The Durand Line - Key of the Afghan Problem
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Pashtunistan: Pakistan's Shifting Strategy
AFGHANISTAN PAKISTAN PASHTUN ETHNIC GROUP PASHTUNISTAN: P AKISTAN ’ S S HIFTING S TRATEGY ? Knowledge Through Understanding Cultures TRIBAL ANALYSIS CENTER May 2012 Pashtunistan: Pakistan’s Shifting Strategy? P ASHTUNISTAN : P AKISTAN ’ S S HIFTING S TRATEGY ? Knowledge Through Understanding Cultures TRIBAL ANALYSIS CENTER About Tribal Analysis Center Tribal Analysis Center, 6610-M Mooretown Road, Box 159. Williamsburg, VA, 23188 Pashtunistan: Pakistan’s Shifting Strategy? Pashtunistan: Pakistan’s Shifting Strategy? The Pashtun tribes have yearned for a “tribal homeland” in a manner much like the Kurds in Iraq, Turkey, and Iran. And as in those coun- tries, the creation of a new national entity would have a destabilizing impact on the countries from which territory would be drawn. In the case of Pashtunistan, the previous Afghan governments have used this desire for a national homeland as a political instrument against Pakistan. Here again, a border drawn by colonial authorities – the Durand Line – divided the world’s largest tribe, the Pashtuns, into two the complexity of separate nation-states, Afghanistan and Pakistan, where they compete with other ethnic groups for primacy. Afghanistan’s governments have not recog- nized the incorporation of many Pashtun areas into Pakistan, particularly Waziristan, and only Pakistan originally stood to lose territory through the creation of the new entity, Pashtunistan. This is the foundation of Pakistan’s policies toward Afghanistan and the reason Pakistan’s politicians and PASHTUNISTAN military developed a strategy intended to split the Pashtuns into opposing groups and have maintained this approach to the Pashtunistan problem for decades. Pakistan’s Pashtuns may be attempting to maneuver the whole country in an entirely new direction and in the process gain primacy within the country’s most powerful constituency, the military. -
Resettlement Policy Framework
Khyber Pass Economic Corridor (KPEC) Project (Component II- Economic Corridor Development) Public Disclosure Authorized Public Disclosure Authorized Resettlement Policy Framework Public Disclosure Authorized Peshawar Public Disclosure Authorized March 2020 RPF for Khyber Pass Economic Corridor Project (Component II) List of Acronyms ADB Asian Development Bank AH Affected household AI Access to Information APA Assistant Political Agent ARAP Abbreviated Resettlement Action Plan BHU Basic Health Unit BIZ Bara Industrial Zone C&W Communication and Works (Department) CAREC Central Asian Regional Economic Cooperation CAS Compulsory acquisition surcharge CBN Cost of Basic Needs CBO Community based organization CETP Combined Effluent Treatment Plant CoI Corridor of Influence CPEC China Pakistan Economic Corridor CR Complaint register DPD Deputy Project Director EMP Environmental Management Plan EPA Environmental Protection Agency ERRP Emergency Road Recovery Project ERRRP Emergency Rural Road Recovery Project ESMP Environmental and Social Management Plan FATA Federally Administered Tribal Areas FBR Federal Bureau of Revenue FCR Frontier Crimes Regulations FDA FATA Development Authority FIDIC International Federation of Consulting Engineers FUCP FATA Urban Centers Project FR Frontier Region GeoLoMaP Geo-Referenced Local Master Plan GoKP Government of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa GM General Manager GoP Government of Pakistan GRC Grievances Redressal Committee GRM Grievances Redressal Mechanism IDP Internally displaced people IMA Independent Monitoring Agency -
People's Perceptıon Regardıng Jırga in Pakhtun Socıety
J. Appl. Environ. Biol. Sci. , 8(1)180-183, 2018 ISSN: 2090-4274 Journal of Applied Environmental © 2018, TextRoad Publication and Biological Sciences www.textroad.com People’s Perceptıon Regardıng Jırga ın Pakhtun Socıety Muhammad Nisar* 1, Anas Baryal 1, Dilkash Sapna 1, Zia Ur Rahman 2 Department of Sociology and Gender Studies, Bacha Khan University, Charsadda, KP, Pakistan 1 Department of Computer Science, Bacha Khan University, Charsadda, KP, Pakistan 2 Received: September 21, 2017 Accepted: December 11, 2017 ABSTRACT “This paper examines the institution of Jirga, and to assess the perceptions of the people regarding Jirga in District Malakand Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. A