DOCSLIB.ORG

The Inevitable Pak-Afghan Union ICSSA Occasional Paper

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
The Inevitable Pak-Afghan Union ICSSA Occasional Paper 1 The inevitable Pak-Afghan Union ICSSA Occasional Paper Abid Ullah Jan The paper assesses Pak-Afghan future in the light of history, culture and the ongoing situation on the ground. 2 Contents History 4 Early history 4 Muslim conquests 5 Beginning of the international problem 6 The indivisible people and land 8 Recent border tensions 10 Talks of division 12 Greater Afghanistan 12 Footnotes 15 Annexure 17 3 The Inevitable Pak-Afghan Union. The paper is based on arguments in the light of history and current realities, which shows that Union of Pakistan and Afghanistan is necessary, inevitable and possible. Any reference to religion has been purposely avoided to keep it understandable. When analysed from the religious point of view, there are authentic sayings of Prophet Muhammad (PBUH), which show that there would be a strong government towards the Eastern side of Arab Peninsula, which will play a leading role in Islamic revival. The continued struggle in Afghanistan, the unflinching determination of both Afghans and Pakistanis never to live under occupation and the military strength that Pakistan has acquired are some of the indications towards realisation of Prophet Muhammad’s (PBUH) prophesies and the establishment of Greater Afghanistan. The US and its allies occupy both Afghanistan and forces advocating South Asian regional cooperation (even Pakistan. The only difference is that the former is under Pakistan’s reunion with India) are the forces acting for the direct military occupation as a result of full-scale war disintegration of Pakistan. There are also plans under con- waged against its former government. Pakistan, on the sideration since long for dividing Afghanistan into differ- other hand, suffers from partial occupation. Unlike Hamid ent states to neutralise any prospects of its emergence as Karzai, the US forces have not waged a war to install an “Islamic fundamentalist” state. Pakistan and General Musharraf. Nevertheless, compared to Afghani- Afghanistan’s future security and survival as viable states stan, the US can achieve its objectives more freely and is self-evident in none of these propositions. Interestingly, conveniently in Pakistan. Along these full and partial oc- all efforts made towards disintegrating these states are in- cupations, natural resources, strategic positions, Pakistan’s directly leading to the realisation of most plausible secu- nuclear capability and various other factors within and rity alternative: the union of Pakistan and Afghanistan. Whatever may be outside Pakistan and Afghanistan are pushing these coun- They strengthen the invisible forces of trans-pseudo-na- the outcome, one tries are at work to somehow alter their present status. tional religious and cultural identity which are leading Whatever may be the outcome, one can safely say these countries towards the inevitable union. can safely say that that Pakistan and Afghanistan will not remain as two states In Pakistan, there are two clear ends of the spectrum. Pakistan and on the world map for too long. Almost all the visible forces At one end, visionaries like Dr. Israr Ahmed of Tanzeem- Afghanistan will are engaged in somehow disintegrating these states. The i-Islami foresee confederation between Pakistan and Af- invisible forces, nevertheless, are brining these countries ghanistan for countering Indian and other hegemonic not remain as two towards an ultimate unification — towards the forma- designs.1 On the other end, the self-proclaimed “liberals” states on the tion of a greater Afghanistan. A thorough analysis reveals like Najam Sethi come up with inflammatory and scare- world map for too that results of the visible forces, working for disintegrat- mongering articles and editorials. For example a Febru- ing these states, would also indirectly lead to strengthen ary 02, 2001 editorial of the Friday Times shows how much long. position of the forces invisibly leading these states towards deep contempt some quarters have for the North-West unification. Frontier Province (NWFP), Pakhtoons and Afghans. The The disintegration options are presented as the best idea of a multi-ethnic, multi-sectarian and democratic security option for the region. A broad identification in Pakistan seems to exclude the inhabitants of NWFP. By this regard shows the forces for domestic liberalization making disparaging remarks about Pakhtoons, the edito- (demilitarising, democratising, or “secularising”) and the rial is an example of how the forces of disintegration are 4 Durability of Pakistan borders are constantly questioned by Indian and western analysts with a hope to see a disintegrated Pakistan. At the moment, ethnic separatism actually not only promoting sectarianism, hatred, intol- History is not a significant threat in the erance and xenophobia but also paving the way for unifi- NWFP, where the Pakhtunistan cation of Pakistan and Afghanistan. movement is mostly moribund In an article published in Asian Affairs, an American Early History It is probable that there were well-developed civili- and, beyond that, tends to be seen Review, Washington October 1995, Sandy Gordon argued that at the end of the Cold War, India had emerged as the zations in Afghanistan in prehistoric times, but the ar- less as a product of grievances of winner and Pakistan the loser in South Asia. “Far from chaeological record is not clear. Certainly cultures had Pakhtoons than as a device having lost out as a result of the end of the Cold War,” he flourished in the north and east before the Persian king exploited and fostered at times by wrote, India is poised to emerge in the early 21st century Darius I (c.500 B.C.) conquered these areas. Later, external forces. as a far more important and influential power in the In- Alexander the Great conquered (329–327 B.C.) them on dian Ocean region, and even globally, than it was in the his way to India, which never included the present land latter part of the 20th.2 Pro-India transmissions of BBC area of Pakistan. World Service abroad and rhetoric of pro-India “peace After Alexander’s death (323 B.C.) the region at first lobby’ together with anti-religious organisation campaign was part of the Seleucid empire. In the north, Bactria in Pakistan indicate the pace of uncontrollable events that became independent, and the south was acquired by the are soon going to push the pendulum towards the inevi- Maurya dynasty. Bactria expanded southward but fell table unification. (mid-2d cent. B.C.) to the Parthians and rebellious tribes Durability of Pakistan borders are constantly ques- (notably the Saka). Buddhism was introduced from the tioned by Indian and western analysts with a hope to see east by the Yüechi, who founded the Kushan dynasty (early a disintegrated Pakistan. At home, media outlets like Fri- 2d cent. B.C.). Their capital was Peshawar. The Kushans day Times use the acronym, ‘NWFP’ throughout specific declined (3d cent. A.D.) and were supplanted by the pieces of articles and editorials in a way to relegate a con- Sassanids, the Ephthalites, and the Turkish Tu-Kuie. stituent unit of the Pak Nation. Perhaps in their vision of a multi-ethnic, multi-sectarian and democratic Pakistan, Muslim conquests Eastern Flank of Islam under the Four Rightly the ‘NWFP’ will merely be an appendage i.e. a buffer Guided Caliphs Islam spread to the borders of Afghani- zone to protect a multi-ethnic, multi-sectarian and demo- stan under Caliph Othman (644-656) and Caliph Ali cratic Pakistan from their co-religionists in Afghanistan. (656-661). Under the Umayyads (661-750), Islam spread At the moment, ethnic separatism is not a signifi- to Afghanistan: Kabul (664), Punjab, Sindh and Central cant threat in the NWFP, where the Pakhtunistan move- Asia: Transoxania, Merv (710), Samarkand (710). In 711 ment is mostly moribund and, beyond that, tends to be C.E., Muhmmad Bin Qasim under command of the ruler At the same time, Pakhtoons seen less as a product of grievances of Pakhtoons than as a of Spain and Central Asia came into South Asia reaching nationalism is by no means a device exploited and fostered at times by external forces. EMPIRE OF MAHMOOD GHAZNI thing of the past, however, and At the same time, Pakhtoons nationalism is by no means seems bound to become more a thing of the past, however, and seems bound to be- troublesome with Pakhtoon and come more troublesome with Pakhtoon and non- Pakhtoon struggle in Afghanistan on the one hand and non-Pakhtoon struggle in irresponsible attitude of the “liberal” leaders and media Afghanistan on the one hand and pundits in Pakistan on the other. The new version of this irresponsible attitude of the movement, nevertheless, would be in favour of confed- “liberal” leaders and media eration with Afghanistan rather than dismemberment of pundits in Pakistan on the other. Pakistan. The new version of this This paper looks into various aspects that are lead- movement, nevertheless, would be ing Pakistan and Afghanistan to end up as a united coun- in favour of confederation with try. Afghanistan rather than dismemberment of Pakistan. 