetulat# in Thoaas* rsmsooing vs# that World

War H would be basically a long delaysd rsstuqption of World War I,

featuring the same conflicting imperialist interests, sprung from the

same capitalist-nationalist system.And furthermore, he was certain

that World War H would not achieve the kind of peace that World War I

had failed to bring.^^ At war's end there would again be no well con­

ceived plan for averting future wars because there would be, as at the end of previous wars, a selfish disregard for equitable settlement of

^September 15, 1939» (typewritten manuscript in Thomas Papers, New York Public Library) he said, "But I know that American participation in war will not end fascism but extend it under some name and form to the Ihiited States. War itself is a nurse to fascism. Democracy cannot function under war conditions and therefore must surrender to dictatorship." And in "Labor's Stand cm War" a speech over WEVD on Jhne 8, 1939» (typewritten manuscript in Thcaias Papers, New York Public Library) he made this strong assertion* "It is under­ statement not overstatement to say that democracy, which has its work cut out for it even in America at peace, will inevitably yield to a military fascism the minute the United States enters a world war."

^^e believes this today. See Norman Thomas, A Soci^ist's Faith, p. 6 5 . On the other hand, in this same book %p,313) be writes that he "over emphasized" the sense in which World War II was a con­ tinuation of World War I.

^l"The next war may well destrcy Hitler," he said. "It will not destroy the conditions that create dictatorships. Roosevelt's war will not cure what Wilson's did so much to cause." From "Labor's Stand on War," 0£. cit. 156 IS the world's problems. On the contrszy, wmr would Intensify, not relieve or sdjust the conflicts which caused It. In short, Thornes had no faith In the morality of the Allies end was cynical sbcut 13 their reasons for opposing Hitler.

Finally, Thomas suggested that for America there were alterna­ tives to war which stood a better chance than war of bringing about world peace and a settlement of international conflicts. America must remain at peace, he argued in 1939, because*

America at peace may be far more a land of asylum than It is today. An Amezrica at peace can announce its leadership in any conferences looking toward disarmament and an adjust­ ment of economic grievances. It can pioneer for a federation of cooperative conmonwealths which Is the noblest hope of mankind. In an America at peace the workers can find ways to give immediate help to their brothers In underground movements abroad and to thus contribute to build that col­ lective security of workers lAich is the one collective security which can endure.

12 In his speech "The Choice Before Us" (op. clt.) he said* "If victorious, ^in a war with Germany] we and our allies would repeat all the mistakes of Versailles on a larger scale, for those mistakes were inherent in the method of war and in the institu­ tions of capitalism and nationalism so dev to the victors. Hew war will not cure what old way did so much to cause."

^^During a radio debate with Congressman Bnanuel Cellar oî New York (WEVD April 11, 1939, mimeographed by Rand School, Thomas Papers, New York Public Library). Thomas argued as follows* Ihese democracies, (Great Britain and Franc^ victorious In 1 9 1 6, Imposed the fantastic peace which nurtured the dictatorships. They disarmed Germany but refused to follow the promise of Versailles and disarm themselves. To democratic Germany they made none of the omcesslons which Hitler took by thrwt. Manchuria, Ethiopia, Czechoslovakia and Spain are tragic witnesses to their Indifference both to justice and democracy. Now they (Great Britain and France) are struggling to preserve the vast empires their fathers won by force and fraud. Even after Hitler marched on Poland he declared, "This Is still, basically, an Imperialist war." "AsMrlcan Problems of 19^0," speech to the Baltimore Forum, January 7, 19IVO, typewritten manuscript in Thomas Papers, New York Public Library. 157 Finally, only in an America at peace can demomey, in economice and in polities, recover the aggreeeire.

Early in 19W , after var in Europe had already begun, Thomaa auggeated that the firat step in a program of altemativea to var ahould be Amer* lean pressure for a negotiated peace

This, then, vas Thomas* positive program; the reply to those vho declared he vould have America desert the rest of the vorld.^^ "I

\orman Thomas, "Labor'a Stand on War," eg, cit. We ahould declare to Europe and Asia, said Thomas, that ve vill not fight their vara, but that ve are not indifferent to their fate. "We stand ready to do vhat we can to aid your victims and to bind up their vounda. We shall watch alertly for every possible opportunity to initiate or to partake in a conference...looking toward peace, toward disarmament and toward those economic agreements which will facilitate the reorganisa­ tion of the world into a family of co-operating nations. Above all, we shall try to make & pknerican democrac]^ work so well that from it will go forth Inspiration and hope to the masses of every land vho have turned in their despair to reliance upon the totalitarian state." "America's Duty in the Present Crisis," typewritten manuscript of SBC radio network speech from Cleveland, SeptenAer 3, 1939, Thomas Papers, New York Public Library.

^^Norman Thomas, "America Faces 19hO," typewritten manuscript of radio address on BBC, January 12, 19^, Thomas Papers, Hew York Public Library. Thomas eagerly pursued the notion of a negotiated peace. In February of 19^0 he asked Devere Allen— who was touring Europe at the tine— to investigate the possibilities aî a peace arranged through the offices of the neutral Scandinavian countries. Allen replied by cable- grsm that there was a good deal of sentiment in favor of it and that lAese countries stood ready to act. Thomas then wrote to President Roosevelt on February 12, 19^0 urging him to take advantage of this opportunity for ending the war and for America to play a major role in the negotia­ tions. At the same time he wrote a letter to Wendell Willkie explaining the situation and reqjuesting him to use whatever Influence he had in sup­ port of a negotiated peace. Thomas Papers, New York Public Library.

^^Thomas also made a specific proposal to have America aid the Allies by caring for three million refugees. In a letter of JUne 11, 19^0 he wrote to President Roosevelt about tiiis proposal suggesting that a conference be called and that Congress appropriate funds. Roosevelt replied (letter of JUne 15, 19^) that the problem was being studied. Thomas Papers, HOv York Public Library. 1 5 8 premum#," he smld recently, "I had retlw futile notlomm about ifbat

could be done about It Qfaaiaa and faaelam^ .... poaition in 1939 waa. In a nutalwll, that the United Statea lacked the wladoai and 17 power to play God by the method of war." Thomas must at least be given credit for the consistency of hla neutralism. Even on specific issues he did not waver, % opposed preparedness measures on the double grounds that they would not deter war— which lay entirely in the hands of the dictators, he said— and that there was no real danger of invasion from abroad.Furthermore, it seemed to him that more armaments would only increase the likeli­ hood of a military dictatorship. For the same reason he opposed the draft in 19^0. Later he spoke against lend-lease, decried the

destroyer-for-bases exchange with Britain, and still later, the posting of American troops in Iceland and England. By that time he was speaking almost entirely for himself; the Party mesAership had either dropped

Allan Revins and Dean Albertson, "The Eeminiscences of Norman Thomas," pp. 135-36. ^®In his speech "Labor's Stand on War," (pp. cit.. p. 5) he said: "Ihose who talk about successful attack upon our shores are either hysterical, stupid, or dishonest. In any near future the New York and San Francisco police can take care of all the German or Japanese troops who might be near enough to capture either the Flushing or Treasure Island Worlds Fairs." Ridicule has always been a favorite debating technique of his. He also scoffed at the idea that the Panama Canal and Hawaii were open to attack. (See his speech "To Arm or Not to Arm," broadcast over WJZ, February 1, 1939» typewritten man­ uscript in Thoems Papers, New York Public Library, p. 2.) He was, of c

The dlaaffUiation of aonflMra vaa proc##ding vholaaala. Although unity negotlatlcna had been, opened vlth the SoeiAl Democratic Federation

(the group that apllt off In 1 9 3 ^)f no agxmament could he reached becauae of the var laaue. Even the Party faithful there vaa more confualon 19 than unanimity on thla laaue; and the confualon grev after tiie eom^ nencement of World War H .

In a debilitated condition, the Soclaliat Party faced the proa- pects of a Presidential campaign In 19^• The outlook vaa bleak. % e

Party had lost Its place on the ballot in Nev York and California in

1 9 3 8 ; there vas no hope of labor support, and no sure source of funds.

Moreover, the independent radicals and liberals on vbom the Party could

1 9 % e Busso-Finnish var is a case in point. The Party sympa­ thized vith Finland but vaa afraid that aid to the Fiana vould mean help­ ing the Allies or Hitler. At its meeting in December 1939 the Hatlonal Executive Coommlttee passed a resolution supporting the shipment of money and supplies from the vorking class organizations here to the vorklng class organizations in Finland. But it voted down a motion for material aupport to Finnish vorkera on the ground that "material" In­ cluded arms. One member of the EEC then questioned vhether there vaa any group in Finland to vhich aid could be given since there vaa no evidence to show that the vorking class vas carrying on ah Independent struggle. Bell, op. cit.. p. 392-3* Bell declares at this point that World War H exposed Socialist thinking as the "politics of Irreeponsl- billty." Thomas vas also equivocal on the Finnish question. % opposed Russia's invasion of Finland, but did not favor American participation in the var. Though he vas sympathetic to Finland, he cited the fact that Finland vas receiving arms from Spain— the seme arms used earlier to support Spanish fascism. He seemed to be seeking the iz*ossible: a position and a side to vhich no evil could be attached. Hozman Thomas, letters to Marie Young, January 12, 1 9 W , and to Frederick J. Libby, January 12, 19*&0, Thomas Papers, Nev York Public Library. l6o

noTBMlly count for a vote or a dollar var# alaoot to a man atrongly critical of the Party*# var poaltlcn and bacan## of that vould not

aupport It* Thooaui, on vhom the burdan vould cortalnly fall if tha Party decided to run a campaign, va# veary. "I am vaifpiad down vith 80 the vork and responalbility on me,** be vrote in January of 1940. A# late a# January of 19^0, only three month# prior to it#

national canventiw in April, indication# were that the Socialist Party

would not field a Presidential ticket. Until the summer of 1939 Thomas

vaa determined not to be a candidate for President, and thought, in

general, that the Party's energies could be better spent than in a cam-

paign. But he had predicated this position on the hopes that there

vould be no war in Europe and that at home a reel farmer-labor align­

ment would emerge* When neither of these hopes wets realised his mind

changed. In January of 19^0 he called a conference of eamtem Party leaders to determine whether there would be any backing for a national 22 campaign. gy February his position was firm enough so that he could write, " ...if under these conditions (bhreat of var and fasclsi^ a

Party which...has had a national ticket in the field since 19OO has

^^orman Thomas, letter to Travers Clement, January 20, 1940, Thomas Papers, New York Public Library. %omas vaut national chairman of the Party at this time. He was also the mainstay of the Keep America Out of War Congress and continued his work on behalf of the LID. In auidition, he wais directing a fight in the ACLU to rid its leadership of Communist infiltrators.

^^orman Thomas, letter to Murray Gross of the ILGWU, February 2, 1 9 4 0, Thomais Papers, New York Public Library.

^%«nnan Thomas, letter dated January 1 8 , 1940, Thomas Papers, New York Public Librairy. At the same time that it polled the coeorades the conference served as a pep rally. i 6l nothing to say...if it m a t laava tha field of antl^var^ — yaa^ and

Socialist propaganda to tha Comnunlst Party**Stalin's stoogas— that is a tragedy.**

The day before the national convention opened Thoums announced that he vould run for President if called upon to do so. Thera vas then never any doubt about the outcome of the nominations. On opening day 2$0 delegates heard Hsynard KTeuger, vho became Thomas' running mate in 19^0 , deliver the keynote address in the auditorium of the Press

Club in Washington, D. C. Kreuger attacked the capitalist system as the forerunner of state capitalism. The delegates then approved a majority report favoring an isolationist position for the United States, 25 and opposing even economic aid to the Allies. When Thoems' name vas placed In nomination the next day, there vas prolonged cheering and the delegates paraded around the hall. Thomas' acceptance speech, the best he ever made, vas a paragon of brevity and force The

Nev York Times commented editorially that Thomas ' nomination vas good

^^orman Thomas, letter to Murray Gross, supra, footnote 21. 2k It is rather common to overlo

^^Louis Stark reported in the Nev York Times. (April 8, l^kO, p. 1.) that Thomas' acceptance vas dependent on the adoption of an isolatiwist platform. This vas no problem; the majority viewpoint von 159-28. 26 This is, of course, ay own opinion. I have, however, in­ cluded the speech in Ippsinlli 2, and the reader may judge for hirnm self. The report in the Nev York Times (see Stark, supra footnote 25) said the Speech vas read. If true, this was a most unusual procedure for Thomas. l6g

"bait" for catching the proteet vote eince he le highly reepeeted by noB-eoclallet# and "it 1# laqpoeelble to dlellke or dlotruet hlm."^ So long ae the var In Europe continued to be "phoney"# it vae poaaible for the Soclaliata to unite on an anti-var poaition aa they had at the national convention. But juat daya after the convention eloeed the var picture reveraed itaelf dramatically. Hitler* a andea blltzkrieged Nranray and the lov ccuntriea in rapid aucceaaion, and by the end of JUne France too vaa proatrated. Then only Britain atood between Hitler and apparent victory. At thla juncture many Party mem^ 26 bera# among them acme in the Party hierarchy, began to back away from the Soclaliat platform which had condemned American ecanoadc par­ ticipatif on the aide of the Alliea and had declared that "the fact that Hitler la the opponent doea not make the Allied var a fight for democracy." The Wiaconaln State Convention paased a reaolution re- queatlng the National Executive Conmittee to reconaider ita atand on aid to the Alliea• About half of the ataff of the Soclaliat Call re­ nounced the official Party poaition on that queation.^ But Thomaa* reaction to all thla vaa chiefly one of concern leat a new cleavage completely wreck the Party and leave America without an anti-var

^Nev York Timea. April 9, 19^0, p. 22.

See, for example, the letter of June 17, 19^0, from Arthur McDowell, NEC neoft>er, to Norman "Ammaa, Thomaa Papera, New York Public Library. ^^Thomaa hiaaelf vaa not capable of an unequivocal "no" to aid for the Alliea in JUne lÿK), Be vrote then: "If it vere ideally poaaible I ahould like to give the Alliea enough help definitely to atop Hitler and create a atalemate.... I certainly vould like to help the French and Bngliah people protect themaelvea againat isvakiom, but I vould not like that enou^ to aacrifice our libertiea in a doubt­ ful venture." Norman Thomaa, letter to Paul Porter, JUne 4, 1940, Thomaa Papera, New York Public Library. 163 moYBMnt. Miraeuloutly^ the Party htld together through the l)kO f#e#e1gn. And despite the critical situation In Europe, sa saaalng nuriber of Americans vere willing to listen to anti-var talk. To Thanas, the principal purpose of the campaign was in any case educational, for he had long ago predicted that should Roosevelt run ageing and var he 30 the issue, the President would he re-elected for a third term.

While he kept the issue of var uppermost in his cesipaign, Thomas did not neglect the domestic situation. Be declared that the

New Deal had worn out its domestic policy without achieving the goals it originally sought: full employment, better and more housing, con^ plete social security, etc. Roosevelt, he diarged, was content to foster an armaments economy in the hope of eliminating domestic prob­ lems. So severely did he attack Roosevelt for his national and inter­ national policies, that he was accused by some of osmpaigning for 31 Willkie. To this charge Thomms replied that either Willkie or

Roosevelt v i U certainly lead America to imperialism, fascism, and probably to var. "I am more opposed to both,” he said, "than I have ever been to any Presidential candidate in my lifetime....«32

30 Norman Thomas,"Socialists and the 19^0 Caapaign,” typewritten manuscript of an article written for the Socialist Review. jn.dJ], Thomaa Papers, Nev York Public Library.

^Representative Prank Gillespie (111. Dam.) letter of Septenher 5, 191^0 to Norman %omas, Thomas Papers, New York Public Library.

3^orman Thomas, letter to Representative Prank Gillespie, October 1, 19^0, Thosum Papers, New York Public Library. lA This sta>t«n»nt v u more than jnet emepeign propegeadm* Off the reeerd he vrote to a friend that* *'Itooeevelt..«hae gone mad; hie poltqr 1# 33 dangerously Irresponsible... • I look for a fascist America."

After an 8000 mile cross-country csmpalgn tour Thomas sanounoed that there v u more Interest In the dtoetttMS than there bad been In 1936# He refused to predict his own vote, however, and no longer seemed certain that Roosevelt would win. Then on election day he said: "This Is the worst political canqpalgn In all my political memory, and that g o u for 35 both old parties." For the Socialist Party, the 19^0 election again marked a lov point. The total national vote v u about 90,000, a re­ flection perhaps of the fact that the Party w u on the ballot In only

2$ states u compared with 37 In 1936, and 44 In 1932# Thonu later sumaed up his part In the I940 csmpalgn u follows: I said that I didn't believe that ve should go to var anyhow, but If ve vere going to var, let's do so vlth our heads high, and honestly. Let's not say that steps that have always led to var In history, are going to lead us to peace. But nobody much listened. It v u a period.of little response. So I had said It and that v u that.3°

The 1940 election proved one thing beyond any doubt: Americans did not want var. "Your President," declared Roosevelt during the 37 campaign, "says this country Is not going to var." WlUkle not only

^^orman Thomu, letter to S. K. Ratcllffe, October 8 , 1940, Tbomu Papers, Nev York Public Library. 34 New York Times, October 1, 1940, p. 20. 35 Nev York Times. November 6 , 1940, p. 9#

^ Nevlns and Albertson, 0£. cit., p. 7 7 . ^Well Into 1941 Oallup polls showed that nearly 60 per cent of the American people did not want to go to var;about $0 per cent vould not go even If our shipping v u attacked. 16) echoed the PreelOeot in thie regard, he waa also in snhstaatial agreoMOt. vith him over the vhole range of foreign policy. Bit the nation va# hy no means united behind Willkie and Roosevelt. Sane Americans said the

President was not going far enough and demanded immediate involvement in the European var, while others accused the Administration of war­ mongering. This last group, conqposed in large part of isolationist

Repuhlicans, attacked Roosevelt *s European policy as wasteful of American military strength, dangerous to American sovereignty, contemptuous of the Constitution, and recklessly leading the nation to war. Most of the isolationists had joined together in the America First Committee.

In it, one could find such unlikely bedfellows as Colonel Robert McCormack,

Chester Bowles, Senators William Langer and Burton K. Wheeler, Avery

Brundage, JOhn T. Flynn, Mrs. John P. Marquand, Kathleen Horris, and

Charles A. Lindbergh. Although Thomas was never a meOber of Asmrica

First, his connection with it is remesOaered by many as the darkest 38 episode in his public career.

About a week after the campaign ended, and no doubt as a conse­ quence of vhat he had said during it, Thomas received a letter from R. Douglast Stuart Jr., director of America First, seeking his services as a speaker. His reply was non-conmital, but not an outright refusal.

He wroteÎ

38 Thomas has written in A 3oci^ist*s Faith, (p. 312)t "In many quarters it is still held against me that on two or three occasions, . • .1 spOke on an America First platform— and this by the same Uherals who long since have quite rightly taken to their bosom Chester Bowles, .. .who was a member of the executive committee of America First until its dissolution." X66

I feel eympethetic toirevd every Jaerlcen e@%mml%etlOQ honeetly trying to keep country out of ver, but I ceanot give eay blanket promlee to «peek under your eueplcee; thie pertly be- ceuee I am very buay, and partly becauae it mi#it be more appropriate for me to apeak under other auaplcea .39 Themes undoubtedly knew that hla apeaklng under the auaplcea of Amarlca Uo Firat might be mlainterpreted. He had been v a m e d by Harry Fleiaofaman^ then national aecretary of the Soclaliat Party, that to do ao would cauae trouble in the Party, Thomaa replied that, "on the apecific iaaue of keeping out of war, I am for vorking for all thoae people who are not Nazi or faaciat or plain nuta, who are on our aide, being careful, however, to make our own poaition plain and to limit our kl cooperation," Yet Thomaa could not blink the fact that many well- 42 meaning Americana atteu:hed a Nazi or faaciat atigma to America Firat.

90 Norman Thomaa, letter to R, Douglaat Stuart JT,, November 19, 1 9 4 0 , Thomaa Papera, Nev York Public Library. After explaining the Soclaliat poaition on war in detail, Thomaa noted that thla poaition vaa eaaential to hia anti-var apeechea. He concluded by aaying that he will ccnaider each invitation to apeak "on ita mérita

^^There la ample evidence to abow that Thomaa waa aware of the dangera of India criminate aaaoclationa, Hia c

S

waa eaay to do becauae groupa like the Oerman-American Bund and the Chriatlan Mobilization tried to aaaociate themaelvea with America Firat deapite repeated repudiationa by America Firat leadera. lôr Bemldmm, th# «Botlcn#! Btao#ph#re of and ##rly 19^1 m#d# it #m#y to se# a program which called for American isolation and a negotiated peace, as positive support for the Axis powers* There were moreover, some blundering statements by America First spokesmen that gave sub* b3 stance to the spectre of America First as a fascist organisation*

^Qne of the outstanding incidents involved a speech by Charles A* Lindbergh, on August 4, 19U0 , in which he called for "cooperation** with Qenoany if she von the war, and said, "our accusations of sggresion sad barbarism on the part of Germany simply bring back echoes of hypocrisy and Versailles." (Text of Speech in New York Times. August 5 , I9W , p. 5 .) It was also unfortunate that Lindbergh had earlier accepted a German decoration from Berman Goering. The pro*Ally and aati*Bitler reaction to this speech was instantaneous eind near violent * - Senator Claude Pepper called Lindbergh "chief of the nation's fifth columnists and a friend of Hitler and Germany." The Friends of Democracy sent a telegram to Secretary of War Stimson in which they labeled Lindbergh an apologist for Hitler and asked Stinson to make clear Lindbergh's position with the U. S* Amy,"in these perilous times*" To add to the furor, a Rome newspaper suggested that Lindbergh was forming a new political party, and that it would represent "the logical and sane reaction of American good sense against the worst part of the democratic electoral organization*" (Hew York Times. August $, 19^> p* $.) Following this speec¥ Thomas wrote to Lindbergh as follows: "I think your influence for keeping America out of war and for the eventual establishment of peace would be greater if you could see your way clear to do the following things: (1) emphasize your personal opposition to the cruelty and tyranny of fascism; (2) make clear that peace means Great Britain and the dominions are to be free with real power, not Hitler puppets; (3) clarify your position on how U. S. cooperates with the winner of the war." (Norman Thomas, letter to Charles A. Lindbergh, August 9, iphO, Thomas Papers, New York Public Library.) Later, in a letter to a Socialist comrade, Thomas agreed that Lindbergh was pig-' headed and would be well-advised to return his German decoration, but insisted that he was no fascist and should be treated more fairly* (Norman Thomas, letter to Comrade Waldron, Noveniber 9, l^K), Thomas Papers, New York Public Library). A Des Moines speech of Lindbergh's in which he spoke of the part played by American Jews in pushing the nation towards war was widely regarded as anti-semitic* 168

So, in spito of his diselalBsrs to friends and in publie, it « M hound

to look had vhen naonas appeared on a public platfoorm together vith the

leaders of Ansrica Tirst, and it did great harm to Thcaias and the

Party. When it seemed that the Socialist Party had fallen so far it vas beyond harm's reach, it received still another devastating blcv.

Early in ip^t-l Thomas appeared before a Congressional eoamittee to

testify against the passage of the Lend-Lease Act. Immediately, a

committee of prominent Socialists, including Reinhold Niebuhr, Alfred

Baker Lewis, Jack Altman, and Qus Tyler, disassociated themselves from

Thomas' position and issued a statement opposing him. A short while

later Paul Porter, Leonard Woodcock and Arthur McDowell, all members

of the National Executive Committee of the Party, resigned, charging

that their opinions had been suppressed. Each day that passed

Ilk Actually, Thomas appeared on an America First platform only two or three times. ]&e occasion most people remember was in Niy 191^1 , at a huge rally in Madison Square Garden. The Garden was filled to capacity by more than 22,000 people and half as many vho could not get in stood around outside. Some groups tried unsuccessfully to picket the meeting. Lindbergh vas the featured speaker, but Senator Wheeler, Thomas, Mrs. John P. Marq^iand, and Kathleen Norris also spoke. #&seler and Thomas called for a peace appeal over the heads of the Axis rulers directly to the people. Thomas led the audience in an "ironical recita­ tion" of Roosevelt's pledge that American boys vould not be sent into foreign wars. For whatever this mey mean, it is interesting to note that the Nev York Times' picture of the speakers shows Lindbergh and Senator Wheeler smiling, Kathleen Norris looking at least pleasant, but Thomas, rather grim-faced, does not seem to be enjoying himself. (New York Times. May 2h, 19*H, pp. 1, 6 & 7). Be was sincerely convinced, writes Thomas, that America First could not be called fascist; that, instead, it did a good job of keeping out fascists, crackpots, and comamists. He believes that his refusal to speak on an America First platform vould have been failure to use an important opportunity. Norman Thomas, A Socialist's Faith, pp. 312-13.

^^Bell, o£. cit.. p. 3 9 4 . 169 txposed new difference# over Perty policy, until it eeemed that CBly force uniting the Airty ve# the feer of complete dleuolty.

Because of bis snti-ver and neutralist position, from about 19^0 on Thomas found a decreasing nuaber of rostrums available to him.

Before the campaign in 19I4O he was still quite popular on college cas&- puses and at public forums. After the campaign, however, and as the

European situation worsened, there was a marked decline in his speak­ ing appearances before those groups. This decline was partly cospensa- ted for by an increase in his speaking activity on behalf of pacifist and anti-war groups such as the American Friends Service Coaadttee, the Keep America Out of Var Congress, etc. But straws in the wind clearly showed that he vould not be able to reach as wide or as large an audience as he had in the past. Radio, Thomas decided, could be the answer to the problem of diminishing audiences, and accordingly U6 he set about making plans and raising funds for getting on the air. In 19^1 he began a series of fifteen minute commentaries carried

h6 "Further reflections on election returns make it seem to me more important than ever that we strike out along some new line of activity and the best line I can think of is radio work," he wrote, ^orman Thomas, "Supplemental Memwandum on the Radio Situation," {n. d ] , Thomas Papers, New York Public Library.) It is apparent that Thomas tools, seriously the lessons to be learned from President Roosevelt * s tremendously successful use of radio both during and between campaigns. He vrote in his unpublished memoir (p. ko ff) that radio is far more powerful than the press for the educator, leader, or demagogue, and that had he had the funds to use radio more frequently, he vould not have had to campaign so stren­ uously. He seemed also to be extraordinarily active on the radio at this time. In the space of a few months he appeared on "People's Platform," "Wake Up America," "Thble Talk," and "American Forum." 170 Ut via transcription Iqr about tvsnty stations ' In various parts of th#

United States, and officially sponsored by the Socialist series vas mildly successful until Pearl Bazbor, vhen more then half

of the stations canceled their contracts and refused to carry the pro- gram.^

ITor was Thomas surprised lAen, In the wake of Pearl Eaibor, many of his lecture engagements were also canceled. "As you well U q know," ,he vrote to Roxanna Wells, his lecture agent, **I entirely understand conditions that prevail In your field and It goes without saying that X do not wish to force myself on any audience because of ccranltments made prior to our full Involvement In war.**^ Be had eJ.ready made up his mind not to make any speeches opposing the war. 51

U? The number varied depending upon money available to buy time and the Socialist's success In signing up stations. U8 Norman Thomas, letter to J. D. Overbold, December 2U, IgUl, Thomas Papers, New York Public Library. Overholt was the principal "angel” supporting the radio series.

^^In October l^ko Roxanna Wells gave up her agency and became Assistant Director of the Columbia Lecture Bureau. Thomas also went over to Columbia. But he left Columbia In 19^1 as a result of an argument over how to advertise his lectures. Els wife became his agent This arrangement lasted only a few months, after which Thornes returned to Columbia. Today, Roxanna Wells Is again on her own and Thomas Is with her.

^^Norman Thomas, letter to Roxanna Wells, December l6 , 19^1, Thomas Papers, New York Public Library.

^^Xoc. clt. "I should not dream of appearing on any platform now to debate the President's policies or to oppose the var," he wrote. ?&ls dream did not outlast the war. Before veiy long Thonsu was criticizing the President's policies both at home and with regard to the ultimate alms of the war. 171 and noir he got ready a new aet of lecture title# more suitable to the conditions that prevailed* In 19^2 he would lecture ont "World

Oovemnent*— A Critical Analysis" ; "The Baals for a Lasting and Dem­ ocratic Peaces ; "How Much Civil Liberty In War Timet"; and "What 52 War Teaches About the Possibility of Abundance*" united State * e entry Into the war further cosiplleated Socialist thinking about it* The problem was how to take a stand without appear­ ing tralteroua, or worse yet, seeming to justify the war. Thonms favored the expressIm "critical support of the war"; other comrades suggested "political non-support." Both statements were open to mis­ interpretation. The truth is that the Party's position was both anomalous and equivocal and so it was difficult to express It clearly and to everyone's satisfaction. Furthermore, the Party had no practical alternative to some sort of support of the war.

The day following Pearl HaTbor, the Rational Action CoBUittee of the Socialist Party smde a proclamation on the war. In the light of more recent events It reads like a prophecy. Said the RAC In part:

"However advantageous the Russian alliance may be from the military point of view. It is obvious that no victory for democracy against totalitarianism will be won by such a political and military combination 53

The statement asserted that victory for the allies does not necessarily

^^oznoan Thomeis, letter to Richard Brsten of Columbia Lecture Bureau, December 31, 19^1, Thomas Papers, Rew York Public Library.

^National Action Committee statement, December 8 , 19^1, Thomas Papers, Rev York Public Library. 1 7 2 mean victory for democracy. It looked forward to a peace reaultlng from the action of the people under faaelat domination in throwing off the yoke of their oppreaaion. It pledged to fight faaciaa at home. Later, the National fixecutive Committee of the Party iaaued a atatement in which it became clearer what a art of war poaition the Party planned to take. Firat of all the atatement aurveyed the world aitua- tion and concluded that coUectiviam la inevitable, and that the only queatlon facing the poatvar world la: What kindt It hoped the world would ehooae democratic aociallat coUectiviam. But capitaliat eountriea, it warned, cannot fight the kind of war or win the kind of peace which will lead to victory for democracy and the worker. On the war directly, the statement aaidt The Socialiat Party doea not give its blessing to this war or any war— as the proper method for attaining social objectives, national or international. N w doea it give its support to the economic system or p<^itlcal_adminiatration that is responsible for the war or its conduct." The statement concluded with a war platform pledging Socialists to fight for: the right to strike, full civil liberty, racial equality, repeal of the Asiatic exclusion laws [a daring declaration in those tiiaea], repeal of the poll tax, rights for conscientious objectors, etc; and to oppose: total mobilization or a labor draft, any form of federal sales tax, and the coversion of essential consumer's goods industries as a

'^Since Thomas more or less dominated the Party, any official Party statements are a fairly accurate reflection of his thinking. ^^Sociallst Statement on the War," IJn.d^ , Thomas Papers, New York Public Library. 1 7 3 method of providing var material. . While the Party could he said to speak for him publicly, it could not express Thomas* personal reactions to the var. World War X had led him first to espouse pacifism and then to become a socialist.

In the years since then he had risen to the leadership of the American Socialist Party and to world vide prominence as a socialist. He bad come to eschew pacifism, but that had in no way diminished his intense hatred of var and all actions associated with it. He had sacrificed vho-can-say-hov-brilliant a career in his devotion to the establishment of a free, cooperative society in a reoriented world. Bis constantly recurring theme had been that peace is the first essential to the 56 organization of a socialist society, and that var is its bane. And now it seemed that every effort had been in vain, every hope had been shattered, and every dark promise bad been fulfilled. **I feel," he wrote to his friend and comrade Maynard Ereugsr, "as if ny world has pretty well come to an end, that what I have stood for has been defeated, and my own usefulness made small.But he could not cwtemplate quitting. "I still think," he added, "that I must carry on as well as possible." The business of "carrying on as well as possible" meant finding a program which would offer a politically practical aAemative to

He has written; "Bver since we were caught in the First World War my major political concern has been to keep the country out of war and to work for lasting peace." Norman Thomap, letter to Ken Cuthbertson, Executive Secretary of the KAOWC, January 2, 19^2, Thomas Papers, New York Public Library.

^Norman IRiomas, letter to Maynard Kreuger, December 11, 19^1, Thomas Papers, New York Public Library. 17»> unqualified support of tbs var» Of on# thing ha vas eartalnt "On# cannot usa Marx In this situation— or talk of ravolutioaary socialism."^9 8 The trend of his thought on this problem is plainly developed in his letters during the months following Pearl Harbor. His conclusions, however, have been summed up for us by Thomas himself 1. He believed the var could have beenaroided. 2. He believed that the var vas not democratic in origin, in declared aims, in alliances, or in important American trends. He therefore con­ ceived one of his tasks to be to change the imperialist tendencies of the var, 3 . He believed that there vas now a simple choice between victory for the Allies or the Axis, and he saw no alternative but to support the better side.^ He conceived another of his tasks to be to vork for democratic, socialism in America. % l s precluded a united front be­ hind the Administration. 4. Since the immediate aim must be an end to the var, he would watch for the earliest practical oppor­ tunity for waging a peace offensive, perhaps leading to a negotiated peace.61

^®Loc. cit. 59,Norman Thomas, "A Short Personal Statement on the Var, N , (n. , but circa early 1942, Thomas Papers, New York Public Library. ^ I n the letter to Ken Cuthbertson, (see footnote $6 ) Thomas made the point that there is no **escape from the choice of tietory for the Axis or the Allies." Granting that the attack on Pearl Harbor does not change the basic character of the war ^Imperialist and avoid­ able^, he wrote, still it certainly changes the objective conditions. ^^ o c . cit. Thomas explained that a negotiated peace at any time was much more reasonable in VWI when both sides had similar cultures and when the organised strength of socialists on both sides was eq,ual. 0 Chls would seem to contradict his belief in the possibility of a negotiated peace in VW XI^ Later, in a letter to Rosamond Clark, Sec­ retary of the Queens County Chapter of the Party, (Jknuary 20, 1942, Thomas Papers, New York Public Library) he argued that politically and 175 5. He believed tbat peelflem, conmclentlou# ob« jeetion to the vax, offered no preetleel politleel eltematlve to ecme kind of eupport of the i|er> but he vould defend the right of coneelratloae objection me e# ell other civil liberties In var time.

On December U , 19^1, four days after Pearl Eeibor, America First disbanded. Its last official statement pledged firm support to 63 the government In its prosectlon of the var. The sneak Japanese attack had accoe^llshed vhat numerous minor provocations and no amount

of propaganda at home seemed able to do; It stopped all antl-var

talk and united the American people. The Keep America Out of War Con­

gress, which Thomas had founded in 1937, also ceased to exist. But In

its place, and with the Intention of holding on to its membership, gk Thomas organized the Post War World Council.

Although Thomas* worst fears about what would happen to an

America at war did not Immediately materialize, there were a sufficient

(Cont <1 )psychologlcally It would be unwise to vork for a negotiated peace now at a time when such a plan would get no hearing. "Since I believe this, I am obliged realistically,...to hope for the success of those who are now trying to stop the drive of Hitler and the Japanese militarists to a complete victory," he explained.

still believe," wrote Thomas to George Hartmann, pacifist- socialist, "that the finest form of resistance to evil would be non­ violence; non-cooperation. But I came to believe that that could not be made a political program by a mere handful of individual objectors." Letter dated January l4, 19^2, Thomas Papers, Hew York Public Library.

York Times. Deceaber 12, 19^1, p. 22.

B o r m a n Thomas, Interview with the author, October 5, 1933. The FWWC still exists. It operates out of Thomas* office at 112 Bast 19th Street in Hew York City, and sends out a monthly newsletter, which Thomas writes, touching upon world conditions as they eftieet peace. From time to time it makes public statements and sponsors lectures. 176 number of ver-coontcted injumtlcem to which he could turn hie nttestlan»

He was one of the first to publicise end to protest the wholesals Intsm-

nent of Japsnese-American cltlsens. Be vigorously opposed all attss#ts

to get a labor draft through Congress, and he decried the govemssnt*s

demand for a no-etrlke pledge on the ground that there should be eqjoallty

of sacrifice for labor and management. As In World War I, he fought

constantly (and often single-handedly) for the just and fair treatment

of conscientious objectors even though this time he was not personally 65 involved.

