179 Bowing and Scraping in the Ancient Near East
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T C K a P R (E F C Bc): C P R
ELECTRUM * Vol. 23 (2016): 25–49 doi: 10.4467/20800909EL.16.002.5821 www.ejournals.eu/electrum T C K A P R (E F C BC): C P R S1 Christian Körner Universität Bern For Andreas Mehl, with deep gratitude Abstract: At the end of the eighth century, Cyprus came under Assyrian control. For the follow- ing four centuries, the Cypriot monarchs were confronted with the power of the Near Eastern empires. This essay focuses on the relations between the Cypriot kings and the Near Eastern Great Kings from the eighth to the fourth century BC. To understand these relations, two theoretical concepts are applied: the centre-periphery model and the concept of suzerainty. From the central perspective of the Assyrian and Persian empires, Cyprus was situated on the western periphery. Therefore, the local governing traditions were respected by the Assyrian and Persian masters, as long as the petty kings fulfi lled their duties by paying tributes and providing military support when requested to do so. The personal relationship between the Cypriot kings and their masters can best be described as one of suzerainty, where the rulers submitted to a superior ruler, but still retained some autonomy. This relationship was far from being stable, which could lead to manifold mis- understandings between centre and periphery. In this essay, the ways in which suzerainty worked are discussed using several examples of the relations between Cypriot kings and their masters. Key words: Assyria, Persia, Cyprus, Cypriot kings. At the end of the fourth century BC, all the Cypriot kingdoms vanished during the wars of Alexander’s successors Ptolemy and Antigonus, who struggled for control of the is- land. -
Extracts Relating to the Hittites from the Tel El-Amarna Letters
APPENDIX EXTRACTS RELATING TO THE HITTITES FROM THE TEL EL-AMARNA LETTERS ROM a letter of Dusratta, king of Mitanni: 1 When F all the [army] of the Hittites marched to attack my country, Tessub my lord gave it into my hands and I smote it. There was none among them who returned to his own land.' From a letter of Aziru, son of Ebed-Asherah the Amorite, to the Egyptian official Dudu : 1 0 my lord, now Khatip (Hotep) is with me. I and he will march (together). 0 my lord, the king of the land of the Hittites has marched into the land of Nukhassi (Egyp!t"an Anaugas), and the cities (there) are not strong enough to defend themselves from the king of the Hittites ; but now I and Khatip will go (to their help).' From a letter of Aziru to the Egyptian official Khai : 1 The king of the land of the Hittites is in Nukhassi, and I am afraid of him; I keep guard lest he make his way up into the land of the Amorites. And if the city of Tunip falls there will be two roads (open) to the place where he is, and I am afraid of him, and on this account I have remained (here) till his departure. But now I and Khatip will march at once.' From a letter of Aziru to the Pharaoh : 1 And now the king of the Hittites is in Nukhassi: there are two roads to Tunip, and I am afraid it will fall, and that the city [will not be strong enough] to defend itself.' Appendix From a letter of Akizzi, the governor of Qatna (in Nukhassi) on the Khabur to the Pharaoh: 1 0 my lord, the Sun-god my father made thy fathers and set his name upon them ; but now the king of the Hittites has taken the Sun-god my father, and my lord knows what they have done to the god, how it stands. -
HIRAM of TYRE and SOLOMON Edward Lipiński University Of
HIRAM OF TYRE AND SOLOMON Edward Lipiński University of Leuven Josephus Flavius took a particular interest in the relations between Hiram, king of Tyre, and Solomon. Describing their friendly relation- ship, maintained on a basis of equality, Josephus undoubtedly aimed at underscoring the importance of Solomon in the eyes of his non- Jewish readers, he was addressing in Jewish Antiquities, followed soon by Against Apion. 1. Josephus and His Sources The sources of Josephus were not only the biblical Books of Kings and the Books of the Chronicles, but also some Hellenistic historiogra- phers of the 2nd c. BCE, like Menander of Ephesus, Dius, and Eupo- lemus. Menander and Dius quote translated extracts from the Tyrian annals, while Eupolemus’ work contains letters allegedly exchanged between Hiram and Solomon. Although the writings of Menander and Dius were no primary sources, they were works independent from the Bible and, in consequence, had more appeal for the heathen readers of Josephus. They are unfortunately lost, and the quotations from both authors preserved by Josephus have most likely been excerpted from the History of Phoenicia compiled ca. 70–60 BCE by Alexander Polyhistor,1 who had copied large passages from his predecessors’ writ- ings. Josephus stresses the importance of the Hiram-Solomon relation- ship in his Jewish Antiquities and in the somewhat later booklet Against 1 Alexander Polyhistor, a native of Miletus, an ancient city on the Anatolian shore of the Aegean Sea, compiled excerpts from several Hellenistic historiographers, related to Phoenicia. Preserved fragments of his work have been collected by F. Jacoby (ed.), Fragmente der griechischen Historiker IIIA (Berlin: Weidmann, 1940) 96–121, with a commentary F. -
