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John Wilkes: the Scandalous Father of Civil Liberty

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John Wilkes: the Scandalous Father of Civil Liberty John Wilkes: The Scandalous Father of Civil Liberty ARTHUR H. CASH John Wilkes THE SCANDALOUS FATHER OF CIVIL LIBERTY Yale University Press New Haven & London Published with assistance from the Annie Burr Lewis Fund and from the foundation established in memory of Philip Hamilton McMillan of the Class of 1894, Yale College. Copyright ∫ 2006 by Arthur H. Cash All rights reserved. This book may not be reproduced, in whole or in part, including illustrations, in any form (beyond that copying permitted by Sections 107 and 108 of the U.S. Copyright Law and except by reviewers for the public press), without written permission from the publishers. Set in Sabon type by Keystone Typesetting, Inc. Printed in the United States of America. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Cash, Arthur H. (Arthur Hill), 1922– John Wilkes : the scandalous father of civil liberty / Arthur H. Cash. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references (p. ) and index. isbn-13: 978-0-300-10871-2 (alk. paper) isbn-10: 0-300-10871-0 (alk. paper) 1. Wilkes, John, 1727–1797. 2. Great Britain—Politics and government—1760– 1789. 3. Freedom of the press—Great Britain—History—18th century. 4. Civil rights—Great Britain—History—18th century. 5. Politicians—Great Britain— Biography. 6. Journalists—Great Britain—Biography. I. Title. da512.w6c37 2006 941.07%3%092—dc22 2005016633 A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library. The paper in this book meets the guidelines for permanence and durability of the Committee on Production Guidelines for Book Longevity of the Council on Library Resources. 10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1 For Hilarie, Anna, and David If you know why you should read about John Wilkes, you may skip this paragraph. If you think that John Wilkes shot Abraham Lincoln, you may not. If you think voters have always been represented by people whom they have elected, read on. If you think a violent street mob cannot contribute to civil liberty or that a nobleman in a carriage drawn by four horses cannot be part of a protest march this story may surprise you. If you think that sexual politics is a modern invention, you may learn something here. If you think newspapers always have been free to report what goes on in government, you need this book. If you think the founding fathers of America had no support from England, this is required reading. If you believe dirty books should be burned, pause to think before you continue. If you think that blue-collar workers should not be allowed to vote, this book is not for you. If you think the police have the right to arrest forty-nine people when they are looking for three, shut it now. If you think that people should be imprisoned for writing essays against the government, I have nothing to say to you. There are no imaginary characters, events, or conversations in this book. The story is based upon primary materials, letters, newspapers, legal doc- uments, parliamentary records, and the work of qualified biographers and historians. A Greek chorus to this drama will be provided by James Boswell, the biog- rapher of Dr. Samuel Johnson, who adored Wilkes but disapproved of his politics, and Horace Walpole, son of a prime minister, member of Parliament, scholar, memorialist, novelist, voluminous letter writer, and wit, who did not like Wilkes but liked what he stood for. The spelling and punctuation of quotations have been modernized, and sometimes quotations have been slightly modified to make them fit the narrative. Contents Preemptive Glossary xi Prologue 1 I The Making of a Gentleman 5 II The Squire of Aylesbury 17 III Into Parliament 37 IV The North Briton 65 V Number 45 96 VI The Great George Street Printing Shop 121 VII Trials and a Trial of Honor 143 VIII Exile 165 IX The Middlesex Election Controversy 204 X Incapacitation 237 XI The City of London 267 ix x Contents XII My Lord Mayor 312 XIII Poverty, Paternity, and Parliamentary Reform 328 XIV Chamberlain351 Epilogue 375 Afterword 395 Notes 397 Sources 451 Index 465 A Preemptive Glossary The following glossary includes words and terms whose meanings have changed since the eighteenth century or whose British meaning may be misun- derstood by Americans. Bill of Rights A particular set of laws limiting the powers and prerogatives of the monarchy, agreed to by William and Mary in the Revolution of 1688 (which had deposed James II). The Bill of Rights effectively ended absolute monarchy. Constitution In Great Britain, the body of laws, not a particular set of funda- mental laws against which other lesser laws are to be measured, but all the laws together. First minister What we would call the prime minister, a term