sample of 12 respondents was taken through convenience sampling method. In-depth interview was used as a tool for the collection of data from the respondents. The results show that Jirga is deep rooted in Pashtun society. People cannot go to courts for the solution of every problem and put their issues before Jirga. Jirga in these days is not a free institution and cannot enjoy its power as it used to be in the past. The majorities of Jirgaees (Jirga members) are illiterate, cannot probe the cases well, cannot enjoy their free status as well as take bribes and give their decisions in favour of wealthy or influential party. The decisions of Jirgas are not fully based on justice, as in many cases it violates the human rights. Most disadvantageous people like women and minorities are not given representation in Jirga. The modern days legal justice system or courts are exerting pressure on Jirga and declare it as illegal. -
Afghan Internationalism and the Question of Afghanistan's Political Legitimacy
This is a repository copy of Afghan internationalism and the question of Afghanistan's political legitimacy. White Rose Research Online URL for this paper: http://eprints.whiterose.ac.uk/126847/ Version: Accepted Version Article: Leake, E orcid.org/0000-0003-1277-580X (2018) Afghan internationalism and the question of Afghanistan's political legitimacy. Afghanistan, 1 (1). pp. 68-94. ISSN 2399-357X https://doi.org/10.3366/afg.2018.0006 This article is protected by copyright. This is an Accepted Manuscript of an article published by Edinburgh University Press on behalf of the American Institute of Afghanistan Studies in "Afghanistan". Uploaded in accordance with the publisher's self-archiving policy. Reuse Items deposited in White Rose Research Online are protected by copyright, with all rights reserved unless indicated otherwise. They may be downloaded and/or printed for private study, or other acts as permitted by national copyright laws. The publisher or other rights holders may allow further reproduction and re-use of the full text version. This is indicated by the licence information on the White Rose Research Online record for the item. Takedown If you consider content in White Rose Research Online to be in breach of UK law, please notify us by emailing [email protected] including the URL of the record and the reason for the withdrawal request. [email protected] https://eprints.whiterose.ac.uk/ Afghan internationalism and the question of Afghanistan’s political legitimacy1 Abstract This article uses Afghan engagement with twentieth-century international politics to reflect on the fluctuating nature of Afghan statehood and citizenship, with a particular focus on Afghanistan’s political ‘revolutions’ in 1973 and 1978. -
Pakistan: Operations in North Waziristan Agency, By
scholar warrior Pakistan: Operations in North Waziristan Agency ALOK BANSAL Pakistan has been going through tumult and despite Nawaz Sharif winning a resounding victory in 2013, the prospects of his government lasting five years have started looking bleak. The withdrawal of International Security Assistance Force (ISAF) from Afghanistan by end 2014 is likely to create huge turbulence in the territories along the Durand Line. Civil-military relations are looking quite tenuous, the media is being muzzled, the chimera of talks with the militants is finally over and operations in North Waziristan have eventually started. The elections of 2013, which were held under the shadow of Taliban guns, had indicated support for right wing political parties and, consequently, the Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PML-N) came to power in Islamabad, while the Pakistan Tehrik-e-Insaaf (PTI) of Imran Khan formed a government in Peshawar. Both political parties believed that the Taliban could be talked into shunning violence. Accordingly, the government went out of its way to talk to the Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP), despite the TTP challenging the writ of the government in different parts of the country and targeting security installations and personnel. As a result, the killing of Hakeemullah Mehsud, the dreaded TTP leader in a drone attack by the US was protested by the government and viewed as a deliberate attempt by the US to derail the talks with the TTP. The death of Hakeemullah was a major blow to the TTP, but in his successor Fazlullah, they have found an experienced and even more shrewd and radical leader. -