5 This paper looks into various aspects that are leading Pakistan and Af- ghanistan to end up as a united country. as far as Multan, where he settled 4000 Arab families. 1526) with its capital in Delhi, followed under the lead- The Muslim The Muslim conquest of Afghanistan began in the ership of four major dynasties - the Mamluks (Turkish conquest of Af- 7th century. Several short-lived Muslim dynasties were slaves), Khaljis, Tughlaqs and Lodis.6 During this time founded, the most powerful of them having its capital at there was an intermixing of Turkish, Persian and Afghan ghanistan began Ghazni. Mehmud Gahnavi, who conquered the lands culture, for example the word Urdu is of Turkish origin in the 7th cen- from Khorasan in Iran to the Punjab in India early in the meaning military camp.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Arthur Paul Afghanistan Collection Bibliography - Volume II: English and European Languages Shaista Wahab
    University of Nebraska at Omaha DigitalCommons@UNO Books in English Arthur Paul Afghanistan Collection Digitized Books 2000 Arthur Paul Afghanistan Collection Bibliography - Volume II: English and European Languages Shaista Wahab Follow this and additional works at: http://digitalcommons.unomaha.edu/afghanuno Part of the International and Area Studies Commons Recommended Citation Wahab, Shaista, "Arthur Paul Afghanistan Collection Bibliography - Volume II: English and European Languages " (2000). Books in English. Paper 41. http://digitalcommons.unomaha.edu/afghanuno/41 This Monograph is brought to you for free and open access by the Arthur Paul Afghanistan Collection Digitized Books at DigitalCommons@UNO. It has been accepted for inclusion in Books in English by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@UNO. For more information, please contact [email protected]. v0ILuNJI: 11: ISH AND EUROPEAN LANGUAGE SHATSTA WAHAB Dagefimle Publishing Lincoln, Nebraska Copl;rii$i~ G3009 Univcrsit!; oSNebraska at Omaha. All rights rcscrved. No part of this publication may be reproducc.d. stored in n rm-ieval syslcm, or Iransmitted in any fonn or by any nwans, electronic, niccllanical, photocopied, recorded. or O~~IL'ITV~SC, without 111c prior uritten permission of the au~lior.For in t'ornlation. wi[c Arthur Paul Afgllanistan (:ollcction, University Library. Univer-sih of Ncbrnska at Omaha. Onlaha. NE GS 182-0237 Library of Coligrcss C:ii;~logi~~g-in-Puhlic:i~ionData \\rnImb, Shnisla. Arrllur Paul :\l'ghauis~nnCollcc~ion hbliograpliy i Sllais~n\Vahab. v. : ill. ; 23 cln. Includcs irtdts. "Oascd on 11ic t\f;lin~usra~im:~tc~ials avnilablc in rlic .4r1hur Paul :lfghanis~anCollection a[ thc L'nivcrsi~yLibrary.
    [Show full text]
  • The Durand Line: Its Historical, Legal and Political Status
    Iftikhar Ahmad Yousafzai * Himayatullah Yaqubi ** THE DURAND LINE: ITS HISTORICAL, LEGAL AND POLITICAL STATUS Abstract Durand Line is the name of the international border between Pakistan and Afghanistan which was established in 1893 as a result of an agreement between the British Indian Government and Amir Abdur Rahman, the then ruler of Afghanistan. The treaty was confirmed in 1905, 1919 and 1930 by successive Afghan rulers. But in 1947 at the time of the British withdrawal from the Indian subcontinent and, subsequently, after the creation of Pakistan, Afghanistan began to raise objections and refused to recognize it as the international frontier between the two countries. It challenged the validity of the Durand line on several grounds. It claims that the territory up to river Indus was once part of the Afghan Empire and since their rightful dominion. However, the Government of Pakistan always repudiates its claim on every international forum. This paper aims at analysing the historical, legal and political status of the Durand Line. The objective is to examine factual evidences to prove whether it is the established international border between Pakistan and Afghanistan or otherwise. Historical Background Both Afghanistan and Pakistan are, comparatively late-comers to the comity of nations. During different phases of their history they remained parts of different empires. Afghanistan remained part of the Indian, Persian and Central Asian empires in different times of its historical evolution. Sometimes, it remained divided between different empires. Pakistan, for most part of its history, remained part of the successive Indian empires. Throughout the Mughal period, Pakistan remained an integral part of it while Afghan territories remained divided between Persia and Mughal India.