Three Conquests of Canaan
ÅA Wars in the Middle East are almost an every day part of Eero Junkkaala:of Three Canaan Conquests our lives, and undeniably the history of war in this area is very long indeed. This study examines three such wars, all of which were directed against the Land of Canaan. Two campaigns were conducted by Egyptian Pharaohs and one by the Israelites. The question considered being Eero Junkkaala whether or not these wars really took place. This study gives one methodological viewpoint to answer this ques- tion. The author studies the archaeology of all the geo- Three Conquests of Canaan graphical sites mentioned in the lists of Thutmosis III and A Comparative Study of Two Egyptian Military Campaigns and Shishak and compares them with the cities mentioned in Joshua 10-12 in the Light of Recent Archaeological Evidence the Conquest stories in the Book of Joshua. Altogether 116 sites were studied, and the com- parison between the texts and the archaeological results offered a possibility of establishing whether the cities mentioned, in the sources in question, were inhabited, and, furthermore, might have been destroyed during the time of the Pharaohs and the biblical settlement pe- riod. Despite the nature of the two written sources being so very different it was possible to make a comparative study. This study gives a fresh view on the fierce discus- sion concerning the emergence of the Israelites. It also challenges both Egyptological and biblical studies to use the written texts and the archaeological material togeth- er so that they are not so separated from each other, as is often the case. -
Amarna Period Down to the Opening of Sety I's Reign
oi.uchicago.edu STUDIES IN ANCIENT ORIENTAL CIVILIZATION * NO.42 THE ORIENTAL INSTITUTE OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO Thomas A. Holland * Editor with the assistance of Thomas G. Urban oi.uchicago.edu oi.uchicago.edu Internet publication of this work was made possible with the generous support of Misty and Lewis Gruber THE ROAD TO KADESH A HISTORICAL INTERPRETATION OF THE BATTLE RELIEFS OF KING SETY I AT KARNAK SECOND EDITION REVISED WILLIAM J. MURNANE THE ORIENTAL INSTITUTE OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO STUDIES IN ANCIENT ORIENTAL CIVILIZATION . NO.42 CHICAGO * ILLINOIS oi.uchicago.edu Library of Congress Catalog Card Number: 90-63725 ISBN: 0-918986-67-2 ISSN: 0081-7554 The Oriental Institute, Chicago © 1985, 1990 by The University of Chicago. All rights reserved. Published 1990. Printed in the United States of America. oi.uchicago.edu TABLE OF CONTENTS List of M aps ................................ ................................. ................................. vi Preface to the Second Edition ................................................................................................. vii Preface to the First Edition ................................................................................................. ix List of Bibliographic Abbreviations ..................................... ....................... xi Chapter 1. Egypt's Relations with Hatti From the Amarna Period Down to the Opening of Sety I's Reign ...................................................................... ......................... 1 The Clash of Empires -
OF EZEKIEL Ezekiel 26–28
Dr. J. Paul Tanner Old Testament III Ezek 26–28: Tyre Oracles SESSION SEVENTEEN THE "TYRE ORACLES" OF EZEKIEL Ezekiel 26–28 I. THE INTERPRETATIVE PROBLEM Chapters 26–28 of Ezekiel, dealing with the oracle against Tyre, occur in the context of chapters 25– 32 in what is often referred to as the "doom oracles." In this series of oracles, God speaks judgment against several neighboring nations of Israel. One people group that receives extended treatment is the city of Tyre (26–28). The concluding chapter to this segment (ch 28) singles out the leader(s) of Tyre for special condemnation. The one who is addressed as the “king of Tyre” in 28:11-19 has received particular attention because of the many superhuman things said of him. Various solutions have been proposed: (1) Ezekiel was describing Tyre's human king who served as the representative (a "guardian cherub") for Tyre's patron deity Mekart;1 (2) Ezekiel was describing the pagan "god" behind the king of Tyre and who empowered the human king (possibly Baal); (3) Ezekiel was describing Tyre's king, Ethbaal in highly poetic language, comparing him with Adam (so Merrill2); and (4) Ezekiel was actually referring to Satan (several conservative interpreters including Chafer, Feinberg, and Ryrie take this view). Most all admit that this is one of the more difficult passages in the OT to interpret, and the problem is compounded by the fact that the figure in view is never designated specifically by name in the text. Yet this is not a moot question, because the answer we give to this has a bearing on our theology of Satan. -
New Horizons in the Study of Ancient Syria