Afghanistan: Political Exiles in Search of a State
Journal of Political Science Volume 18 Number 1 Article 11 November 1990 Afghanistan: Political Exiles In Search Of A State Barnett R. Rubin Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.coastal.edu/jops Part of the Political Science Commons Recommended Citation Rubin, Barnett R. (1990) "Afghanistan: Political Exiles In Search Of A State," Journal of Political Science: Vol. 18 : No. 1 , Article 11. Available at: https://digitalcommons.coastal.edu/jops/vol18/iss1/11 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Politics at CCU Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Journal of Political Science by an authorized editor of CCU Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. ,t\fghanistan: Political Exiles in Search of a State Barnett R. Ru bin United States Institute of Peace When Afghan exiles in Pakistan convened a shura (coun cil) in Islamabad to choose an interim government on February 10. 1989. they were only the most recent of exiles who have aspired and often managed to Mrule" Afghanistan. The seven parties of the Islamic Union ofM ujahidin of Afghanistan who had convened the shura claimed that. because of their links to the mujahidin fighting inside Afghanistan. the cabinet they named was an Minterim government" rather than a Mgovernment-in exile. ~ but they soon confronted the typical problems of the latter: how to obtain foreign recognition, how to depose the sitting government they did not recognize, and how to replace the existing opposition mechanisms inside and outside the country. Exiles in Afghan History The importance of exiles in the history of Afghanistan derives largely from the difficulty of state formation in its sparsely settled and largely barren territory. -
'Pashtunistan': the Challenge to Pakistan and Afghanistan
Area: Security & Defence - ARI 37/2008 Date: 2/4/2008 ‘Pashtunistan’: The Challenge to Pakistan and Afghanistan Selig S. Harrison * Theme: The increasing co-operation between Pashtun nationalist and Islamist forces against Punjabi domination could lead to the break-up of Pakistan and Afghanistan and the emergence of a new national entity: an ‘Islamic Pashtunistan’. Summary: The alarming growth of al-Qaeda and the Taliban in the Pashtun tribal region of north-western Pakistan and southern Afghanistan is usually attributed to the popularity of their messianic brand of Islam and to covert help from Pakistani intelligence agencies. But another, more ominous, reason also explains their success: their symbiotic relationship with a simmering Pashtun separatist movement that could lead to the unification of the estimated 41 million Pashtuns on both sides of the border, the break-up of Pakistan and Afghanistan, and the emergence of a new national entity, an ‘Islamic Pashtunistan’. This ARI examines the Pashtun claim for an independent territory, the historical and political roots of the Pashtun identity, the implications for the NATO- or Pakistani-led military operations in the area, the increasing co-operation between Pashtun nationalist and Islamist forces against Punjabi domination and the reasons why the Pashtunistan movement, long dormant, is slowly coming to life. Analysis: The alarming growth of al-Qaeda and the Taliban in the Pashtun tribal region of north-western Pakistan and southern Afghanistan is usually attributed to the popularity of their messianic brand of Islam and to covert help from Pakistani intelligence agencies. But another, more ominous reason also explains their success: their symbiotic relationship with a simmering Pashtun separatist movement that could lead to the unification of the estimated 41 million Pashtuns on both sides of the border, the break-up of Pakistan and Afghanistan, and the emergence of a new national entity, ‘Pashtunistan,’ under radical Islamist leadership. -
Loya Jirgas and Political Crisis Management in Afghanistan: Drawing on the Bank of Tradition by Scott S