Only the tremendous vigor of Norman Thomas, his strong leadership,

and his signal status In America kept a dismembered and dwindling Social­

ist Party alive during the war years. It was an Impotent and tremulous existence. Every Party operation showed a deficit; except for Milwaukee and Michigan there was no strength anywhere, and there was no program with which to build strength. A program keyed to the slogan "peace now" had been several times voted down by the National Executive Committee, and in 19^3 it was dropped altogether, because, had peace been then

^In this brief note I can hope to give only a glimpse of the picture of Thomas* activity for COs In the war years. Most of his work on behalf of COs was done through the National Committee 00 Conscientious Objectors, an affiliate of the American Civil Liberties Union. But he laiuKbed a personal campaign to Improve conditions In Civilian Public Service Camps where inmates were given an allowance of five dollars a month beside their bed and board, and were refused government Insurance or dependency allowances. He was even more interested in the treatment of objectors in Feisral prisons. He wrote numerous letters to Attorney General Francis Biddle and to James Bennett, Director of the Federal Bureau of Prisons. HS wrote also directly to President Roosevelt con­ cerning emprlsoned cbjectors. From the President on down the government defended Its treatment of COs. T&omas received courteous replies, but no other satisfaction. 177 concludftd» JImpmn and Oamaany vould hmv# ratalaad oontrol of a larta fart 66 of the vorld.

Other, more fundamental frOblema baaat the Party during the var*

To a aizeahle auniber of Socialiste, Old-line Manda» vas a dead ffalloe-

ophy, hut they could offer nothing to replace It. Furthermore, under

any kind of philosophy, the function of the Party still remained a question.

Should it he a "spearhead” or a "leavening agentT" It vas Thoaxas* viev

that a new mass party definitely could not grov out of the Socialist

Party. And he held out no hope for the achievement of socialism through

a lahor party If such a party vas controlled hy the unions. let, he did

not relinquish his vision of a "third force", only this tine It vas to 6j ‘ he a party modeled on the lines of Canada^s CCF. This nev political

pover vas needed, he felt, to remedy an American political condition

that vas growing steadily worse. "I am sorry to say," he vrote to an

old friend In 19^3 , "that in general my vorst fears {those prophesies

he made ahout America at war) are heing justified concerning the prohahle nature of the peace and concerning many of the developments

^The 3ocialla% vere especially concerned that Hitler vould keep parts of Europe l A w e there vere once large and influential socialist movements. Letter from George Reeves, chairman of local Washington of the Socialist Party, to Dave Dellinger, March 31, 19^3, Thomas Papers, Hew York Public Library * 6*7 'See Ihomas' letters to Irving Barshop, Secretary of local Hew York of the Socialist Party, (January l8 , 19^3), and to JUdah Broh of the Michigan Party, (Septes&er l6 , 19^3), both in Thomas Papers, New York Public Library. Coincidentally, in 19^3 the CCF (Cooperative Coanonwealth Federation) scored an Important victory In the Canadian elections. 178 êB In th# Uhltnd Stmt##, Including civil llb#%,"

If pccciblc, the issue of psace uas to fbcass svsn Bore critical than that of war. But so long as the A d s powers were on the offassive, talk of peace vould not he tolerated. Bowever, beginning late in Igkg and all through 19^3 the basic fact of the war was that the Allies had gained the upper hand and the Axis was now on the defensive. This being the case, as Thomas surveyed the situation, the victor In the forthcoming

Presidential campaign vould be largely responsible for writing the peace and planning the postwar vorld. The css*aign of 19^4, he said, ought to present issues of "utmost magnitude." But his forebodings were that the American people would not likely be made aware of the Issues. By

May of 19^3 he was convinced that the Socialist Party had to nominate a

Presidential ticket In 19^, because there was no other way to make the 69 Issues known, and "nothing can do as much to hold the Party together."

At the Socialist Party National Convention which met In Reading,

Pennsylvania, In June 19W», Norman Thomas was more than ever the dcsdnant figure. Be was largely responsible for the delegates* decision to put up a Presidential ticket. He was chosen for a fifth time to head that 70 ticket. He wrote the campaign platform.

^îorman Thomas, letter to Albert Sprague Coolldge, January 6, 1943, Thomas Papers, New York Public Library. Thomas was also disturbed by the thought that Roosevelt would probably run for a fourth term and that labor vould support him all the way, 69 Norman Thomas, letter to Robin Meyers, May Rif, 19^3, Thomas Papers, New York Public Library. 70 Thomas had planned to nominate Maynard Breuger, his running mate in 19^, because "personal...and Party considerations precluded" his running for a fifth time. But KTeuger preferred to run for Congress 179 Th# 19M 1 FrMidsntlal election hiid Bugr of the el ornent# of # huge camlTel* For inetenee^ the Democrat# bought a foil hour of net- vork radio tine to feature an all-etar eaet of BoUyvood actor# end Broadvay entertainers in a "ooloesal, stupendous" testimonial, to President Roosevelt. Between acts of the excellent Broadway entertain# ment, Hollywood stars read the "camercials" extolling the war leaderahlp of Franklin Roosevelt and endorsing his candidacy. The Republican# countered with a show of their own, but the stars were not quite as brilliant. While Roosevelt argued that his leadership was bringing the war to a successful conclusion, Thomas E. Dewey replied that he eoold have done It cheaper and faster. Except for the personal issue of Roosevelt's fourth term, there seemed to be no major differences between Republicans and Democrats. Both parties, of course, pledged cwtinued support of the war effort; both also spproved American participation in, 71 and creation of, an international organization for peace. Both parties

70(Con d)j^^ a, Chicago district, and thus Thomas was more or less left with no alternative. Darlington Eoqpes, a Reading lawyer, and a Party stalwart, was the nominee for Vice-President. 71The outline for the United Nations had been drawn up at Dumbarton Oakes in July l$Wt by the United States, Great Britain, Russia, and China. This was the period when by a series of high-level con­ ferences at Moscow, Teheran and Cairo, the Big Three and China had shown extraordinary unity of purpose in regard both to the winning of the var and the settlement of post war problems. No doubt as a result, there were clear signs that Americans favwed United States participa­ tion in some sort of world organization. Thomas was not opposed to the concept of a world organization, but he disparaged the plan evolved at Dumbarton Oakes. He called it "an association of major powers, with minor satellites, whose members hope to freeze the shape of the world indefinitely. It is an attempt to accomplish what has never been successful in world history; an attempt to make permanent the gains of a world alliance against the people of the wwld." It will only result, he predicted, in new war, either against revolutionary native uprisings or among the big three themselves. Cited by Anna Rothe in Current Biography 1944. p. 690 . lAO swore allegiance to the private enterprise system. To the Dsmooret’e plea not to change horses In midstream, the Hspoblleaas replied, In effect, that there was greater danger from a tired old horse who weald never make it to the other side. The «piallty of the cmtipalgn could perhaps be excused on the grounds that It was enfflclently remarkable to have held any kind of election In the midst of global war; and besides, the people were In no mood to listen to serious argomsnts about world problems when they had been In a continuous state of crisis since late 19kl.

But as a matter of fact, there were crucial Issues In 19*A. Only a modicum of hindsight shows us today that America's future and possibly a quick e M to the war, not to mention the fate of the world, depended upon them. Some of the Issues which begged for consideration wbre: (l) How coild the war best be brou^t to a successful concluslont| (2 ) What should be America's role In the postwar world?} (3) Bow firm

Is Big Three unity; to What use can It be put?; (b) What kind of lntez*natlonal organization should be established and should America participate?; ($) What steps should be planned for rebuilding Burope?;

(6 ) What steps should be planned for rehabilitating Asia; what Is the future of cblonlallsm there?; and (7) What steps should be planned for converting to a peace time economy In America? The Sepubllcans did not, and perhaps dared not, challenge the AdministrâtIon's answers to any of these questions; nor, for that matter, did the Administration propose answers to all of th«a.

The Socialist platfom and the Socialist campaign did deal l&L vith ttM l##u*# Them## iMd souaM tte Wynet# la M # awftmaae

#p##ch at tba coBvantioa* In that apaech h# had oallad tha tripla alliance of tha united Statea, Great Britain and Rtaaia a daviaa andar vhich they vould police and exploit tha reat of tha vorld, and ha pra* 73 dieted that the alliance vould be unaaay and impermanent. Ba aald that Stalin vould hdld all the top carda In a game of power pditlca vith Churchill for the control of Burope* Tha Cairo conference be declared, had comitted the united Statea to the "Impoaaihle taak of reatoring and maintaining indefinitely vblte aupremacy in Aala through the French, Dutch, and Brltiah Empiraa. ” Aa aurely aa I atand before this microphone," he prophesied, "before many years have passed native revolt or a series of rev<ü.ts [in Aai^ will gain the aid of Russia or

China or both." Be carefully outlined the central plank in the Socialiat platform. It vas a call to the Allies to offer an armistice to the Axis peoples based on a series of conditions and a set of prineiplea to

72 As Thomas conceived oC them, the critical Issues vere; (l) The danger of America's underwriting British, French and Dutch im^rialiam in the Far Bast; (2) the danger of Roosevelt's appeasing Stalin and the failure to see tte true nature of tte Coanuniat threat; (3) the phoneyneaa of Dunbarton Oakes; (k) the q^ieation of how to plan for the poatvar economy in tte United States; and ($) tte danger of universal Military Training in the poatvar period. Roman Thoama, letter to David Felix, chairman of the campaign radio committee, September 19, 19W^, Ihomma Papers, Rev York Public Library.

^^orman Thosaw, "Acceptance Speech at the 19W^4 Socialist Rational Convention," in A. Craig Baird, ed. Representative American Speeches of 1 2 Ü - & PP» 277-205. IM be eerrled oat by both eldee koA be did not fell to mention the

7E Thome# revived the notion of e peeee offenelve in M#y 19M^» vhen it became cbvloue thet en inveelon of the loropeen meinlend tee imminent. Since the inveelon vee certein, end einoe under the beet eoodltione it vould be terribly ooetly for both eldee, he reeeoned, e peeee offenelve launched immedietaly mlfght create enou((h dieeenelon on the German home front to force Hitler to eue for peace— he might even be overthrown. Norman Thomae, "The World dbout (title of hie column) Socieliet Cell. May 5, 19^, p. 13* From Vbet ve knov now, the plan actually etood a good chance of eucceee in depoeing Hitler. Many of the Wehrmacht ganerale vere anxloue for peace if It vould eeve Germany, and they were more than ready to uneeat Hitler in order to achieve that end. The condition# and the principle# of the amletlce a# eet forth by Thonae in the Socieliet platform vere ae foUowe t 1. That the peace ehould be organixad according to two principle#: (a) All peoples have equal right# to order their live# without subjection to any race or nation. (b) Self-detexmlnatlon is to be accompanied by organised cooperation from vhich no people (enemy, neutral or colonial) shall be excluded, and the establishment of political and economic arrangement# for removing the cause# of var and maintaining the peace. 2. As a guarantee of good faith and a condition of tha axm- istice, the Axis people# must (a) replace present govern­ ments; (b) withdraw military forces from occupied areas and disarm; and (c) restore loot and recompense refugees. 3. The united Nations [ U l i eQ must pledge themselves t (a1 to free the Huropean nations overriu by Germany. (b) to guarantee their independence through a united States of Europe or similar group. (c) to refrain from interference in the internal affairs of nations thus freed, and to extend material aid for their reconstruction. (d) to give self-government to all colonial ter­ ritories. k. The united Nations must guarantee to disarm after the establishment of the peace. From the socialist Party Platform of 19^, Socialist Call. JUne l6, 19IA, p. 1 . If this plan seems familiar it Is because similar ideas were written into the armistice with Germany, and later adopted into the Potsdam agreement. One might even find the germ of the idea for the Marshall Plan in 3 (c) above. With this carefully wrought plan for bringing an early end to the var and establishing an enduring peace Thomas stamped the nation and filled the airwaves, and for his pains he received little but applause. 1 % ptrmalftl Boelalltt frognu for oiing Jtatrlea't ohwdmnoe "to coo#mr y w r ty and jobl###o###" through porpoioful filaeeing, and aoeiallMtlm

of tha "ccHMoOlng height» of thaaeoBoade ordar«" tha laaaon to ha

laamad from tha var, ha aald, la that Jmarlea can froduoa a& unfiMllalaA

abundanea. After the var, Americana v U I ha aatlaflad vlth nothlm# laaa*

In the 1)44 campaign Thonaa vaa the only candidate vbo damonatratad an awaranaaa of the nature of the Cooaainlat threat In the aftermath of var. thla threat vaa one of tha principal raaaona ha atraxuoualy oppoaad

Prealdent Rooaevelt'a demand for unconditional aurrandar from tha moment

It vaa announced, unconditional aurrandar, eontandad Thoama, vould stiffen German resistance and prolong the var, Vhen victory vaa finally von, Europe vould be a complete ahaafblea and Germany nearly daa- troyed* Both conditions vould be Ideally suited for sacploltatl

"Britain," he said, "vent to var to guarantee the Integrity of Pdlamd, but Poland, her ally, vlll be far vorae treated by Stalin than Roumanie, her en

Thomas tells an amusing story on himself vhich, so far aa tha

75 "I vaa bitterly opposed to unconditional surrender," he has said. "It vaa negative." Revins and Albertson, 2E* cit., p. 138. Thomas expressed this thought In greater detail In an intervlav vlth me on October 5, 1953* Uhcoodltlooal surrender vas also, of course, directly contradictory to tha Socialists' proposal for oATarlng am inuedlate armistice to tha Axis peoples. 76 Clipping from tha Preaa-Sclmltar. Koveaber 6 , IpVk, Thomas Papers, Rev York Public Library. m

Soelmllmt# v#r# ome#m#&, tuat up th# 19k4

In I9M^, my vlf# mnd X rnrnr# tvtraliag in n orowiid t n d n iluraa^ E h m m . Sitting vith us V M a livtly young Tnam flior going homo on loavo. Aftor a period of uimouaJ oilanee, he eahed me, "Beg pardon, eir, but I've been In Burope and I don't knov mneh about thie political ceeqyatgn. Why I ask vho you're voting forf "Hyeelf,” I replied. Looking disconcerted, he said, "Well, of course, I'm an American, and I knov any man can be President, but...." I relieved his embarrassment by explaining vho I vas. Be vas silent for a moment, and then he said, "Well, — . if you weren't running, yourself, vho vould you vote fort"

Nearly twenty-six million Americans, not running thamselves, re-eleeted

Roosevelt a third time. Not quite eighty thousand cast a ballot for

Norman Thomas. It could be argued that considering the external circumstances

and the feebleness of the Party organisation the sise of the vote vas

nothing to be ashamed of. It vas a shame, said Thomas, that for the

first time in five Presidential cssq^gns no Nev York paper published in 78 full or in major part any of his speeches. Nevertheless, the Party's

efforts in the election can be defended, he said, on the grounds that without them the Party would have disappeared as a force In American 79 life. Yet after the elections one newspaper carried a story to the

effect that he had declared that the Socialist Party vas dead as a pol- 80 Itlcal force, and that it vould continue only as an educational agency.

^Norman Thomas, "I'm Glad I'm Not Running This Time," The American Magazine. October 1952, p. I0 3 .

"^^Socislist Call. November IT, l$t4, p. 1.

'^^Loc. Cit. 80 Robert S. Bird in the New York Herald Tribune as cited by Anna Rothe, 0£. cit.. p. Be may have said ii, but by 1 9 ^ he had changed his mind. CBAFIIR XX

A FBRSOirAL TRZUMFB: TBB RBflCTABIJE SOCIALSBT,

For Thonaa, tha laauea of the caiapaign vere not rea

^Clipping from The Hvenlng Leader. Coming, N. Y., March 12, 1945, Thomas Papers, Rev York FuUlc Library. hoc, Clt. ^gew York Times. February 22, 194$, p. 1 8 . -185- 186

Even after Germaiy ha& bean foroea to aooept uaoondltiOMl mxt» render Tbonaa opposed a similar ultimatum to Jbpen. Els reasons were substantially the same. He vrote: The only victor in a var of annihilation vould be Stalin sad the international Conounist movmnent.... His chance of victory vould be greater because of Anglo-American racism and the lack of any conqplete program in Asia.... It nov seems, likely that our Chinese ally v i U be made an Asiatic Poland.^ In those halcyon days of relations vith Russia his vamings and prognos­ tications vent unheeded. It might seem to be a paradas that Thomas, vho vas sounding the tocsin about Russia and vorld Communism, should at the same time be against arming and training a conscript citizenry. But this he did vigorously all through 19^5 and 19^6. Thomas had alvays opposed any form of peacetime comqpulsory military training, but it had never been a serious issue in the Ihiited States until about 19^5» At that time, vith the var in Europe drawing to a close. Congress took up the question of a postwar military policy for the united States, and thus military conscription became a hotly disputed subject. On the radio and in the letters-to-the-editor columns Thomas and others kept up a running debate on the question. Thomas* basic propositions vere that (1) history offers no evidence that peace loving nations vith Uhiversal * Military Training are guaranteed against var; (2) historically con­ scription and militarism have gone hand-in-hand vlth imperialism, and have been nursemaids of statism and ultimately totalitarianism; and

k Homan Thomas, letter to the Hev York Times. May 10, 1^3, Thomas Papers, Hev York Public Library. i9r (3 ) comerlptlon 1# not noodod to k#op our enomle# d l M n w d or to frotoet u# mgalnmt our friend#.^ Instood of conscription, Thomas urgod progrosslvo dlsarsssssnt of all allies following the end of hostilities.^ There vlll be no future world wars, said Thomas, unless the United States and Russia are on opposite sides. It Is this contingency that ve must try to avoid, and 7 the best and only way Is through disarmament and a ban on conscription. Before a Congressional committee he testified that If UNT Is ‘tiie secret of our defense then Russia vlll easily whip us. Furthermore, be said, mass armies will be useless ggalnst the Impact of air attacks by robot 0 bombs in future wars. Although pacifism vas no longer his personal creed, Thomas still retained strong anti-militarist feelings. He had, moreover, on purely rational grounds, never been able to accept armed might as a deterrent to war or as a substitute for an honest endeavor to solve the problems that way lead to war. And he still harbored that earlier Christian repugnance for the terrible inhumanities of var. From all that ve knov, it is not difficult to imagine Thomas' reac. tion to the atomic boabing of Japan. % e fact Is he called the bobbing

5 Honnan Thomas, letter to the Hew York Times. January 30, 19h$, p. l8 . 6 JUst before Yalta, %omae sent a letter to President Roosevelt urging him to make a Joint statement with Churchill and Stalin which vould favor progressive disarmament and the universal abolition of military conscript Inn. Letter of January 21, 19*t‘5> Thoms» Papers, Nev York Public Library.

^Hev York Times. JUne 7, 19h$, p. 11. 0 Hev York Times. JVine 9, 19^3^ p. 26. 1 6 8

an atrocity, and maid that tha maeood horfb on Baeamalrl vaa particularly

Inexcumahla alnca It had bean dropped hafoora tha pdltleal raaultm of 9 tha flrmt bodb

aurrandar. He charged that Fraaldant Rooaevalt had not even botharad 10 to read a Japaneae aurrender offer trananltted through Oanaral NacArthur.

But by this time tha var vaa over and there vaa no use arguing vhat might

have been. Thonaa turned him attention to the loroblena of peace.

To anycme vho did not examine hla atatementa carefully, Thonaa

may have appeared to be carrying hla prevar laolatlonlam Into tha

postwar world. His opinion of the Dumbarton Oakea agreement vaa com­

pletely skeptical, and even after the San Francisco Conference ha could

not get up any enthualaam for the United Rations, He said}

Strongly as I hope that some lasting good may coma out of tha San Francisco conference. It la already obvious that It vlll not and cannot remove the vast threat to peace Inherent In

9 Hev York Times. September S6 , 19^5, p. 19. Ihaae atatementa vere made in a speech delivered at the Annual Forum at Christ Church in New York. The vrite-up in the Times deacrlbea Thomas aa "In fiery mood," and says that hie talk vaa the highlight of a program vhich included apeechea by Mrs. Franklin D. Roosevelt, Claire Booth Luce, Mark Starr, Jhdge Jonah GdLdatien, and others.

^^^Loc. Cit. In A Socialiat*a Faith, (p. 316), Thomas writes that the testimony of Mmlral Zachariaa corroborated this charge. More recent corroboration is given in the book Janan*a Decision to Surrender, by J. C . Butov, reviewed in the Hew York Times Book Review Section of Hovenber 21, 195^, p. 3, by Robert Aura Smith. Hie book destroys two widespread ndaconceptiooa, writes Smith, "Hus first la that Japan*a defeat vaa brought about by the atomic boob." Mr. Butov believes, he goes on, "that the United Statea was Inept and lU-advlaed in not taking advantage of Jhpaneae peace feelers long before the end... 109 the vroog sort of arrazigonottto vhich the victor# or# mmking in Europe and A # i e . ^ But he hastened to adds

Let no one think from these remarks that I want bqt country outside an organized federation of free people or that I should have her reject even a small beginning to that end. Only it must be a beginning of true federatiw and not a perpetuation of power politics alliances....1 ^ Testifying before the Senate Foreign Relations Cossnittee in 1)4$, how* ever, he urged Senate approval of the United Nations Charter,^^ not because he liked the charter— he felt it did not really get to the roots of war, he said— rather because theworld was more at the mercy of the Big Three without it than with it. For a long while Thomas feared that Great Britain and France, and Russia if she chose to use its mechanism, vould make the United Nations an instrument for achiev­ ing their imperialistic ends, under those conditions, he did not want the United States to be a party to a revived colonialism. Despite the existence of United Nations and the wartime admira­ tion and trust expressed for each other by the Allies, the problem of

Srorman Thomas, coemencement address at Eaverford College, JUne 2, 19^5, typewritten manuscript in Thomas Papers, New York Public Library. The exaggerated emphasis being placed upon American participation in any kind of vorld arganization as a sufficient guarantor of peace, said Thomas, is in reality an escape from facing the bitter facts about the causes of var and the price of peace. Parenthetically, it should be here noted that in an interview vith me on September 12, 1951, Thomas marked this Eaverford speech as among the best he ever made.

^^Thomas, coassncement address at Eaverford College, loo, clt. ^% e w York Times. Jhly l4, 19^5, p. 1. Thomas also suggested that Senate ratification be dependent on these conditions s (1) that the United States Congress reserve the right to declare war; and (2) that the United States* right to withdraw at any time be made explicit. 190 — Trtng p#me# #t th# «nd of World War XX imcr###ed rath#r than dlaflirtahad vlth aaoh paaaing day. Riaaaia*# intranalgamoa appaarad to ha tha aaia dbatacla. M aarly aa 19^6 fruatration and dlalUualooaant hagan to aat In, and the foraeaat for peace looked gloomy indaad. In 19^5 Thmeaa had raad tha aklaa accurataly. "Ho laaaon of hlatory...ia claarar," ha had aald, "than that vara can ha von hy alllancaa hut that pMca can navar Ilf tbua ba praaarvad." But ha had alao noted tha danger In tha Aaarioan svlng "from thinking that tha road to peace la aaay.. .to hallavlng that there la no road at all,...."^^ Peace could be reached, Ihomaa ballavad, through the reduction of coepatltlva armamanta, abolition of paacatlma l6 military conacrlptloo, and the demllltarlzatlcn of narrov vatervaya. It vaa tha old fomila all over again.

Elaevhere, (Chapter IV) I have vrlttan of tha Inaplratlon, comfort, and aid Thomaa received from hla vlfe, Violet, throughout thalr U f a together. It vaa the part aha played aa a dutiful and undaratending vlfe, the real help ahe gave him In hla vork, and the Intenae love they bora for one another that made playing the rOle of a frequently unpopular and alvaya uneuccaaaful politician so much more bearable for Thomaa. In all regarda their marriage had been an Ideal match. It vaa therefore ao much more of a tragedy for him vhen Violet died In 19^7* She had been quite active for many years In aplte of a chronic heart ailment.

ik Norman Thomaa, ccnaancement address at Eaverford COUaga, op. clt.

^^Loc. clt.

^^orman Thomaa, latter to the Nev York Times. September 26, 19lf6, p. 2if. "This la far more likely to be a first step toward daalrabla World government than an automatic consequence of It," he vrote. 191 but iuceuibed finally to a haaxt attack on Angaat 1 , at thalr eooBtry IT h o M in Cold Spring Eazbor^ Long Island. AftonmrAa fhSMS vrot# in his msmoir* "I vish that I thought such lonra as aina and Tlhlst's -18 would live not alone in memory but perhaps in influence." Violet's death was a blow from which Thomas recovered only slowly. But the first time he could think about it clearly he wrote, **1 know the thing to do is to keep on, to do the things one certainly believes should be done, and esaong the uncertain to make the chedees 19 which will best give human decency a chance to live and grow." This belief may be one reason he chose to campaign again in Iptô notwith­ standing a clear statement he made in 19^ that he was through running 20 for President. But there were other reasons too, and among the most compelling was Henry Wallace's candidacy on the Progressive Party 21 ticket.

^It was perhaps fated that when Violet died Thomas should be away on Socialist Party business. He was attending a meeting of the Executive Committee of the Socialist Party in Reading. 18 Roman Thomas, unpublished memoir, entry dated August 2k, Igk?.

^^Loc. Clt. 20 Rev York Times, Hovember 9, 19^6, p. 3 . 21 Rorman Thomas, interview with the author, October 5, 1933* Thomas said he felt someone had to be able to reply adeqiiately to Wallace's campaign * Thomas was just the man. Elmer Davis (in a letter to the author dated April 2, 1952) recalls that at a Wallace news conference just before the Progressive Party convention in 19k8, Thomas, acting as a correspondent for the Denver Post, "kept asking the most logical and unanswerable questions and booced Wallace up in a comer from which he never really got out." f^omas, who knew Palmer Hoyt, publisher of the Denver Poet, suggestea to him that it would be a good stunt to have a Presidential candidate cover the national conventions. Hoyt agreed, and Thosms was hired. Afterwards, the Post 192 The ProgTMilve Party praaentad a prdblam of aorta to the 8 oe&al« late. For year# the Sociallata had baan hoping and working for a gewttina, maee labor movament— a third party fraa from any attachment# to tha two old partie#— and hare* in tha form of the Prograaeiva Party, aaamad to ba the movamant. How could they fail to auppwt itt Tha anawar given by Thomaa vaa almple and aufficlant: Socialiat# oppoae Wallace'a

^retained him aa a weekly gMumnlat and ayndicated hie artlclaa to a few other paper# in the Waatj To trace Thomaa* attitude toward Wallace, one moat go back at leaat to 193^ vhen Wallace, aa Secretary of Agriculture, turned a deaf ear to *RxonM* plea for juatlce to tenant farmer# who ware being renm dered completely deatitute by AAA. Tan year# later, when Areaident Truman forced Wallace to realgn from hla poat aa Secretary of Coaaaerce because of foreign policy difference#, Thomu issued a statement throufifh the Socialist Party attacking Wallace aa "heir of the policy of appease­ ment" practiced first by Chamberlain and later by Roosevelt and Truman at Cairo, Teheran, Yalta and Potsdam. (Rew York Tinea. Septeaber 22, 19^, p. 2.) Thereafter, Thomas took every occasion to challenge Wallace's poaition on Russia. Following Wallace*# Washington D. C. speech of June l6 , 19^7, in which he urged the United Statea to take the initiative in reaching agreement with Russia, and called for a Truman-8 talin meeting, Thomas sent Wallace an open letter through the Rew York Times. (Jhne 19, 19**7, p. 5). In it he challenged Wallace*# estimate of Russia and asked whether Wallace rejected the theory that Russia was "relentlessly, patiently, and boldly seeking world power," How do you distinguish between Fascism and Coamunism, he asked Wallace. Later, (Rew York Times. July 6 , 19^7, p. 27) Thomas made public Wallace*# reply. Wallace had suggested that economic aid to Russia vould convince her of our siiwerity. He had insisted that the Connunists were sincere in their goals, and that this made the difference between Hitler and Stalin. Thosms then accused Wallace of disregarding the Russian con­ centration camps, the lack of civil liberties, etc. The issue between us, said Thomas, is totalitarianism. 193 candidacy bacauaa it carve# Coamunlet aim#. fift Be adadttad tdiatKt Ball#Ballaoe vas hia#alf no CooBunlst. "Ood knov# vhat ha la," ha aald

In It# Inlmltahla, colorful style. Tine vrote of tha 1 9 ^ Socialist national Convention* "A gruff and toothlaa# old lion of Chltad State# politic# grovlad softly vlth rheumatism and prepared once more for ccshat.” The convention vas a hoemly affair, said Tim#, aet In a dingy hall, vlth fev banneze, no parade#, and "no foollah talk of victory." Thomas had predicted that the Party vould nominate a Presidential ticket, and. Insisting that he vould not run again, had stated his preference for Maynard Kreuger, his former runnlng-mate But Kreuger absolutely refused to be a candidate. With reluctance, and only because he agreed that someone already vell-knovn should run, 26 Thonas consented to accept the nomination. Again, a# In 19**, he vrote the Party's platform. Accept for the fact that It called for socialization of natural resources, basic Industries, and baxddng. It could hardly be distinguished from the personal platforms of "left-vlng"

^lev York Times. March 21, 19^, p. 36. There vere, ofcourse, other reasons, viz., (l) Wallace'seconomics vere not Socialist economics j (2) Wallace opposed the Marshall Plan and Thomas supported Itj (3) the Progressive Party bad no genuine labor support, only the support of a fev Communist dominated unions. 23 Wev York Times, March 28, 19*^8, p. 34. 24 Time. May 17, lp46, p. 2$.

^ Bev Y

27 The preamble, of courae, deprecated the old partie#, but vamed that the Progreaaive Party vaa merely a Coaamiat dominated front. Aa immediate objective#, the platform Ha t e d expended aocial . security and unemqplqyment insurance, a higher minimum wage, national health insurance, improved education, the end of segregation every­ where, more housing, and better veterans benefits, In foreign affairs, it asked that conscription be outlawed and diaanaanent achieved through Ihe United Bâtions, that modifications be made in the UN charter to mmke it a democratic world government, that trade barriers be lowered, that immigration qjuotaa be revised to allow more refugees to enter the United Statea, and that Palestine be given self-govemmsnt • Socialiat CaH, May 14, 1948, p. 4. 26 Norman Thomaa, "Do Left-Wing Parties Belong in Our System," Annals of tto Ameriey Acadeaor of Political and Social Science. Septeoher 1^46, p. 6^. 195 attention to th# Y#r#ouIitl«# «dA qjoillfieatioii# ot Ttumb» D###y» «bA Wmllmc#.^ Whll# h# #ttaok#d th# idalnletpstlott*# poUei##, ###eei#lly In fOMlgn affaira, h# did ao laaa oonalatantly and l##a foreafully HbaA 30 In the paat. There aeaaoed to he only on# real laaue, end that vaa

aociallan. But apeechea on aoclaliam never made headline# and aeldoa attracted audience# • Thomaa did not talk much ahout aoclaliam* Be vaa able to get good time on radio and televlaion, and nearly everywhere he apoke the audience reaponae vaa encouraging* In fact, he vaa hopeful for 31 a algnlfleant Socialist vote.

Like a man approaching a vearlaome taak for the final time, Thomaa tackled the 1946 campaign with a good deal of guato and a resolve to make it a "good show." "I have made aa many farewell tours aa heed of the Socialiat ticket aa Sarah Bernhardt," he aald In New York, "but

ladies and gentlemen, this la your last chance*"^ Be "vowed" an

^ B e aald of Wallace that he appeared aa a Masalah and vas really a CooBunlat dupe. B# called Dewey an opportunist, and described him aa a man vho la "clad each day In a pair of platitudes*" Truman, he aald, la hopelessly confused, a man without a program for winning the peace. Once, commenting on Truman, he merely shrugged hla shoulders and remained moamntarlly silent. The gesture brought down the house, Urbane Courier. October 1 9 , 1948, p. 2j a report of a meeting at & e university of niinola. ^ ^ e praised the Marshall Plan, the Berlin ALrllft, and the w w k of Philip Jessup in the UN. Be warned, however, that United Statea support of colmiallam and Imperialism, and corrupt governments like Chlang-Kal-Shek'a in Asia, could only lead to Coanuniat gains on that continent. We may have one world in fact, be said, but in cultural and political unity It la one world in the sense that alley cats tied In a burlap bag have one world. Norman Thomae,Mdreaa in Cleveland, text in the gew York Times. October 24, 1948, p. 6 3 . 3^orman Thoama, interview with the author, October 5 , 19 5 3 . York Herald TriboBe. October 17, 1948. This and other references in this paragraph were taken from newspaper clippings In the files of Socialist Party headquarters. Page numbers were not always Indicated on the clippings. ISS audience et the univereity of Tlllnole hgr èhanting a leeeen la eeeâeaies on the law of eupi^y and demand, ehleh he aaid mae peculiar to the tiae he and Boibezt A. Taft vere college atudenta* He concluded the l i t On hy aaylng, "But thank God I didn't go to Tale*" % e etudenta recked vltb laughter. Be warmed an audience In Elnlra, Hew York, hy re­ calling that hla mother went to Elmira college and had hung a picture of 3^ the achool In hie room when he vaa a hoy. In Steven*a Point, Wlaoooeln, he referred to hlmaelf aa one of Old B6 b Im Follette*a waxwaat admirere, and quipped about hla alx Prealdentlal canpalgnt: "I would have com- 35 promlaed on running leaa often if I bad been elected." He amiaed a Chicago audience hy remarking: "For the flrat time I've heard Truman and Barkley called llherala— not becauae they have changed, but beeeuae the water level of llberallam haa aunk ao low that their heada now atlck o u t . " 3 ë

Edltora, aenalng perhapa that thia waa Thomaa* laat race, wrote more than the uaual nuaher of complimentary edltorlala. The Baltimore

33champalgn-qrbia Hewa Gaaette. October 19, 19^8, p. 3. The article deacrlbed Thomaa aa W i n g at tlmea hoatlle to hla friendly audience, and "apiclng hla talk with more aardoolc humor than usual." 3^*% e Elmira Mvertlaer. October 26, l9*&8 ^^The Stevena Pointa Dally Journal. October 12, 1948. 36.John Drelake, in the Chicago Sun-Tinea. October 25, 1948. Mr. Drelake tehee Thomas to task for this figure becauae It waa cbarac- terlatlc of a apich that waa all language and no aubatance, "clever talk voiced with cultured vocal cords." Said Mr. Drelake: "If there la a pratlcal fault with the Soclallat technlq]uea In awaylng the m a e a It could be that the way their apeahera have of completing aentenoi mahea them appear to be anooty Intellectuala with whom the oomaaon has nothing In coeaaon." 197 ■«!&, "Campaign year# juat giva him a ehaaoa to aaka men»# aa taa aeea It. Kara often than not, the aanaa la pretty good."^ A # Mhaea Journal aam Thenaa aantlaent developing "froa a recent apeeOh on the eh Cornell eaopua vtaere he Impreaaed the enrollment of all partlea.** The Philadelphia Bulletin gave him thla acccdjade t "Be haa the reapeot of the public for hla campaign aethoda, hla platform wanner and the 39 eolia aubatance of hla apeechea •" The Stevena Point PlifjliT iTBTHil vrote, "Norman Thomaa la a figure in.ümerlcan public life vho la held In high reapect even by the people— and that meana the overwhelming majority— who dlaagree with hla baalc phlloacphy of government. He la able. He la acrupuloualy honeat. Hla alneerity la beyond qjueatlon. 40 He la fundamentally and paaalonately a man of peace and good will." It remained for the New York Herald Tribune to aound the note of farewell. Said the Tribune: It la unlikely,.. .that there will be another Soclallat to devote hlmaelf ao alngle-heartedly to tlM cauae, aa It la unlikely that any minor party will find again In the near future a candidate aa Intelligent, aa reapected, and aa perauaalve aa he. A loclallat with an open mind, a cruaader with a aaving humor, a apokeaman for the working claaaea with an urbane and dlacipllned Intelligence, he has had more honor In defeat than many have found In continued victories The climax of the campaign came for Thomaa a couple of weeks

^ The Baltimore Sun, editorial. May 10, 1948. 38Ithaca Journal. November 2, 1948, p. 3. 39 Philadelphia Bulletin, editorial, November 3, 1948. 40 The Stevena Point Dally Journal, editorial, October 9, 1948. ^^Ttow York Herald Tribune, editorial, November 3* 1948. i m befor# th# elmctlon. BtfoM 1200 per#oo# In th# Oraai mWMMm of the Valdorf^AitoPle in Hew Toaic on Oetdber 26, he eee Initiât**# lato the Circus Saints end Sinners Cluh. The audienee vers Thomas e#s#*dgn ribbons dated clear through 19A , and received a copy of the **Ssv iBcfc Horrid Tribune" bearing tlu» headline, H C n M V TBOlUB XLBÜTB) SflfeSXnWf* Thomas vas awarded a ^dlaacnd studded" soap boa sad a microphone of station WIND. He vas introduced as the man everyone loves and nobody votes for. "While I'd rather be right than President," he said in his k2 speech, "at any time I am ready to be both." The time vas not to be 1948. It is a good guess that the Soeial.dLst vote of barely l40,000 vas bitterly disappointing to Thomas, and probably settled once and for all any doubts he may have had about the value of Socialist electoral activity. Thomas' running days were over. After . nearly a quaxter of a century as a rider, and six unsuccessful tries for the brass ring, Norman Thomas stepped off the merry-go-round of American politics. For the first time, Americans appreciated his stature and viewmdL him in proper perspective. Of course, he had also reached that age at which honor finally accrues to men who have long ago deserved it* (Society suddenly gets pangs of guilt about letting a man die without having received somm sort of recoguWLom for his achievements.) %h November 19^9 Thomas had his 65th birthday. It was marked in Pebmuary 1950 by a luncheon held in his honor at the Hotel Cosmodore in New York. About 1300 persons of assorted political affiliations and from all walks

York S^ass, October 27> 1948, p. 1 8 . m of m«rlo#n Ilf* **r* pr***nt« Tb* V*v Tdrk outlet# of th# toe a##t

Influeotial radie notooA# oarrlod m half-hour doouMOtary Srwtitieg kk %5 hla lif**a work. Trom all evar tha world oaoa birthday graoMnga,

In addition, 378 prnwinüt dearleama lent thalr naaaa aa afonaora of hS "Uila teatlnonlal lunehaon. hawapapara acroaa tba country paid tribut# to— aa tha New York Tlaaa put It— "thla great diaaantar, • • .ohoaa ainearlty, eloquanca, paraavaraaea and faith have aamad him aa honorad kl place In America** polltleal aaeala." Ironically, at a mcamnt lAan a eoclallat America aaanad more remote than at any time In tha fifty year* alnce tba Party had bean founded, America** leading Soclallat had hlmaelf arrived.