    [Show full text]
  • The Durand Line: South Asia’S Next Trouble Spot
    NAVAL POSTGRADUATE SCHOOL MONTEREY, CALIFORNIA THESIS THE DURAND LINE: SOUTH ASIA’S NEXT TROUBLE SPOT by Tariq Mahmood June 2005 Thesis Advisor: Peter R. Lavoy Co Adviser: Feroz Hassan Khan Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited THIS PAGE INTENTIONALLY LEFT BLANK REPORT DOCUMENTATION PAGE Form Approved OMB No. 0704-0188 Public reporting burden for this collection of information is estimated to average 1 hour per response, including the time for reviewing instruction, searching existing data sources, gathering and maintaining the data needed, and completing and reviewing the collection of information. Send comments regarding this burden estimate or any other aspect of this collection of information, including suggestions for reducing this burden, to Washington headquarters Services, Di-rectorate for Information Operations and Reports, 1215 Jefferson Davis Highway, Suite 1204, Arlington, VA 22202-4302, and to the Office of Management and Budget, Paperwork Reduction Project (0704-0188) Washington DC 20503. 1. AGENCY USE ONLY (Leave blank) 2. REPORT DATE 3. REPORT TYPE AND DATES COVERED June 2005 Master’s Thesis 4. TITLE AND SUBTITLE: The Durand Line: South Asia’s New Trouble Spot 5. FUNDING NUMBERS 6. AUTHOR(S) Tariq Mahmood 7. PERFORMING ORGANIZATION NAME(S) AND ADDRESS(ES) 8. PERFORMING Naval Postgraduate School ORGANIZATION REPORT Monterey, CA 93943-5000 NUMBER 9. SPONSORING /MONITORING AGENCY NAME(S) AND ADDRESS(ES) 10. SPONSORING/MONITORING N/A AGENCY REPORT NUMBER 11. SUPPLEMENTARY NOTES: The views expressed in this thesis are those of the author and do not reflect the official policy or position of the Department of Defense, the U.S. Government, the Pakistan Army or the Government of Pakistan.
    [Show full text]
  • The Socio-Educational Scenario of the Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, in the Early Decade of the 20Th Century
    THE SOCIO-EDUCATIONAL SCENARIO OF THE KHYBER PAKHTUNKHWA, IN THE EARLY DECADE OF THE 20TH CENTURY Muhammad Sohail Khan Abstract The paper explores the socio-educational scenario of the Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, then N.W.F.P during British rule, and explains how wretchedly this province was treated in education. Before its establishment in 1901, being part of the Punjab province, the five districts that are Peshawar, Hazara, Dera Ismail Khan, Kohat and Bannu were the most backward amongst 31 districts. Similarly, the province was the last in education amongst all provinces of the India.Pashtuns, were ignored in education by the Britishers, due to their geo- strategic location. It was the gateway of the invasions, so there must have been no or low resistance in the strategic way of it, which needed illiterate subordinates. Their energies were diverted towards other social multiplicities, detached them from trade, commerce, business and decision making stakeholder ship. Several primary schools in the province were offered to be established after successful participation of the villagers in the World War 1. Key words: Socio-educational, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, 20th Century Introduction The Indian North-West Frontier region was faced with multifaceted issues, including social and educational during the 19th Century.1 The British annexation of the Punjab, in 1849, brought them in direct contact with the inhabitants of Pashtun land. For this region, they Assistant Professor Abdul Wali Khan University Mardan 128 devised rather revised their policy and initiated the concept of Tribal and Settled areas with their sole objective to serve their ulterior motive of civilizing this uncivilized race.