OFFPRINT FROM Volume Twenty-five NEW HORIZONS IN THE STUDY OF ANCIENT SYRIA Mark W. Chavalas John L. Hayes editors ml"ITfE ADMINISTRATION IN SYRIA IN THE LIGHT OF THE TEXTS FROM UATTUSA, UGARIT AND EMAR Gary M. Beckman Although the Hittite state of the Late Bronze Age always had its roots in central Anatolia,1 it continually sought to expand its hegemony toward the southeast into Syria, where military campaigns would bring it booty in precious metals and other goods available at home only in limited quantities, and where domination would assure the constant flow of such wealth in the fonn of tribute and imposts on the active trade of this crossroads between Mesopotamia, Egypt, and the Aegean. Already in the 'seventeenth century, the Hittite kings ~attu§ili I and his adopted son and successor Mur§ili I conquered much of this area, breaking the power of the "Great Kingdom" of ~alab and even reaching distant Babylon, where the dynasty of ~ammurapi was brought to an end by Hittite attack. However, the Hittites were unable to consolidate their dominion over northern Syria and were soon forced back to the north by Hurrian princes, who were active even in eastern Anatolia.2 Practically nothing can be said concerning Hittite administration of Syria in this period, known to Hittitologists as the Old Kingdom. During the following Middle Kingdom (late sixteenth-early fourteenth centuries), Hittite power was largely confined to Anatolia, while northern Syria came under the sway 1 During the past quarter century research in Hittite studies bas proceeded at such a pace that there currently exists no adequate monographic account ofAnatolian history and culture of the second millennium. -
Hiram, King of Tyre
HIRAM, KING OF TYRE Presented at William O. Ware Lodge of Research by Edwin L. Vardiman April 10, 1986 The name of Hiram, King of Tyre, brings recognition to all of us here tonight. As Master Masons we are aware of this man who is known as a friend of the Illustrious King Solomon, and who has a major part in the events portrayed in the Legend of the Temple. Who was this man who was in the confidence of King Solomon? What had he done, as the king of a neighboring country, to be so valuable to the Kingdom of Israel? Was he a true and living person whose life and reign were recorded in history, or was he merely a convenient symbol for the early playwright who developed the much beloved portrayal of the events in the Master Mason Degree? For a few minutes, let’s attempt to answer these questions as we think upon the connection of Hiram, King of Tyre, to our Fraternity. What of the country of Tyre? It was a real country and one that made considerable contributions to our civilization. Its origins extend back into the dim beginnings of history, and it had influence far greater than its size indicates on the ancient Mediterranean world, our language and even our world today. Tyre’s name reflects the foundation of its island existence. The basic meaning of the word “Tyre,” going back through the Greek and Hebrew words, means “rock.” Although the first settlement was on the eastern Mediterranean shore, in what is now southern Lebanon, the city did not emerge into a thriving commercial center until after it was constructed on two rock islands of no more than half a mile wide. -
The {Amârnah Texts a Century After Flinders Petrie
ANES 39 (2002) 44-75 The {Amârnah Texts a Century after Flinders Petrie Anson F. RAINEY International Visiting Research Scholar Centre for Classics and Archaeology University of Melbourne Victoria 3010 AUSTRALIA E-mail: [email protected] Abstract The ensuing remarks seek to elucidate some of the central issues in the study of the cuneiform texts discovered at Tell el-¨Amârnah in Egypt. Progress in the study of the language, the social structure of Canaan at that time and certain historical problems will be reviewed. After an accidental find by a village woman in 1887. Sir William Matthew Flinders Petrie was the first modern scholar to conduct archaeological excavations at the actual site. His work determined the probable spot where the tablets had been deposited when the ancient town was abandoned. Subsequently, Petrie articulated various interpretations of the evidence from the archaeological finds and also from the inscriptions. During the twentieth century, research was continued on all the many facets of these momentous discoveries. The focus in this paper is on the cuneiform epistles, the international and parochial correspondence that involved the Egyptian gov- ernment.* * The present article is an expansion of the ‘2002 Flinders Petrie Oration,’ delivered on behalf of the Australian Institute of Archaeology and the Archaeological Research Unit, The School of Ecology and Environment, Deakin University, Burwood, Victoria, Australia, on 30 August, 2002. A much shorter version had been presented under the title, ‘The ¨Amârnah Tablets — A Late Bronze Age Phenomenon,’ at the Joint Meeting of the Midwest Region of the Society of Biblical Literature, the Middle West Branch of the American Oriental Society and the American Schools of Oriental Research—Midwest, Wheaton, IL., 16-18 February, 1997. -
Opportunism in Contested Lands, B.C. and A.D. Or How Abdi-Ashirta, Aziru, and Padsha Khan Zadran Got Away with Murder