SPECIAL REPORT NO. 457 | SEPTEMBER 2019 UNITED STATES INSTITUTE OF PEACE www.usip.org Loya Jirgas and Political Crisis Management in Afghanistan: Drawing on the Bank of Tradition By Scott S. Smith Contents The Modernity of a Tradition ......3 History and Paradoxes of Loya Jirgas ....................................4 Decisions and Modalities ........... 6 The Present Era of Consultative Loya Jirgas ........... 13 Conclusion and Recommendations ...................... 15 Delegates assemble at the Consultative Peace Loya Jirga in Kabul on April 29, 2019, to discuss an approach for achieving peace with the Taliban. (Photo by Omar Sobhani/Reuters) Summary • Loya jirgas, though rooted in tra- • The post-2001 political order is • Since 2010, three “traditional” ditional Afghan practices, are es- founded on two loya jirgas: the or “consultative” loya jirgas—so sentially modern political institu- 2002 Emergency Loya Jirga, called because of the inability to tions that are convened to address which legitimized the post–Bonn call together loya jirgas in accord- problems of great national impor- Agreement interim government; ance with the strict provisions set tance. Loya jirgas have almost al- and the 2004 Constitutional Loya out in the 2004 constitution—have ways endorsed the decisions of Jirga, which ratified Afghanistan’s been convened on an ad hoc ba- the national leader. current constitution. sis by Presidents Hamid Karzai and • Since 1915, no loya jirga has been • The 2004 constitution included Ashraf Ghani. convened under the same mo- specific provisions for convening • Should a loya jirga be required to dalities, yet they have in common future loya jirgas: the majority of resolve an electoral crisis or ratify their national composition, their delegates are to be selected from a new political order following a attempts to demonstrate broad in- among district councils. -
Great Game to 9/11
Air Force Engaging the World Great Game to 9/11 A Concise History of Afghanistan’s International Relations Michael R. Rouland COVER Aerial view of a village in Farah Province, Afghanistan. Photo (2009) by MSst. Tracy L. DeMarco, USAF. Department of Defense. Great Game to 9/11 A Concise History of Afghanistan’s International Relations Michael R. Rouland Washington, D.C. 2014 ENGAGING THE WORLD The ENGAGING THE WORLD series focuses on U.S. involvement around the globe, primarily in the post-Cold War period. It includes peacekeeping and humanitarian missions as well as Operation Enduring Freedom and Operation Iraqi Freedom—all missions in which the U.S. Air Force has been integrally involved. It will also document developments within the Air Force and the Department of Defense. GREAT GAME TO 9/11 GREAT GAME TO 9/11 was initially begun as an introduction for a larger work on U.S./coalition involvement in Afghanistan. It provides essential information for an understanding of how this isolated country has, over centuries, become a battleground for world powers. Although an overview, this study draws on primary- source material to present a detailed examination of U.S.-Afghan relations prior to Operation Enduring Freedom. Opinions, conclusions, and recommendations expressed or implied within are solely those of the author and do not necessarily represent the views of the U.S. Air Force, the Department of Defense, or the U.S. government. Cleared for public release. Contents INTRODUCTION The Razor’s Edge 1 ONE Origins of the Afghan State, the Great Game, and Afghan Nationalism 5 TWO Stasis and Modernization 15 THREE Early Relations with the United States 27 FOUR Afghanistan’s Soviet Shift and the U.S. -
Arthur Paul Afghanistan Collection Bibliography - Volume II: English and European Languages Shaista Wahab
University of Nebraska at Omaha DigitalCommons@UNO Books in English Arthur Paul Afghanistan Collection Digitized Books 2000 Arthur Paul Afghanistan Collection Bibliography - Volume II: English and European Languages Shaista Wahab Follow this and additional works at: http://digitalcommons.unomaha.edu/afghanuno Part of the International and Area Studies Commons Recommended Citation Wahab, Shaista, "Arthur Paul Afghanistan Collection Bibliography - Volume II: English and European Languages " (2000). Books in English. Paper 41. http://digitalcommons.unomaha.edu/afghanuno/41 This Monograph is brought to you for free and open access by the Arthur Paul Afghanistan Collection Digitized Books at DigitalCommons@UNO. It has been accepted for inclusion in Books in English by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@UNO. For more information, please contact [email protected]. v0ILuNJI: 11: ISH AND EUROPEAN LANGUAGE SHATSTA WAHAB Dagefimle Publishing Lincoln, Nebraska Copl;rii$i~ G3009 Univcrsit!; oSNebraska at Omaha. All rights rcscrved. No part of this publication may be reproducc.d. stored in n rm-ieval syslcm, or Iransmitted in any fonn or by any nwans, electronic, niccllanical, photocopied, recorded. or O~~IL'ITV~SC, without 111c prior uritten permission of the au~lior.For in t'ornlation. wi[c Arthur Paul Afgllanistan (:ollcction, University Library. Univer-sih of Ncbrnska at Omaha. Onlaha. NE GS 182-0237 Library of Coligrcss C:ii;~logi~~g-in-Puhlic:i~ionData \\rnImb, Shnisla. Arrllur Paul :\l'ghauis~nnCollcc~ion hbliograpliy i Sllais~n\Vahab. v. : ill. ; 23 cln. Includcs irtdts. "Oascd on 11ic t\f;lin~usra~im:~tc~ials avnilablc in rlic .4r1hur Paul :lfghanis~anCollection a[ thc L'nivcrsi~yLibrary. -