    [Show full text]
  • Analysis of Durand Line Management Mechanism
    PAKISTAN - Annual Research Journal Vol. No 54, 2018 ANALYSIS OF DURAND LINE MANAGEMENT MECHANISM Nelofar Ikram* Zahid Anwar ** Abstract Being a gate way to Central Asia, the geo- strategic setting of Pakistan and Afghanistan delivers a shortest and most cost effective course for routing vast energy reserves of Central Asia to the outer world. It is a serious stumbling block in the way of their affable relationship which is impeding development and affluence not only in their bilateral interactions but in other fields as well. Both the countries should comprehend the urgency of settlement of this issue so that they can utilize their vitalities to other aspects of mutual interests. It is the time to evaluate border management between Pakistan and Afghanistan with a vision to propose sustainable mechanism to end cross border terrorism, smuggling and illegal border immigrations. Afghanistan ought to accomplish its historical obligations and adhere to the rules of international law. On the other hand Pakistan should strive for diplomatic resolution of outstanding disputes with Afghanistan. This paper examines the border management between Pakistan and Afghanistan, contemporary models of border management and way forward on border management between Pakistan and Afghanistan. To analyze border management between Pakistan and Afghanistan with a view to suggest sustainable mechanism to help in stopping cross border terrorism, smuggling and illegal border immigrations. Key words Border management, Afghanistan, Pakistan, The Durand Line, terrorism, transit trade Introduction Historically, Afghanistan has remained astride the expedition route from central Asia into the Indian subcontinent. It was also the shortest course from central Asia to the Indian Ocean.
    [Show full text]
  • NEW EVIDENCE on the WAR in AFGHANISTAN Introduction
    COLD WAR INTERNATIONAL HISTORY PROJECT BULLETIN, ISSUE 14/15 NEW EVIDENCE ON THE WAR IN AFGHANISTAN Introduction By Christian Friedrich Ostermann hat was behind the Soviet decision in December a substitute foothold in Afghanistan and worried about main- 1979 to invade Afghanistan? And when and why taining its credibility with communist world allies. Soviet lead- Wdid Mikhail Gorbachev decide to pull out Soviet ers were genuinely concerned that Afghan strongman troops nearly ten years later? What was the role of the US Hafizullah Amin was either a US agent or prepared to sell out covert assistance program, in particular the Stinger missiles? to the United States. At the CWIHP conference, former US What role did CIA intelligence play? How did the Afghan Charge d’Affaires J. Bruce Amstutz as well as other partici- War’s history, a key step in the rise of militant Islam, intersect pants forcefully refuted allegations of Agency links to Amin. with the history of the final decade of the Cold War? These In his five conversations with Amin in the fall of 1979, Amstutz were among the questions addressed at a major international remembered, the Afghan leader did not in any way suggest conference, “Towards an International History of the War in that he was interested in allying himself with the United States. Afghanistan,” organized in April 2002 by the Cold War Inter- US relations with successive communist regimes in Af- national History Project (CWIHP) in cooperation with the ghanistan had been volatile since the April 1978 communist Woodrow Wilson
    [Show full text]
  • Durand Line - UPSC International Relations Notes
    Durand Line - UPSC International Relations Notes The Durand Line is an important international boundary line, running between the countries of Pakistan and Afghanistan. It is important to know more about this line’s history, origins, problems and present status for the UPSC exam international relations segment. Durand Line - Facts The Durand Line is the international border between Afghanistan and Pakistan. • It was fixed by British civil servant Sir Henry Mortimer Durand and the then Afghan Emir, Abdur Rahman Khan in 1893. • It was established in order to fix the respective spheres of influence and also to improve the diplomatic ties between the British establishment in India and the Afghan Kingdom. It was accepted as the then Indo-Afghan border. • The line cuts through the Pashtun homelands of the region. The line divides ethnic Pashtuns and Balochs, who live on both sides of the border. • The Pakistani side of the border includes, among others, the North Western Frontier Province, which was renamed Khyber Pakhtunkhwa in 2010. • The length of the Durand Line is 2430 km. • The line was slightly modified by the Anglo-Afghan Treaty of 1919. The treaty was meant to be for 100 years, but in 1999, it was not renewed. • The modern state of Afghanistan does not accept the Durand Line. • However, it is internationally recognised as the western border of Pakistan. • India also has a small claim to the borderline, through Pakistan-occupied Kashmir (about 105 km of the easternmost section of the boundary line). • The border line is deemed as one of the most dangerous in modern times.