^The vice-chaixmaa for tha luncheon coonlttae Included t w united'States Senators: Bahert B. Bnqphray and Wiyne Morse; two Bishops ; Francis M. MeConoall and O. Bromley Cknam; and also several prominent writers, educators, union leaders, goveromant officials^ etc. Ui The cast for the radio program Included Bara Stone, Frederic Aurch, Quincy Howe, and B* 7. Kaltenborn, all working without remuneration. ^^Thomaa received messages from Bsrl Renner, President of Austria, Jawahrlal Nehru, Prime Minister of India, Bans Bedtoft, Prime Minister of Denmark, Bmat Reuter, Mmyor of West BexOln, T. C. Douglas, Premier of Saskatchawan, Canada, and also from political leaders In Apan, Flnlai^, France, Italy, Great Britain, and the Pmish and Spanish governments in exile. U6 Among the more famous names were: Thurman Arnold, Van vyck Brooks Wayne Coy, Ely Culbertson, Gordon Allport, John Dos Passoa, Sherwood Bddy, Erich Fromm, Fannie Burst, Robert M. Butchlns, Victor Reuther, Allan Kevins, William Langer, Albert Bayard Swope, Robert Norse Lovett, Eugene lyons, Bsanuel Cellar, living Stone, and Fred Friendly. ^^New York Times, editorial, November 20, 19^9. liA ^ A s a matter of fact, Thomas had cnee before been given a rather huge testimonial dinner: In 1936 on his 52nd birthday. And although the list of sponsors— to take one cosgarlson— was long and catholic In Its representation. It was far from that for his 65th birthday. 200

It vms sur«ly #yu* tam*tic ot lm*ort#nt 6hmog# in AMorle» thmt at the luncheon Jemee Parley— an Old-line, coneervatlve Denoerat— aaid about Thomaa: "Like many other#, I haven't almay# agreed with him, hut

I have never etopped admiring hi# intellectual honesty. We would he h9 better off from many more American# like him." But it wa# also indioa- tive of change in Tboma# a change sufficient^ to bring the majority Of

Socialists into disagreement with him and thus to unsmst him from leader­ ship of the Party.

The differences vere basically honest ones, ai^ more tactical than theoretical in nature. The 1950 National Convention of the Social­ ist Party had to consider this most vital qiiestionj Should the Party con­ tinue to participate in elections? A group led by Thomas said no, and

instead favored a greater emphasis on educational activity. But a amich 51 stronger group comprising the Bridgeport and Reading representations,

and a hard core of pacifists, said yes. The resolution finally passed by the convention stated that participation in national elections was

necessary for the "political survival |pf the Part^ as an entity which

attracts some measure of journalistic and popular attention."It

— ------New York Times. February 5, 1950, P. 5^* ^^I am withholding a description and explanation of this change until Chapter XII in which I deal with Thomas* ideas. One should keep in mind, however, that all this time Thomas remained a Socialist; true to the concept of socialisation of some parts of the economy, at least, and always a member of the Party. Be continued to espouse socialism even as against the "welfare state" or "modem capitalism" with which he was in only sll^t disagreement. ^^or many years the Bridgeport and Reading Socialists had con? trolled their city governments, and so it is easy to understand why they would object to cewing electoral activity.

^Slev York Times. Jlme b, 1950» p. 1. 201

also prohibited Individual neaibers of the Party, or any Socialist grcup, from endorsing or coallgnlng with a Democrat or Republican candidate.

On this question too, Thomas was In the minority. Be had taken the posl* tioo that where there are no Socialist candidates a member should be permitted to work loyally with non-partisan groups such ais Americans for 53 Democratic Action (ADA) In support of candidates from either party.

The convention further repudiated Thomas' leadership by electing a Rational

Executive Committee which for the first time since 1936 did not have a 54 majority of Thomas adherents.

But before they adjourned the delegates made one gesture for re­

demption— they passed a resolution reaffirming "faith in Norman Thomas

as the spokesman for American Socialisra."^^ It was not the delegate's

faith that mattered, however, but the faith that many thousands of non-

Socialists had through the years expressed by voting for him, listening

to his speeches, reading his bo<&s and articles, seeking his advice,

and honoring him at special celebrations. Since 1932, if the Socialists

^^Thomas said in 1950 that the Party had at one time considered attempts to openly capture the Democrat Party, through primaries if possible. Nothing came of this idea, of course, after the 1950 con­ vention. Allan Revins and Dean Albertson, "The Reminiscences of Norman Thomas," pp. l44-l46. 54 In fact, only three of eleven members, including Thomas him­ self, were of the Thomas faction. 55 Not to have done so, to have completely cut off Thomas, would, in my opinion, have been not only ungrateful, but plain political suicide. When the delegates spoke of an "entity which attracts some measure of Journalistic and popular attention", meaning the Party, It was the sheerest kind of self-deception. Without Thomas there was prac­ tically no "Journalistic and popular attention." 202 vere heard at all In America (except for isolated cities) it vas because

Norman Thomas spoke for them. The events of the 1950 convention did not altogether rupture 56 relations between Thomaa and the Party, but there was thereafter estrangement on both sides. For a time it was not clear whether Thomas would support the Party ticket in the Presidential election of 1952. He settled the doubts in Jbly of that year, however, when he denied a statement by his old running-mate, Maynard Krpuger, that he was quitting 57 the Party. And he added that although he didn't agree with the Party's action, since they had decided to have a ticket and a campaign, he would stick by them. Of course, he did not run, and he campaigned only sparingly,. . 53

What of Norman Thomas today, age 70, six years after his last cam­ paign? He is far from being retired since he left off running for

56 Thomas still considered himself first of all a Socialist. At an Ohio Methodist Conference in November 1951, (I was there makinga recording of Thomas' speech), after he had been enthusiastically intro­ duced as a minister, author, and lecturer, TSiomas’ first words were; "Mr. Chairman, and friends, and also to keep the record straight, what was omitted has been the fact that I have been a Socialist and still am one

^ Hew York Times, July 9 , 1952, p. 10. 58 He spoke for the ticket at the final campaign rally in Reading, Pennsylvania. Reading was chosen because Darlington Hoopes, a native son, was the Socialists' Presidential candidate. Thomas must have enjoyed the opportunity to write an article for the American Magazine titled, "I'm Glad I'm Not Running This Time!" (October 1.95^, P» 19) After the election he made some pointed comments. He didn't think, he said, that President Eisenhower knew much about the present world and national situation, and he was afraid about who would be around to inform him. But I pray God save the President with especial fervor, he added, when I contemplate the Vice-President [Richard Nixor^» New York Times, November 9 , 1952, p. 73. 203 for office. He still writes and leetttres, and maintains a wide variety of activitJes connected with the numerous causes he has championed for 59 nearly his life. From time to time he takes up a new struggle. He continues to make at least three speeches a we ^ and sometimes six or eight He writes for the monthly Socialist Ctil regularly, and twice a week turns out a newspaper column syndicated through the Los Angeles Mirror. He has his own weekly commentary program on radio station WEVD in New York, and makes frequent appearances as a guest on radio and television discussions and forums. Earlier this year (l$$h) 6l W. W. Norton published his latest book. The Test of Freedom. At his seventieth birthday celebration in November 195^, his frlenA presented him with a $10,000 purse to use as he pleased in support of his myriad activities. Said the New York Times about this fund: "No one need worry lest he use a penny of it to o erthrow this Republic; we stand the more firmly because this "Socialist" has lived and striven among us for long, unselfish years

^^JUst now, for example, he is very interested in African affairs. In November and December 195^ the Post War World Council Newsletter, which he usually writes entirely, devoted more than half its space to articles about problems in Africa not written by him. When I interviewed him one day in his New York office he was concerned about the plight of some West African students who were about to be sent home because their student visas had expired; and he could not attend to the interview until he bad arranged with his secretary to call some people he knew who would be able to help the students. ^ A . H. Raskin, New York Times. November 20, 195^» p. 19« ^^"This book deals with the present state of civil liberties in the United States. It denounces the extremes symbolized by the Communists and Senator Joseph R. McCarthy. It is, in the wwds of John B. Oakes, in the New York Times Book Review, "temperate" and"moderate." Since I have written this, Thomas has bad published by Hermitage House, a small book of reflections on public speaking titled Mr. Chairman, Ladies and Gentlemen..., (1955)» ^% e w York Times, editorial, November 20, 195^» p. l6 . CHAPTER XII

THE HAH AED HIS IDEAS

Thomas long eigo surmlsecL that am examination of his eairly life might lead biographers to explain his radicalism as a revolt against the strict Ceklvlnism and Vlctorlam Puritanism of his boyhood home. He

forestalled this kind of am Interpretation by denying Its validity on the grounds that his home life Is better remembered for the atmosphere

of love and kindness which It generated. But he camnot, and perhaps would not, deny the powerful moral Influence of his home, or that through­

out his life he hew retained more than a few of the cheuracterlstlcs he developed there as a boy,

I. THE MAN

His boyhood interest In books remained with Thomats ell his life.

He has been an omnlverous reader, devouring literature of all sorts,^ 2 He could scan a book rapidly auid yet glean from It the Important Ideas.

His prlmeoy Interests were In politics, history, economics emd sociology, but he read philosophy and science too, and occasionally novels. (In 1933 one of his lecture topics was "The Social Content of Contemporary Literature," amd he was at that time teaching a course at Columbia on the proletarian novel, about which, he aidmlts with shame, he had a facile knowledge, but no real depth.) He read the highbrow periodicals, but he also enjoyed the paperback mysteries as diversion. 2 Sometimes his rapid scanning of difficult material backfired, as when he ventured some critical comments about a book by the economist Keynes, and, as a result, was accused of superficiality by Harvard pro­ fessor Alfred Hansen. Thomas later had to admit that he spoke with too little knowledge In this Instance,

-20k- ao5

By alternately reading and napping he could finish most hooks in a couple of hours*

His love of talking also began when he was a boy. Even if we emit from our consideration all his public speaking appearances, he still remains a prodigious talker. In conference and committee work when he should be a participant in discussion^ he shows Instead a predilection for making speeches. In the course of casual conversation with friends or guests, his voice will suddenly take on an orstund qual­ ity, he will begin to pace the floor, and what started out to be a response to a question, a remark, or an interjection, will become an impromptu speech. Even at family gatherings his persistent talking makes him the center of attraction. The speaker's platform is so much his natural habitat that he seldom descends from it*

The old-fashioned, middle-class gentility of his family and his home was never completely rubbed off Thomas, neither by his life as a practicing politician, nor his continuous contacts with the working class*

In his early campaigns for the Presidency it was noted that his ancestry made him the peer of Roosevelt and Hoover, and he was at that time described as a "well-bred aristocrat" and a "cultured gentleman."

The fact is he looks artistocratic, refined. He has a narrow nose with arched nostrils, firm lines around the mouth, small ears set low and close to his head, and a classic,long, oval shape to his face. His hair turned gray early, lending dignity to his appearance. Later, his hairline receded from the temples in a clean semi-circle, exposing a prominent forehead and a fine, dome-shaped bead. His patrician features 206 are accentuated by his conservative dressî dark suits, white shirts vith narrow, short-pointed collars, and subdued ties* He is tall, more than six feet, and his erect posture emphasises his height, so that he seems to tower over most people in a room.

Thomas appears to many who know him to have ineidunistible energy.

Whatever he does, he does energetically. He walks briskly and with a long, loping stride. He dictates letters, speeches, and articles while vigorously pacing the floor. At one time his office telephone had an extra-long extension cord so that he could take the phone with him as he strode about the room speaking into it, Mhea he talks, even in con­ versation, it is vith much expression and deep ftfèling, and his hands frequently come into play, his slender fingers helping to articulate the thoughts. At the peal: of his popularity he had the sort of daily schedule that only a man of great endurance and tremendous drive could satisfactor­ ily maintain. He has always kept busier than most men. At seventy he works harder and longer than many men at forty.

Thomas has too sharp a sense of historical perspective, and too good a sense of humor, to believe that he has been "called” to his work.

He had no such thought about the Church, and certainly not about the

Socialist Party. Yet, there is clearly some deep feeling of duty and urgency which motivates him, for he has always shown extraordinary devotion to his work. He leaves the impression of a man vho has got to mal:e every moment and every occasion have meaning in terms of some pressing goal; a man who has not much time to give to trivialities and amenities because he is rushing to stave off some impending disaster.

His concern for his work has, in fact, been overwhelming. Thomas 207 has been a man without hobbles, without diversions ^ and with no interest

In socializing for Its own sake. He has bemoaned the fate which robbed him of opportunities to satisfy his Interest In music and to enjoy other cultural activities. But this fate has been largely of his own making.

He refused to call even a momentary halt to his struggles for freedom, peace, and plenty.

Still, and fortunately so for his well-being, Thomas has been able to relax even in the midst of his work. He has achieved this mainly through laughter. He could break up a serious discussion with a well placed witticism. He could turn Irony and sarcasm Into humor. Ho matter how hard he worked or how grave the matter at hand, his ability to laugh, even at himself, helped him to maintain stability and propor­ tion.

Thomas is almost always described as a magnetic pezrsonallty— people are drawn to him. This Is partly owing to the simple fact that In a crowd he Is more noticeable than others; first because he Is taller, second be­ cause he talks the most. But this is not the whole answer. He seems always to emanate a great enthusiasm, a zeal for his cause, and an Intens­ ity of purpose that attract people by sheer waves of energy. This is taken by some as a sign of aggressiveness, and it Is possible to say that he Is aggressive In the way In which he fights for his Ideas. But It Is not a personal aggressiveness, and it is not obnoxious.

Thomas' manifest sincerity, his lack of political "bunkum”, and his fairness, have earned him the respect and admiration even of his bitterest opponents, except, of course, the Comnunlsts, who consider these qualities to be signs of revolutionary weakness and bourgeois decadence. 206

Ab It hmppenm, in hi# personil habit# Tbona# 1# a paragon of old-faahlonad bourgeol# respectability. The Calvinist training of hi# homm va# too strong not to leave lasting Influences. He does not #noke« and he vcKÜLd g&ve a# the reason that smoiklng would harm his voice. He may occasionally take a cocktail; that is, be has no moral scruples about drinking, it's just that he never acquired a taste for It. He does not gsinble. Nor has eat­ ing been his indulgence. His habits have been aptly described as ascetic. Some have charged Thomas vith egotism, pointing specifically to the inordinate amount of "I** in his speeches. This vats less true of his speeches twenty years ago than it is today, and even today it is not characteristic of all, his speeches. Thomas seems to make a distinction between the kind of speech In which he is personally promoting a point of view, and that in which he is merely spokesman for some organization. Here below, is an excerpt from the former kind of speech in which he is protesting the use of congnercial time on radio and television for the advancement of particular Ideologies. He said: I have been deliberately arguing the case against propaganda in advertising over radio and television. Unless I can reach an agreement with NBC, which has been good enough to give me this period, I Intend to besiege every government agency; the FOG, the Income tax bureau, and, if necessary. Congress. I shall find ways to make the public hear.^ Some may say that paragraph smacks even of conceit. In this instance, however, Thomas is speaking only for himself. Of course, in recent years he has so far surpwsed in prominence the organizations for whom he Is

Borman Thomas, **The Truth About Propaganda in Advertising," de­ livered on NBC television, July 2, 1952, typewritten manuscript. (This manuscript Is probably already in the Thomas Papers, New York Public Lib; 209 spokeanan that moat of the time be la. In effect, apeaklng for hlmaelf. The Important elementa that emerge from a character atudy of Thomaa are naturally thoae ehlch have helped to bring him fame. Ble zeat for battle and hla courage in It have endeared him to all vho admire these qualities, especially young people. Take, for exanqple, the courage vith which he upheld certain of his convictions even In the face of derision, calumny, and sacrifice of personal prestige, to say nothing of personal inccne (which Thomas tried not to make of flrat Importance).

His equal courage In modifying or even reversing his position when new facts and new conditions seemed to warrant the change. Hla courage also, and his strength. In espousing the just causes of minorities; acting aa their public spokesman— and thus frequently the whipping boy for the opposition— when arrayed against these minorities were powerful groups with all the advantages on their side. The clearer and more terrible the Injustice, the more Thomaa was concerned with it. "Els Interest has always been," says Bell, "the personal fact of injustice, committed by people; and while socialism might remove the Ispersonal 'basic' causes, he was always happiest when he cculd act where the problem was Innedlate and personal."^ Thus he could be found making a speech from the courthouse steps In Terre Haute,.

h Daniel Bell, "The Background and Development of Marxian Social­ ism In the United States," In Socialism and American Life, ed. by Donald D. Egbert and Stow Persons, p. 399» enphasls in original. 210

Indiana in defiance of Governor Paul McNutt'# martial law; or org^mlalng tenant farmer# In Arkansas and being driven out of Blrdaoog by an armed gang of plantation foremen. Be also Intervened In T##*a, Florida in order to arouse the citizenry and to challenge police official# to do their duty after a union man had been murdered by the Kh Klux Klan. He flouted the little dictatorship of Mayor Prank Hague In Jersey City by daring to speak In Journal Square, and vas forcibly sent back to Hew York by Hague policemen. He has stood up to a good deal of abuse In his battles against Injustice, but he has Invariably emerged triumphant from these encounters• Frequently, what drew Thomas Into a conflict was his essential humanity, his concern for the Individual and the Individual's problems, numerous letters— whole files in some cases— among his papers at the

Hew York Public Library, show us how often this happened. A school teacl er Is dismissed In Hew York, Thomas writes a letter to the Board of Ed­ ucation; an Immigrant is having trouble with hid naturalization, Thomas

reaches the Immigration and Haturallzatlon Board. In World War I and

World War II he besieged the Justice Department and the Federal Bureau

of Prisons with letters on behalf of Imprisoned conscientious objectors who complained of mistreatment. In a letter to a union official. In which his main purpose Is to Inquire about a new working system In the

garment Industry, he adds a note: "What's this about a shop chairlady being clubbed?"^ Currently he Is pursuing the case of a soldier who.

^Norman Thomas, letter to Julius Hochman, August 17, 193^> Thomas Papers, Hew York Public Library. 211 becauae of hie youthful college asaoclatlona vith soclallat groupa^ vaa Investigated by the A m y and given an "undealrable” discharge. This deep concern vith individual problems and pereonal Injustices helps to explain his widespread popularity as a "confessor", family counselor, and marriage consultant, while he vas with the American Parish, and later, as a panelist on that old radio program Alexander's Mediation Board. A keen sense of justice capable of arousing a powerful feeling of indignation is what has Inspired Thomas in his remarkable dedication to unpopular causes, and a tremendous moral fortitude Is what has sustained him. He stands in this with other American critics and crusaders, who, from Roger Williams to Eugene Debs, have pioneered our freedoms and our reforms. Unlike some of these crusaders, however, he seems to be a "radical" without fanatic fervor. He has no messlah complex. Instead, he seems at all times to think and act like the wholly rational man— not void of emotion and subconscious influences, but for the most part able to surmount them or reject them. With Thomas, reason rides herd on all feelings that would lead him to stray from the path that reason directs.

II. A CATALOG CF BELIEPS

If there is one thing clear about Thomas, it is that there is no rigidity in his beliefs. He has been flexible and adaptable, tempering his Ideas according to existing conditions. He sees no virtue Inherent In a blind consistency. Furthermore, he has always tried to face problème realistically; that is, to view them in their 212 full complexity, vith, aa hla good friend Harry Laidler haa put it, the 6 ifa, buta, perhapaea, on the other handa, etc. It haa been aaid to him that, "The quality of being reaaenable, the ability to aee an oppoalng point of view, will a tend aa the weakneaa and alao the atrength of Roruan 7 Thomaa." He ia, in his own words, "A pluralist in that I believe that there aren't single causes for results nowadays nor single roada that men can follow to a better world; at least not single ones that we can find o out."

Consequently, Thomas had never been a fanatic believer in any cause, although his positions, varying with the times, have occasionally been extremist. Thus, through the years he moved from rather ardent pacifism to little more than sympathy for pacifists. Later, he supported 9 the Korean War. There was a time when in a world fraught with conflicts and growing tensions, Thomas would have advocated disarmament — even unilateral disarmament for the United States as a first step. But not today. Today, although he still favors disarmament aa the only way to keep the peace in the long run, he sees many practical obstacles prevent­ ing it now; and he would not have the United States disarm or become

arry Laidler, interview with the author, March 21, 1951. 7 Henry F. Pringle, "Also-Ran," profile in the Hew Yorker. Vol. 5# November 9, 1929, p. 31. 8 Norman Thomas, .letter to Rosamond Clark, Secretary of the Queens County Socialist Party, Jeuauary 20, 19^2, Thomas Papers, New York Public Library. 9 In his book A Socialist's Faith, p. viii, he writes: "I still think that under the circumstances which existed on June 25,[l950, the beginning of the Korean Wa^, we had to find cut what might be done by trying." 213 militarily weakened in the face of the constant danger from Russia*

It was only a short time ago that %omas scoffed at the notion of alliances to keep the peace; he considered them instead as devices to keep the "have-not" nations from making progress in their struggle against the "haves." Yet today he favors a strengthened NATO and says we need a cooperative defense against the unquestioned menace of Commu­ nist iuq^rialism.

JUst as be has not been a fanatic believer, neither has Thonms been a fanatic hater. He has never fitted the stereotype of the radical who shouts, "down with everything." Despite his strong, wtspoken criti­ cism of many things in the American scene, he has also frequently called attention to the favorable aspects of the picture. He has been judicial, etnd he has been reasonable. Time, of course, has mellowed him.

In the period following World War II, as the conflict between

East and West intensified, whenever there seemed to be a clear cut choice between Communism and capitalist-democracy as exemplified in America, he 10 has been quick to defend the latter, and even to praise it. He wrote in 19li-7, in an article titled— of all things— "What * s Right With America," that there is "no historical parallel to the fact that a nation has emerged victorious in two World Wars, unequalled in economic and military 11 might, with so little desire for aggressive, imperial power,...." Nor

10 He has done this as much because be dislikes and distrusts Communism, as because be altered somewhat his opinions of America's capitalist-democracy.

4xorman Thomas, "What's Right With Arerica," Harper's. March 19*^7, P. 2 3 7 . 21k has there ever been another action like the United States* offer to give up Its monopoly of the atom to the Uhlted Nations, he declared. And about life Inside America, he wrote: "There Is, moreover, even today, less caste feeling, less snobbery In human relations In America than

In any other great nation,•••• All over the country there Is a saving quality of family life, of good-humored and good-neighborly responsibility, that someday a moralist may discover." He concluded: "Tomorrow I shall go back to pointing out some of the things wrong In America and to suggesting how they may be made right. I shall do it with more confidence because we have a heritage and a history which justify faith In man's 12 capacity for freedom and fair play."

He has become more moderate In his opinion on the question of socialism vs. capitalism. Not so long ago he said that, "the contrast between the existing American capitalist hell and any probable socialist heaven Is less absolute today ^ 9 5 ^ than It seemed In Qene Debs' day."

And he has admitted that "the decline of private capitalism does not l4 warrant faith in the automatic success of socialism." Today, he advocates socialization of the "commanding heights" of the American economy; that Is: natureil resources, the system of money, banking and credit, and the great monopolies such as public utilities, etc. But in the planned economy he envisages there would be plenty of room for

^^Ibld.. p. 2 3 9 .

^\orman Thomas, A Socialist's Faith, p. I7 8 . ik Ibid.. p. 177. 215 15 private enterprise and Individual Initiative. The lesson of Russia, especially, has made him cautious about the kind and degree of social­ ization, for under no circumstances irRuld he have Individual freedoms 16 destroyed or curtailed In deference to the economic order.

Although It vas not necessarily the single cause, one of the factors most strongly Influencing the change In Thomas' beliefs has IT been Russian Communism. Thomas has traveled far from the point In

1918 when he sympathized vith the Bolshevik revolution, protested

American Intervention at Archangel and Vladivostok, and played host to a group of Bolsheviks visiting America. Later, although he thought

SteüLln's dictatorship vas deplorable, he felt It might be necessary for a vhlle In a country like Russia, and he vas vllllng to praise at least the economic gains made by the Soviets. And vhlle be did so vith reserva­ tions about their sincerity, he also thought It possible to vork together

This description of Thomas* most recent economic Ideas Is necessarily slmpllfed. One should really read Chapters 13-15 of A Socialist * 8 Faith, also a September 1950 Fortune article entitled*” "Nonnem Thomas Re-examines U. S. Capitalism,^ and later vorks published In pamphlet form by the League for Industrial Democracy.

A Socialist's Faith he has vrltten: "I have changed somsvhat my opinion of the amount of social ovnershlp that Is desirable. I have come to recognize that of Itself It does not mechanically ansver our economic problems and that democratic controls v l U not come automatically but must be thought out." (p. 33U) He has said, vith regard to both capitalism and Marxism, that "you can't organize society on the basis of the Impersonal vorklngs of amoral economic lavs.” "Norman Thomas Re-Examines U. S. Capitalism," Fortune. Vol. k2, September 1950, p. T6. 17 It vas bound to be so because (l) Russia and Communism have loomed so large In the history of the vorld since 1 9 1 8 ; and (2 ) vbat has happened to the socialist experiment In Russia ban made many Marxists and all democratic socleillsts re-evaluate their beliefs. 216 with American Conniniete on apecial project#. But after 1937 he grew steadily more disenchanted with* and finally coo^etely disillusioned about, the Soviet Uhion, and, at the same time, came to regard the in­ ternational Conninist movement aa a vast conspiracy controlled from Mos­ cow and dedicated to Moscow's objectives. Finally, be realized that "morally and practically there must be conflict between slavery and free- 18 , dom, totalitarianism and democracy." (But not the conflict of war.) Still, one might wonder why, in bitterly opposing Hazism and fas­ cism, Ibomas did not advocate measures to combat them that he now supports in fighting Conmunism. The answer is that a fundamental change in his philosophy has taken place. Because of his staunch moral scruples he be­ lieved, as I have said elsewhere. In rather absolute choices between good and evil. He found it difficult, If not Inpossible, to support a side to which evil could be attached. He could not imagine the circumstances in which one might be'compelled to support relative good or evil. Yet, it was In exactly these circumstances that he supported the Allies in World 19 War II. Later, he completely rejected the dichotomy of good and evil. More recently he has written: As I look back on history...It seemed to me that always the great choices were relative: that never were men In social action able to seek the absolute good by means completely appropriate to it.... Yet there would have been no progress if men had despised the im­ portance of relative choices of good and evil or had refused to act at all. ...in social action I think It right to pursue that course than which on any clear evaluation of possibilities any alternative would be w o r s e . 20

One ought not conclude from all this evidence of changing beliefs

l^orman Thomas, "Our One Hope for Peace," Saturday Evening Post, Vol. 22U, February 2, 1952, p. 25. ^^Bell, 22,. cit., p. U>0 1 , sets 19*^7 the date. ^^orman Thomas, A Socialist's Faith, pp. 320-21. 217 that Thonas held steadfastly to nothing. Indeed, his life has been guided by at least three constants. Thomas has firmly kept a belief In eq^usl justice for all people, a driving devotion to freedom, and a single moral standard by which he Judges friend and foe alike.

III. THOMÆ' POLITICAL PHILC60PHY

Today, Marx Is of little significance to the Socialist Party, but there vas a time, of course, when American Socialists toOk their Marx very seriously. It was to them then, much as it is to Communists today, a secular religion, and like other religions it Involved its followers in endless disputes over interpretation of theory and application of tactics. Although he Joined the Party at a time vhen it was still strongly Marxist, Thomas eschewed both the theoretical conflicts and the doctrin­ aire position on Maxx from the very beginning. He came closest to accepting Marxism in the early depression years when events in Europe and America seemed to be vindicating Marx. A lot of things that happened at that time could be explained and under­ stood if one had a Marxist interpretation of them. It was then that Thomas, yielding to strong pressures from elements within the Party, supported the 193^ Declaration of Principles. Not so long before that he had argued that Marxism could not be a philosophy for the Party because "It is inadequate to explain, interpret, or predict in today's world. It is already anachronistic." 21 This was more nearly his view for most

'Borman Thomas, America's Way Out, (1931) PP. 133-3^. 218 of M b Party life.^

Thomas haa acknowledged that "all Boclallsm owes a debt to Marx 23 and has been greatly Influenced by him." But vhen socialists have been avowed Marxists, says Thomas, they have often either restricted their usefulness by making opposition to Conmunism their only end, or. In the naleve belief that they could make common cause with the Communists, 2k have foolishly surrendered to them.

Still, the evil that attaches to Marxism Is not Inherent within

It; It Is rather the attempt by some to make Marxism dogma, absolute and Incontrovertible. Thomas has frequently said that he did not discard the Gospel according to Mark only to embrace the gospel according to Marx.

At no time was Thomas an advocate of violent revolution. He had been in extreme sympathy with the Russian revolution when It took place, but even then he had not supported a similar course for America. In so far as he favored the 1934 Declar&tlon of Pirlnclples, at that time he

22 In M s book, A Socialist's Faith. (1951) he wrote that Marxism ia "Inadequate for our time under any interpretation." p. 5*

^%orman Thomas, A Socialist's Faith, p. 4. Thomas says that Marx Mmself Is important malniy as a good social scientist. But Marxism Is significant because of its tremendous power over large masses of men. It is difficult to say just how much of Marx Thomas knows and understands. He has contributed no new Interpretation of Marx— as have other Party leaders— and has added nothing to Socialist theory In this regard. All the varieties of CommuMsts,,as well as many old-time Socialists— even Including those who admire him— consider Thomas to be no more than a so-so student of Marx. 24 In the first case the socialists have fought CommuMsts because of a belief that Communists vere destroying Marxism by mlsInterpreting and misusing It. In the second, they have joined with the Communists as fellow-Marxlsts and been swallowed up by them. 219 subscribed to violence as a last resort in order to keep out of power the counterrevolutionary elements. But fundamentally, he believed In non-violent, parliamentary and democratic means of achieving and main- talnlng control of the state. In 1932, when. If ever, he was most likely to support an Impetuous revc^utlon, he repudiated "romantic acts of revolutionary violence** and called Instead for the education of the workers as the best road to socialism. Following the 1932 election he

adjured Socialists not to give up their faith In democratic means. He

repeatedly Insisted that, **In this country we want no dictatorship, we want no revolution. There are ample constitutional ways of bringing about 25 the change In a peaceful and legeLL manner.**

The sort of revolution which he did want he conceived as follows :

**It will require the believers In socialism to win the power of the

state and to use it consciously to establish the new society. In this 26 sense socialism must be revolutionary, not Fabian.** But he Immediately

added that no successful socialist revolution can be Imposed by force upon a hostile or indifferent majority. And he was fully aware that

"the more dependent upon Its (the capitalist system*sj relatively smooth

and continuous working are masses of people for their dally bread, the less chance will they willingly take of breaking It in the hope that 27 someday, some workers will be much better off." Yet, he did not hope

J. Woolf, New York Times. Jbne 7, 1936, Sec. VII, p. 2 3 . 26 Norman Thomas, Socialism on the Defensive. p. 2 9 9 .

^Ibid.. p. 157. 220 for^ nor seek to bring about, that catastrophe vhich, according to

Leninist doctrine, might make socialism possible. He argued, instead, that in America, vith its tradition, it is better to try to improve democracy than to scrap it; and he contended that socialism ought to 26 be the alternative to catastrophe rather than its doubtful consequence.

Thomas' socialism is religious in origin and American in its development. True to its origin it has a moral foundation, and because 29 it is American, it is pragmatic and experimental rather than credal.