which in the middle years of the eighteenth century was used derisively or as a joke. First Lord of the Treasury The position usually held by the first minister, though not always. The name for the department of the Treasury was a misnomer, a hangover from ancient times, for the department no longer handled state monies; that was done by the chancellor of the exchequer. See ‘‘Ministry, government,’’ below. Jacobite One who supports the return of James II or his male descendants to the throne of Great Britain. The name was taken from Jacobus, the Latin xi xii Glossary form of James. James II, a Catholic, was forced from the throne in the Revolution of 1688 and fled to France. His Protestant daughter, Mary II, and her husband, William III, Prince of Orange, were brought to the throne. They were succeeded by James II’s second daughter, Anne, who died child- less, ending the recognized Stuart line. George I, great-grandson of James I and elector of the German state of Hanover, who could not speak English, was brought to the throne in 1714. The exiled James II died in France in 1701, but his son, the ‘‘old pretender’’ to the throne, fomented three re- bellions in Scotland early in the eighteenth century, all of which failed. The next in line, Charles Edward Stuart, the ‘‘young pretender’’ (in Scottish myth, ‘‘Bonnie Prince Charlie’’) led a major rebellion in 1745–46, con- quered Scotland, and came close to conquering England. In Wilkes’s time, Jacobite usually meant a participant in or supporter of ‘‘the ’45.’’ Lord, as an honorary title Americans can be confused by the honorary uses of the title Lord. It is given to the mayors of London, ‘‘My Lord Mayor,’’ to the dignitaries of the civil courts, ‘‘Lord Chief Justice Mansfield,’’ and to bishops of the Church of England. Most confusing is its use for the sons of noblemen, even though they themselves are not noblemen. Thus, ‘‘Lord North’’ and ‘‘Lord Strange’’ sat in the House of Commons. Ministry, government A British king in the eighteenth century appointed his own ministers and advisors without having to seek the approval of Parlia- ment. He appointed the members of a large advisory group called the Privy Council. From these he selected a much smaller group as his cabinet, which established policies and made plans. It was unusual, but a man without a place in the ministry could be seated in the cabinet. The cabinet was pre- sided over by the first minister, who usually, but not always, held the office of First Lord of the Treasury. He was the general administrator of the gov- ernment, carrying out the wishes of the king and the policies of the cabinet, and the ministry was designated by the first minister’s name, the Pelham ministry or the Newcastle ministry. Typically the first minister was the leader of a faction that had control of the House of Commons. Other ap- pointments in the ministry, made by the king upon the recommendation of the cabinet and the first minister, went to members of the faction. A secre- tary of state for the north handled domestic matters, and a secretary of state for the south, called the principal secretary, handled foreign affairs. The chancellor of the exchequer handled finances, the attorney general legal matters, and the lord chancellor headed the judiciary. There were numerous lesser offices. Combined, they were called the ministry or the government, interchangeable terms. When a first minister was dismissed or resigned, his entire ministry usually left office with him, though often in piecemeal fash- Glossary xiii ion. The professional servants who did the drudgery of departments usually kept their jobs with a change of ministries but had no guarantee of security. Money values and wealth There were twenty shillings in a pound, twenty- one in a guinea. A hired curate in a country parish, if he had a kitchen garden and a few farm animals, could live on £30 a year. The rector of the parish might live comfortably on £120 a year. The squire would be well off with an income of £800. In London, £30 could barely keep one from starva- tion. A gentleman might maintain his status in the city at £300 but would not think of himself as comfortable until his income reached something like £600. The least wealthy gentleman living in Grosvenor Square would have an income of some £1200, the most wealthy, impossible to say. The distribu- tion of wealth was shockingly uneven. Place, as a political or governmental term The popular word for an appoint- ment or position in the government. Radical, radicalism Radicalism was a movement among politicians, political theorists, printers, publicists, and voters that advocated reform of the judi- ciary to allow equality before the law and regularity in criminal proceed- ings, reform of Parliament to extend the franchise, and curtailment of the influence of Crown and ministry upon the House of Commons.
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