    [Show full text]
  • Social Sciences Durand Line 1893 and Its Impacts on Regional People
    - 138 - Social Sciences Bi-Annual Research Journal “BALOCHISTAN REVIEW” ISSN 1810-2174 Balochistan Study Cen tre, University of Balochistan, Quetta (Pakistan) VOL. 46 NO. 2, 2020 Durand Line 1893 and Its Impacts on Regional People In Historical Perspective Amna Tareen, Dr Farooq Baloch Abstract In 1893 a treaty was founded between Amir of Afghanistan Amir Abdur Rehman Khan and British colonial government in the lead of Sir Henry Mortimer Durand as the secretary of Indian British forces. The main aims of this study that to highlight the impacts of such borderline on the border people like Pashtoon and Baloch, political situation, events and causes. Through this treaty Pashtoon Nation was divided into separate areas, now this unnatural and irregular demarcation is situated in the verse dangerous areas of South Asia. This border line has been shown as the Western international border in the map. British colonial government was drawn this border line for their political influence and militarily objectives. But this settlement influenced the both nations Pashtoon and Baloch which are presiding in the region of Balochistan, Afghanistan, Northern Western states negatively. In other words we can say through this treaty caused differences between the neighboring countries and nations of the region. According to this treaty the geographical sketches also changed. The worse impacts is not only influenced the regional people, but also directly Pakistan and Afghanistan were affected by this treaty. And the flash point still exists between Pakistan and Afghanistan. KEY WORDS Baloch, Pashtoon, British, Afghanistan, Balochistan, Durand border line, Amir Abdur Rehman, Sir Henry Mortimer Durand. INTRODCTION If analyze the early nineteenth century internationally, it is clear that great and big powers like Russia, Britain and France were showing more interest to establish its own colonies in every region of the world.
    [Show full text]
  • The Afghan Communists
    chaPter one the afghan communists shibirghan, the caPital of Jowzjan Province, is a remote and barren place, even by Afghan standards. To the north, Jowzjan borders on the Amu Darya River and Turkmenistan, a former part of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics.1 Shibirghan is a city of about 150,000 on a flat, dry plain that extends past the river into Central Asia. Most of the city’s population is made up of ethnic Uzbeks, with a minority of Turkmen; the province as a whole is 40 percent Uzbek and 30 percent Turkmen. Natu- ral gas has been exploited in the province since the 1970s, initially by a Soviet energy project. Shibirghan is on the Afghan ring road, the country’s main highway, which connects the country’s main cities. Shibirghan lies between the largest city in the north, Mazar-e Sharif, to the east and the largest city in the west, Herat. Since the 1980s Shibirghan has been the stronghold of Abdul Rashid Dostum, an Uzbek Afghan warlord who has played a complex role in the wars that have wracked Afghanistan since 1978. In 1998 Dostum was my host during a visit to Shibirghan. I had met him before, in my Pentagon office, where he had related his life’s journey to me. A physically strong and imposing man, he has an Asian appearance, a hint of his Mongol roots. That day he was dressed to look like a modern political leader, in a suit and tie. The notorious warlord was hosting a meeting of the North- ern Alliance, the coalition of Afghan parties that opposed the Taliban, in his hometown.
    [Show full text]
  • Durand Line South Asia's New Trouble Spot
    View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Calhoun, Institutional Archive of the Naval Postgraduate School Calhoun: The NPS Institutional Archive Theses and Dissertations Thesis Collection 2005-06 The Durand Line South Asia's new trouble spot Mahmood, Tariq Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School http://hdl.handle.net/10945/1923 NAVAL POSTGRADUATE SCHOOL MONTEREY, CALIFORNIA THESIS THE DURAND LINE: SOUTH ASIA’S NEXT TROUBLE SPOT by Tariq Mahmood June 2005 Thesis Advisor: Peter R. Lavoy Co Adviser: Feroz Hassan Khan Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited THIS PAGE INTENTIONALLY LEFT BLANK REPORT DOCUMENTATION PAGE Form Approved OMB No. 0704-0188 Public reporting burden for this collection of information is estimated to average 1 hour per response, including the time for reviewing instruction, searching existing data sources, gathering and maintaining the data needed, and completing and reviewing the collection of information. Send comments regarding this burden estimate or any other aspect of this collection of information, including suggestions for reducing this burden, to Washington headquarters Services, Di-rectorate for Information Operations and Reports, 1215 Jefferson Davis Highway, Suite 1204, Arlington, VA 22202-4302, and to the Office of Management and Budget, Paperwork Reduction Project (0704-0188) Washington DC 20503. 1. AGENCY USE ONLY (Leave blank) 2. REPORT DATE 3. REPORT TYPE AND DATES COVERED June 2005 Master’s Thesis 4. TITLE AND SUBTITLE: The Durand Line: South Asia’s New Trouble Spot 5. FUNDING NUMBERS 6. AUTHOR(S) Tariq Mahmood 7. PERFORMING ORGANIZATION NAME(S) AND ADDRESS(ES) 8. PERFORMING Naval Postgraduate School ORGANIZATION REPORT Monterey, CA 93943-5000 NUMBER 9.