28 - Norman Thomas, letter of August 18, 1932, Thomas Papers, New York Public Library. This is apparently i>art of a reply to a question about the difference between Socialism and Conmamism. Comnunists, said Thomas, believe that catastrophe in capitalist countries is inevitable and that it will bring the revolution; that the change from capitalism to socialism can be achieved only by a dictatorship, and that in achiev­ ing the socialist goal, anything goes. Said William Z. Foster, longtime head of the American Coosnunist Party: "The capitalists will not give up of their own accord; nor can they be talked, bought or voted cut of power. To believe otherwise would be a deadly fatalism, disarming and paralyzing the workers in their strug­ gle. No ruling class ever surrendered to a rising subject class without a last ditch open fight." Cited in Harry W. Laidler, Socializing Our Democracy, p. I9 6 . 2 0 ^There are three kinds of socialism, writes David F. Bowers in his essay, "American Socialism and the Socialist Philosophy of History," (in SociaJ-ism and American Life, ed. by Donald D. Egbert, and Stow Persons, pp. 409-^2 5 .) Kiere are religious communists, secular Utopians, and Marx­ ists, All three believe in a chosen group carrying out a grand design of history, he says. All three also believe that there is inevitable prog­ ress in history, not dependent upon the will or the vorks of man. This is not true of American democratic thought, writes Bowers, which believes in man's absolute control of historical development dependent upon man's intelllgenee; and believes etlso in indefinite progress in which there is no specific goal such as the socialist's collectivism. It is because of the American character of Thomas' socialism that he never subscribed fully to the credal aspects of Marxism. Thomas does not seek the single goal of collectivism, but has said, in fact, that, "Social ownership seemed a tool, a means, not an end." Norman Thomas, A Socialist's Faith, p. 3. While all can agree that Thomas" socialism was not credal, there is less agreement about whether it was pragmatic and experimental. In his Folklore of Capitalism, Thurman W. Arnold says of Thomas that, "He was never identified with an organization that seemed about to do anything 221

To many Maixlete, it vas not even socialism,Thomas was not offended,

"I am not wedded to the Socialist label," he has said, "only 1 do not yet know of any word that so thoroughly expresses the ideal we are

^practical,.,. He symbolized a conflicting ideal without creating a practical working institution which interfered with any of the ideals that Socialism contradicted." pp, 13-14, Will Herberg says of Thomas that, "he is thoroughly inpatient with reality when it does not coincide with his principles and too easily tends to lose si^t of this reality in the rational charm of his ideals." Will Herberg, "Socialism in American Life," Commonweal, Jhly 11, 1952, p. 343. Claude Moore Feuss calls Thomas an idealist with a kinship to Ghandi and St. Francis Assisi, but says also that he has a strong practical side. He is a pragmatist, writes Feuss, who has adopted Marxist doctrine to the united States situation, "Norman Thomas: Socialist Crusader," Current History. October 1932, pp. 1-6, In his essay on Thomas (in The American Politician, ed, by J. T. Salter, p, 248), Donald Lescohier writes that he combines socialism with reform activities; an excellent approach to the American scene. Thomas is politiceü. realist enough to know that the Party must build on iianediate issues that touch intimately and daily the lives of the masses whose support it seeks, writes the author of "If I Were A Politician," The World Tomorrow, JVme 1930, p, 2 6 0 . There is no denying that Thomas held firm to ideals, but he also proposed and worked for measures immediately relevant to American con­ ditions. He recognized the need for a Socialist platform composed in part of practical measures to alleviate present distresses. He wrote, "Above all, the workers, however loudly they might applaud socialist indictments of their present wrongs and socialist promises of a happy future, have always been primarily concerned with the question: When and what do we and our children eat?" Socialism on the Defensive. p. 1 5 5 * It is clear that before 1932 Thomas practiced "municipal socialism," as in his campaigns for mayor of New York in 1925 and 1929, and was accused by the Marxists then in the Party of being too reform- minded. Later, beginning about 1937» he wanted to work with labor part­ ies and was the leader, in 1950, of the attempt to cease Socialist elec­ toral activity and concentrate on education. We need to reccCLl that in his application for membership in the Party, back in 1918, he noted that if he was living in the Midwest, he might practice his socialism in the Farmer-Labor Party or seme non-partisan political group,

^^Thomas has written, "Fortunately for me, socialism and Marxism are not identical..,," A Socialist's Faith, p. 6. 222 seeking.”^ Still, he had acme very definite notiane about the meaning of eocialiem. In socialism* § darkest hour, (about 19^) > he wrote ;

In their disgust or despair at the failure of Socialism in one form in Germany and its more tragic betrayal of our hopes in an­ other form in Russia, some former Socialists are going to the extreme of giving up the word "socialism" as in itself discredited.

But the word socialism itself and the ideas and hopes which it has symbolized for millions of men down through the ages never were bound up wholly with any one man or group of men, not with Mensheviks or Bolsheviks, not Kautsky or Lenin or Trotsky or Stalin or Marx himself, or Rose Luxembourg, perhaps his greatest interpreter to the post war generation. Socialism means the dreams, the hopes, the visions of millions of men, famous and unknown in the generations before Marx. It was the greatest inspiration of the modem labor movement; for it unknown heroes lived and for it they died as martyrs. Socialism in America meant and still means the marvels of hum­ anity of Gene Debs more than the cold logic of any theoretician. Socialism has to restudy its methods. It has to reenqphasize its essential democracy, but it is still for the dispossessed, the workers of hand and brain in town and country, yes, the lovers of justice and humanity, the great affirmation that men can harness machinery for the conquest of poverty without losing their liberty.”

Socialism, he said, offers no salvation by faith or by panacea.

But in the face of the enormous problems that existed, his conception of socialism's task transcended creed and party. He said:

I am a Socialist because in our modem world it seems to me that Socialism affords our best hope of utilizing our immense resources of material and skill so as to abolish poverty and the terrible insecurity of the workers, reduce the menace of war, and increase the measure of freedom and fraternity in

31 Anonymous, "If I Were A Politician," The World Tomwrow. p. 2 6 3 , In A Socialist's Faith, p. 3 , Thrmas wrote; ‘*Por myself, socialism has always seemed primarily a doctrine and movement con­ sciously concerned with the common good."

^^orman Thomas, typewritten manuscript of article for the Socialist Call, circa 19**'0, Thomas Papers, New York Public Library. 223

our vorld. So great a task outrun# the life of one genera­ tion or the function# of any political party •*33

Technically, *nioma# may be deecribed a# an "Anerican reyi#ioni#t

Socialist vith strong enÿhasi# on the relevance of ethical value# to 3k decisions on social policy,” And loosely, yet with equal validity, his socialism may be characterized as "an empirical philosophy, ground­

ed in no orthodogcy, yet unified and consistent in its devotion to just

causes of any kind.” Emotionally it is humanitarian ; theoretically

it is to a certain degree collectivist and cooperative; fundamentally

it is Christian ethics in practice; practically, it stands for the

triumph of reason, for freedom with the fewest restraints, and justice

without favor. It is the spirit of dissent based on a faith in democ­

racy. It is a noble hope founded on a belief in man's capacity for

endless improvement.

IV. TEOM/e AND RELIGION

If we take religion to be— using Thomas' favorite definition—

"a deep sense of values transcending quantitative measurement,” then

Thomas remains today, as he has always been, a religious man. We

know, of course, that he long ago disaffiliated himself from the Pres­

byterian Church and subsequently rejected all religious dogma. He

■30 Anonymous, "If I Were a Politician," op. cit., p. 201. 34 Sidney Hook, letter to the author, March 1Ô, 19^2. When I read this statement to Thomas, he agreed absolutely and said he was happy to know that he had finally made that impression on someone. 2 A 35 haa since even rejected the Christien conception of God. This has heen^

to say the least, a strange and unusual developnent for one In «hose

boyhood home orthodox Presbyterlanlsm vas the vital center, who had

conservative religious views in college, who studied for the ministry,

and who was for twenty years--8 ix of them actively— an ordained minister.

The turning away from theological religlw was slow and painful,

and may to this day not be altogether complete. But in the course of It Thomas acquired new beliefs for those he discarded. He came to be­

lieve that "there is undoubtedly a Power, not ourselves, behind the

universe, whom or which we may call God." But he could not accept God

In this sense as a personal God or a God of righteousness. The universe,

he said, is not ismoral, but amoral, indifferent to man and his hopes

and fears. This belief cannot be reconciled with Christian philosophy.

Neither his own experiences with the church and his personal

repudiation of it, nor his newly found philosophy have made him c

temptuous of religion— even of the credal kind— or of the church. "In

a vorld like ours, I want to break down no faith that gives men peace 36 and hope and strength to go on, he has written. As he learned to

view the churches "more and more as human and to Judge them as such.

■35 "’ Norman Thomas, unpublished memoir. He writes : "If God be omnipotent Power, I cannot praise His ordering of the war cursed world. If He be love, how can I give Him thanks for the triumph of amoral force?" 36 Thomas, unpublished memoir. Thomas was not always so toler­ ant towards the church. For comparisœi, one should read his essay "The Churches and the End of An Epoch," in ^ I See It. pp. l4o-l$2. Moreover, he still finds fault with specific actions of the churches, and has no use at all for the continued emphasis on dogma in many churches. 225 rather than In the light of their own claim# to divine eanction," hi# respect for them rose. They met a need. If they "can help u# to find; to measure, and to serve" the values transcending quantitative measurement; they vill have net our greatest need, he believes.^

The fact remains that Thomas* whole philosophy is essentially religious— spiritual If you viU«.because Thomas is essentially a moralist.^ He believes still; that Christian ethics are an "inspira­ tion to the highest achievement in human fellowship." In his positive philosophy there is "beauty and grandeur In the universe, and comfort and Joy from it." In it there is "dignity and meaning in life to be derived from true fellowship. In which mutual aid and tolerance are essential parts." In it love Is beginning and end, and the means to both. And if we wonder how such a philosophy Is possible without be­ lief In the Christian Cod, Thomas refers us to Socrates* advice to

Glaucon;

In heaven there Is laid up a pattern of such a city, and he who desires may behold this, and beholding, govern himself accordingly. But whether there really Is or ever will be such a one Is of no Inportance to him, for.he will act accord­ ing to the laws of that city and no other.

37 Thomas, A Socialist's Faith, p. 128, For a more complete development of his present ideas on religion see the chapter "Religion and the Social Order." qO This fact also helps to explain why Thomas could never accept Marxism, for Marx rejected any concept of a universal ethic. Marx Insisted, rather, that the only kind of morality is "class morality," a part of the superstructure of the community which always reflects the interests of the ruling class. 90 ~^This is as Thomas cites it In his unpublished memoir. CHAPTER XIII

THOMAS AS SPEAKER: METHODS GP PREPARATION

The tacit assunptlon underlying the prppoeal to study a speaker Is that he has been effective. Because the speaker has gained a reputation, It is assumed that In one way or another his speeches have been Influential In shaping society, the vh6Ie or an Important part of It, Immediately or In the long run. But the speaker*s effect­ iveness Is not necessarily a measure of his art, nor vice-versa. Even 1 those speeches we call great may not cone up to artistic standards. The special art farms practiced by Greek and Roman orators were known, appreciated, and applauded by their audiences. Richard Sheridan*s audience had a developed taste for the literary excellences of his style and the dramatic tricks In his delivery. But today's audiences are generally unaware of any special forms In the art of public speaking. What Is designated as the artistic merit of a speech or a speaker, might have had little or no connection with Its effectiveness. The audience today takes Its measure of the speaker or the speech by a combination of factors wholly Ineffable to it— a matter of pure Intultlcax.

It may be Interesting to note that Thcmas has a similar opinion. Be wrote: "I disagree with...the extreme disparagement of the effectiveness of speech which does not conform to oratorical models or which can hardly qualify as a work of art.... Many speeches ...were great, not by reason of perfection as works of art, but by reason of the Importance of the man, the subject, the occasion, and hence their effect on history. By this test, a great many speeches were more Important than any of Cicero’s.” Norman Thomas, to. Chair­ man Ladles and Gentlemen.... p. 6$.

-226- 227 Yet I the speech critic pretends to knoir vb&t it is that askes a speech or a speaker effective. Perhaps he does knew. It can at least be said for the principles be uses that they have stood the severest test of a practical art: for more than two thousand years they have been found to work. These principles, basically the creation of Aristotle, have been used in the analysis and criticism which appear in the following two chapters.

General Method of Preparation Surely one of the outstanding characteristics of his speaking is that the vast majority of Thomas* speeches are delivered extemporaiaecusly, most times without even the use of notes. Yet Thomas delivers fluently, almost flawlessly, and his speeches have coherence, if not always good organization. He enqploys both general and detailed speech materials, sometimes Including exact quotes. While his style is xmqyiestionably oral, it has not only the stang» of cultivation, but also frequent moments of eloquence. Thomas always says something pertinent to his particular audience, still, he never neglects his message. Moreover, be never rambles aimlessly on past the point of his speech or the time allotted him. How does he achieve all this and still manage to be completely extemporaneoosT This accoQplisbment is attributable partly to Thomas' erudition, his nimble mind, and facility of expression, but mostly it is owing to 2 his constant practice of careful preparation.

%ls lecture manager, Roocanna Wells, says of him that "he does his homework well." Interview with the author, March 22, 1951. 226

Except for the extempore perfommacem he wee reqxilred. to give In

Whig Hell, Themes spent the lAole of his eerly speech trelnlng writing

out and memorizing or reading his speeches* He wrote out end reed his

speeches for the Whittier Society in Marlon High School* For the Whig

Society and Princeton intercollegiate debates, he memorized his speeches*

All the homlleticB training he got at Uhlon was In writing out sermons.

He wrote and read most of his sermons at Brick Church. But at Brick

Church, and afterwards at the American Parish— where he was doing a

good deal of public speaking outside the church, he began to learn some­ thing about the audience which changed his mind about speech delivery and thus about preparation. Here is the way Thomas tells it:

In College I always tried to memorize a major speech— even in debate * But I have a poor photographic memory; as X grew busier I lacked time to memorize, and my attempts to recite my own speeches, like pieces in school, seemed to cut me off from my audience* Hence I adopted the plan of writing out important speeches, but memorizing w l y the outline, trust­ ing that ray effort in writing would Improve the quality of the speech* I soon found that I was trying so hard to recall what I had thought were felicitous phraslngs that I turned my eyes inward Instead of looking at my audience* Hence while I have done much writing, it has not been the writing of speeches * As time went on, I discovered that it took an audience to make me think of many of the phrases, especially the wise cracks which proved effective-3

Borman Thomas, W . Chairman. Ladles and Gentleman.... p. 6 7 . I am not sure what Thomas means by a photographic memory, except perhaps the kind that can look at written material once and remember It exactly or in detail. The fact is that "Riomas has an excellent memory, as man­ ifested time and again In his ability to remember specific and often detailed information without notes In his extemporaneous speeches. As for his discovery that his best cracks were made with the Inspiration of the audience, this Is not entirely true, as he hlmself admits on this same page when he says about quips, "But

Another, perfaepe even more Important, cireumetanee which nede

Thonaa diange his method of speech preparation vas his extremely busy schedule. Hot only vas he occupied vith the vork of countless organisa­ tions, but for each of them and through his lecturing, he vas alvays involved in making speeches. Writing all his speeches vas out of the questim; memorizing then was an impossibility. Again, here are Thomas ' own words:

For a great many years, I vas almost obsessed vith the notion that to advance my cause I had to speak whenever possible.... I was carrying a load of vork that made my method of composing speeches a necessity. I had no time to seek perfection in an artist's seclusion.

Actually, Thomas has several methods of preparation each adapted to a different kind of speech situation. Before taking them up in turn, some generalizations applicable to all methods are in order.

Quite in keeping with his own frequently repeated advice, viz., that the most important element in speaking is for the speaker to have something to say and to be sure what that something Is,^ Thomas begins

palm of the hand to help him remember long quotes or complicated statistics. He no longer uses the cards because they would require him to wear glasses which he does not like to do while speaking. Norman Thomas, Interview with the author, September 12, 195I.

^Ibld.. pp. 55-56

^See his article "Random Reflections on Public Speaking," In the Quarterly Journal of Speech. Vol. ItO, April 195^, p* 1*^6, He con­ siders this the first essential of effective speaking. See also the Introduction to his speech in Representative American Speeches 1939JK). ed. by A. Craig Baird, p. 275* l&ls Is, of course, sound public speaking theory In any case; but the reason Thomas stresses It particularly is that in his own mind and In his own practice he placed more emphasis on the message than on any other aspect of speaking. Norman Thosms, Inter­ view with the author, September 12, 1951. 230 his speech preperetlon with e considerstioa of his message. **X early die* covered," he vrltes, "that the best vay to prepare a speech Is to get firmly In mind your major theme and then live vith It, carry It around vith you."^ And again, advising young speakers, he says, "You vlll learn to manage both the logical structure of your speech and your use of illustrations and quotations better if you vlll literally live vith any Inpoz’tant speech that you are about to make. I know of no other vay to make a first rate speech, especially if the subject Is of fizmt 7 rate importance." The object of living vith the theme or message is obviously to settle It firmly in mind and to let the mind vork it over. But Thomas also found that with the theme in mind be vas constantly discovering material for invention; that is, for developing and elaborating the theme. Be writes ; Repeatedly, I have been happily surprised at the vay some valuable hint or illustration would leap at me from the news­ paper or from some happenings as I vent about my business. Looking back on the years I think that I have composed more of ny speeches walking around, going to bed, getting up, or sometimes by flashes in the night, than at my desk."

His second step, then, usually was to gather, in bits and pieces, here and there, his speech materials. Many of these came out of his vast knowledge, others he took from current happenings in newspapers.

Borman Thomas, Mr. Chairman. Ladies and Gentlemen.... p. 55. '^Loc. clt. ®Loc. clt. 831 g in nagaslnet^ and In hla daily axpariancea ; still othars ha gathMPsd in the course of his vide and continual study of currant litaratura#

When special information vas necessary, he did his cvn researeh»^^

If his subject matter vas in any vay technical, or specialised beyond his capacity to cope vith it, he sought the advice of experts*^

To sum up, by the time he vas ready to prepajre the speech proper,

Thomas had given it much serious thought, and had accumulated a store­ house full a£ information and illustration vith tdiich to develop its theme. In viev of the fact that he spoke so often, it is remarkable 12 that he vas nearly alvays so veil prepared. It bespeaks, in Thomas, a great devotion to content as veil as the recognition of a responsi­ bility to his audience.

^Sometimes, ideas appearing in Thomas* speeches are developed first in conversations, Robin Msyers(interviev vith the author, March 19* 1 9 5 1 ; she VMM then editor of the Socialist Call) recalls that vhen Thomas vas upset about minority groups using pressure to censor things they didn't like, be suggested in a conversation vith her that he vould call for expunging the vord "velsh" from the dictionary since he had Welsh ancestry. Later, this illustration turned up in his speeches.

^^orman Thomas, interview with the author, September 12, 1951.

^For example, Thomas frequently called on Maynard Kreuger, who is a professor of economics at the University of Chicago, to help vith some knotty question in economics. In his Madison Square Garden speech of Novenher 3 , 1938, Thomas made a direct reference to this fact. **Mere editorial assertion," he said, "against the careful tables of my friend Professor Maynard Kreuger cf the Uhiversity of Chicago vhom I asked to make this calculation ( w the capital levg^ carries little weight." Typewritten manuscript in Thomas Papers, New York Public Library.

^ I n reading, and speaking with, a large nuaiber of qualified source people, I have yet to find a complaint about his preparation. He was tired, often, but agq^irently not unprepared. 232

After thl# prellnümry preperetlom, Thome# proceeded eloog one of three course# depending on whether the speech we# to he reed, or delivered extenvoreneously, end whether the speech event we# likely to be newsworthy.

The Manuscript Speech

Speeches to be read— mostly radio talks— were usually dictated rapidly in first draft Thomas dictated energetically, with a good deal of pacing about and gesturing. It was almost as if he was deliver­ ing the speech extemporaneously. If a secretary was not available— end this was frequently true on canpalgn trips— Thomas wrote out the speech l4 in longhand.

The longhand copy or the typewritten transcript of the dictation was then subject to revision. Either because he was pressed for time or because he was satisfied with what he bad done— the farmer is most generally true— many first drafts remained virtually unaltered. At most, there were only minor revisions. Extensive changes are infreqiient, and the numerous drafts through which Roosevelt's speeches passed, for exemple, can nowhere be found in Thomas' record.Rarely did a speech

^^ith rare exceptions, Thomas made no outline prelindnauQrto dic< tating or writing cut his manuscripts for speeches to be read.

^Siany such manuscripts may be found in the Thomas Papers at the New York Public Library, "Qiey are written in a fantastic scrawl, as if the writer was going at top speed, ioqpelled by flurries of thought. A great many conmon abbreviations are used, as, for example, *’wh" for which, "ecoo" for economic, "*»" for and, etc,

^^For that matter, Thomas bad no staff of speech writers and advisers. He composed all his speeches himself, and then wrote revisions in longhand. 233 go ttarougji M mmny am three or four revlmlomm. The revimed coplem aboir that change# are predominantly concerned with m t y l e 1%oeiaa mought to achieve a better arrangement of word#, greater economy of wordm, and more apt expremmion. The goal th all came# aeemm to be clarity rather than mtylimtic effect. Where clarity im not a chief concern, Thcmaa made changea in order to improve him apeech material# by (1 ) making a atatement more accurate through the uae of apecifics rather than generaliaationa, and (2 ) by adding timely 11- IT lustrations to make his speech more vital. All the additlans, the deletions, the revision#— everything was still subject to change in the moments before Thomas actually delivered 18 his address, and even during It. Be made last minute changes to adapt his speech to the most up-to-date happenings, and then he Interpolated

^aced with the problem of using numerous excerpts from many different speeches to Illustrate individually each of ISiomaa' techniques in revision, I have chosen instead to use four consecutive pages from one speech in which all or nearly all of them may be found. It seemed to me that thus a more complete and clearer view of Thomas* methods vould be obtained. The speech selected, a radio address of 1932 titled "The National Platforms as a Socialist Sees Them," underwent a great deal more revision than appears customary for Thomas; but because of that it makes a good choice for illustrating the various types of changes he makes, These pages may be found in Appendix II, photostated from the Thomas Papers in the New York Public Library. 17 'Other revisions are given over to correcting secretarial errors, or to filling in thoughts purposely left une lab orated because Thomas did not have the exact reference material on hand at the time the speech was written in first draft. 18 Careful comparisons made between the manuscripts of several radio speeches in the Thomas Papers and recordings made by NBC of the same speeches, indicate important changes in most instances. But again, the revisions follow the same pattern already explained. Thomas writes: "Even when I am reading a radio speech I occasionally alterations, interpolations or omissions, which come to my nl«^ as I go." Cited by A. Craig Baird, 0£. cit., p. 276. 23k

freely throu^out hi# pre#ent«tion. Finally, Thane# vould con#lder It en umecoacmlcel effort— eepeclelly during eeaqpelgn# vhen he ve# so pressed for tin»— if his prepared speeches could not be put to other uses, nwrefcre, one can

frequently find scribbled across the tops of manuscripts notes such as this one; "Please rush this. Tell Sam Freedman to make up Hev

Leader column out of It and send copies to other papers that get "Tlamlgr TopicsThe foUoving note Is also typical. "As vritten this vill be used Saturday night on WEVD. It vlll be the basis of similar speeches throughout the country vith appropriate local illustrations. Bave extra copies on hand for me and for publicity. Don't forget to send one to 2 0 Billings of Time."

The Speech Summary Those campaign speeches vhlch vere not broadcast— and that means

the vast majority— underwent a somewhat different pattern of preparation. At the beginning of the camqialgn Thomas vould make up several "stock" 21 speeches. Be would vary these from place to place by adapting them to particular audiences or special situations, and keep changing the

19 Note In Thomas'hand on first page of typewritten manuscript of speech prepared for presentation on WCFL, Chicago, September 1, 1932, Thomas Papers, New York Public Library. "Timely Topics" was the title of the column Thomas wrote regularly for the New Leader and had syndicated to other labor and socialist papers.

^Typewritten note on first page of manuscript copy of speech titled "Repeal Unemployment," Thomas Papers, New York Public Library.

^ I n ome place (interview with the author, September 12, 1951) Thomas says he prepared seven or eight "standard-type"speeches. Blse- vhere (In his article "Random Reflections on Public Speaking," op, cjt,, p. lk5 ) he puts the number as two or three. 235 lUu#tr»tlv# The main th#me# reaalzMd about th# aaaa. Thoma# writest .. .during pdltleal oaqpalgns I wrote out rather fully a few basic speeches or sussmrles of speeches. Unless I had occasion to use one of these over the radio from a studio, I never read or recited It as written. But I had one or another of these sussoarles In nlnd as the founda­ tion or skeleton of each particular speech. I also used them as summaries to the press. 23 In campaigns and out— Including his lecture appearances — Thomas made constant use of speech summaries. To a speaker who prefers to talk extemporaneously and yet needs the widest possible distribution for bis Ideas, the principal advantage of a summary Is that It solves the problem of publicity. It makes It convenient for a repwter to quote from a speech be may not have heard. Thomas Is always careful to point out, however, that although the summary may be used to q^ote him. It Is not

^^orman Thomas, Mr. Chairman, Ladles, and Gentlemen.... p. 68. 23 In reply to my inquiry about manuscript copies of his lectures, Thomas said I probably would not find any because he spoke extemporaneous- ly and tried never to give the same speech twice, and therefore there was no point to preparing manuscripts. He often used summaries, he said. Interview with the author, December 31» 1952. ok Thomas writes bitterly about the reporting of speeches In America. He says that "with some notable exception, such reporting Is Indifferent or downright poor In the United States. Most reporters expect a handmit or a release from which they cull a few sentences,....* Norman Thomas, hfr. Chairman. Ladles and Gentlemen.... p. U-2. He tells the story about reporters who sought him out after his speeches and asked him to repeat parts of It because they came late. When he was desperate for publicity he obliged. Now he asks them If they would make a similar request of a concert artist. Only the New York Times occaalooally made stenographic transcripts of his major campaign speeches or printed the manuscript In full. 236 25 precisely vhat be vlll say* Purttaeznare» he has noted also that In campaigns^ thou^ be prepared several basic speeches » the swssarles he released usually "deal with the conparatlvely new material of a particular speech, rather than with the whole spbech*"^ These summaries, which Thomas sometimes Incorrectly labels "out­ lines," serve not only as press releases, of course, but also as a means of preparation. In this latter capacity they are a somewhat uncommon method for an extemporaneous speaker. Given the greatest liberality In definition they still cannot be called outlines. Rather, In some respects, they are more nearly like a complete manuscript of a speech. In the first place, not Infrequently, the sunmarles are as long as the speeches themselves. One he prepared for a speech titled, "Education

or propaganda," has penned at the top of the first page this note: "In accordance with my usual custom I shall not read my speech nor deliver It perfect from memory. Direct quotations, however, from this summary

or synopsis will be entirely In order. The speech Itself will be no

25Over and over this sort of note Is found at the head of the summaries: "Rote to the editor: Mr. Thomas, alouMt Invariably, speaks without manuscript. The following paragraphs are a summary of the most Important part of his address. Be will not read them verbatim but they represent his point of view accurately and may be quoted as express­ ing him." Rote on typewritten manuscript of speech titled, "The Why ai^ the Bow of Democratic Socialism,” August 28, 19^0, Thcmaa Papers, New York Public Library. 26 Cited by A. Craig Baird, o£. cit., p. 2T6. In a letter to Fred W. Ostendorff (who was preparing to do a thesis on his speaking at the University of Washington) Thomas wrote, "What I say In the release, I say In the speech, but the release usually emphasizes sane particular point I want, to bring out at a particular time. It Is written with an eye to newspaper publicity. The actual speech, of course. Is much longer and differently constructed." Letter dated April 1 8 , 19^i Thomas Papers, New York Public Library. 23T 27 longer than this synopsis •** Of course, in most instances his summarlM vere not as long as the speeches for which they vere prepared* Bit many are so nearly ccovlete In content, and so finished in style, that they leave the impression of a full speech, ready to he delivered from manu­ script.

The matter of the coepleteness of the summaries, however, is not

80 important as what Thonms did vith them* To be sure, he did not read then; and, of course, he did not render them verbatim from memory, neither did be use them as one might use notes. They did serve him as outlines, stating rather completely his principal ideas and often even the illus­ trative material to support and develop them. In the process of pre­ paring these summaries Thomas became thoroughly familarized with his speech. He got to know his speech specifically rather than only vaguely. 26 Then, as one might study an outline, %omas read through his sumsmiry.

27 Note on typewritten summary of speech, "Education or Propaganda," prepared far the Kansas State Teacher's Association, November 3, 1939, Thomas Papers, New York Public Library. A summary he prepared for a fifteen minute radio talk titled, "Labor Unions in the Present Crisis," (Thomas Papers, New York Public Library) is five double-spaced, typewritten pages long. This is just a shade under the average length of the manuscript copies of his fifteen minute radio talks. 28 How thorough this reading is and whether it takes p l w e more than once depends on how busy Thomas is. Ordinarily he is too busy to spend much time in reviewing his speech summaries. On the occasion of an address he delivered to a conference on Christianity and Secularism at which I was an observer, he seemed to be studying his summary pretty carefully in the moments before he rose to speak. Before that he had been listening attentively to the speaker preceding him. Shortly before his speech he told me he had no real idea of the tenor of the conference or the kind of audience he would have, and so despite the summary he made— at the request of the conference sponsors— he could not prepare anything final. Be planned to add many new ideas, he said. Then, as he got up from his seat to take his place at the dais before being introduced. 238

Th# tuantfy ###m#& to b# hi# mental guide me he made the epeech,

but only rarely did he repeat ptaMaee exactly or follow to the letter the

order of ideas in the summary. Careful con^arison of summaries vith

accurate texts of the speeches show that the main lines of thought are

similar and most of the prepared speech material has been used; but

much, much more has been added, and there is a distinct effort at audience

adaptation. There are references to the occasion, or to the remarks of

previous speakers, allusions to the audience's special interests, and

flashes of humor. Thomas accomplished all this while still keeping

within the basic framework of his speech summary.

The summaries then, are impersonal, straightforward, abbreviated

versions of speeches that, vhen given, sparkle with humor, bristle vith

speech materials, are delicately attuned to the audience, are vital vith

up-to-date information, and presented in an oral style that is the hall- 29 mark of extemporisation.

The Speech Outline

In his earlier days, %omas tells us, be made in error in not

^ he whispered to me that he had the problem of deciding, in the time it takes to get from his seat to the platform, whether to say much in rebuttal to the previous speaker or to more or less ignore his speech. The Conference on Christianity and Secularism was sponsored by the Ohio Area of the Methodist Church and held at the Seneca Hotel in Columbus, Ohio, November 9* 1951* 29 Thomas really understates the case vhen he writes that, "Often I have handed out a release giving the substance of a speech, but since I then spoke withoit manuscript after facing my audience, the release did not conform too closely to the language of the speech." Norman Thomas, Mr. Chairman. Ladies and Gentlemen..,, p. *»2. 239 30 clearly dlstingulahlzig between the outline and the aummary. While he prepared the aummary for preaa releaae or other forma of publicity* he made the outline for hla own uae.

It la a t l U aonetinaa a taak to differentiate between "tiie two.

The difficulty lies In the fact that aone outllnea are aa long and aa thorou^ aa aummarlea.^ On the other hand* aona» are no more than a few nunibered aentencea. The diaracterlatlca which dlatlngulah the out­ line from the aummary aeem to be (l) that the outline la uaually arranged by some a art of aynhol ayatem* which la never found In the aummary, and

(2) that the outline may occaalooally be put down In key worda or phraaea rather than conqplete aentencea, and a^aln, the aummary never la. The outline flilao haa precedence over the aummary, for Thomas frequently made an outline and a aummary for the aame apeech, and a ome timea— though rarely— he uaed an outline aa the flrat atep in preparing a manuscript 52 apeech.

^^orman "Oiomaa, Interview with the author, December 31, 1932.

^^^omaa waa Inconalatent In the labels he gave to the ao-called aummarlea. Sometimes he called them outllnea, other times aynopaea, emd moat of the time aummarlea. 32 Severely pressed for time, Thomas might even write out three- fouz^ha of hla manuscript and then outline the remainder of the apeech aa he did, for example, with a radio apeech titled, "The Price of World Peace," (delivered on WBC, November 11. 1935, handwritten manuscript In Thomas Papers, New York Public Library). Since a recording of this apeech la available at NBC, a comparison may be made between the outlined section and Its finished counterpart. This la an opportunity for studying Thomas* apeech development from outllnea. The comparison will be found In Appendix III. AO 33 W« mmy alto drmw th# foOHovlng coneluslom about Thcmaa* outlinaa.

1. Tbay do not logically ralata the idea# eontalnad in them;

2. ratbar^ thair main purpoaa aaana to ba to aid in a obrono-

logical davalopmanti

3. and to separata tba apaacb into distinct ideas.

4. The outlines seldom contain speech materials*

5. but ideas are frequently developed beyond tba single sentence

statement of them. A The outline* though its use appears to be on the vhole Infrequent* is 35 ThoBMLS' most basic form of vritten preparation for speaking. But it

is hardly a precise* carefully detailed or painstakingly organised prepa­ ration. That is* it bears only a slight resenblance to vhat rhetoricians vould consider a good outline.

Introductions and Conclusions

Ordinarily* that is* for the extemporaneous speeches* Thomas

neither vrote

^ ^ o u r typical outlines have been place in j^ppendix IV. They run the gamut from one vith four points and six sentences* to one over tvo pages long vith five main points* nine subpoints* and a statement of introduction and conclusion.

** Appears” is proper because ve cannot be sure hov many outlines Thomas saved and filed away to be included in his papers. The number actually in his papers is very small compared vith the nuaber of summaries and manuscripts. In an interviev vith the author (September 12* 1951) Thomas said that he had made many outlines in his day. 35 "For speeches not of the campaign variety where I vas less c w c e m e d for publicity I vrote less and depended more simply on out­ lines*” says Thomas. Norman Thomas. Mr. Chairman. Ladies and Qentle- man.... p. 68. ------2ki tions conclu#loo#. He relied vrincipelly on hi# ability to find hi# Introduction In the clrcuntence# of hi# apeech, and hi# conclualon

In the reactions of hi# audience. Th(#ma# said about thl#;

I...have vorrled...over the proper beginning#, especially alnee I often vas In the position of one who m a t get hi# audience*# attention promptly or not at all. There Isn't any fonaila— too auch depend# on the audience, the occasion, the subject. M I grew more accustomed to speaking In a H sort# of places, I cam# more and more to depend upon some event, some remark of a pre­ ceding speaker, or, for example,— on a street comer— a reference to something before my listeners eyes and ear# to get me started. It.was of course. Important to relate my beginning to my theme.3°

Yet even for his extenporaneous speeches Thomas made a careful calcula­

tion of the probable nature of his audience so that he would know how

best to approach it.^ For his manuscript speeches he was more exact

In planning both introductions and conclusions since there was less 38 opportunity to make extensive last minute changes and adaptations.

3Ô Norman Thomas, W . Chairman. Ladles and Gentlemen...» p. $6.

^Thomas writes, "He ^he speakeiQ must come to each audience with some anticipatory notion of Its probable makeup, attitude, and interest. Ibid., p. 66. And he says about speaking to unsympathetic audiences that, "You seek a point of contact— scmetlmes by sharp chal­ lenge to arouse attention, sometimes by beginning with partial agremnent with what you assume Is majority sentiment...." Ibid.. p. U 6 . But he insists that, "Something tells you, maybe not always correctly, your best opening after you look at your listeners." Loc. clt. Tte outline of his Town Hall lecture on "The Peace and the Prospect for Democracy," In Appendix IV, seems to suggest that his prepared Intro­ ductions and conclusions are concerned with content rather than with any attmupt to adapt to the audience. This may be, however, an exception­ al case since this lecture was part of a weekly series and so the audience would be basically the same from week to week and vould be coming espec­ ially to hear him.

^^Thoma# says he planned both Introduction# and eoncluslona In his manuscript speeches, but for hi# radio sAtresses he had no particu­ lar audience In mind, only a general group of listener#. Norman TRionmw, Interview with the author, September 12, 1931 and December 31, 1932. A 2

In «ny case, neither in the exteayorenecus speech nor the manu­

script speech does Thosms as a rule make elaborate Introductions. Be le

too eager to get to the heart of his speech end he has too many things

he wants to say* Ifost often, he appears to rely on the very fact of

his presence or on his ability to make the speech content Itself Interest­

ing In order to capture the attention of his audience. %re, for example.

Is his prepared Introduction In a speech titled, "The Good Life and the

Good Society," at a convention of the Head Mistresses Association of

the East.

It is, I suppose, nowadays qgulte a good deal more possible to welcome a socialist than formerly because worse things than socialism could happen. It Is entirely conceivable that some of them might happen. You ad ^ t lmaglne_your condition, for Instance, under Hitler or under Stalin.

And with that he Is Into his discussion.