Opportunism in Contested Lands, B.C. and A.D. Or How Abdi-Ashirta, Aziru, and Padsha Khan Zadran Got Away with Murder Ellen F. Morris New York University 'They must not call us warlords,' says Badshah Khan, leaning forward. 'If you call us warlords, we will kill you.'1 It is with a great deal of fondness that I dedicate this offering to David Silverman, who reigned as my own powerful, yet benevolent warlord for a period of eight years or so during the 1990’s. David fought fiercely on behalf of his students, which is something that all afforded his protec- tion and pedagogy appreciated greatly. Several years ago, in an effort to learn more about life in war-torn Afghanistan, I pur- chased a copy of The Bookseller of Kabul by Åsne Seierstad. The narrative focuses on events in the life of the family that she lived with in Kabul in 2002, just following the retreat of the Taliban. In one chapter, however, the action veers seventy or so miles away to the wild, mountainous borderlands that separate Afghanistan from Pakistan. Seierstad writes of encountering a powerful warlord while shadowing a journalist covering Operation Anaconda, the U.S. military’s major offensive against Taliban remnants in southeastern Afghanistan. I will quote the following passage at length, as it evoked for me a strong sense of déjà vu and one of those wonderful—and admittedly uncommon—sensations that the gap of more than three millennia that separates current affairs from those of the Late Bronze Age is not entirely insurmountable. -
Hamath in the Iron Age: the Inscriptions
Syria Archéologie, art et histoire IV | 2016 Le fleuve rebelle Hamath in the Iron age: the Inscriptions John David Hawkins Electronic version URL: http://journals.openedition.org/syria/4887 DOI: 10.4000/syria.4887 ISSN: 2076-8435 Publisher IFPO - Institut français du Proche-Orient Printed version Date of publication: 1 December 2016 Number of pages: 183-190 ISBN: 978-2-35159-725-5 ISSN: 0039-7946 Electronic reference John David Hawkins, « Hamath in the Iron age: the Inscriptions », Syria [Online], IV | 2016, Online since 01 December 2018, connection on 07 May 2020. URL : http://journals.openedition.org/syria/4887 ; DOI : https://doi.org/10.4000/syria.4887 © Presses IFPO HAMATH IN THE IRON AGE: THE INSCRIPTIONS John David HAWKINS Résumé – Les incriptions découvertes à Hamath et sur son territoire et qui documentent ses souverains au début de l’âge du Fer correspondent à une série de monuments en louvite hiéroglyphique datés du XIe au IXe s. av. J.-C., une unique stèle araméenne du VIIIe s. et quatre stèles assyriennes du début et de la fin du VIIIe s. Deux des souverains peuvent être identifiés avec des princes de Hamath nommés dans les inscriptions royales assyriennes, Irhuleni et Zakur, et un autre dans une lettre akkadienne que lui écrivit un roi de Anat sur le moyen Euphrate, Rudamu. Autant de références importantes pour faire le lien entre la chronologie du royaume de Hamath et le système fiable de datation de l’Assyrie. Mots-clés – Hamath, Anat, sources louvites et assyriennes, rois, XXe-VIIIe s., Irhuleni, Zakur, Rudamu Abstract - The inscriptions found in Hamath and its territory documenting its rulers in the early Iron Age include a series of Hieroglyphic Luwian monuments extending from the 11th to 9th cent. -
H 02-UP-011 Assyria Io02
he Hebrew Bible records the history of ancient Israel reign. In three different inscriptions, Shalmaneser III and Judah, relating that the two kingdoms were recounts that he received tribute from Tyre, Sidon, and united under Saul (ca. 1000 B.C.) Jehu, son of Omri, in his 18th year, tand became politically separate fol- usually figured as 841 B.C. Thus, Jehu, lowing Solomon’s death (ca. 935 B.C.). the next Israelite king to whom the The division continued until the Assyrians refer, appears in the same Assyrians, whose empire was expand- order as described in the Bible. But he ing during that period, exiled Israel is identified as ruling a place with a in the late eighth century B.C. different geographic name, Bit Omri But the goal of the Bible was not to (the house of Omri). record history, and the text does not One of Shalmaneser III’s final edi- shy away from theological explana- tions of annals, the Black Obelisk, tions for events. Given this problem- contains another reference to Jehu. In atic relationship between sacred the second row of figures from the interpretation and historical accura- top, Jehu is depicted with the caption, cy, historians welcomed the discovery “Tribute of Iaua (Jehu), son of Omri. of ancient Assyrian cuneiform docu- Silver, gold, a golden bowl, a golden ments that refer to people and places beaker, golden goblets, pitchers of mentioned in the Bible. Discovered gold, lead, staves for the hand of the in the 19th century, these historical king, javelins, I received from him.”As records are now being used by schol- scholar Michele Marcus points out, ars to corroborate and augment the Jehu’s placement on this monument biblical text, especially the Bible’s indicates that his importance for the COPYRIGHT THE BRITISH MUSEUM “historical books” of Kings.