The Durand Line: Its Historical, Legal and Political Status
Iftikhar Ahmad Yousafzai * Himayatullah Yaqubi ** THE DURAND LINE: ITS HISTORICAL, LEGAL AND POLITICAL STATUS Abstract Durand Line is the name of the international border between Pakistan and Afghanistan which was established in 1893 as a result of an agreement between the British Indian Government and Amir Abdur Rahman, the then ruler of Afghanistan. The treaty was confirmed in 1905, 1919 and 1930 by successive Afghan rulers. But in 1947 at the time of the British withdrawal from the Indian subcontinent and, subsequently, after the creation of Pakistan, Afghanistan began to raise objections and refused to recognize it as the international frontier between the two countries. It challenged the validity of the Durand line on several grounds. It claims that the territory up to river Indus was once part of the Afghan Empire and since their rightful dominion. However, the Government of Pakistan always repudiates its claim on every international forum. This paper aims at analysing the historical, legal and political status of the Durand Line. The objective is to examine factual evidences to prove whether it is the established international border between Pakistan and Afghanistan or otherwise. Historical Background Both Afghanistan and Pakistan are, comparatively late-comers to the comity of nations. During different phases of their history they remained parts of different empires. Afghanistan remained part of the Indian, Persian and Central Asian empires in different times of its historical evolution. Sometimes, it remained divided between different empires. Pakistan, for most part of its history, remained part of the successive Indian empires. Throughout the Mughal period, Pakistan remained an integral part of it while Afghan territories remained divided between Persia and Mughal India. -
Democratization in Afghanistan by Chris Rowe
H UMAN R IGHTS & H UMAN W ELFARE Democratization in Afghanistan by Chris Rowe What determines whether a specific country embarks on the road to democracy, if it completes that voyage successfully, and finally consolidates democratic values, practices, and institutions? Analysts have debated these issues for decades and have identified a number of historical, structural, and cultural variables that help account for the establishment of successful democracies in some countries and its absence in others. Frequently cited prerequisites for democracy include social and economic modernization; a large and vibrant middle class; and cultural norms and values relating to politics. Yet whatever its determinants, operational democracies normally include contested elections, a free press, and the separation of powers. Although these characteristics have been identified as vital features of a democracy, emerging democracies also need to address serious social and economic injustices that threaten democratic consolidation. Afghanistan is a case in point in this regard. As a burgeoning democracy directly influenced by U.S.-led nation-building efforts, Afghanistan presents a unique and challenging case for democratization. Afghanistan has been ruled by warlords since the era of Taliban rule, and to an extent still is. Informal rule combined with the heroin trade and severe gender inequalities have created a frail foundation on which to promote democratic reforms. Although international human rights, judicial and national assembly commissions have presented significant mandates for change, all have met with problematic results. In order for democracy to take hold in Afghanistan, the fruits of warlord economy–opium production, smuggling, and illicit taxation of trade–must be wrested away from regional power brokers and replaced with socially stable economic incentives.