Often In the prepared radio address the purpose of his opening

ranarks seems to be to Introduce his subject, perhaps by definition and

explanation or a brief statement of his main Ideas. He prepares the

audience for what Is to come. He began his speech "To A m or Not to

Arm," by saying:

The wording of this subject Is striking rather than accurate. The United States Is already heavily armed. Its current budget for all military purposes. Including the Navy, Is larger than the entire annual coat of the entire Federal government prior to the World War. Our Navy Is at least the second In the world. No responsible expert has raised any doubt of the ability of this government to defend Its own shores at the present rate of expenditure. What we are discussing Is a tremendous Increase

90 Norman Thomas, "The Good Life and the Good Society," type­ written manuscript of speech to the Head Mistresses Association of the East, April 20, 193^, Thomas Papers, New York Public Library. 2k3 ko in the «naoBnt exp«ndlt\ure« •

But his introductions could also be, in the best sense of tbs word, felicitous. As he has himself said, he could readily find some opening through which to reach and win his audience if it seemed Impor* tant for him to do so. That is exactly what he did at the national conventi

Mr. Chairman, and ny friends, let me begin by expressing my deep appreciation of the sense of Americanism and fair play which has moved this convention to invite the presidential candidates of various parties to appear before you. I am well aware that you are a non-partisan body in so far as you are a convention. That is, 1 understand that you have not endorsed and do not intend to endorse any party can­ didate for President or Vice-President of the United States. That, may I say, is as It should be in my judgement, concerning the nature of your convention, (applause and cheering) I do not come before you, therefore, to ask for an endorse­ ment as a convention, for the Socialist Party. I oome before you to talk to you as individual Americans about thé claims of the Socialist Party, and about its relation to the Townsend Plan itself. If I were to take a text— and I understand that texts are popular here— (lau^ter) it would be, "Come now, let us reason together." If I have read the papers correctly you have had plenty of steam these hot days. The engine is boiling, the boilers are full, and the pressure runs hi^. I cannot hope to add to that steam or to that pressure, but I vould like to know where the engine Is going to go, and that is a thing I should like to talk to you about for the few minutes that I shall take. Let me say at the beginning that there are many things with which I find myself in agreement. As I sat here looking out over this great audience, I noted a banner in the back, which says: "lAe Townsend Goal; Training for Youth, Work for Maturity, Security for Old Age." That is a magnificent

ko Norman Thomas, "To Axu or Not to Arm," typewritten manuscript of radio address prepared for delivery on WJZ, February 1, 1939, Thomas Papers, New York Public Library. 2M»

goal lAich I can heartily endorse for myself, (cheering and applause) The Socialist Party has been vorking a long tins toward that goal.*^^ Conclusions to Thomas* speeches generally involve less planning than the introductions, but are just about as brief. Thomas has sosui message in mind that he vants to leave vith the audience and he seems to sense, in the extemporaneous speech, the appropriate moment for reaching the conclusion and giving this message. There has never been any conplalnt that Thomas speaks at too great length. Frequently, be vlll sum up briefly the significant ideas in his speech, but couch them In language that has greater emotional impact than that found In the rest of the speech. The following conclusion from an extemporaneous speech "Secularism and the Democratic Process,** may serve to give some notion of this technique. And this I ask you to remember vhen you consider secularism and Christianity. Your enemy is false religion, a false religion, which professing Christians can easily fall victim to. Your enemy is secularism as I have defined it: a regard only for the things that can be measured materially, in terms of money, and pomp, and power, and prestige. These are your enemies. And nobody is going to overcome the enemy, unless he can say: **There are certain things I cherish above all that can thus be measured; certain values vithout vhlch this life Is Intolerable; certain values vithout vhlch there can never be. In any vorld whatsoever, a heaven of true delight." These things ve have to find ways of saying and believing. These things we have to find ways to per­ suade other people to believe, because vhen we use the power of the state to enforce more than the commonly accepted basic law upon which any society depends, you injure religion* You make the wrong sort of appeal. And we have to be alert, especially now. There Is some reason, I suppose, in America for fear of authority. A reason that's growing with the cold war and vhat it imposes. But for the most part, fear In America today outruns

Borman Thomas, speech to the Second Townsend Rational Convention, July 1 8 , 1 9 3 8 , at Cleveland, Ohio, stenographic transcript in Thoamm Papers, New York Public Library. the necessity for fear* Ve do not need to be so afraid of the Joneses, or of the pcaice, or of Dr. Bosley's a m y in Cook county as ve sometimes act as if ve vere. We have made enor­ mous progress in the degree in vhlch ve have had respect for the kind of civil liberty; vhich mwms that in a university, a republic of art and letters, you do not have to have the president decide vhat the students can safely hear on the casqyus. Let's hold to that belief. If there are things that are lovely and true, and of good rapport, we ought to think on these things. But no one yet was ever persuaded to embrace things that vere lovely and true and of good rapport for himself or for society, by the policeman's club alone. Even vhen the speech has gone badly, Thomas can manage to Aalvage some measure of success and leave the audience vith a favorable impres­ sion mainly on the strength of his concluding remarks. Els speech to the Townsend convention— during a large part of vhich he vas soundly booed and hooted down by the Townsendites for telling them that Town- sendlsm would not work— is surely an outstanding exanqple of the power, the genuine persuasiveness, and yet, the clear message that %omas can pack Into a conclusion. Here Is how he ended that speech. And now I come to the end. You don't agree with me, most of you. I wish you did. Any candidate vould be glad to have an audience like this agree vith him. You don't suppoee I stand up here and talk with you frankly because it is fun; do you think I don't know how to make speeches you vould applaudi I would not have to tell you that I didn't agree with you in every respect. I could make a speech about liberty, about freedom, about abundance, about "down with the bankers"— I can make them, and they would be true, but I want to talk seriously with you my American friends; I want to say to you there is freedom and peace and plenty, there la a conquest of poverty, there is leisure, there is emancipation from the power of monopolistic control, but it is an emancipation, a freedom, a peace, a plenty you have got to win by nothing less than by making America yours, by taking collectively and coopera­ tively the great sources of wealth into your hands and manàging

Borman Thomas, speech to the Conference on Christianity and Secularism, sponsored by the Ohio Area of the Methodist Church, Columbus, Ohio, November 9, 1951. The cockle te speech was tape recorded and then transcribed from the tape by the author. 2k6 them democratically for the ccmmoa good. Let the experts vork for you and not for private owners. Let that be your slogan, and I think then that ve shall vln such vlctafles as the Imagination of man has scarcely dared to dream; I think then we shall break down the dark prison house of poverty, I think then we shall break the shackles which now bind our freedom in a world where the few own lAat the many need. I congratulate you on the democracy which has let me speak to you. I plead with you, stand for that democracy all the way against every dictatorship. Make the Lenke party democratic and not merely something b o m over the radio. Stand for that democracy and though we disagree to­ day, the time may come that we shall meet on some glorious field of victory for plenty, for peace, for freedom, for the emancipation of youth from toilk.and old age from fear. I thank you. (cheers and applause) ^ kh As a general rule, Thomas' conclusions are exhortative, and in them, as compared with the rest of the speech, he more nearly approaches the grand style of the orator.

Summary The iaqportant discoveries we have made about Thomas' speech preparation and its relation to his speaking generally, may be summed up as follows: 1* There is in every sense a strong interdependence and inter­ relationship between Thomas' writing and speaking. The topics he chose for bis lectures and the materials he used in all kinds of speeches were often previously used by him in columns, articles, lengthy msmor- anda, and even books. On the other hand, he frequently took prepared

^ ^ o m a n Thomas, speech to the Second National Townsend Con­ vention, o£. cit. *^^hhis is true even in the sense that in campaigns he exhorted the audience to vote Socialist and to build the Party.

^%orman Thomas, interview with the author, Decenber 31» 1952. speechcrs and used them In entirety as columns for newspapers* In pre­ paring his speeches, even those he gave extemporaneously, he practiced writing out his Ideas fully in the form of summaries and sometimes outlines. To be sure, he made a great distinction between the spoken and the printed word; it is one reason why he preferred to speak ex­ temporaneously. But he was enormously helped by putting things down In writing. 2. His preparation is generally extensive. Though In the last analysis his major themes have been pretty nearly the same throughout his career--peace and disarmament, civil liberties, democratic processes, socialism, social justice— the materials he used to support them were constantly new, timely, and specific. He not only studied his topic internally and sought the means for its development within his large fund of knowledge, he also searched outside of himself for the latest Information, for explicit and up-to-date illustrations, and for expert advice. He became, so far as possible, a master of his content. 3 . His revisions of manuscript speeches are not extensive. His main purpose in making changes in style seemed to be for clarity and not for effect. Meuiy of his revisions were concerned solely with pro­ viding the latest information. Style, per se, is of insignificant eoncem in the preparation of Thomas' speeches. 4. None of his methods of preparation— neither the manuscript,

45(Cont'd) Titles of speeches or lectures also appeared as titles of books and vice-versa. For example, "After the New Deal, What?" first appeared as title of a book and later as a speech; "Th# Choice Before Us," first appeared as speech and later became this title for a book. 248 the aummary, nor the outline— prorlde effective %uemn# for achieving a precise, logical organization of his speeches. At best, they provide chronological order. But since the summaries and outlines are more or less Ignored In the process of extesq^orlzlng and adapting to the audience, even the slight help they might give has no Influence. The result Is usually that the speeches seem disorganized. That Thomas manages to achieve any sort of coherence Is mainly owing to his ability to make

Smooth transitions and to keep In mind vhat he Is saying from moment to moment. Often, the final effect of the speech Is that Its parts belong together, but that they have not been properly arranged.

5. Memory, an agile mind, and extraordinary fluency are Important assets In Thomas' preparation. Did he not have these abilities he could not use his particular method of preparation. Thomas does not give sufficient credit to his memwy. It does not matter that he could not easily memorize a speech word for word. He could and did remember the main Ideas In a summary or an outline, and moreover, without notes he could call to mind his speech materials: examples, literary allusions, even direct quotations, and sometimes statistics. His memory functioned

In good fashion despite the fact that his mind was occupied with numerous other tasks which made Impossible Intensive study or repetition of the material to be remembered. But, that Thomas could mske good speeches with the Ideas his memory retained, was undoubtedly due to his qulck-wlttedness

— his ability to recall Ideas at the proper moment— and his feiculty for maintaining an almost constant flow of literate language appropriate to the expression of the Idear. CHAPTER XZV

THE SPEAKER: STRHK1TH3 AMD VBAKRHSSHB

To be Bure, the speaker vho prepares carefully and well has taken an Important first step toward making a good speech* but the art of rhetoric Is not encompassed by preparation alone. We have seen that

Thomas* using several methods* achieves essentially effective preparation. Other elements of rhetoric he practices far better* and some not as well.

In his speaking the strengths predominate. He also has weaknesses.

The Speaker*s Organization

The summary at the end of the preceding chapter makes the point that Thomas' preparation does no more than give some chronological order to his speeches. But in his attempt to be completely eactempor- aneous and to adapt constantly to audience reaction* Thomas usually ig­ nores this order. Furthermore* in his concern for the individual ideas* he neglects their interrelationship * and the total organizational concept of the speech.^

"Xf own sins* my wife and other friendly critics often reminded me* were to try to make too many points In one speech and to have too

Thomas has said repeatedly that* "In speaking* when I have an Important point to make I am Inclined to dwell on that point till I think...I have got it over. This often results in p o w proportion in a written speech." Norman Thomas, letter to Fred W. Ostendorff* April 1 8 * 19^0 * Thomas Papers* New York Public Library.

-2^9- 250 2 many clinaxaa or postscripts to tbs cllmtx,” Thonss ssys. By and

large, bis spaacbes are not veil organized.

Neverthaless, Thomas usually manages to maintain coherence and to achieve unity by his ability to keep in mind vhat he has already

said and vhat remains to be said, and to Join the tvo smoothly• Be

Is expert vlth transitions. In both writing and speaking be also fre­

quently employs enumeration, with the result that If not vell-organl zed, his Ideas are at least clearly separated, and thus somewhat easier to

follow.

If Thomas* speeches Contain too many ideas. It Is because he Is under a compulsion to make the fullest possible use of every speaking opportunity, and especially to plead his cause of the moment. He is willing to go to any lengths, sacrificing even coherence— perhaps dis­ appointing or misleading his audience— In order to plead for his special interest. Once, scheduled to talk about the control of American radio, he Instead devoted more than half his speech to a description of the plight of the sharecroppers. He said, in introducing this speech:

I make no apology for changing the subject, or at any rate, the emphasis on the subject, which was assigned to me. It vas expected that I should discuss the nature of radio and its control in America, I intend to say a few words on that very Important theme. But I cannot forbear to use this opportunity over the

Borman Thomas, Mr. Chairman. Ladles and Gentlemen.... p. 5 6 . Harry Fleischman, who was Thomas' campaign manager in 19^, said, the main trouble with Thomas' speaking is that he attempts to do too much in a single speech. There are so many ideas that Thomas does not have time to develop each of them thoroughly. The result, as Fleischman put It, is that Thomas speaks In "a shorthand fashion." Harry Fleischman, Interview with the author, March 22, 1951. 251

radio to spoak to the cooacienoe of America. I refer to the eral condition of the share croppers in the cotton country. • • .3

In order to make his special pleas Ihonas dellherately digresses ^ even 4 several times In the sane speech.

standards of organization alone, the effect of the digression

Is generally had. They destroy the essential unity of a speech, sos*s- times confuse the audience, and take up precious tine that could he used to achieve a fuller development of the principal theme. Ait rhetorically their effect may even he good, at least the vay %omas sometimes employs them. For example, the digressions in his speech at the Townsend Convention in I9 3 6 (see f.n. 4), helped Thomas to avoid complete disaster in a difficult speech situation. In this case, Thomas knew the Townsendltes had no sympathy for him personally, and would he positively hostile to his speech purpose. Therefore, not only did he mollify the audience In his Introduction, hut In leading In to his main purpose he digressed twice to speak to his hesirers on topics shout which he and they were In agreement. And so. Instead of the antipathy he had

^oxrnan Thomas, "A Plea to the Conscience of America," presented on WN2W, March 2, 1935, typewritten manuscript In Thomas Papers, New York Public Library. Four and a half pages of the manuscript are about sharecroppers, three pages deal with his scheduled topic. On another occasion, given radio time to speak about a proposal to unify the subways In New York, Thomas spent a third of his speech talking about a strike In a Brooklyn department store. 4 In his speech to the Second Townsend National Convention, (jUly 1 8 , 1 9 3 6 , stenographic transcript in Thomas Papers, New York Public Library), he digressed five times. From this speech It is also clear why Thomas is charged with having several climaxes in his speeches. Towards the end he said, "One more word and I am done," but he spoke on. Then he said, "And one last thing," but continued. Finally, he concluded with "And now I come to the end." At the end he added a brief postscript. 252 e every ream on to expect, hie epeech vae Initially cheered and applauded.

ThoiQM' epeecbee suffer from a lack of ovgaaltatioii not heeauae he is ignorant of the principles of good organization, tut despite vhat he knows. He has written about speech composition with at least fhnda* mental understanding. I have heard the theory that a truly great oration has rules for its composition almost comparable to the rules for writing a sonnet or a symphony. The comparison seems to me somewhat extreme. But an oration or even an effective speech, re

^See stenographic transcript, lee, cit. Even after he had been booed and hooted for telling the audience that Townsendlam could not work— the theme of his speech— Thomas digressed twice more before con­ cluding and was both times cheered and applauded.

Borman Thomas, Ifr. Chairman, Ladies and Gentlemen..., p. 5 6 , 7 It should not be inferred that Thomas gave no attrition to the basic structure of a speech— that is, introduction, body, and conclusion. In the preceding chapter I said that in his eagerness to get to the heart of his speech this structure was abandoned. He did what he thought was most déportant, and this includes deliberate digressions, whether for the purpose of giving his message or for adapting to the audience, Norman Thomas, interview with the authw, December 3 1 , 1952* Thomas said then that he did not ccmsider the digressions as integral parts of his speech. This seems to me a rationalization. 253 reason (perapbeaslne Thome# ) ve# thet be could not fosheer to use every opportunity to speak to the conscience of America.

The Sneaker*# Style

There nay alvays be a qjuestlon whether Thomms* style Is a veak- ness or a strength in his speaking. That it should even be considered as a veskness is partly owing to vhat Thomas himself says of It.

The result., .of the colloquialisms * the "vlse-cracks/* and so to speak, the change of pace and style which I frequently use. Is when stenographlcally reported, a document which I sometimes shudder to read, and which by no possibility could find place among any model orations

But speeches that read badly, he says, may be a natural conse­ quence of the give-and-take between speaker and audience that la part o of any good speech.'^ For If there Is one thing he has been convinced of as a result of his years on the platform. It Is that the speaker must be constantly reponsIve to his audience's reaction. "There la no such thing as a good public speech without audience participation," 10 taya Thomas.

His extraordinary effort to adapt to the audience is the principal influence on the style of Thomas* speeches. Because he feels this need to oemmnunlcate on the basis of a mosient to moment analysis of his audience, he has chosen to speak extemporaneously, and as a result, he commits moat of the sins connected with oral style. Not

g Cited by A. Craig Baird, Representative American Speeches. 1939-40. p. 275. 9 Loc. cit.

Norman Thomas, Mr. Chairman. Ladles and Gentlemen.,., p. 40. 25^ oaly doet hi# style leek polish, It often fails to meet the basic remplis- Ites of good grammar. In his extemporaneous speeches, syntax Is aiAmard or eren Incorrect, and sentences are Incomplete. Be cannot alvays select words which appropriately express his thoughts despite an excellent vo­ cabulary and a quick mind. Frequently, bis style Is uneven, rising suddenly and unexpectedly from the colloquial to the oratorical grand. At the same time, Thomas gains many of the advantages associated with an oral style. This feict has not escaped him. Be says; It cannot be too strongly insisted that the written and spoken word, while they have much In comon, are by no means the same. The speaker Is concerned with the particular group before him; he Is not speaking to a scattered group of readers or to posterity. Sometimes he can conammlcate more effectively by repetition. In­ tonation, gesture, unfinished sentence. Because his style is conversational, the effect created by both his ex­ temporaneous and manuscript speeches Is Intimate and Immediate. Bis language is simple, non-technical, and unadorned. Yet, It has a certain dignity, and the stamp of cultivation.

He cannot bear what he calls "platform gObbledygook," by which he means words used ostentatiously to hide thought, 12 Nor Is he ever guilty of the platform cliches so common to American political speakers— no "pioneer spirit of our forefathers," no "grand and glorious tradition of the American way." If Thomas sometimes expressed these thoughts, he at least said them differently. To his everlasting credit he has avoided any kind of Marxist jargon, although for many years most of his socialist

^^Ibld.. p. 6 6 .

^^Ibld.. p. 5 2 . 255 13 conradfts used it. On the other hend, Thornes tskes cere not to lean too far in the direction of the colloquial and informel. "One can be interesting and Xk clear without talking down to an audiencehe says. He advises aspir­ ing speakers to master a large vocabulary because, "Basic SogUsh has 15 its uses but no oration can be made in it." In his own speeches he seeks some middle ground where clarity and simplicity can be served without sacrificing quality of language and nobility of effect. His written speeches are better able to achieve this, of course, than those delivered extemporaneously. His writings too, succeeded better. Yet, he is so much attuned to the sp<&en word that even his writings have an oral sound to them. %ere has always been an essentially close relationship between Thomas* speaking and writing. But in the days before be became pre­ dominantly a speaker— let us say before 192k— the balance was xreversed, so that his writing style— rather heavy and formal in the old-fashioned sense— carried over in part to his speaking. As he took more and more to

I have heard Thomas speak under all sorts of circumstances, and to all sorts of people," wrote that old Socialist reporter, NscAllater Coleman, "but I cannot remember his ever having used the credal Marxian dialectic *proletariat*, 'bourgeois', 'the economic interpretation of history' — these are not in his vocabulary when he goes out to talk to workers and farmers, college students, and professional men and woman." MacAlister Coleman, "Horman Thomas," Nation, Vol. 127, August 6 , 1926, p. 129. Ik Norman Ihcnas, unpublished memoir. But he knew also the importance of adapting style to an audience level. "I deliberately try to vary sy style according to ay audience, but I also try to avoid talking down to any audience," be said. Letter to Fred W. Ostendorff, April l8 , 19kO, op,, cit. ^^Norman Thoems, Mr. Chairman. Ladies and Gentleamn,... p. $2. 256 the pletfom, there vee a shift to an oral style, tout it erne gradual. la 1 9 3 0 , it might still have toeen accurate to say that, "It is pretoelblA that from Wilson he ^Thoaai^ acquired his eloqpuexxt, toalaoeed-sentenoe style of writing and speaking.But this Observation was echoed toy others 17 long after it was essentially tru&. What characterizes Thomas* style above all, is clarity, sisqplici^, 18 _ and econony. "X have always felt," writes Senator Hextoert lahaaa. "that Wonsan Thomas had the unusual faculty of presenting his thoughts 19 and arguments clearly to the people." Roger Baldwin writes; "Thexe is no doubt that over the years he j^oma^ has grown in hie capacity to deal with large issues in popular fashion. He makes complicated political 20 issues simple...," To be sure, the clarity of his speeches is not the

^^Anooymous, "If I Were A Politician," The World Tomorrow. June 1 9 3 0 , p. 2 6 0 . 17 For example, in "Maxx «1 the Half-Shell," an eway about Horman Thomas in American Messiahs (1935), we find, "He phoma^ fell under the influence of Wilson and has tended to ape his pedantic style of writing." The author adds, "There is also a great similarity in the rhetoric of these two men." p. 1 5 9 . Ten years later, Anna Rothe picked up the cue for her piece on Horman Thomas in Current Biography 1 9 ^ » She wrote: "He belongs to the Woodrow Wilson type depending more upon logic than upon emotions, and his manner is faintly academic." p. 6 9 0 . Anyhow, Thomas denies that Wilson or anybody else had a noticeable influence on his speaking. 1 8 This may be a talent be had as early as his preaching days. Dr. Sidney Lovett writes about Thomas at the American Parish that, "Be could cast his thoughts in the form of contemporary parables drawn from the daily life of the neighborhood and clothe his message in fine but homely language never even bordering on the cheap or the tawdry, and clesLTly understood by his hearers." Letter to the author, February 27,1952. ^^Senator Herbert Lehman, letter to Robert Alexander. ^Roger Baldwin, letter to the author, March 7, 1952. 257 result of literary style aloae— Thamas ' analysis Is penetrating aad be uses nultlple Illustrations and repetitions— but clarity Is greatly en­ hanced by the appropriate language and vivid figures so characteristic of his style.

Though simple, Thomas' style Is not jejune. It la Interesting

In the first place because of his frequently clever use of language. Ee has a "knack for turning a phrame", Is the vay his lecture agent put 21 it. Sometimes this knack finds expression in a form usually associated vlth vhat is beat in satire. It is recognizable in the following excerpt from a 193^ speech to a group of educators.

If you can accooplish that feat, try to look back to the halcyai days of 1929. In those days, almost everybody was supposed to know how to read a ticker even If he could not read any other form of literature. Those were the days when the logical thing for a young man, graduate let us say of Harvard, to do was to go Into the bond sales business and to live at the Harvard Club because there vas a sort of tradition that they could not sell to each other. It was to that fine end of life that education was directed. Culture was designed to the end that you should arrive at a position of being able to sell bonds and stocks to thoM didn't need them and probably wouldn't keep them very long.

But his clever phrases are really a knack for making ideas vivid. In the Kccerpt which follows, Thomas is describing capitalists* reaction to the New Deal.

They were In deep water and going down the third time. By hook or crook he Roosevelt managed to pull them in where they could

^^oxanna Wells, interview with the author, March 22, 1951.

^^orman Thomas, "The Good Life and the Good Society," speech to the Head Mistresses Association of the East, April 20, 1934, type­ written manuscript In Thomas Papers, New York Public Library. 258

put their feet on the send. Ho mooner bad they cougghed the vmter out of thelrgÿmge than they began to curse because he pulled their hair. In a lecture on the American political system he noted that, "nose count­ ing with all Its faults Is superior to head smashing." His coesment, "I have often said I'd rather be right than be president, but am perfectly willing to be both," deserves to go down In American pt^ltlcal lore. His figures too, are extremely vivid, and they have a homely quality which makes them instantly understandable. Talking of armament economics he onoe said, "This sort of economics Is like bicycle riding, you have to keep going to stay on at all." He explained the cause of the depression by saying, "CXirs is not a problem of doling out water from a barrel, but of removing the jam of false ideals and broken down economic Institutions which now dans up the life giving waters of wealth 25 and creates here a flood and there a drought." Ee uses figures In­ frequently— and then nearly always in manuscript speeches— but their effect is startling. Aoong those devices of style which Thomas employs most often, there are also antithesis and repetitive phrase patterns. He uses aposlopesls frequently, concluding the thought with a gesture rather than words.

Poetic effects are rare in %omas' speeches, because he does not

23 Norman Thomas, speech to the Convention of the National Education Association, St. Louis, February 25, 1935 (?), typewritten manuscript in Thomas Papers, New York Public Library. ok Norman Thomas, "To Aim or Not to Arm," radio speech on WJZ, February 1, 1939» typewritten summary in Thomas Papers, New York Public Library. 25 Norman Thomas, speech in Madison Square Garden, Novenber 3, 1932, mimeographed manuscript in Thomas Papers, New York Public Library. 259 consciously vork at achieving them. When they come. It Is as If by sud­ den Inspiration. Generally, the poetry Is restrained and dlgnlfled,rather than maudlin. The language seems almost Biblical. Note this q^iality in the conclusion of his speech at the luncheon in honor Of his 65th birthday: I cannot close without saying once more what friendship has meant to me. It has been sometimes as though I walked through a wasteland. It has been as a well spring in the desert, as a shadow of a great rock in a weary land, and in that kind of friendship, we all get strength to go on; and If at last men come beside the still water, beside the river of life where they build them cities of beauty and peace and freedom; if ever men come at last to that great g o^, the name of the river will be friendship; It will be fraternity. ^ Even when there is less cause for sentiment Thomas can be moved to poetry, as In the following excerpt from a campaign speech of 1 9 3 2 : North, East, South, and West men starve in the midst of plenty. With us where we go Is fear; we escape it neither in solitude nor in the crowd; more ubiquitous is it than our shadow; for it is a pursuer which the healing darkness of night cannot banish. Fear for the job, fear for dally bread, fear of that catastrophe of war or violent dis­ ruption towards which we steadily drift— who among us can say of such fear, "We know it not?"® We cannot be sure that style is in any sense a weakness in Thomas' speaking. Certainly If Aristotle is our guide, then the perspicuity he

At the burial, and, later, memorial services for Eugene Debs, Morris Hillquit, and Chamey Vladeck, Harry Laldler remembers Thomas' speeches as beautiful: subdued, yet showing great compassion. Thomas was a good occasional speaker, se^rs Laldler. Interview with the author, March 21, 1 9 5 1 . In campaign time, however, when audiences frequently "whoop it up," Thomas was sometimes not so restrained, and his exhortative con­ clusions then have the color of "purple" rhetoric, ^Norman Thomas, speech at the luncheon in honor of his 65th birth­ day, text In The Call. February 10, 1950, p. 7. This speech was given extemporaneously. ^Horman Thomas, Madison Square Garden speech, Novenber 3, 1932, mimeographed manuscript in Thomas Papers, New York Public Library. 260 achieves is strength enouf^. lAat he attains more than perspicuity, that his style is interesting as veil, is only additional strength*

He has never denied the importance of style to speaking, "Hot only the logical skeleton of your speech reqjuires vork, hut also the 20 rhetorical flesh which clothes it." he says. His advice to beginning speakers is to practice writing as an aid to style. "It teaches..*a logical handling of...subject," he says, "enlarges...vocabulary, and gives...a chance to experiment in the wder of words and the cadence 30 of sentences." And Thmas knows that style in speaking is not a matter of aesthetic quality alone, but a problem, just as the rest of 31 the speech, in adapting to the audience.

There is no doubt that Ihomas would, if he could, have given 32 more attention to style. But he was too busy making speeches and more concerned with his message. He defends the speeches that malw such bad reading by saying that, "The power of speech is more than in the 33 words a speaker uses,"

The Speaker's Forms of Proof

Attempts to explain Thomas' failure to win more converts for

^%onaan Thomas, Hr. Chairman, Ladies and Gentlemen..., p. $2, 30 Ibj^., p. 5 3 * 31 Norman Thomas, interview with the authear, September 12, 1951» He has also written: "Jüst as there is no one style which suits all speakers, so there is no one style which suits all audienees and occasions ...." Cited by A. Craig Baird, Representative American Speeches 1939-^* p. 2 7 6 .

^^orman Thomas, interview with the author, September 12, 1951.

^%orman Thomas, unpublished memoir. 26l

Boclallsm have usxially resulted In the verdict that hie epeechaa aimed far above the Intellect cO: the average audience. After the 1932 election, it may be recalled, the Christian Century indicted Thomas for speaking to the workingman from "Gothic ooUeg# chapels and select parlor nsetinga.** He was often reproached for being— to use the currently fashionable term

— an egghead. Editorial comment from newspapers not necessarily unfriendly ran to this : "Maybe he is too nuch of a highbrow to be an effective 3U speaker"; or this: "Aa an intellectual, be leans to reasoned and dis­ passionate discussion of issues, a habit that doesn't enhance his vote- getting appeal Alas for scholarship, there have been just as many expressions of an exactly opposite view. In 1932 when the Christian Century made the charge above, Matthew Josephs on was saying that Thomas has, "a certain tendency.. .towards rhetoric rather than towards crushingly factual argu- ment.""^ Thomas has been twitted by Donald Lescohier for relying too much on cleverness and "too little upon the careful assen&lage of facts and well-integrated argument." Ttomas' appeal, said Lescohier, "is to emotion and idealism rather than cold reason. The hearer is inspired and motivated more than instructed." 37 Raymond Moley described Thomas' speaking as "old-fashioned, sententious, over-emotional.”^^ Even some

3^ Philadelphia Bulletin, editorial, November 3, 19^8 ^^Baltimore Sun, editorial. May 10, 10^8.

^^iatthew Joeephson, "Norman Thomas," New Republic. Vol. 71# August 10, 1 9 3 2 , p. 3 3 2 . 37 ""Donald Lescohier, "Norman Thomas," in Thé American Politician. ed. by J. T. Salter, p. 2$9.

^^Raymood Mdey, letter to the author, December 1», 1951. 262 39 •rttMhll» Bocialitts ##y th»t hit !■ buleally muotlooml.

Which IB it: &OBB Tboeae b b Idb « pre&CBdnmntly logical or «BOtion- al appaklY On th# baslB ot th# record there are grounds for taking either point of view. Any conclualoa vould seen to rest not on ehat Thomas did generally, but on such factors as -where and when one heard him speak, what one expected him to do in his speeches, one's own standards of speaking, and as a result, how one reacted to his speeches, It is probably true that Thomas "used to be much more of a high­ brow.Certain It is that by 1928--when he was being praised for his forthright Presidential campaign and the high intellectual content of his speeches— and surely by 192$— when in the New York City mayoralty election the Telegram paid tribute to "his fine intelligence, and his wide and intimate knowledge of the problems of the people and the city government"— Thomas had achieved a reputation for making a logical appeal to his hearers. But the years that followed showed no perceptible change in this appeal. In 1932 it was said that Thomas, "combines logic with eloquence, hi and clarity with persuasiveness." "Bis speaking is filled with informa­ tion, including references to the Bible, the classics, and contemporary

^^illiam Bohn, for one, Algernon Lee, for another, both in interviews with Robert Alexander. ho Roger Baldwin, letter to the author, March 7> 1932. This may refer to his speaking style which, for many years after he left the church, still retained a ministerial flavor— Presbyterian at that. August Claessens (interview with the author, September iB, 1931) and John Haynes Holmes (letter to the author, Mkrch 7, 1932) both attest to that. h i Claude Moore Feusa, "Norman Thomas: Socialist Crusader," Current History. Vol. 37, October 1932, p. 6. 263 k2 literature," wrote Belrd about Tbonae In 19^3* After a study of the logical proof In four of his campaign speeches of 19 ^ » the ccocluslcn was that, "In general, his arguments were substantially supported by > 3 credible evidence which was skillfully woven Into a logical pattern."

Even seme among those vho considered his appeal as emotional, still credited him with the use of rational speech materials. "Bis logic," wrote Lescohier, "Is reinforced constantly by telling Illustrations It Is essentially accurate to say that Thcsms* speeches contain a high level of logical proof. The evidence be assenhles Is, on the whole. Indisputable because It Is often merely a recitation of historical facts or widely known current events. But with this kind of evidence his proof Is often weakest, for Thomas assumes a knowledge on the part of the audience that Is nearly equal to his own. At the mere mention of an historical or current event, he expects the audience to bring to mind the circumstances in which It happened, the details of the event Itself, and even the conclusions that could be drawn from It. This shortcoming is only enhanced when sometimes coupled with a style more appropriate to the making of riddles than speeches. From the early moments of his

|i 2 A. Craig Baird, ed.. Representative American Speeches 19^3-44. p. 277. 43 John R. Foocen, "An Analysis and Evaluation of the Logical Proof Used by Norman Thomas in Four Representative Political Speeches of the 1944 Presidential Campaign," M. A. Thesis, U. of Iowa, 1931, p. I80 . 44 LescOhler, clt.. p. 258. Perhaps Lescohier Is just confused. A page later he writes that, "statements, humorous, dramatic, and effect­ ive as they are, are allowed to stand unsupported by documentary, statis­ tical, or other evidence of their truth." p. 259» SA

Miidlaon Squara QarOan apaech cloalng the 1932 caaqpaign^ taara la an

axcarpt which lUuatrataa thla point. .. .tha déflation of J l n y Walker haa been coapleted; ha la with the anow— or ahould I aay roaaaT— of yaataryaar. But I find little joy In contemplating thla lataat victory. I confeaa to a liking for vlckedneaa aaaaoned vlth vit, rather than tha aaaw eaaentlal vlckedneaa ameared over contemptuoualy vlth dull reapectahlllty. A aurrogate may prove aa coetly and a vaatly leaa anualng mayor than a playboy. B#aaawhlle Taamany baa outflanlnd Seabury by taking Senator Hofatader Into camp. for a judgeahlp he left ua; $29,000 to put In hla veat

Thla la why hla old friend Harry Flleacfaman aald Thcmaa apoke In "ahort-

hand faahlon." On the whole, It la fair to aay that Thcmaa alludea to facta more often than he expreaaea them fully and In detail. It la not ao much that he la fond of allualona, although that may he a factor, but rather that be haa the regulalte knowledge for them. Alao, he la alvaya ruahed

for time, and allualona are a ahortcut. In one apeech— hla commencement addreaa at Haverford College In 19^9— he made hlatorlcal and political aOIualona to Machlavelll, the Frogreaalve Era, World War I, the Greek City

Statea, the Napoleonic Ware, the Holy Alliance, Bunker Hill, and the fall of the Baatllle ; rellgloua allualona to Chrlatlanlty and Mohannedaniam; literary allualona to Sinclair Lewla, Milton, and Matthew Arnold— he quoted hS from "Dover Beach"; and a phlloaophlcal allusion to Bertrand Russell.

h o r m a n Thonmua, Madison Square Garden speech Of Noveniber 3, 1932, mimeographed manuscript In Thomas Papers, New York Public Library. The accuracy of the text la attested to by a stenographic report which appeared In the New York Times the following day. Thomas here la referring to the Democrat candidate for mayor, who, I believe, was at that time judge O'Brien. hS Norman Thomas, eomnencement addreaa at Haverford College, JUne 2, 19^9, typewritten manuscript In Thomas Papers, Hew York Public Library. 265

He ueea ellumloom extenalvely in spite of e realisation that, in his vords, "I shared the general handicap of speakers in our day; less than the orator of old can ve count on an effective use of k7 allusions.” His chief complaint about American audiences— except that they do not listen critically enough— is that their level of learning (college graduates included) precludes the speaker's use of Biblical or literary allusions. On the other hand, it would not be fair to leave the impression that his speeches are wholly lacking in the ordinary forms of support.

He makes good use of statistics, and he is careful to see that they are the latest available. He Is catholic in his choice of sources, employing government bureaus, newspapers, research organizations, and individual specialists. He can assemble large groups of statistics, lard them liberally with authority, and employ the whole with telling force to 49 make his point in debate.

Though he utilized authority as often as statistics, he is not as scrupulously objective in selecting it. He chooses his authorities carefully, to be sure, but his purpose seems to be to use those expressing 50 a point of view he favors. This is especially true about economic

47 Horman Thomas, Ifr. Chairman, Ladies and Gentlemen..., p. 54. 48 Norman Thomas, unpublished memoir. 49 See, for example, the National University Extension Association sponsored debate on government ownership of railroads, broadcast over NBC November 15, 1939» and published by the university of Oklahoma Press. 50 This is a widely used debater technique, and I submit that it is an inherent evil in the use of authority on matters that are not verifiable scientifically. 266 questions «bere, for cocanple, it is just ms easy to find an econoaist vho v i U attack the evils of capitalism as it is to discover one vho vill defend its glories. In the period before World War II| ThOMS often cited military leaders vho said America's defenses vere adequate, and that there vas no need for huge armament expenditures, vhen there vere an equal number of experts, and probably more, vho approved of vhat the

Administration was doing.

Thomas' speeches are filled with the most timely illustrations, often events that happened only hours before his speech. He is constantly culling choice bits of illustrative material from the newspapers and his own rich experience.