    [Show full text]
  • No Sign Until the Burst of Fire: Understanding the Pakistan
    No Sign until the Burst of Fire No Sign until the Thomas H. Johnson and Burst of Fire M. Chris Mason Understanding the Pakistan- Afghanistan Frontier By 1932, British troops had been waging war of varying intensity with a group of intractable tribes along and beyond the northwestern frontier of India for nearly a century. That year, in summarizing a typical skirmish, one British veteran noted laconically, “Probably no sign till the burst of ªre, and then the swift rush with knives, the stripping of the dead, and the unhurried mutilation of the inªdels.”1 It was a savage, cruel, and peculiar kind of mountain warfare, frequently driven by re- ligious zealotry on the tribal side, and it was singularly unforgiving of tactical error, momentary inattention, or cultural ignorance. It still is. The Pakistan- Afghanistan border region has experienced turbulence for centuries. Today a portion of it constitutes a signiªcant threat to U.S. national security interests. The unique underlying factors that create this threat are little understood by most policymakers in Washington. This region, which is almost certainly home to both Osama bin Laden and his lieutenant, Ayman al-Zawahiri, has once again become a locus for a regenerating al-Qaida network. The July 2007 National Intelligence Esti- mate (NIE) on terrorist threats to the United States—an intelligence product known to analysts as the mildest common denominator everyone can agree on—corroborates this assessment.2 The NIE states that al-Qaida, with uninter- rupted funding from radical Saudi Arabian Wahabist sources, not only has Thomas H. Johnson is Research Professor in the Department of National Security Affairs and Director of the Program for Culture and Conºict Studies at the Naval Postgraduate School.
    [Show full text]
  • Socio-Educational Reform Movements in NWFP
    Socio-Educational Reform Movements in N.W.F.P. - A Case Study of Anjuman-i- Islahul Afaghina Abdul Rauf ∗∗∗ The suppression of the 1857 uprising finally established the superiority of the British army in North India. Consequently, after a brief period of despondency, the Muslim leadership started efforts to reform Muslim community by establishing various educational institutions like M.A.O. College, Aligarh, Dar al-‘Ulum, Deoband, Nadwatul ‘Ulama, Azamgarh, Anjuman-i-Himayat-i-Islam, Lahore and Madrasatul Islah U.P. The Muslims of North Western India, also did not lag behind their brethren in their efforts for Islamic revivalism and reformation of the Muslim community. The following pages provide a resume of these efforts in general followed by a detailed history and working of the Anjuman-i-Islahul Afaghina. The paper also analyzes its contribution in the reawakening of the Pakhtuns and its failure to survive as a centre of higher education for the Muslims of the N.W.F.P. It is also one of the objectives of this paper to draw the attention of the non-Pakhtun academics and writers to the political dynamics of the pre- and post- independence N.W.F.P. in a proper perspective — avoiding any extreme view about the role of certain political parties/individuals in the Muslim struggle for independence which culminated in the creation of Pakistan. Since the arrival of the British in N.W.F.P. in 1849, the people of the N.W.F.P. had been engaged in efforts to expel the British. They adopted a policy of armed resistance particularly in the tribal areas and in some cases succeeded in inflicting heavy losses on the British in the region.
    [Show full text]