Of the materials he accumulates in vast quantity, only a small part ever go into his speeches ; somewhat more go into his articles and books. The reason again is that his main concem is with "the message."

More illustrative materials leave less time for saying vhat he wants to say. He is also afraid that the speech materials vill overshadow the message. He vrltss: "As for illustrations and quotations, like other good things, they can be badly used or overused. We all know the speaker whose funny stories we remember but not what they were supposed to prove.

For logical proof Thomas depends to a large extent upon reasoning.

In his speeches it is possible to find examples of every form of induction and deduction. Els enormous grasp of history and world affairs enables him to argue present policy by analogy with the past. He has opposed

^^orman Thomas, Mr. Chairman, Ladies and Gentlemen.,., p. $4. 267 conmcrlptloD, for oxmuple, by citing the history of other natiooe eho, though they bed it, could neither prevent var nor cone out of it vic­ torious. Sometimes he argued cause-to-effect unscientifically— as all of us are vent to do— but be enqployed it successfully in predicting in 19^3 and after,that the Allies' demand for unconditional surrender vould prolong the war and eventually serve Stalin in spreading Coanunism over Europe and Asia. Thomas reasons deductively as veil. The greatest nuoiber of his enthymemes derive from common topics such as justice, freedom, honor, and brotherhood. But by the nature of his themes, many topics come from the social sciences, and often even from the technical sciences. Over and over again he has argued enthynematically that modem technology has made a world of abundance possible for all.

Chains of reasoning are one of his favorite devices. He develops them in such a vay that, having accepted the initial premise, the hearer is carried along by a series of "yes" responses to Comas' conclusion* He did this in his speech to the Townsend Convention. Beginning with the premise that poverty is unnecessary in America, he argued that it exists only because capitalism rests on scarcity economics; that under this kind of economics the workers cannot get paid what they actually earn; that if under capitalism workers get paid less than they actually earn while working, they cannot possibly get paid more than that when they are not working. Since this is what the Townsend Plan would have done, he concluded that the Plan could not work under capitalism.

Thomas' logical appeal is also an appeal to cannon sense based on data and experiences known to all. Sometimes, like Socrates, he asks 268 the audience to reaeon, vlth him. m hie epeech, "Var or Democracy," he attempted to rouee hie audience out of vhat he called a "falee eecurity" about the danger of var. "Why," he aeked, "did the Preeldent

Inelet on power to eend our conecrlpt eone to fight outeide thle country if he doea not contemplate the likelihood of undeclared vart Why do

80 many of the leading interventioniete and proponente of the draft act,., .eupport VlUkie unlese they know higher foreign policy vill be aggressive?" The pledges of the candidates to keep v m out of var are not sufficient guarantees, he concluded.

Without determining the exact proportion of vorde expended in developing the logic of his argument, it is isq^oesible to declare that

Thomas* principal appeal is or is not "Intellectual." It can be said vlth conviction, and accurately, that there is a large amount and con­ siderable variety of logical content in his speeches.

Nov, vhat is the reply to those vho contend that his appeal is predominantly emotional? The ansver is this: in the popular sense of the Word emotional,perhaps; but in the rhetorical sense, no. Of course

Thomas employs pathetic appeals. But he had a keen appreciation of the proper place for them— rhetorically speaking. As one vho frequently faced unsympathetic audiences, he knows that emotional appeals can help the speaker to get a fair hearing. He offers the following advice;

You assume and may occasionally appeal to an audience's spirit of fair play, its sporting instinct, its desire to know vlmit you think.... You try— but not too often or too hard— to appeal tOg your audience's sense of humor even in divergence of opinion.

52.Ibid., p. U6. 269 Hit Introduction In a tpttch to the Advertltlng Club at Hew York it a fine exemple of the vay In which be breakt down barrlert to receptivity by the ute of humor.

The other night I met a young gentleman of the prett, not in New York City, who could not imagine an American elvilieatlon without the newtpapert or the newtpapert without advertIting, or advertiting without the coegetitive capitalitm which haa paid to many of you generoutly to find new and different ways of impreaaing upon the public mind^ that batic advertiting plea, "If you don't ute our toap for Ood't take ute our perfume." Back in 1926— and doean't that teem like a century agoT— I ran aonmwhat anooymoutly for the pretidency. I uted to auggeat that one minor but not unimportant reform would be a provltion under which the ordinary contumer could avail himtelf of the knowledge which the Bureau of Standarda haa collected by actual teats of conmoditiea. I argued that it waa not fair that we average coneumera should have to buy according to poetry and pictures while the government and great corporations bought according to standarda." Thomas knows not only the proper function of emotional appeal, but has also always in mind that there is a right rhetorical balance between pathetic and logical appeals, and that the balance must alvaya weigh in favor of the logical. "However strongly he [bhespeaks:^ may arouse emotions, good or bad, and play upon them, he is concerned to ijj i impart information and ideas," he says."^

Thomas also has strong feelings about the ethically improper use of emotional appeals.Be does not deny that emotional appeal ha* a

53 Norman Thomas, speech titled, "Gentlemen, the Old Order is Dying," delivered Noveniber 21, 1935 to the Advertising Club of New York, typewritten manuscript in Thomas Papers, New York Public Library,

Norman Thomas, Mr. Chairman, Ladies and Gentlemen..., p. 86. 55 In his unpublished memoir, and wherever he has written about speaking, Thomas has asserted that— through emotional appeals— the exploitaticm of oratory for personal aggrandizement has, more than anything else, led oratory to be called the Harlot of the Arts. zro respectable function in public address, but he speaks in the strongest term against its use for personal advantage, or to bring sn audience to the point of uncontrolled passion vhere reason can no longer reign.

"That orator," he says, "bears a terrible burden of guilt vho for any reason throws responsibility to the winds and plays like a demagogue on 36 prejudice and passion." He has reservations about emotional appeal even vhen properly en^loyed. He sees perils involved in its use in any case. "There is a subtler tesptation with which responsible men as speakers must reckon,” he says. "It is the extent to which, without evil Intent, they aare justified in arousing an audience's emotions in- 57 dependently of its reason."

Thomas tried hard to find some ground on which emotional appeal could be justified, and thus, to distinguish its proper and improper use. He attempted to explain the difference as follows:

What makes this question of the improper use of public speech the more important is the fact that a good speaker for an honor­ able cause must enlist the emotional sympathy and support of his audience. It's easy to sense but not easy to define by formula the difference which makes Churchill's fasious speech exhorting his country to blood, sweat, and tears one of the world's classics while a similarly emotional appeal on the lips of a demagogue or fanatic exhorting a crowd turned into a mob to ill-considered action is abhorrent. Ihe difference lies in the honesty and responsibility of the speaker, the nature of the issue, and a fair statement of the cost of the action to which a devoted company or a whole nation is urged.5°

56 Norman Thomas, Mr. Chairman. Ladies and Gentlemen..., p. 8m-.

^^Ibid.. p. 8 5 .

^Ibid., p. 87. 271 Modesty perb«ps> keeps Thomas from telling us hov veil he lives up to the criteria of honesty and responsihility of the speaker, hut be has said that his emotional appeal alvays stops short of turning the 59 audience into a mob. Had he vented to, he says, there vere many occasions vhen he could have exploited emotions for his own great advantage. He refrained because, above all, he believes that "the light of reason is the light of democracy, Thomas excoriates appeals to fear, hate, and prejudice. For twenty years his plea at election time was "vote your hopes, not your fears."

But there vere times, as vhen he argued against conscription and for peace, vhen at least a part of his appeal vas made to fear: fear of a militarized nation, or of the atom bomb. It must be said, however, that almost invariably his appeal is to what is noblest in man's emotions, beliefs, and aspirations. He appeals to pity, to a sense of Justice, and to moral standards; be appeals to faith in freedom and to a belief in brotherhood; he appeals to man's earnest desire for peace, and to that most inspiraticmal of man's hopes : that things can be better. Though it is in his essential character that he should make this type of appeal— and he would not knowingly change it— %amas has a rather cyniceil view of its outcome. "Orators whose appeal is on a nobler plane," he says, "like actors, live, if at all, by reputation rather than in the real 6l immortality of the great surtists."

59 Norman Thomas, interview with the author, September 12, 1951* ^^^Loc. cit.

^^ozman Thomas, unpublished memoir. 272

The "emotlonallem** some dbeervert attribute to QAcmae* apeeklng, cannot be found where one would expect It to be— In the content of bia speeches. But if it is anywhere in his rhetoric, there is only one 62 place left to look; viz., in his ethical (personal) appeal. Here ve are closer to an answer. "When he speaks," said a close associate about Thomas, "it is depth of conviction that counts, primarily."^^ In large measure, the moral stamina, the uprightness of character, and the earnestness which mark Thomas' life also permeate his speaking. As a result, Thomas speaks most of the time with intense feeling, and at moments, with a fiery passion. Els audiences have sometimes seen a man in righteous indignation berating the perpetrators of evil, or evoking active synqpatby for those who were wronged. At times, he has appeared as a Prophet, inspiring, goading, and directing his audience. "Thus Isaiah must have 64 spoken," wrote a listener about a radio address by %omas. He has also been a forceful persuader who, by the sheer strength of his own sincerity, could make an audience accept his beliefs. And there have been times when Thomas spoke as an enraptured idealist, with sensitive but practical imagination unfolding for his listeners the picture of a world in which there Is abundance, peace, and brotherhood.

An important clue was furnished by Thomas himself when, in an interview with the author (September 12, 1951), he seemed at one point to equate "emotionalism" with personal warmth.

^^Devere Allen, "Harman Thomas, Why Hot?," Hation. Vol. 134, March 30, 1932, p. 365* 64 % e religious connection here is inescapable. It is fre­ quently said of TTiomas that he has a "ministerial" way of speaking. It has also been said that basically he still speaks as a minister. 2T3

Here then, le *IhanaB* exnotionalism. It is not in vhat he eeye 80 such ae in hie manner of epeaking. It is a personal appeal* It is his ability to make the audience irespoad— emotionally, of couree— to his own high enthusiasm, his deep concern, and hie iqpaeeioned sincerity* As Thomas says, "The speaker's enthusiasm for his subject or the points he wants to make is likely to be contagious. It begets interest in the audience which in turn stinulates the speaker." He added, "The kind of interest which I bespeak, and a completely natural willingness to show it, cannot successfully be simulated. It has to be arealIt is real in Thomas. Thomas’ ethical proof consists in m w e than speaking with deep conviction and passionate sincerity, though these are perhaps most important. He has a manner which many have called charming without, however, taking the pains to explain it. His old friend MacAlister Coleman attempted to describe it in 1929. He wrote: It is difficult to set down in black on white just what it is in Herman's speeches that so grips people. With Debs, of course, it was sheer personality and the traditions that had gathered around that beloved lank form. Hillguit holds them fascinàted as he proceeds step by logical step to his inevitable conclusion. Thomas is more informal. He makes asides; sometimes he condescends to raxnble a bit. He even dares make allusions, literary and his­ torical, which certainly must be lost on the majority of his aud­ iences. But you go away from a talk by Thomas, not only armed with solid fact, but also aware that you have been in the presence of that elusive thing called charm. Charm sometimes has about it a rather soft connotation. But the charm of this man is all sturdiness, and sincerity. All the

^Norman Thomas, Chairman. Ladies and Gentlemen..., p. 57' arfc

-whlltt h# is speiklng you say to yourself, Is coursgs in the flesh. The negic in Thomas is perhaps that incongruous— hut thorowggbly American— mixture of aristocracy and informality; perhaps it is the combination of strongly held beliefs with reasonableness; or meyhe it is that Thomas joins courage vith an essentially pacifist outlook, and tremendous earnestness vith a sparkling sense of humor. It is hard to say. But it is certain that fev people can go away from a speech by Thomas and not like, even admire, the man personally. To these inherent qualities Thomas lends the strength of his words. In what he says he shows himself to be a man of intelligence, character, and good will. His wide learning is easily recognizable, but it is not beyond the mundane. He has also a ready acquaintance with the day-to-day affairs of men. To everything, be applies a keen analysis, so that complicated matters become single, and difficult questions easy to understand. While other political speakers are cautiously exploring a middle ground safe from the prejudices and interest of any group; while they are shifting their sails to catch as much as they can of the popular wind, Thomas speaks exactly what he thinks,often sailiogdirectly into the wind. He displays character not only by his couragecxis stands on highly explosive issues, but also by his readiness to speak frankly, to be

66 MacAlister Coleman, in the New Leader, November 2, 1 9 2 9 . There is an echo of this last thought in a New Leader news article of 1 9 3 2. "That there is tremendous admiration for Norman Thomas personally, as a striking, a powerful, a courageous figure In public life is true,** says this report. New Leader, November 5, 1932» P* 7» 275 ruthle##ly forthright under all clrcunetaacea • Be tells the speaker vho oust face an unsympathetic audience, "You don't patronise it or talk down to it; you don't apologise to it for your convictions; you don't whine &T about being 'misunderstood,'* you don't beg for favor." Thomas never does. To the assembled guests and the radio audience at his testimonial luncheon in 1950 he said: You don't believe in free enterprise, you folks. Yes, I mean those listening over the air who are not here, too. X don't know what you believe in and neither do you. You believe in enterprise. You believe in freedom. You would like to see other people be enterprising but let Congress beware if it touches one hair on this old gray head of oleomargarine,^axes, or tariffs, or this or that benefit of one sort or another. He never aSked for a vote on a personal basis; his appeal was to the larger concept of party and platform. Many times he made no plea for votes at all, but was content to talk about the Issues. He was scrupulously fair to his political opponents— he often praised specific things that Roosevelt did— even while being critical of their beliefs and actions. Whether he speaks to homogenous or heterogenous audiences, he can discuss their common problems vith a knowledge and understanding that amazes them. And he can also identify his hopes and dreams with 69 those of most men.

^7Norman Hionaa, ïfr. Chairman. Ladles and Gentlemen.... p. II6 . ^^orman Thoisas, speech at the luncheon in honor of his 63th birthday, o£« cit.. p. 6. Joanne Alogdelis, "The Audience Adaptaticm Technique Used by Norman "Oiomas in Three Representative Political Speeches of the Pres­ idential Campaign of 19^0," Master's Thesis, U. of Iowa, 19^1, p. 120. 2J6

By «11 the#« ilgnf he m«aif##t# to «udl«ne«« an laoMlmate nount

of good v l U .

The culmination of all theae paraooal attrihutea and manlfeata- tiona of ethical proof haa heen for Thoaiaa the achievement of a repute# 70 tion unparallëlM in American politica, and rarely on the American platform. Since 1932* at leaat, his reputation alone haa been a aouroe

of powerful personal appeal in hie apeaking#

T%^re is much to be said in summary of the forma of proof Thomaa

employed. Some points may be disposed of briefly. Eia personal appeal

as a nan and as a speaker is enormous— about as great as anyone haa ever

had consistently over a long span of years. It could, at times, reach

peaks of feeling so strong as to lead some people to charge him vith

” emotionalism." That Thomas strove for a certain bond of unity vith

audiences cannot be denied. "In all the vorld there are few satisfac­

tions greater than a speaker finds in a sense of identification vith an 71 audience whose mind and heart he temporarily possesses," he says.' Thomas knows that both "mind and heart" are involved in the

appeals a speaker makes. Re therefore uses both logical and pathetic proofs. His reply to those who accuse him of being intellectually beyond his audience is that they never heard him as an organizer of share-croppers,

or talking to a strikers meeting.'^ But because he has scruples about

^^ere I not bound by my word to keep what he said confidential, I could quote James A. Farley— who knows a little about politics— to support this Judgement. While there is often criticism of his political philosoply and sosmtisms of specific actions, the literature on Thomas is never lacking in fulsosae praise for the man and for his speaking. ^^orman Thomas, l&. Chairman. Ladies and Gentlemen.... p. @7. ^^orman %omas, interview with the author, September 12, 1951. arr hov far th# spaakor may go In using pathstic appsal ■, and bsoanass fas has

faith In reason under the democratic process, he aims to make his logical appeal predominant. If there vere not more facts in his speeches, it is because he believes that, "Ideas and attitudes can be conveyed in public

speeches but, for most folks, detailed Information can better be absorbed by reading

In the final analysis, it is difficult to say vhich term in the persuasion-conviction dichotomy is best applied to Thomas' speaking.

We have been told that Thomas, "relied more on persuasion than conviction";

that he "sought to make the gospel of socialism emotionally attractive to

't Ii uninformed audiences."' We have also been told that his is essentially

a moral appeal, stated In terms of "Here is a nasty situation, come on,

let's do something about it."^^ Both statements have some validity, but

there is a better balance in Thomas' speaking than they imply.

It has alvays been much easier to prove logically that capitalism

has not brought the millenium than to prove logically that socialism vould.

At best, the logical proof for socialism is theoretical, involving highly

technical discussions of economics, sociology, and psychology. This vay

is fraught with difficulties, but Ihonas did not completely avoid it.

The other extreme, to beguile and deceive his hearers, or to charge them

full of hate and fear, and so stampede them into socialism (or something

^^Cited in A. Craig Baird, Representative American Speeches. 1939 p. 2 7 6 . Franklin Foison, in a letter to the Quarterly J o u m ^ of Speech. April 1 9 2 9 , p. 2 5 2 . Folsom vas appraising his speaking in tke l^aBcnZT paign. ^ ^ i U i a m Bohn, interview vith Robert Alexander. 878 vor#e), h# •■cbewvd completely. Vbat Thoeme did vme to get hie m d lenoee to listen; he hoped that listening^ they vould be eaenehle to rsmeon, m i A susceptible to his own great enthusiasm for his cause.

The Speaker's Debating Techniques To many people, Norman Thomas will always remain essentially a debater. It does not matter thst much more often he took the platform alone, as a lecturer, and still more frequently as a political candidate; Iheir most vivid recollection of Thosms is still as a debater locked in verbal battle. They recall how easily he dodged his opponent's thrusts, how readily he turned the tables, and how qjuickly he was able to respond. There has apparently been a good deal of this sort of recollecting, for Thomas' skill as a debater has by now reached the proportions of a legend. % e truth is that the skills be brings to debating are the same 7 6 as those that characterise his speaking. If ve begin vith this realissk- tion, the reasons he triumphs in debate are not hard to find. Be is more aggressive than his opponents because he believes more strongly in vbat he says. His replies are immediate and pertinent, not only because his vit is quick, but silso because he has wide knowledge and experience on which he can instantly draw, and because he has cosm thoroughly prepared. "I think I have failed in debate," he says, "unless I had thou^t of more objections to my cause than my opponent has raised."'^ His reasonableness

^^aefore the real power in his speaking developed, in debates during World War I, Thoaas was quick-thinking, "rolled vith his opponents punches," and could come up with "vezhal haymakers." Or. ttidney Lovett, letter to the author, February 27, 1952. 77 'Norman Thomas, Mr. Chairman. Ladies and Gentlemen.... p. 52. m helf# Thomm# to #ppr#cl»te the ovpooizig cm## fUHy; high l%A#lli##oo#

#nmbl#s him to ammly## It thoroughly #nd to ### elmmrly through to th# h#mrt of th# qu##tlon. V#ry tmt, mn& po##lbly non# of th# #p##k#r# h# no#t# in dttbmt# hmv# as much platform axparianea, or a# much of th# kiad of experl#nc8 In vhlch th# ■p#ak#r Is Ylclously h#ckl#d« In #Kt#apor# ability too, Thcaia# Is suparlor to most. But Thomas Is a dsbatar by prsdsUctlon as vsU.H# thrlvss on am argument. It has be#n said of him that, "There are times «ban on# could T8 see breaking through his sentences the sheer love of polemics." Thomas can hardly deny this. He has even suggested a plan for limiting Presi­ dential caaqpaigns to a series of a dozen or so Llncoln-Douglas style debates However, his enthusiasm for a good argument Is not predicated upon an enjoyment of conflict per se. "Not the excitemeil^" he says, "but the search for truth is the justification of verbal controversy."^

It has been left to Thomas' frleMs, strangely enough, to single 8l out the flaws In his debating. Mainly, they point to his sarcasm.

7 8 Anonymous, "If I Were A Politician," In Adventurous Asmricaae.ed. by De vere Allen, p. 2 6 1 .

7^Norman Thomas, Ifr. Chalr^. Ladles and Gentleman.... p. 3 6 , He bases this suggestion on a saving In time and money as well. ^ I b l d .. p. 8 8 .

^^rhaps those who opposed him In debate refrained from saying anything uncomplimentary lest they be suspected of crying "sour grapes." B. V. Kaltenbom calls Thomas an "outstanding debater," though as a speaker he Is "more vigorously argumentative than quietly persuasive." Letter to the author, October lo, 1 9 5 1 . George Fielding ELlot writes about opposing Thomas In debate, "You have to be on your toes all the time or he will run away with the ball and leave you flat. It's hard to gat a word In edgewise unless you fight as hard as he does." Letter to the author, February 1, 1952. æ o 8 2 vhlch* th#y ##y, frequently entegonlsee en eudlenœ* Bat they also charge hlm vith being eo intent en eqaelehing an oppenant that he aoae* 8 3 tinta overetepe the bound# of faimeea*

Sarcasm and ridicule are potent rhetorical veapons. In the close. quarters battle of ideas and personalities that is characteristic of good debate, they can inflict much damage. Thomas is Usually able to make effective use of these veapons in the most impromptu sort of situations.

His sarcasm is on the whole pleasant. But his ridicule, though not mwnt to be, often borders on personal malice. In the foUoving excerpt from a program of America's Town Meeting of the Air, Ihomas' technique in sarcasm

Is readily evident.

Qpoplc: "Which Way America— Fascism, Communism, Socialism, or Democracyt" Panel: Leon Blrkhead, Martin Ebon, Raymond Holey, and Nonnan Thomas. After the prepared speeches the participants took turns asking each other questions. Thomas had just finished answering a long question from Ebon. Moley, whom Thomas met frequently In debate, also turned to Thomas with a question^ Moley: I'm afraid I'll have to come back at Norman, too, If you vere elected President, as you may be in '48 Mr. Thomas (laughter), what vould you nationalise in this c

^^Barry Laidler, Roger Baldwin, and Robin Meyers have all expressed this criticism.

^^Upbon Sinclair (in a letter to Robert Alexander) writes that In his eagerness to pick up the slightest slip his opponent makes, Thomas sometimes imputes to words a meaning that was never intended. Dr. Leo Rockwell (also in a letter to Robert Alexander) cites an example of Thomas unfairly switching the burden of proof. Thomas made a speech in which he said that no great American fortune had been legitimately made. He was challenged on this in the question period. Allright, said niomas, name one earned legitimately. The questioner, unable to think of any off-hand, appeared squelched. 8BI

vhile.... then epent eeveml nlmtee outlining Wbnt onglbt to be netloonlieed] 1 vieh I dldn*t hare to explain thle to Nr. Moley evexy time I eee him, (laughter end apfleuae) phoeme then aeked Holey If It'e qiulte a eqaare leeue to debate democracy agalnet eoelallem^ eepeclally elnce the capltallem Holey le for le regarded by cepltallete ae eoclalletlc. Then, vith ObYloue reference to Holey'a Hew Deal deye, he eald/] I can think of better vaye to manage Induetry then all thoee lettere he proudly bears the marks of. (appleuee and laughter) Holey: lhat sounded like a speech and not a question. The anever to your question Is that just ae many capitaliste voted for the kind of soelallem that Roosevelt put over in his first administration. •. Thomas : (interrupting When be followed our platform most nearly but badly. Moley: When I vas vith him. q u Thomas: Well, then vhen you did. (laughter)

Thomas* sarcasm is, characteristically, not alvays in the vorde 0c he utters so much as in his manner. He has a great dramatic power vhich can readily make his tone display vbat his vorde may not say.

His sarcasm notvithstanding, T&omae is generally admired by his debate opponents"...I have alvays been imqpresaed by hie ^bomaa*] courtesy, fairness, and his generosity in debate," vrites Henry Haslitt.

Bh, Town Meeting Bulletin. Vol. 13, Ho. 4?, March l6, 1)48, p. l4.

85*In a debate vith Frank Kingdon on lend-lease Thomas said, "I vas a little surprised that a man of the vast learning and so forth of Dr. Kingdon, ny old friend, should so badly confuse the issue." To which Kingdon replied, "HObody could appreciate more than I do these expressions of high regard on the part of Mr. Thomas, and I take them at their face value in spite of the tone of voice." Town Msetlng Bulletin. Vol. 6, No. 10, January 20, ip4l, p. l6. 86 George Denny j r . , who vas moderator on America's Town Meeting of the Air for many years, vrites that although ccnservatives disagree vith Thomas, they all respect him. They are never afraid that he v i U pull a fast one on a program vith them. Letter to Robert ALexander. aBe

"Tbit dots not mttn b# cannot be very bard-bittingj but bia blow are aleiyt above the belt." The iBvcrtant qvwatlon to the rhetorlelan its low do tudiencea react to Tbomat* tarcatmT Who can antver for every audiencel All that can be tald it that audlencet will not necettarily ditlike it. In the exchange vith Moley^ jutt cited, the audience lau@{bed and applauded when Thomaa made a telling, but aarcaatie, point. A vitneaa on the occaaicn vhen Thomaa debated vith Admiral Plunkett at Wealeyan Univeraity many years ago vriteas

Finally, the admiral got to angry at being needled that be became a brilliant red in cooiplexion and an incoherent matt of waving arms. He loat control of himself ao completely he wasn't able to say anything sensible about anything. ...Thqgaa certainly made a mess of him and the students enjoyed it.°G

Several theories have been advanced to explain why Thomas is ao sarcastic. Laidler tells us that Thomas is disdainful of speakers who may not have thought out their subject as carefully as he has, and that

Thomas becomes inpatient with questioners because he has heard the same 89 questions a hundred times. It has also been said that when Thomas speaks too often and is tired, "he tends to substitute a not unpleasant 90 satire for ideas." Nor can it be denied that opponent's attacks upon him and heckling questions from the audience could easily lead him to

^Henry Haslitt, letter to Robert Alexander. In another letter to Alexander, Hamilton Fish Jr. expressed a like sentiment. ^^Pllford 8. Dudley, letter to Robert Alexander.

®%arry Laidler, interview with the author, March 21, 19$1. 90 ^Devere Allen, "Norman Thomas— Why Nott" 2E* cit.. p. 36$, 283 b# ■arcMtle In reply. Robin l#y#rm, however, he# euggeeted that

Thome#* greet depth of conviction, hie eepemeee, ideeliem, vitelity— ell these ney meke him over-eercestic in reply, e little vitriolic in 91 rebuttel, end eomevhet too eggreeeive in epeeking.

The Speaker*e Delivery

There have been contradictory opinions about other aspects of

Thomas* speaking, but there has never been anything but high praise for his delivery.

He is unusually fluent— that has been said a thousand times. He speaks with hardly a pause and vith a fine coanand of language. There is only an occasional "uh” to break the constant flow of his thought. 92 However, Thootas has often expressed a concern about speaking too rapidly.

On the average, his speaking rate for radio talks is between 170«l8o words 93 per minute. Such a rate is at the extreme fast end of the normal range.

His rate for extemporaneous speeches is slightly higher, but it probably

^^tobin Meyers, interview with the author, March 19, 1951. I tend to go along vith Miss Meyers. There is a striking similarity on this point between Thoeaue and others who spoke as dissenters and reform­ ers. See, for example, W. Hayes Yeager*s study of Wendell Phillips in A History and Criticism of American Public Address, ed. by William Norwood Brigance, Vol. I, pp. 350 and 357; and also Wayland M. Parrish*s and Alfred Dwight Hudson*s study of Robert 0. IngersoU in the same volume, pp. 378-379. 92 The result, he says, of his experience during World War 1, when he raced through his speeches in order to foil government agents who were trying to copy down what he said. 93 Using accurate texts taken from NBC recordings, I found that Thomas spcdce between 2100 and 2^00 words in a twelve to thirteen minute talk. 2Bk does not rench 200 vordt per almte. In eay ceee. It Is intelligibility 9k thet counts, end in that respect Thames has no prdUsm at all. Bis 95 articulation is precise, but in no vay affected; his powerful voice carries easily in large halls even without public address systems, and outdoors above the din of traffic and street noises.

Thoaas* voice is the keystone of his delivery. It has been des­ cribed as "rich and resonant,""rich and pleasing," and simply, "powerful."

People who recall his speaking only vaguely, remember his fine voice.

Sidney Lovett writes that it helped to mark him as a preacher of distinction 96 as early as his seminary days. In 1929 the Kew York Telegram said, "Be is striking the public fancy by the mere power of his voice,...

"More than any systematic instruction in speech," says %cmas, "a comparatively few lessens in singing in ny youth have helped me through the years to support the rigors of much speaking on Hew York street cor­ ners.”^ In six Presidential campaigns and numerous others nearly as strenuous, his voice never failed him. Sven when he sometimes filled 96 eight speaking engagements in a day, his voice showed no strain.

QI4. In recent years, dentures have been a handicap to the clarity of his articulation, more so when be first used them than now. Still, to ny knowledge, there has been no serious complaint about intelligibility. 95 For a short period in the thirties, Thomas trilled his ^2^ and gave a romance language q^iality to his [l]. He probably acquired this bad habit, be says, to compensate for those who dropped the ([rj and lolled the [1% , When him wife called this to his attention, he stopped. Norman Thomas, interview with the author, June 10, 1953. 96 Sidney Lovett, letter to the author, Februazy 27, 1952. 97 Horman Thomaa, Nr, Chairman. Ladies and Gentlemen.... p. 6l

^^Bls lecture agent tells the story of the time she was driving Thomas to the last of three lecture engagements in a long afternoon and 265

Thomu #lng# mm m bmmm, but him mpmmklng vole# Im bmrltoom, not mellow, but plmammnt mnd fullyremoomtmd. Pitcb«vimm, itm rmml ummfulnmmm

H e m in itm flexibility. It im inmtmntly remponmive to him feelingm mnd to the eenme of him thou^tm. Thoeimm hmm a tendency to pitch him voice

tovardm bame vhen he is sarcastic, and tovardm the higher regimterm vhen he vantm to express eaqphamim. Occasionally, he enjoys himself playing out the parte in a bit of rhetorical dialogue; and fre

speaking. Visually too, %omas dravs attention and maintains interest. Be

is not *11 action, that would soon become a distraction. Be can stand

for long minutes, hands clasped behind his back or thrust in his Jacket

pockets, and hold his audience through sheer intensity of voice and

facial expression. But there are other moments— and it seems, almost, that Tbosias plans for them— vhen be presents a thought with vigorous

bodily action. The following is a description of Thomas at such moments.

evening. Thonms was seated in the back of the car where she expected he vould nap. Suddenly, she heard loud singing, "You ought to save yourself," she protested. "I'm just getting warmed up," replied Thomas. Roxanna Wells, interview with the author, Msrch 22, 1951. 99 Chanting, probably a throwback to his days as a minister, is a favorite device of his. At the University of Illinois in 1948, be chanted a facetious lesson in economics to the students. At that notor­ ious America First rally in 194-1, he had the audience join him in chanting Roosevelt's pledge not to send the boys cnrarseas. At the Ohio Methodist Conference in 1951, he chanted the shorter catechism of the Presbyterian Church to the delight of his hearers. 286 When b# get# irarmd up> he vill pace beck end forth* hi# long leg# «ad fl##hlng eye# emgbe#l#lng hi# jvehemeat «Incerlty. He u#e# hi# e m # hut little* end never flell# the elr; once In e while he v l U crook one fprn et en la^o#- alhle #j^e* round hi# finger# Into e hollow bell* end drew the fingertip# together teneely* e# If he h w #omethl% nighty tmortenttqportent In hi# bend. Be bee— the audiencenighty Ae a apeaker In action Thome# preaenta e varied picture • BL# gesture# ere In no senae stylized or rehearsed* but there are one or two he repeat# over and over. The gesture described In the excerpt above Is one: his a m outstretched behind htm and finger# In e grasping motion. Be nay also frequently be s e w with both fist# clenched* as If shaking them at the audience; he ends with arm# exteniadalmost straight down.^^^ Other gestures he uses are more spontaneous and nay take any form— chopping * grasping* pointing* ejct ending* withdrawing* etc. "Rules for gesturing and other action beyond the moat obvlaus and I 102 elemental**' he says* "are herd to frame and dljfflcult to apply." Themes believes that the speaker's actions mui t be adapted to the audience and occasion* and also to external physical conditions such e# the size 103 of the speaker's platform and the room. B&kt he has not always been successful In following this good advice. He sometimes overdid physical lOij. activity* as when talking to Informal groups In smell rooms.

^^Devere Allen* "Borman Thomas— Why Hott," og^. cit.. p. 3 6 5 . ^^■^Phe Hew Leader of May 26* I9 2 8 * p. 3* has some excellent candid shots of Thomas in action. |

^^^ormen Thomas* Mr. Chairman. Ladled and Gentlemen.... p. 6 3 . ^°3ibld.. p. 6 2 .

^^*Berry Laidler* Interview with the taithor* March 21* 1951. Laidler says that Thomas' wife finally called this to his attention. a&r In large rocna or amall, at outdoor rallias and In audl^riums, the tremendous physical energy he pute into his speaking cannot go unnoticed. Be gets across even to the hack r o M and the outskirts of the drowd. His gaze sweeps over the audience reaching every comer of the ball, and be leans far forward as if to peer into the faces of his listeners. His vitality, spontaneity, and intensity, add up to a genuine,

natural kind of communicativeness. His delivery Is further enhanced hy his invosing appearance. Be Is tall, and he stands erect. His sharp, clean features stand out rather well even from the rear seats. The striking dome shape of his bald head makes an attractive outline against any background. He does not posture, but there Is nobility and strength even In his bearing. He approaches

the speaker's stand In the most positive vay, but rarely makes use of It, preferring to stand free and clear, and to get closer to his audience. With no wasted motion, and no wasted words, be begins his speech. Beyond the impact he makes with his appearance, and the technical

Excessive physical activity may have been Thomas' compensation for an early problem in gesturing. Be writes: "In my student days and for a long time thereafter, I was plagued before and during a speech by my hands. TAey were always In xay way.... I welcomed the kind of pulpit or speaker's stand which hid ny knees and much of my body. How for a great many years I have preferred room for action.... What made the change I can't tell, ficcept this: with experience I became far less conscious of ay own feelings, more aware of my audience, and being freer from Inhibition, unconsciously more Inclined to action.** Nr. Ghàirman, Ladies and Qentlemen.... p. 6 3 . One of the faults he finds with ^nerican spesEsrs is that, "Most of our speakers, professional as well as amateur, suffer because they obviously are afraid to use action and so stand glued to a desk, if not a manuscript, and move arms and hands very awkwardly. If at all." Loc. clt. 288 excellence of his voice, articulation and physical activity, Hiomas has also a dramatic power. It is a power not inherent in the vords he utters; rather, it is the ability of the good i^tor to heighten the meaning of vords by rendition. It is the power to qjuicken. Thomas can set fire to a phrase and make its heat felt in the extremities of the audience. It is also a skill in timing— an ability to change pace; to let the audience relax sufficiently before their next catharsis.

After years in vhich it vas displayed to audiences via all media, Thomas' talent vas finally spotted by a television reviever. Said he:

Mr. "Oiomas, as an actor, is no empty vessel into vhich some director pours a performance. He is his own vriter and own director and his performance is alvays one of consummate skill.... He has a perfect sense of timing and an accurate feel for dramatic values. He can let an audience and an opponent relax, then suddenly vith a verbal shaft, skewer the opponent and jerk the audience to attention. He can explode and harangue vhen the necessity presentfi itself. His personality is imposing and his vit is quick. Fundamentally, however, the virtues of his delivery derive from the source of all his effectiveness: his deep conviction about what he says; his earnest coneem for bis subject. Thomas' first conmanâment for delivery is: "Speak to the audience as if you not only believed what you are saying is true, but that it is inqportant, that you are vitally interested in it and therefore think it ought to interest your X06 listeners."

The Speaker's Adaptation to the Audience Ibere is no point in exploring at length Thomas' methods of

^^Harry Mac Arthur, in the Washington Star. Hoveaber 26, 19U8 .

orman ibomas, ]^. Chairman. Ladies and Gentlemen.... p. 5 7 . 269 adapting to th# audionc#. It ha# h##n loplieit, in virtually #v#rythimg written ao far about hi# apeaking, that be not only apgpreciatea theoret­ ically the neceaaity of adapting to hla audience, but that it ia a primary atrength in hia practice Hia recognition of thia neceaaity led him to adopt an extenporaneoua atyle, to prefer it, and to uae it almoat exolualvely. On the ground# that it waa of firat importance to adapt, he excuaed hia oftimea awkward literary atyle. The dramatic powar be developed waa to him a mean# of auiting hia delivery to the reqtiirementa of the speech as they were reflected in the audience*a response. Except for the special emphasis he placed upon the speaker's interest in and knowledge of the subject, everything else he believed about speaking and did in hia own speeches waa audience-centered. Bia explicit expression of thia concept ia as follows ; The speaker must always be aware of hia audience— that ia, of hla particular audience— all the more ao if he ia repeating a much used lecture or speech. Be must cone to each audience with some anticipatory notion of its probable make-up, attitude, auid interest. Be should look at hia audience; only ao can he judge the effect of hia speech.

itlthough hia ideas were more or leas distasteful to the overwhelming majority of hia audiences, by careful adaptation he could always get a hearing and, frequently, a favorable reapomse. Burner aometimea served hia purpose. Documentation in his speeches helped. But he also made a direct attmmpt at allaying the audience’s fear of his ideasBefore,

^^It ia a atrength that Thomas recognized in himself. Interview with the author, Msy 1 1 , 1 9 5 5 » ^^^orman Thomas, Chairman. Ladies and Gentlemen.... p. 6 6 . 109He told a radio audience in New England that, "Socialism will take from you neither your religion, your home, or the fans you work. 290 and during evazy moment of his speech##* Thomas has the sharpest aeare- ness of speaking to people— people eho can feel* think* and react to stimuli* people ehcMS interest vanes easily and whose powers of con­ centration are limited. It is noteworthy that Thoeias attributes success in speaking to those circumstances of the speech to which the speaker nist try to adapt. It is his belief* he writes* ...that while it is always the business of the speaker to convey his message honestly* the occasion on which he speaks* the purpose of his speech* the type of meeting and audience* should have a great deal to do with his manner of presenting his case. If a speaker is honest* as he looks back over such successes as he may have achieved* he will have to admit that the occasion* the subject* and the audience had a great deal to do with any of his oratorical triunphs.^®

Summary The bases of Thcoms* strengths as a public speaker are to a great degree also the sources of his weaknesses. Many have extolled the fertility of his mind* his vast knowledge* and wide information* but he crowds too much of what he knows and wants to say into each speech* and his extensive use of allusions cannot possibly help the majority of his audiences to appreciate his speeches. He has a remarkable extempore ability* yet he frequently achieves it at the expense of good style and

^ It wants you to have more of the good things of life* and above all more security* more liberty* and surer peace.... It is not anti-American* it is the fulfillment of all that is best in the Amer­ ican tradition.** H o m a n Thomas* radio speech in Bangor* Maine* August 11* 1 9 3 6 * typewritten manuscript in Thomas Papers* New York Public Library. ^ ^ o r m a n Thomas* Ifr. Chairman. Ladies and Gentlemen.... p. 1 6 . 891 c»r#ful orsanlMtlon. Bis high intelllgsnc# bm# b##B mokno*l#d##&f but it uonutiiMt Bukts him uppeur superior, sad it tarns rMolted In #eou#*» tioQs at "Intellectumlity." It tarns been said that the intensity vitta vtaicta tae believes makes him speaking so manifestly sincere that no audience can deny It, yet this same depth of conviction is prdbetaly

^Aat leads him to be sarcastic, and sometimes vitriolic.

The combination of his dramatic power and enormous personal appeal is surely a boon to his speaking, but because of it, apparently, some observers are left vith an iaqpression of " over-emotionalism."

His vit is biting as veil as laugh-provoking, and it caused him to be accused of making clever phrases to cover up a lack of substantial argument. He is exceptiLonally expressive in physical activity on the platform, but tae sometimes overdoes it.

Acknowledging his weaknesses, and recognising that they are in a sense concomitant with his strengths, any fair and competent evaluation of his speaking ought to reach the conclusion that Thomas rates superior.

He is, as Baird says, one of the four or five leading speakers in the 111 United States, and, all things considered, should probably be among n o the top dozen In the history of American public address.

^ A . Craig Baird, Representative American Speeches. 19t»3-M». p. 277*

^^^What must be considered is this: (l) The variety of media— radio and television as well as the platform— in the use of which the speaker must excel these days mskes it more difficult to be acknowledged as topnotch; (2 ) few speakers had careers as lecturers and politicial speak­ ers with equal recognition in both; (3 ) it is often more difficult to achieve distinction as a speaker for a losing cause and a minority point- o f ^ e w ; (U) Thomas' career as a successful speaker stretches over a longer period than most; (3 ) when compared with some of the modem greats, Roosevelt, for example, Thomas did all the work on his speeches himself; 292 Bat to th# qu##tioo: Wh#r# In th# long tradition of zhatorlc do## Horonn Thonas proporly h#loagT> on# eazmot r#ply with # rating or a rank; bar# claaaiflcatlon la mar# appropriât#. % # anawar la that ISxoaaa» poaalbly b#tt#r than any nodam Aaar- lean apeaker, #%#mpllfl#a the outatandlng charactarlatlca of th# claaaleal theory of rhetoric. To begin with, he baa ahovn an almoat obaeaelv# faith In public addreaa aa the chief mean# of persuaalon In a danocratlc 113 society. Public addreaa haa been hia principal political tod. Of equal significance la the fact that Thonas brings to hla apeechea ethical conalderatlona of a kind only mrely known In pdltlcal oratory. Be brings also enormous erudition, the widest experience in writing and speaking, and a considérable amount of training In speech. Ab a time when "ghosting"of apeechea la not uncouaaon, and many of our leading

( ont ) while public addreaa had a more Important place In the society of fifty, a hundred, or a hundred-and-flfty years ago, the competition to the speaker from other sources— radio, movies, navspepem, etc. — la much greater today, therefore making It harder to cUhb to the top; (7) In the d d days, nobody spoke aa freqjuently aa Thomas does today; It la a real achievement to be consistently good under present conditions; (8 ) many speakers earned their reputations wholly through prepared manu­ script speeches, Thomas spoke almost always extemporaneously; (9) no speak­ ers In the old days, and few speakers of modem times, faced the variety of audiences, and the extent of heterogeniety of Individual audiences, that Thomas did; today. It la amost Isposslble to find a few slaqple appeals applicable to all audiences; (1 0 ) since our knowledge In fields has vastly Increased, It has become a notable accomplishment to be considered an Intelligent, well-informed speaker. X stop at ten, there are other considerations. ^^^homas* great weakness, says Roger Baldwin, la that he believes the way to bring socialism to America Is via the speaker's platfwm and the radio. Roger Baldwin, Interview with Robert Alexander. Thomas would agree wholeheartedly with Bvarett Hunt that, "rhetoric la the study of men persuading men to make free choices.” Bvarett Bunt, "Rhetoric as a Humane Study," Quarterly Journal of Speech. April 1955, p. 114. 293 spealoBn #r# known to oavXcy #p#ech writer# end edwieere, Thome# 1# the

•elf-contelned oretor. Theee trelts ere— ewmqr me — in the beet treditlon of the cleeeloal rhetorlclen#. Thome# foUow# Pleto In #o fer e# Fleto held kMwledge to be requisite to oretory, end the people*# good to be It# goel. To the extent thet Aristotle mede explicit the interreletlonsblp of rhetoric, lik pcOitlcs, end ethics, Thome# Is his unwitting disciple. Be is Arlstot- ellen too. In most neerly everything be hes seld ebout public specking, and in his practice, especially In the tremendous emphasis he gives to audience adaptatlcm. Thomas also fulfills the Isocratlan Ideal of the statesman in whose career honorable politics, noble themes, and eloquent rhetoric are fused. He Is Qnlntillan*# orator— the good men skilled In speakingAnd he is also to a large extent Cicero's, for, with the

possible exception of "dlsposltio,** whatever the subject, Thomas employs 1 1 6 the parts of rhetoric with superior artistry.

n il "Uhwlttlng" because Thomas Insists he has no real knowledge of the classical theory of rhetoric. Borman Thomas, Interview with the author, Msy 11, 1933» ^^Qulntlllan ' s good man Is widely educated, well trained in oratory, and of unimpeachable character.

^ ^ I n cosnentlng on his own strengths in speaking, Thomas cite# a friend of his who said that, "whatever the speech occasion, Thomas can take off wertlcally better than any speaker I have ever heard." Borman Thomas, Interview with the author, Msy 11, 1955. CHAFEIR Tf

TBK OVERVIEW: M mSEBSimn

In the years after World War I, vhen socialism and socialist parties in Europe vere groving in size and influence, the American

Socialist I%rty, except for a momentary shov of strength during the depression, vas steadily declining. In every free vestem European nation today socialists— sometimes by different names— are a significant political force, and in some countries they control the govenment. But

in America, Socialists have no political pover nationally, and an insignif­

icant amount locally. As a party, they can be vritten out of the American political scene without serious consequences.

Does this mean that Thomas, vho more or less led the Party for nearly a quarter century beginning in 1 9 2 8 , and vho vas unquestionably

socialism's principal spokesman for an even longer period, has been a

failure? Does it mean that despite artistic «ccellence his speaking has not been effective? No one can answer conclusively. Where all the forces

of history are involved ve can only suggest vhat might have been the role played by one individual.

I. TE0MA8 AB POLITICIAN AND PARTY LEADER

The record seems to be clear, however, on two points; (l)

Thomas was not effective as a politician; and (2) Thoeias had substantial weaknesses as a party leader.

The consensus of opinion of experienced observers both in and out

-291^. 295 of the Sociallet Party 1# that Thoau va# a failure a# a politician.

To cite Just a fev: "Hi# prophetic instinct," said a clergyman friend of his in approbation, "never let him confùse his role as msssengsr vith the concessions and cos^romises a successful politician is obliged to make."^ "His cult requires him not to ipractice the usual guile thÈt is considered the essential part of a successful politician," vrote a 2 veteran political reporter. HS is not any good as a politician observed another, because he is a moralist, "and tries to apply moral principles to politics, where they simply cannot be effective."^ In sum, Thomas stands unshakeably upon his principles, he is forthright, and he applies moral criteria to all kinds of actions.

Thomas fully realizes that these characteristics are positive handicaps to political success. Although for socialism's sake he wishes he could have been more effective as a politician, he personally has no regrets h and no excuses.

S r . Sidney Lovett, letter to the author, February 27, 1952. 2 Arthur Krock, (Washington correspondent for the Hew York Times), letter to the author, October l8 , 1951* 3 Quincy Howe, (radio commentator and political analyst, presetttty with the Communications Center at the University of Illinois), "Roosevelt, WlUkie, ThomiasT," uneensored. special supplement, October 19, 19^*0, P« 3» and letter to the author, Hovenber 7 , 19 5 1 * Others who expressed similar sentiments are; Marquis Childs, in a letter to the author, March id, 1952; Harry Fleischman, (Thoums' campaign manager In 19^)» in an interview with the author, March 21, 1951; Benjamin Stolberg, "The Socialist Party Today," Nation. Jhne 5, 1953« P* 6gO; Harry Laidler, in an interview vith the author, March 21, 1951; and Roger Baldwin, in a letter to the author, March 7, 1952. 4 Norman Thomas, interview with the author, December 20, 1951. Thomas tells a story that is apropos to his political ingenuousness. At the peak of the bank crisis in 1933» shortly after Franklin D. Roosevelt 296 Of cour##, his insblllty to h# # successful poUtlelsn Is itself no reccwndstloo for Thornes as a party leader. But he had other flees as veil. Be vas not firm and strong enough, say sos».^ Vitiiin the party, for exaaqple, he vas ausceptibls to applause, especisUy from the younger elements. When a thousand Yipsels (from the letters IFSL vhich stand for Young People's Socialist League) cheered him end sang "Thomas is our Lsader," he could not stand up to tell them that their notions of party tactics vere all vrong, declared a former Party

took office for the first time, Thomas led a delega­ tion to the President to suggest that the banks be nationalised. Roosevelt demurred, saying among other things that the mossent vas politicaül.y Inappropriate for such a step. Thoems insisted that vith the people in panic and distrustful of the banks, there vould never be a better time. "Barman, I'm a far better politician than you are," said Roosevelt. "Of course, Mr. President," replied Thossis, "else I vould be on your aide of the desk sind you on mine." ^Louis Belson, (former Lovestonite and Party member), in a letter to Robert Alexander. The sort of strength traditional Marxists vould like to have seen in "Oiomas is strength in devotion to Marx. Max Schactman, die-hard Trotskylte, complains that Thomas ruined the Socialist Party because he failed to make it a real left-ving party dedicated to Marxist principles. Letter to Robert Alexander. Earl Browder, former leader of the American Commmists vho vas dethroned by Moscow in for being soft to capitalism, writes: "In general, my dominant impression of Mr. Thomas is that of a very conscious member of the ruling class vho has gone 'slunning' among the masses, but will on no account do anything vhich should cut him off from his basic re­ lations with the class of his origin, vhich he values above everything else." Letter to Robert Alexander. According to this strict Leninist interpretation, ihomas is a member of the established elite who serves as a trouble shooter among the masses in order to find where trouble lies and report it back to the ruling group. Only in terms of his meaber- ship in the ruling class can one explain Thomas' organizational failuxeat his heart was not in his work. 297 nmaSbmr,^ Ae # matter of fact, Ihomee bee been eeeueed of dletruetiag

him own generation end murroundlng hlmmelf almomt entirely with younger 7 people vho stood In an admiring end uncritical relation to him.

The charge that Thomas vas partisan to the younger element# In

the Party Is undoubtedly true; even Thoems he# admitted It. Bis partiality vas evident, for exeegple. In the Old Ouard-Kllltant conflict. One reason Thomas sided with the Militants vas because they vere mostly young folks. But It vas actually necessary for Thomas to favor the

Socialist youth because his leadership of the Party coincided vlth a

great influx of young people vbose numbers, talents, and energies vere vital to the Party's success. So, Thomas deliberately encouraged the young Socialists because he believed the future of the Party rested vlth

them.

As for the charge that vhen the Xtpsels cheered him Thomas could

not get himself to tell them they vere vrong, this charge assumes that

Thomas knev at the time that they vere vrong. Actually, It vas much later vhen he conceded that the Declaration of Principles, the admission of

Trotskyltes Into the Party, and the joint endeavors vlth the Cosssunlsts

Sol Levltas, (executive editor of the Nev Imader). In a letter to Robert Alexsmder. A favorite rallying song of the Yipsels vas one vhich vent: Thomas Is our leader, ve shall not be moved (repeat) JUst like a tree planted by the vaters We shall not be moved. William Bohn (long-time Socialist, nov editor of the Nev Leader), ssys the young people vere devoted to Thomas. He recalls tluit their adulation vas embarrassing to Thoems. It vas sloppy and Indecent, says Bohn. Letter to the author, March 6, 1992. 7 Daniel Bell, "The Background and Development of Marxian Socialism In the IMlted States," In SoclsLllsm and American Life, ed. by Donald D. Egbert and Stow Persons, p. Uoi. 296 ver# tactic#! «rrors. And even then he meld these dsclslooe could he excused #s conccmlteots of th» times in vhich they vere mede. In Thornes* leadership of the Party there vere more serious fssolts than his coddling of the Tipsels. "It is strange," said a Socialist vritlng about Thomas, "that In a coUectivist Party individualism should 8 9 be so honored." Others have expressed similar sentiment. These impressions vould seem to be supported by the fact that tbs net outeams of all the years of Thomas* iMdership has been his personal triusqph and the Party's political defeat. That is not to say that he put his perscmal advantage first. It is true, however, that vhen Thomas led the Party many of its meahers vere Thosmsites rather than Socialists. A large bloc of the membership acted as if it owed its allegiance to the man Instead of the philosophy, or the movement. Once be assumed leader­ ship, Party policy seldom differed from his personal beliefs. Be con­ trolled the Party in much the same vay as his parents had controlled their children: not by rigid discipline or threat of reprisals, but by strength of personality and by appeals to love and devotion. It was in the nature of Thomas and the kind of organisation he built that these conditions had to exist. Thomas favored and developsd a loose party structure because he himself refused to be oheisant to

g Mxrray Baron, fformer exeoutive menber of Local New York of the Socialist Party), in a letter to Robert Alexander. ^Louis Nelson, gm. cit.. wrote: "A leader should make the Party a political instiwtion, but it was Thomas vho became the in­ stitution instead." Roger Baldwin, (in a letter to the author, Mmrch 7, 1952), also remarked that the weakness of the Socialist Party is somevbat due to Thcsns* individualism. 299 to may #art of party dogaa and party dlaoipliaa* Howavar, If tha oo- haalT# força In a party la not ita dogm or Ita dlaclpLlna» and not (cartalnly not for the Soclaliata) a deaira to ahara the apoila of poaar, than alaoat inevitably it v i U be a leader. A atroog paraooality with a auparior ability in aynbOl manipulation ia what thia laaderahip role xaquirea. Thomma took the part quite naturally* and without pré­ méditation. Furthermora* ha waa encouraged to aaauma the leadarahip by the very forcea which later fought him* and he could do ao readily bacauaa there waa little competition. Eventually* he atood in a poaition of aueh aupremacy that it waa virtually in^oaaible for other aapiring leadera to unaeat him. And when be finally atepped out of the role there waa no underatudy to replace him. For all hie great devotion to democratic principlea* Thomaa* own 10 temperament militated againat hia being a democratic leader. To begin 11 with* he bad a profound fear of being manipulated. Thia waa partly a matter of peraonal pride* but moatly the reault of an apprehenaion that hia poaition would be comproniaed by othera. 3o great waa hia concern

^raaumably* a democratic leader ia able to participate effectively in conference and comnittee work. Thomaa could not* deapite the fact that he waa nearly alwaya on the executive connitteea of the organiaationa to which he belonged. He waa «pparently incapable of "talking thinga over*" Of llatening to othera* and of conaidering opiniona different and oppoaite from h$a. He aometimea made it appear that thoae who diaagreed with him were foola* or knavea* or both. When he ahould have been "talking thinga over" he waa inatead making apeechea. In abort* he haa many of the worat characteriatica of the poor diacuaaer. Theae cbaervationa are the giat of conaenta from Harry Laidler and Roger Baldwin* eloae frienda of Thomaa* who have aerved with him on a great many condtteea.

^^3ell* o£. cit.. p. bOl. 900 for an imcompromlaed poaition that avan aban daaling vlth his oossm&aa in tha Fartj-«^o vara after all paofla with prlmoi#lsa similar to his-* ha voolA not raadilj naka coocassloms. In tha 1990*s, hefora his control of tha Party mas coa^lata, ha savsral tlaas thraatanad to raslgn baesttsa

Party policy vas différant from his own and thus ha could not spaak publicly for Party policy vlth a clear coosclanea. This explains why In

19kO and after, when the Party surely vould have vanished but for his name and hia energies, tha national platforms vere largely his Indlvldnal expressions•

Thomas has recognised that the veaknass of the Socialist Party la in a sense his fault. "The thing I wanted to do vas to build a party, which need not necessarily have called Itself the Socialist Party, but in It socialism would have been a vital element," he has said, üod he added, "I consider that ay career In certain respects has very definitely been a failure; the thing I cared most about gilding the Party[ I have 12 not succeeded In doing,..."

However apparent are his faults as a party leader and his In­ effectiveness as a politician. It would be Incorrect to hold Thomas wholly or even mostly responsible for the bankruptcy of the Aserlcan Socialists. The principal cause for their failure lies rather In the nature of tha socialist opponent— ümexlcan capitalism. It has defied the Marxist prophecy of doom and destruction, and It has Instead shown Itself to be elastic, adaptable, dynamic, and, yes, progressive. Some socialists vere

12 Allan Hevlns and Dean Albertson,^ "Ihe Reminiscences of Horman Thomas," p. 1U7 . 3 % «rartt of thlm a long tlaa ago. On# of ttami motot W# « u t mot forgot that In tho Ohitod State# eagitallam 1# ■till a progreaolve force, ecoooBioally epeeklng. ftai# ■oimd# heretical to the ■oclaliat ear, but really it i# not. It !■ only true. Cayitaliam is a progressive fores... because capitalisa is capable of paying its eoEfcers a living or a near-living sage vithout denying huge dividends to its stockhoiaers.... Cspitallsa cannot "eoUspse" as long as the aajority of the people are kept above the starvation line.^3

There is no qvMStion that American capitalisa vas progressive economically. This vas in part a matter of forWnate circuastance. America is a huge land whose frontiers vere not really settled until the beginning of the tventieth century, and there is still a sort of frontier movement continuing In the Southwest and Pacific Northwest. It had, end still has, immense natural veelth. It is,relatively speek- ing, a young nation. Geography had much to do vith ability of Anericsn capitalism to expand. And so did technology. Michines end their use— mass production— made it possible to distribute America's wealth over a broader base than enywhere else in the world. "The American economic system," wrote %omas, " ...haa been able to provide the h W e s t standard of living in the world, and open far more doors of opportunity to the aahltioas,enterprising, and fortunate then any other 1^ nation." The conseqiaence of this fact, he has said, is that "during rg— J. B. S. Hardman, "On the Need of a Clear Orientation," The Socialism of Our Tiaes. edited by Barry V. Laidler and Noxaan Thomas, p. 121. And this was written in 19&9* ?or a time afterwards may have had to eat these words, but he %ras vindicated in the long run. ^^Norman Thosma, A Socialist's Faith. (1951) p. d7* Much earlier (1938), Thomas said that^Ustory and geography had made America a middle- class paradise in an age of expanding capitalism; with more opportunity, as it appeared to most folks, for energetic and ambitious workers to rise ait of their class than to help their class to rise. Every worker a capitalist was the sdutloo to Ammrican difficulties." Norman Thomas, Socialism on the Defensive, p. 25h. 308 mo#t of our history^ mbl# young mon woro noittaor ontieod by cyportunlty Into the labor or radical movomont, nor drlvon thara by daaparatlcn* Thia, I think, ia tha graataat aingla raaaon for tha failura of aocial- iam to davalop a more powerful movement in Jlmerioa.*^^

Purthamora, American eapitaliam gave riae to a very large and atable middle-claaa irtiieh identified ita' intereata vith that of tha owning claaa. Owizig to thia fact, Thomaa aaid, tha "claaa atruggla" 1 6 along traditional linaa vaa incapable of being conamaaatad.

The American political aystem alao contributed to tha undoing of the aociallat movement. Since l8 $6 , vhen tha Republican Party ran ita firat Prealdential ticket, no new national party haa achieved both permanency and atrength in America; and there vaa never a time vhen a national third party of any aignificance laated froai one Providential election to the next. The framework of our government, the rulea con* coming political partiea (from the federal to the local level), and by thia time, the force of tradition, all aupport the two party ayatam; all make it exceedingly difficult for a third party to get a atart and a foothold. Where third partiea have made acme progreaa in atate and even congreaaional electiona, they have never been able to approach near to the Preaideney. And ainee the Preaidential election overahadowa all othera in America, theae third partiea have failed to expend their in- 17 fluence and Inpreaa their program in national politic a.

^^crman Thomaa, "American Socialiam in Mid-Century," Labor and Nation. Pall 1951, p. 2 5 . ^^Loc. cit. 17 Norman Thomaa, ^ Socialiat'a Paith. pp. 90-91* TO Also, th# singular nsturs of our political cystaa has mad# n f o m vithout rarhlutlon possihla «van vithin tha ccBtaact of a two p a r ^ systam In vhich naithar party has had raform as its progra#. Thus, tha Vav Oaal came Into being as a kind of aakashlft program of amargeney repairs to the aconcadc machina and tha social structura, hy failing to adapt to tha Rev Oaal envirooBmnt, say s o b », the Socialist Party only hastened its 18 axtincticn. Socialism has not succeeded In America for other reasons. To name just a fev:19 1. Continuing immigration divided tha labor mwvemsnt along national and religious lines, and even set up class barriers between tha navly arrived immigrants and tha native Aaarican vozkar. Besides, tha labor movement has never really been concerned vith political action.

2 . The native socialist movement vas never a vcrkers amvemant. Xn its heyday tha Socialist Party had greater proportionate strength in the Middle West and Far Vest than in the urbanised and industrialised Bast. In Amriea, native socialists were mddwestem radicals, the populists of the late nineteenth century. On tha other hand, the Bast gave rise to true Marxist m*ovements, especially among the immdgrants, vho brought

18 Qua Tyler, one-time Tipsel leader, in mletter to Robert Alexandmr and August Claessena, in an interviev vith the author, Septemiber l8 , 1951. The Socialist Party lost every vestige of union and labor support when it repudiated the Rev Deal and enforced a strict discipline upon its menbers which made many of them choose between the Party and their jobs as union leaders. ^%hose interested in puzsuing this further should reads Rorman Maekansie, Socialisms A Blyrt EistcrysBonsao Thomas, "American Socialism at Mid-Century." om" clt.l Will Eezbere. "What Esppened to American Social ism," Cosgsntsgz,^t*Mr 1951, Pp. Bell, og,. cit.; and Sidney Eoc "The Philosophieal Basis of Marxian Socialism in tha Uxsited States,** in Socialism and American Life, ed. by Donald D. Egbert and Stow Pmracns, especially pp. 3CA

N u x unadulterated from lurqpe and tried for a long time to make it apply to the American eituatlon. There va# at no time complete harmony he* tween the eastern and midvestem Socialist#. 3» Xdtologieal cmfllcts vithin the Party, which In 1 9 1 6 , 1 9 1 9 ,

192U, 19314., and 19^0 resulted in the splitting off of blocs of msnlbership, seriously damaged the Party. Even vhen no split toOk place, the constant wrangling in the Party over the correct road to salvation diverted energies from the Party*# main goal.

4. Socialist movements everywhere have suffered from the betrayal of socialism by the Commun!Sbs in Russia, as well as from the calamities that befell true socialist movements in France, Qermany, Czechoslovakia, and other countries.

II. THOMAS* INFLUENCE AS A SPEAKER

Although the American Socialists failed to achieve political power except In some isolated local instances, they have nevertheless made remarkable achievements in other ways. **At the very time % m t social­ ism was disappearing from the American scene as an organized political force,** observed one writer, **the Socialist program was being translated into law and social practice to an extent far beyond the expectations of its protagonists. Here if a failure, is suirely a successful failure;....**^

^fill Herberg, **What Happened to American Socialism," op>. cit. Business Week, writing on the 90th anniversary of the founding of tke Socialist i^arty oC America, commented: "Many issues that the Socialist Party early espoused vere picked up by the older parties when the time was ripe and thus found their way into the law of the land." Tbs editorial thSn proceeds to enumerate every important social refosv of the last half-century. Business Week. November 17, 1951, p. 18 O. 304

Nunc \in«dult*rat«d from Europe and tried for a long time to make It apply to the American eituatlon. % e r e vae at no time complete harmony be­ tween the eaetem and midweetem Soeialieta. 3 . ZdeoiLogieal conflicte vithin the Party, vhich in 1916, 1919, 1924, 1934, and 1940 resulted in the splitting off of blocs of membership, seriously dsneged the Party. Even vhen no split toOk place, the constant vrangling In the Party over the correct road to salvation diverted energies from the Pmurty's main goal. 4. Socialist movements everyvhere have suffered from the betrayal of socialism by the Comrnml kas In Russia, as veil as from the calamities that befell true socialist movements In France, Oemany, Csechoslovekia, and other countries.

II. TEOMÆ' HIFLUBNCS AS A SPEAKER

Although the American Socialists failed to achieve political power except In some Isolated local Instances, they have nevertheless made remarkable achievements in other vays. "At the very time that social­ ism voLS disappearing from the American scene ow an organised political force," observed one writer, "tlM Socialist program vas being translated Into law and social practice to an extent far beyond the expectations of

Its protagonists. Here if a failure, Is surely a successful failure;...."^

^fill Herberg, "What Happened to American Socialism," op,, clt. Business Week, writing on the $Oth anniversary of the founding of @ e Socialist ^arty of America, commented: "Many Issues that the Socialist Party early espoused were picked up by the older parties lAen the time VOIS ripe and thus found their vay into the lav of the land." The editorial then proceeds to enumerate every Important social reform of the last half-century. Business Week. Hovember 17, 1931, p. 1 8 0. 305 In ordar to explain how thia could happen, a few brief cbaervationa on the American political ayatem are neceaaary. It la the eaaential nature of cur two party ayatam that the dlfferencee between the partiea la "aiore notorloua than real," and that the partiea rarely divide on laauea or queationa of principle. *»ey only act aa If they do. la a matter of fact, at election tine the partiea unite under one entblem and In one vague platform diverae and often con­ flicting Intereata. The principal ingredient in the cement which blnda together a party organization Is the desire for power and the hope of patronage • But It Is the relative strength and persuasive ability of pressure groups that for the moat part determines the policies of which­ ever party achieves power. It has been said that the Socialists did not understand pressure group politics and thus blundered in their choice of tactics for eatabliah- 21 Ing socialism In America. Then how can one explain their "successful failure" : the fact that America has adopted virtually all that the Socialists asked for except socialization itselfT At least in ao far as Thomas is concerned, the evidence is that he waa neither Ignorant of, nor naive about, the American political system, and that he conceived his campaigns as oppwtunltiss for spreading Socialist propaganda and winning support for the Socialist i^ogram. At no time, not even in 1932, did Thomas harbor the slightest

^%rberg, "What Happened to American SociaJLiam," Oj^* cit.. p. 339* Labor, on the other hand, knew and used the aystem well, says Herberg. Yet, it was he Who called the socialist movejment a "auceeaaful failure." 306 suspleloQ that his victory at the polls vas possible. On the contrary, he frequently predicted vho the vlnner vould be, thus admitting his own defeat. Ko candidate vho takes his candidacy seriously vould do such a thing. But Thomas seldom campaigned like a man out to win. He vanted to talk about the Issues, not get elected. In 1936 he deliberately lost the votes of perhaps a g^iarter million Tovnsendltes by telling them at their own convention that the Townsend Plan was economically impractical. % never made special promises to farmers. In the South he spoke to non­ segregated audiences and he attacked Jim Crow, the poll tax, and other policies dear to most southern voters. He campaigned long after there seemed to be any practical reason for doing so. He campaigned In spite of tremendous obstacles — poor party organization, Insufficient funds, smd

Inadequate publicity. He campaigned vhen apathetic response, small aud- 22 iences, and his advancing years made campaigning a chore. He campaigned always vithout hope of victory, but called for a large Socialist vote on the grounds that the size of the vote would influence the party In power.

He campaigned because he felt It was "an effective vay under American

^ % o m a n Thomas, Interview with the author, September 12, 1951» and letter to the author, November 1951* Thomnas enjoyed the early campaigns, such as the ones for mayor of New York In 1925 and 1929, and the Presidential campaign of 1932. He campaigned In later years because he felt It was his duty to socialism.

^ ^ e told the audience at the closing rally of the Presidential campaign in 1936: "You say we shall not win? Probably not this year. But the best evidence that the people are awakening will be found In the size of the Socialist vote, and by It, and by no other yardstick, the victors will measure the demand of the people for plenty, for peace, and for freedom." Text of address by Norman Thomas in Madison Sq]uare Garden, November 1, 1936, In New York Times. November 2, 1936, p. 10. 307 .A coDdltiCMis to advance a ■oclaliat phlloeopiby and program."

From the foregoing. It geema reaacoable to conclude that alnca

1 9 2 8 , or 1932 at the lateat, althouggh the Socialist Party acted like an American political party, and fulfilled all the legal functions of a political party, its objectives vere dlfferent«lt vas essentially a propaganda group, a pressure organization.^^ Victory at the polls vas not Its objective, but It did vant votes because votes vere a clear In­ dication of Its strength as a pressure group.^ This means also that

Thomas, as leader of the Party, vas not cast In the role of a politician seeking office for himself and his cohorts. Bather, he played the part

oL Norman Thomas, "American Socialism In Mid-Century," ££• clt.. p. 2 7 , Italics added. He campaigned also because he hoped It vould further the role of the Party as a nucleus for a mass third party. 25 A fev vords about minority parties In America vould seem to be In order. The American minority party has served multiple functions. It has been a safety valve through vhich temporarily tuzbulent political pressures could be released. It has also been a continuous organ of protest. It has been an outlet for the purveyors of political nostrums. It has sometimes been a goad to the American public. It has served the tvo major parties as a barometer of the political veather. But Its most Important function has surely been to act as an avant garde, pioneering In political, social, and economic reforms vhich the tvo major parties vould not dare to propose first for fear of their political life, but vhich eventually they take outright from the minority parties and adopt as their own. The Socialist Party has peitaps more completely fulfilled this last function than any other party In our history.

^^ere Is one man's testimony In 1935: "The Socialist Party has changed from a minority political party to a radical political propa­ ganda group— Its campaigning Is only a publicity stunt to vln attention to its ideas. The party leaders are not discouraged by defeat. They thrive on it. Victory vould be the only thing vhich could expose their game as being an Ingenious adaptation of Manclan dogma to the practice of American pressure-polltlcsThe Unofficial Observer, American Messiahs.P. 1 6 9 . 306 27 of a propagandist, and an edueatdr. • This Is the role in vhich he Is SB most frequently seen by his contemporaries, and it is in this role that his achievements have been most often acknovledged. Thus, if ve judge %omas as a politician and assess the effective­ ness of his speaking in terms of political success— election to office and the acquisition of power— he has been a complete failure. But if we judge him as educator, propaf^mdist, and pressure group leader, then 29 his effectiveness and his influence can hardly be denied.

27 When it was announced, in 1952, that the Socialist Party would run no more candidates for national offices, the Christian Century re­ called Vhat it had said about the Party many years ago; ^Tbe Socialist Party...is not in reality a political party as American politics rates parties; it is a venture— and a highly successful one— in adult educa­ tion. Those who voted for Mr. Thomas did not do so vith any idea that he might win. A Norman Thomas vote was a protest vote, and an effort to draw attention to the importance of the Norman Thomas ideas. In the first purpose, theae who voted for Mr. "Riomas were moderately suc­ cessful. In the second, they were entirely so. Thus it is true that few living Americans have had a more successful political career than Mr. Thomeis," "You Can't Vote Again for Norman Thomas," editorial, Christian Century, January 7, 1953, PP* ^-5* William Green, who was for many years president of the American Federation of Labor, on the occasicm of Thomas' 69th birthday expressed, "appreciation of the educational service which gThonms] rendered the people of the Nation during his life time." Brochure published in connection with the testimonial luncheon given to Norman Thomas, February *v, 1950, Commodore Hotel, p. 9* 28 "He is primarily a protestor, and essentially an educator rather than an office seeker," said S. J. Woolf, New York Tim*", jUne 7, 1 9 3 6 , Sec. VII, p. 3 . In a preelection portrait of the candidates the New York Times said about Thomas: "Needless to say, ...he has not ex­ pected to be elected; Mr. Thomas' campaigns for office have been intellec­ tual pursuits. He has sought recruits for socialism instead of votes.” New York Times. May 29, 1932, Sec. IX, p. 2. 29 "Thomas will use the Socialist Party platform as a means of supplying Franklin D. Roosevelt and the New Deal vith specific policies. This conforms vith the essential guts of American politics,...." wrote the Unofficial Observer, gp,. cit.. p. 1 6 9 . Harry Laidler, (interview with the author, March 21, 1951), said of "Oiomas that he is a good propa- geuidist who knows how to make headlines, but sometimes in making them 309 Moreover, thoufgh Thomas* principal role has been as the spokesman for socialism. It Is not the only part he played. As often, he has been the champion of human rights— of civil llber^, e<%ual justice, and equal opportunity. He has also been at various times the voice of dissent, exposer of injustices, defender of the minority view, the vocal conscience

^ forfeits the Immediate socialist message. Sidney Hook writes, (letter to the author, March l8, 1952): Norman Thomas has been the greatest single influence In advancing the cause of socialism In Ameid-ca. He educated an entire generation "Including, unknown to them­ selves , probably, many Individuals who weire prominent In the New Deal." This notion has apparently been spread abroad also. Fenner Brockwey, labor MP In Britain writes: "It Is Impossible to estimate the Influence which Normaui Thomas has had In changing political thought In America. His teaching did more than that of any other single Individual to transform the American belief In 'rugged Individualism* to the political mind which was ready to welcome President Roosevelt's New Deal." Letter to Robert Alexander. Everett R. Cllnchy, President of the North American section of the World Organization for Brotherhood, writes: "At confer­ ences of college students In various parts of the country I have watched Mr. Thomas play the role of Socrates. He has shaken students out of phlegmatic despair, stirred them to ask questions, encouraged them to go after their own answers,.... No other single man I know has Influenced so many college students In their economic thinking." Letter to Robert Alexander. Quincy Howe writes : "His real Influence has been comparable to that of a good teacher.... I think he has had a real effect on the Intellectual minority." Letter to the author, Novenjber 7, 1951. It would be unfair to leave the Impression that there Is unanimity of opinion on this point. Some people do not acknowledge Thomas * alleged contributions to socialist education. Elmer Davis, (In a letter to tha author, April 2, 1952), says that Thomas has not been successful In con­ verting people to his views, and has had no Influence on a trend to socialism because there Is no such trend in America. John Howe, writing for former Senator William Benton, (letter to the author, February 6, 1 9 5 2 ), says that although the platforms of both major parties contain Ideas pioneered by Thomas, they are Ideas In the fields of dvll rights and social welfare, but not economic organization. Marquis Childs writes : "He has. In my opinion, had comparatively little to do with the trend toward Socialism. That trend. If It Is Indeed a trend, seems to me much more nearly related to profound economic currents In this country and In the world." Letter to the author, March 1 8 , 1952. 3 1 0 of Anerlca, and America*» prophet. %eee function# %(mm# ha# fulfilled 30 with acknowledged, euccee#.

On the other hand, there 1# no doubt that Thona# comeletently sought to promote a strong democratic socialist movement dedicated to the establishment of a socialist society In America, and tw was not at all successful. His faults as a politician and party leader are partly to blame. But they do not explain why he was unable to win popular support outside the Party for this movement. This chapter has tried to Indicate that the task was beyond the efforts of a speaker. Or, as Thomas has written: "I do not underestimate the Importemce of effective public speech when I say that, given the circumstances, I could have made better speeches and still have failed, while under different circumstances I 31 might have made worse speeches and succeeded."

There Is space for just a few typical comments. Says Will Herberg, "What Happened to American Socialism," clt,. p. 3^7. "He Is at his best precisely when, as an * elder statesoMB* bespeaks from beyond and above the political battle to recall his errant fellow countrymen to a sense of the eternal social verities." "It seems to me," writes James Roosevelt (In a letter to Robert Alexander), that Mr. Thomas' role In American life has been mainly that of an exploring conscience for the body politic." Roger Baldwin writes that, "Be has been one of the most effective speakers on minority views In the last generation. He Is still the preacher, the evangelist." Letter to the author, March 7, 1952. H. V. Kaltenbom, (In a letter to the author, October l8 , 1951), says that Thomas "has been a most effective con­ structive Influence In our political life. He has vigorously attacked Insincerity and humbug In both political parties and has also helped open our eyes to the false doctrines of Communism." See also Chapter I, the section on Thomas' Importance as a political figure.

^^orraan Thomas, Jfr. Chairman, Ladles and Gentlemen.... p. l6 . The tragedy of Norman %omas, said August Claessens, Is that he was out of tune with his times. There was In America no basis for response to the socialist appeal. From 1920 on, Claessens noted, the Socialist Party was on the decline; things were hopeless then, eind nothing that 311

3l(Cont d) or anyone else did or failed to do had any effect on the Party's present unimportant position. August Claessens, interviev vlth the author, September l8, 1951. Claessens also made the point that circumstances detexmlne the significance and success of the speaker, and that In America clrcumstances did not favor the speaker vlth a soclSLllst message, not even In the heart of the depression. (Claessens vas himself a life-long Socialist vho spoke from long, varied, and firsthand experience as a top-notch Socialist organizer and speaker. For many years he taught public speaking In the Rand School and to union-sponsored classes.) In their analysis of the Presidential campaign of 1928, Peel and Donnalty said about Thcnas : "Fev people heard or sav him during the campaign.... Someday he v l U be heard." (Peel and Donnelly, 1928 Campaign, p. 111.) But Just four years later, vritlng about tSe 1932 can^lgxî, they saild: "When he T % o m a ^ gets an audience, he holds It spellbound, but It Is becoming more and more difficult for him to obtain a hearing. The expropriation of his Ideas by the liberal Democrats and the hopeless Inertia of the masses have conspired to relegate him to obscurity." (Peel and Donnelly, The 1932 Campaign, p. 19^.) APPENDIX I

Speech Made by Noman Thcnas In Accepting the Presidential

Nomination at the National Convention of the

Socialist Party, Washington, D.C., 19IK)*

It Is no secret that I had resolved not to run a fourth time for the Presidency of the United States nor that I had hopes that electorally our party might this year cooperate vlth some larger group representing the awakening Interest and Intelligence of the producing and consuming masses of Americans In the conquest of our wholly un­ necessary poverty.

Yet today humbly, yes, and with deep appreciation of the honor you have done me, I accept the nomination you offer me.

Why do I run? Because In the year of crisis and confusion of continuing unemployment and war, for the Socialist Party of America to run no ticket would be abdlcatlŒi In the face of the eneny.

Because If ve do not proclaim them, no party In America will pro­ claim the declarations of our platform about the things necessary for plenty, peace and freedom as the rightful possession of 13O million

Americans.

Why do I run?

Because It Is already clear that no matter what the old party conventions may do there can be no effective Independent Farmer-Labor

* From the Thomas Papers, New York Public Library. -312- 313

Party ticket in the field In 1940. It Is already too late for such a party to sppear on a national scale, except perhaps as a temporary expression of personal Interest or desire for vengeance or a Cosnunlst front. I do not run, you do not fight this hard campaign because ve hate somebody. I do not run, you do not fight this canqpalgn primarily because we are against something. We fight it because we are for democracy and peace and know the road to their achievement. We fight It because we are for a positive freedom of every Individ­ ual of every race and creed and color in America. We fight it because we know poverty can be conquered In this great land, but only by a positive program of production for use based on those social controls, democratically applied, which are necessary to put men and machinery to work. I make no prophecy of the size of our vote. But this I affirm; if we can make our fellow citizens stop and listen to our program for Keeping America Out of War, and abolishing poverty, If we can make our words like a burr to stick on their minds and consciences In this hour of darkness, doubt and confusion, we shall not have failed. We shall Instead have played our part here In this last great land where democratic progress Is possible, in delivering the people from the apathy and despair from which war and fascism are bom. America and American democracy need not fall. And the success of our democracy 314 shall be as a great light vhoee rays may pierce even the clouds of ear and totalitarianism under which our brethren grope In the motherlands of civilisation In Europe and Asia. The magnitude and adequacy of our success lie not wholly In our hands. But If we carry on as this convention has begun, we shall have proved ourselves worthy of our great name and our great tradition. We shall be the bearer of hope to mankind. KPsmax u Photostat# of Four Ccmaseutlve Pages of Msnuseript From A Speech Titled, "The National Platforms As A Socialist Sess Then,"

«From the Thomas Papers, New York Public Library. -315- 316 317 318 APPENDIX i n

A Camparison of A Key-Word Outline for Part of A Manuscript

Speech Titled, "The Price of World Peace," with the Sane

Part as Given over the Radio, November 11, 1935» on NBC

The Outline*

Remember one battleship $^>0,000,000— but unnamed said, var last 10 yrs— built 2nd fleet. What ve can do for Japan Is set example, modify exclusion, open by world agreement doors of opportunity.

This not peace. Capitalist nationalist for. of peace. Can*t divide men and nations Into House of Have and Have Not. This root of

Fascism— Fed. of coop commonwealths. Pressure on past— young folks who refuse to be cajoled or stanpeded Into war; farmer, labor and prof. org. put own sanctions agst war, churches which mean no more war. They

— them, mean org. act. W New World.

The Speech**

Remember that one battleship cost 40 million dollars. A dis­ tinguished but unnamed military critic was quoted In the New York Times the other day to the effect that vox with Japan would last 10 years and

It would be necessary to win It, for the U.S. to build a second fleet.

Do you want that kind of war?

* From the Thomas Papers, New York Public Library.

**From a recording at the National Broadcasting Company In New York City.

-319- 3 2 0

What ve can do in regard to Japan is to set an eacample, sa exemple vith regard to imperialism. What ve can do is to help tbs world modify its exchange policy which cuts off some nations in the world from trade. We can open doors of opportunity to all men. But this is not all the price of peace. It is our basic organization and basic loyalty which most be changed if we are to have peace. The capitalist nationalism of the present, however, is the foe of peace. Under it, men and nations are divided into the house of have and have not. This is the root of fascism.

After the war Japan, Italy, and Germany, strong nations, found themselves increasingly cut off from the abundance that modem life makes possible. They found higher walls of division between nations. If there had never been fascism, this division into house of have and have not would have invited, sooner or later, new war. As it was, it was this division which prepared the soil for the evil, hurtful, poisonous weed of fascism, jingo­ ism, and militarism to flourish here.

We shall never get peace until we are willing to pay the price of a world prepared for peace. A world where across lines of race and creed and color all nations will build a federation of cooperative commonwealths, wherein we plan for abundance on the basis of the social ownership of the great materials, of the great collections of machinery that can give abundance to all men throughout the world.

This is the price of peace. And for this the generation of the young must struggle ; must struggle as they love life. Everything you care for is imperiled by new war. Everything you prize will perish in that war; a war which means destruction for great cities and countrysides alike. 321

The price of peace may seem to you heavy, but It la your only hope that you shall be able to pay It. If you are to pay It, you must put pressure

on your government. You mist let the rulers of men know that never again will the youth of any land be stanqpeded or cajoled Into new war for others' profit. You must let your government know— you professional men, you

fgunners, labor unionists— that you have your own seuactlons and your own

determination that there shall not be war ageLLn. Churches, If you mean peace, you must make reguL your resolve that there be no more wbup. It

requires .struggle. It requires organization— this program I am advancing

on Armistice Day. It requires no such price eis wgur. And all your hopes

eire bound up In your courage, your determination, your ability to pay

that price before it Is too late.

This is the lesson of Armistice Day. This determination that war shall be no more Is the only adequate memorleil that you can build to those who perished seeking the peace that yet we have not found. No wgur, a world organized fit for peace— this Is our motto, guid this our determination. APFENDIX IV

Four Typical Speech Outlines Which Show the Different Degrees of Preparation the Outline Frovided, As Well As the Various Forma It Took*

A. Oitllne for a radio speech of February l6, 1935

1. What Recovery means; we canH recover what we didn’t have.

2. Recovery isn’t enou^. 3. Washington wants recovery. This is clear from Roosevelt’s recent actions, his attitude towards labor, his unsatisfactory Security program, etc. 4. We want no recovery but plenty, peace, and freedom, which requires

planned production for use and not profit. On the way to this goal we ceui obtain better protection against unemployment and kindred tragedies than Roosevelt has proposed.

B. Outline for a speech titled. "America’s Role in World AffairsDecember 21. 1940

Easy to sum up: Maximum possible cooperation for peace; maxintim possible isolation from war. Hard to apply. I shall discuss an unpopu­ lar subject— in attitude to possible negotiated peace. Advantages of complete British victory a. Eliminate Hitler

♦From the Thomas Papers, New York Public Library.

-322- 323 b. Establish sound peace Two not the same. I am less optimistic than many on permanent peace by British victory; less pessimistic about danger to us of stale­ mate or even Hitler victory much as I would hate the latter.

Give reasons. Costs of victory ; SKsmlne most optimistic theory, victory by blockade and air superiority— improbable. Victory will at least require big armies almost certainly American troops. Effort will mean indefinite continuance of war which threatens enormous and little reckoned consequences; economic, pyschologlcal, biological no matter who wins. Means, if we come in, war on two oceans and two continents. Loss of our democracy here, infinite suffering no certain victory but good chance for impermanent peace of exhaustion capitalized by Stalin. Our actions as nations must reckon with these possibilities. No right to cheer England on by false hopes if and when negotiated peace might be better for her interests— and ours. Probabilities overwhelming that complete rejection of idea of such peace means we'll be drawn in.

Negotiated peace not likely to be good but may be less of two evils. It can give some guarantees against Nazi aggression; e.g. continued existence of powerful Britain. It may release anti-fascist forces for other than military struggle. Posiibly Italian defeat may make this position practical. 32^

C . Oitllne for a eneech titled "An American Torelgn Policy."

given at Town Hall. Jtonary 31. 1939

1. General statement of policy. Maximum possible cooperation for peace vith maximum possible Isolation from var. It Is our task to see vhat these words mean. To me they mean that ve should keep America out of var— a task which Is difficult but not Impossible— because var would bring a degree of suffering and fascism for America for which no possible good that the United States could do in var would com­ pensate . (Expand vhat var would mean.) Our national policy should be one of general support of the Hull treaty plus an effort to make the whole world understand that the United States is ready and eager at the earliest prac­ ticable moment for international conference cxi economic and military disarmament on terms not of bribing the dictators but of satisfying the economic discontent which the dictators have capitalized. Meanwhile our policy should be one of keeping America out of war rather than of stopping the agressors by war— this not because the agressors ought not to be stopped but because logic and history show that while American participation in new world war might stop particular aggressors it would not stop aggression or the forces which make for it. Nations do not fight for ideals, although individuals may, but for national Interest to keep what 325

they have or to get what they want, as their rulers understand

or misunderstand those interests. 2. Bjcanination of developments from the world war down support this contention, and shows the forces that hrou^t defeat to Wilsonian

liberalism in foreign affairs, The rise of fascism, the aggressions

of nations in the House of Have Not, the failure of anti-fascist

nations really to defend democracy, the extraordinary r ^ e of

Stalinist Communism, are not accidental, personal achievements or

crimes, they lie in the logical order of cause and effect and prove

that nations act for self interest. The fundamental error of the

Leagneof Nations was that it emphasised coercion of the dissatisfied,

rather than cooperation. This analysis is the ground for ny rejection

of so-called security of governments. Between governments in the

capitalist nationalist world the fundamental division is not between

democracy and dictatorship but between satisfied and dissatisfied

nations.

3. The present world situation is worse than in igi4 largely because

of the First World War and will not be cured by the second. A

victorious Anerica would not make a better peace than the Peace of

Versailles in Asia or in Europe. It is more possible to keep a

government out of war than to guide it for ideal ends in war.

4. To Keep America out of war.

a. Keep America out of imperialism (Mexico)

b. Keep America out of wetr trade. Build peace trade.

(neutrality policy)

c. Keep America out of armament race and armament economics. 326

(Présidentes program violâtes this principle. Defense of what?) d. Limit dlctatorlsl power of President In foreign affairs.

(Ludlow amendment etc.) 5. An America at peace can do for democraicy, refugees, etc., what an

America at war cannot. Anerlcan citizens can do for underground movements etc., vhat the Government cannot.

D. Outline for a Town Hall lecture titled. "The Peace and the Prospect for Democracy," November 2k, 1941.

Introduction In ray former lecture I argued that this was not In any proper

sense of the word a war for democracy. I am now obliged to go further and say that no official or semi-official proposal for peace gives us a good prospect for peace or democracy. This Is clearly true In the case of a Hitler victory. It Is true In the case of a relative stale­ mate which seems to me the most likely result of the war unless there should develop a popular Interest and xmderstanding now lacking among the plain people In both groups of belligerents, or unless someone government— let us say the United States government— will undertake with Imagination and power a peace offensive, of which there Is now no sign.

A complete Anglo-Amerlcan-Russian victory would give little hope of either peace or democracy. This statement rests on the following case:

I. The peace most likely to endure must give to men, more especially 327

to social groups ecanoolc security, a sense of freedom from

exploitation by other groups, with the ri^t machinery for ad­

justing differences by other means than var. Its ultimate per­ fection will take the form of a fellowship of free men, the

political formula for which is a federation of cooperative common­

wealths . Such a peace Implies democracy, but a far more perfect and dynamic democracy than anything we have now.

II. Reasons for the failure of the First World War and the Peace of

Versailles to establish either peace or democracy.

1. The complete triumph of one belligerent after exhausting war promotes pyschology of vengeance, not of peace.

2. Peace makers tried to bolster up the old social order

resting on private capitalism and absolute nationalism.

3. The principle of self-determination was not supplemented

by the principle of cooperation,

h. The League of Nations rested primarily on coercion not

on cooperation,

III. The eight points as Interpreted by Churchill and Knox will bring

a worse, not a better peace than Versailles.

1. An examination of the eight points. Here I largely

agree with Mr, High’s Judgement,

2, Anglo-American Imperialism In enforcing peace.

3* Complete failure of eight points to consider the role

of Stalinist Communism.

IV. Inadequacies more dangerous about Its Idealistic whole or partial

world government. Today these are mostly rationalizations of Anglo- 328

Anerlcan Inqperialiam for the tender minded.

1. The Strelt Plan for "union now" le political Impoeeihlllty.

2. Some general considerations of the problem of world govern­

ment.

V. Realistically the choice before the world will be not a perfect

peace at the end of a manageable war but a negotiation of the

best possible peace which at least will be preferable to an In­

definite continuance bf war. Dangers of present Anerlcan attitude on this subject.

Conclusions We have scarcely made a beginning In straight thinking about peace. For Indance consider the problem of Colonial Imperialism. BIBLIOORAPHÏ

IgTTERS AND INTERVD5W8 nnT.TÆ5n«PEn gy g E AUTHOR

Baldwin, Roger IT., letter of March 7, 1952.

Bohn, William E., letter of March 6, 1952.

Chanln, Nathan, interview of September l8, 19$1.

Childs, Marquis, letter of March l8, 1952.

Claessens, August, Interview of September l8, 1951*

Coffin, Henry Sloane, letter of October 12, 1951*

Davis, Elmer, letter of April 2, 1952.

Eastman, Fred, letter of July 28, 1953*

Eliot, George Fielding, letter of February 1, 1952.

Farley, James A., letter of October 25, 1951*

Flelschman, Harry, Interview of March 22, 1951*

Fosdlck, Raymond B., letter of November 8, 1951*

Holmes, John Haynes, letter of March 7» 1952.

Hook, Prof. Sidney, letter of March l8, 1952.

Hoover, Herbert, letter of October 12, 1951*

Howe, John, (writing for Senator William Benton), letter of February 6, 1952.

Howe, Quincy, letter of November 7> 1951*

Kaltenbom, H. V., letter of October l8, 1951*

Kennedy, Dr. Edwin 0., Interview of Jüly 17, 1953*

Krock, Arthur, letter of October l8, 1951»

Laldler, Harry W., interview of March 21, 1951*

Lovett, Dr. Sidney, letter of February 27, 1952.

-329- 330 Meyers > Robin, Interview of March 19, 19$1. Moley, Raymond, letter of December 4, 1951»

Morse, H« N., letter of September 2, 1933* Robinson, Howard, letter of August 9, 1953» Rowland, Henry H., letter of July 27, 1953

Savage, Dr. 'Hieodore F., letter of Jùly 26, 1953» Thomas, Norman, Interviews of September 12, 1951, December 20, 1951 December 31, 1952, June 10, 1953, October 5, 1953, and May 11, 1955; letters of November 5, 1951, and January 15, 1953» Wells, Roocanna, Interview of March 22, 1951*

DOCUMENTS AND MANUSCRIPTS

Alexander, Robert, A collection of notes of interviews, and letters, made in preparation for a biography of Norman Thomas. New Brunswick, N. J. Alumni Office file on Norman Thomas, Union Theological Seminary, New York. Annual Histories of Whig Hall, 1870 Manuscript Room, Firestone Library, Princeton University. Critics Book of the American Whig Society, April 25, 1902 - March 10, 1907, Vols. 8 and 9; Manuscript Room, Firestone Library, Princeton University. Literary Status of Members in American Whig Society, I9OO-I9 0 9 ; Manuscrtpt Room, Firestone Library, Princeton University. Norman Thomas Papers, Manuscript Division, New York Public Library. (May be used only with permission of Norman Thomas.) Marlon High School Grade Register, 1 8 8 5 -, Marion, Ohio.

Official transcript of the record of Norman Thomas at Princeton University; copied by the registrar, June 1 9 , 1953.

Registration Book C, I906-IO, Union Theological Seminary. Thomas, Norman, unpublished memoir. Cold Spring Harbor, N Y. 331 BOOIS

Allen, Frederick Levis, The Big Çhgoge. Nev York: Harper & Brothers Publishers, 1952, 308 pp. Arnold, Thurman, Folklore of Capitalism. Nev Haven: Yale university Press, 1937» W o pp. Baird, A. Craig, editor. Representative American Speeches. 1939-40. New York; The H. W. Wilson Gonqtany, 194o. iPp. 2T5-7S. , Representative American Speeches. 1^3-44. New York; - -85.The H. W. Wilson Conqpany, 1945. Pp.- 277-85 -85.The Beam, Jacob N., The American Whig Society of Princeton University. Princeton, N. J.: published by the society, 1933. 215 PP.

Comnager, Henry Steele, The American Mind. New Haven; Yale university Press, 1950. 476 pp. Crocker, Lionel, Public Speaking fOT College Students. New York: American Book Company, 194lT 4 So pp. Harlow, S. Ralph. The Life of Roswell Bates. London; Femlng H. Revell Company, 1914. 159 pp. Jacoby, Wilbur J., History of M^lon County. Ohio. & Representative Citizens. Chicago: Biographical Publishing Company, 1907• pp. lAidler, Harry W., Socializing Our Democracy. New York: Harper & Brothers Publishers, 1935. 330 pp. Mackenzie, Norman, Socialism; A Short History. London: Hutchinson*s University Library, 1949. "l92 pp. Monroe, Alan H., Principles of Speech: revised brief edition. Chicago: Scott, Foresman & Company, 1951. 337 PP*

Mount, Lawrence Henry, A Guide to Effective Public Speaking. Boston: D. C. Heath and Compiany, 1953 * 2(52 pp. Peel, Roy V., and Thomas C. Donnelly, The 1928 Campaign. New York: Richard R. Smith, Inc., I9 3 1 . IÔ3 pp.

t The 1932 Campaign. Hew York: Farrar & Rinehart Inc., 1935# 242 pp. Sarett, Lew, and William Trufant Foster, Basic Principles of Speech: revised edition. New York: Houghton-Mlfflin Conpai^, 19457^54 pp. . Modem Speeches on Basic Issues. Bwaton; Hcugfaton-Mlfflln Company, I9 3 9 . »v45 pp. 332 Symes, Lillian, and Travers Clement, ^bel America. Hev York: Harper & Brothers Publishers, 193^• 392 pp. Thomas, Norman, A Socialist's Faith. Nev York: W. V. Norton & Co., Inc., 1 9 5 1 . 321 pp. ______, After the Nev DeaJ.. What? Nev York: The Macmillan Company, 1 9 3 6 , siU. pp.

______, America's Way Out; A Program for Democracy. Nev York: The Macmillan Company, 1931.”" 324 pp. . As I See It. New York: The Macmillan Company, 1932. 173 PP* , Mr. Chairman, Ladies and Gentlemen.... Nev York; Hermitage House, 1 9 5 5 , 12^ pp.

, Socialism on the Defensive. New York : Harper & Brothers Publishers, 1939. 234 pp. , The Test of Freedom. New York: W. W, Norton & Co., 195^* 211 pp.

PERIODICAL ARTICLES

Allen, Devere, "Norman Thomas— Why Not?," Nation. 13^:365-67# March 30» 1 9 3 2 . Anonymous, "If I Were a Politician," The World Tomorrow. 13:259-63, June 1 9 3 0 .

Christian Century, editorial, 49:1431-2, November 23, 1932.

______, editorial, 49:1535-7» December l4, 1932. Coleman, MacAlister, "Norman Thomas," Nation, 127:128-30, August 8 , I9 2 8 .

"Debate on the Declaration of Principles," American Socialist Quarterly. Vol. 3, (special supplement), 1934. Feuss, Claude Moore, "Norman Thomas: Socialist Crusader," Current History, 37:1-6, October 1932. Folsom, Franklin, letter to the editor. Quarterly Journal of Speech, 1 5 :2 5 2 , April 1 9 2 9 . Herberg, Will, "What Happened to American Socialism?," Commentary, 12:336-44, October 1951.

Howe, Quincy, "Roosevelt, Willkie, Thomas?," Uncensored, (special supple­ ment), October 1 9 , 1940, pp. 1-3. 333 Bunt. Bveratt, "Rhetoric As A Hamsne Study," Quarterly Journal of Speech. 41:114-17, April 1955. Josephs on, Matthew, "Roxnan Diomas," Hew Republic. 71:332-^, Aigust 10, 1932. Life. 37:6l-2, December 6 , 1954. "Norman Thomas Re-examines U. S. Capitalism," Fortune. 42:75-6, Septenber 1950. Pringle, Henry P., "Also-Ran," New Yorker. 5:28-31, November 9# 1929. "Socialist Slump," Literary Digest. 100:9, January 5# 1929. Stolberg, Benjamin, "The Socialist Party Today," Nation. 140:649-51, June 5, 1935. Thomas, Norman, "A Note on the American Political Scene," American Socialist Quarterly. 1:3-9, Summer 1932.

_, "American Socialism in Mid-Century," Labor and Nation. 7:23-9, Fall, 1951. . "Do Left-wing Parties Belong in Our System," Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science. 219:24-9. September I g W : ------

"I'm Glad I'm Not Running (Oils Time," American Magasine. 154:19, October 1 9 5 2 .

_, "Air One Hope for Peace," Saturday Evening Post. 224x25, February 2 , 1 9 5 2 . , "Random Reflections on Public Speaking," Quarterly Journal of Speech, 40:l45-51, April 1954. , "Reflections of an Old Campaigner," Cfwnnnweal. 41:246-8, December 22, 1944.

, "The Campaign of 1934," American Socialist Quarterly. 3:3-8, Autumn 1934.

J "Wanted— A Philosophy, A Plan, A Party," Labor and Nation. 6:18-9, Summer 1950. , **What's Right With America," Harper's. 194:237-39, March 1947. Time. 27:15, June 1, 1936.

______, 51:25, May 17, 1948.

"What Happened to the American Socialists?." Business Week p. 18O. November 17, 1951. 33*» "You Can't Vote Again for Norman Thcmaa," editorial, Christian Century» lT0;lv-5> January 7» 1953»

ESSAYS

Anonymous, "If I Were A Politician," Adventurous Americans. Devere Allen, editor; New York: Farrar & Alnehart fnc., l93^« Pp. 69-8 3 . Bell, Daniel, "The Background and Development of Marxian Socialism in the United States," Socialism and American Life. Donald Drew Egbert and Stow Persons, editors; Princeton, N. J.: Princeton University Press, 1952. Vol. I, pp. 215-^05. Bowers, David P., "American Socialism and the Socialist Philosophy of History," Socialism and American Life. Donald Drew Egbert and Stow Persons, editors; Princeton, N. J.: Princeton University Press, 1952. Vol. I, pp. 409-2 5 . Douglas, Paul H., "Lessons from the Last Decade," The Socialism of CXir Times. Harry W. Laldler and Norman Thomas, editors; New York: "The Vanguard Press, 1929. Pp. 29-57• Hardman, J. B. S., "On the Need of a Clear Orientation," The Socialism of Our Times. Harry W. Laldler and Norman Thomas, editors; New York: The Vanguard Press, 1929. Pp. 113-24. Hook, Sidney, "The Philosophical Basis of Marxian Socialism in the United States," Socialism and American Life. Donald Drew Egbert and Stow Persons, editors; Princeton, K. J.: Princeton University Press, 1952. Vol. I, pp. 429-51. Lescohier, Donald, "Norman Thomas," The American Politician. J. T. Salter, editor; Chapel Hill; The University of North Carolina Press, 1938. Pp. 247-6 0 . Mollegan, Albert T., "The Religious Basis of Western Socialism," Socialism and American Life. Donald Drew Egbert and Stow Persons, editors; Princeton, N. J.: Princeton University Press, 1952. Vol. I, pp. 99-123. Rotbe, Anna, "Norman Thomas," Current Biography 1944. New York: The H. W. Wilson Company, 1945. Pp. 6É8 -9 1 . The Unofficial Observer, "Marx on the Half-Shell," American Messiahs. New York: Simon and Schuster, 1935* Pp. 155-71*

UNPUBLISHED MATERIAI5

Alogdelis, Joanne, "The Audience Adaptation Technique Used by Norman Thomas in Three Representative Political Speeches of the Presidential Campaign of 1940." Unpublished Master’s thesis. The State University of Iowa, Iowa City, 1941. 335 Fœcen, John R.> "An Analysis and Evaulation of the Logical Proof Used by Nonoan Thomas in Pour Representative Political Speeches of the 19^ Presidential Campaign." Unpublished Master's thesis, The State University of Iowa, Iowa City, I9 5 1 . Revins, Allan, and Dean Albertson, "The Reminiscences of Norman lAomas," Unpublished manuscript, being a transcript of tape-recorded inter­ views with Norman Thomas. Oral History Project, Columbia University Library, Hew York. Stone, Franklin D., "Factors in the Training and Education of Norman Thomas Related to His Practice As A Public Speaker." Unpublished Master's thesis. The State University of Iowa, Iowa City, 19^2.

GOVERNMENT PUBLICATIONS

Harding, Warren G., "Address at the Centennial Celebration of Marlon, Ohio." Washington, D, C.: United States Government Printing Office, 1922. Proceedings of the Judiciary Committee of the Assembly in the Matterof the Investigation by the Assembly of the State of New York as to the Qualifications of Louis Waldman, August Claessens. Samuel De Witt, Samuel Orr, Charles Solomon to Retain Their Seats In Said Body. Albany; J. B. Lyons Co., 1 9 2 0 . 3 Vols, Report of the Joint Committee for the Investigation of Revolut) Radicalism. (Hew York State") Albany: J. B. Lyons Co., 1920. 4 Vols.

NEWSPAPERS

Aikmen, Duncan, New York Times, November 1, 1936, Sec. k, p. U. Beckett, Henry, New York Post. February 5, 1950, p. 5* Coleman, MacAlister, New Leader. November 2, 1929j P» 1. Daily Princetonian. February 29 and December 1, 190k. Feigenbaum, William, New Leader. Jiily T, 193^, p. 2. Laldler, Harry W., "The LID and the Old Intercollegiate," New Leader. April 2 8 , 1934, Sec. 3, p. 2. MacArthur, Harry, (columnist), Washington Star, November 28, 1948. Marion Star, February 9 and May 3 0 , 1901. 336 Nev Leader. May 26, 1928, p. 3; October 20,1939# P- 3; November 5, 1932, p. 75 editorial, October 10, 1936, p. 1. Nev York Evening Poet, December 6 , 1929* Nev York Times, October 21, 1929, p. 2; JUly 3, 1932, Sec. 8 , p. 2$ October 30, 1932, Sec. 8 , p. 1; Noveidaer Û, 1932, p. 17; November 6 , 1 9 3 2 , Sec. 2, p. 5; editorial, December 1 8 , 1932, Sec. 4, p. 1; editorial, JVxne 5» 193^# p. 24; October 1, 193*»’# P« 2; October 1, 193**-# p. 3; October 27, 193^# p. 6 ; November 1, 193**-# P» I6 ; January 1 3 , 1935» Sec. 2, p. 3; November 2, 1936, p. 10; October 9» 1 9 3 8 , p. 33; October 11, 1939, p. 5; November 6 , 1938, p. 38; April 9» 19*^0, p. 22; Aigust 5» 19^0, p. 5; October 1, I9 I1O, p. 20; November 6 , 19^ , p. 9; May 24, 1941, pp. 1, 6 & 7; December 12, 1941, P# 22; February 22, 1945, p. 1 8 ; September 28, 1945» P« 19» July l4, 1949, p. 1; September 22, 1946, p. 2; November 9, 1946, p. 3; JUne 19» 1947* P* 5» July 6 , 1 9 4 7 » p. 2 7 ; March 21, 1948, p. 3 6 ; March 26. 1948, P. 34; May 9» 1948, p. 45; October 24, 1948, p. 6 3 ; October 27, 1948, p. 1 8 ; editorial, November 20, 1949; February 5, 1950, p. 54; JUne 4, 1950» p. 1; JUne 5, 1 9 5 0 , p. 15; JUly 9» 1 9 5 2 , p. 10; November 9» 1952, p. 73» editorial November 20, 1954, p. 1 6 . Nev York World, editorial, November 2, 1929; November 10, 1929. Raskin, A. H., Nev York Times, November 20, 1954, p. 19»

Ro b b , Irvin, "Thomas at 70; Victories Without Votes," Nev York Post, November 21, 1954, (Magazine section), p. 2M. Shaplen, Joseph, Nev York Times, JUne 4, 1934, p. 1. Smith, Robert Aura, Nev York Times Book Reviev. November 21, 1954, p. 3» Socialist Call, November I7 , 1944, p. 1; May l4, 1948, p. 4. "Socialist Party Platform of 1944," SocieJ.ist Call, June 1 6 , 1944, p. 1. Stark, Louis, Nev York Tiimes. April 8 , 1940, p. 1. Thomas, Norman, "A Plea for World Peace," speech at the luncheon in honor of his 65th birthday# The Call, February 10, 1950, pp. 6-7. , letter to the editor, Nev York Times, January 30, 1945» P» I8 , and September 2 6 , 1946, p. 24. , "The World About Us," Socialist Call, May 5, 1944, p. 1 3 , ______, "Timely Topics," Nev Leader, June 9, 1934, p. 8 ; July 7, 1934, p. 12; and October 13, 1934, p. 8 . Toynbee, Arnold J., "A Turning Point in Man's Destiny," Nev York Times Magazine, December 2 6 , 1954, p. 5. Woolf, S. J., Nev York Times, JUne 7, 1936, Sec. 7, p. 3* 337 Woolf « S. J,, "Thomaa Depicts the Socialist Utopia,” Hev York Times. Jhly 2k, 1 9 3 2 ,Sec. 6, p. 7.

MmCELLANEOUS

Brlc-s-Brac, Junior yearbook of Princeton University. Issues of 1904, 1^ , "and 1 9 0 7 .

Brochure published in connection with the luncheon in honor of Roman Thomas, February 4, I950 at the Commodore Hotel in Hew York.

"Election Platform of the Communist Party of Rew York State, 1934."

Nassau Herald I9 0 5 , senior yearbook at Princeton University.

PrincetOTi University Catalog. 1902-03,

"Should We Adopt the President's Lend-Lease Plant," Town Meeting Bulletin. Vol. 6 , No. 1 0 , January 20, 1941, 39 PP* Socialist Party Files of the 1948 Campaign, Socialist Party office, 303 Fourth Avenue, New York.

Thomas, Norman, "Secularism and the Democratic Process,” speech at the Conference on Christianity and Secularism, November $, 1951, Columbus, Ohio. Transcribed from a tape recording.

_, "The Christian Patriot," William Penn Lecture. Philadelphia: Walter H. Jenkins, Printer, 1917

Union Theological Seminary Catalog. 1908-09 «

"Which Way America— Fascism, Communism, Sociedism, or Democracy?," Town Meeting Bulletin. Vol. I3 , No. 47, March 1 6 , 1948, 22 pp. 338

ÆJTOBIOGRAPHY

I, Eugene Vasllew, was born In New York City, October 13, 1920. My elementary and secondary school education was obtained In the public schools of New York City. I attended City College of New York for nearly two years, and then transferred to New York University, from which I received the degree Bachelor of Arts, with a major In Radio Broadcasting, In 19^2. For a short period after my graduation, I was a teaching assistant In the Radio Department at New York University. This asslstantshlp was terminated by service In World War II. Upon my return from war service I was accepted for graduate study In Speech at the State University of Iowa, and In 19*^7 I received from that school the degree Master of Arts. From 19^7 to 19^9 I was Instructor in Speech at the university of Buffalo. In 19^9 I was accepted for further graduate study at The Ohio State univer­ sity and appointed as a teaching assistant In the Department of Speech there. I held this appointment for three years while completing the requirements for the degree Doctor of Philosophy. Since 1952 I have been Instructor In Speech at Hofstra College.