The Biblical View of Tyre
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Planning and Injustice in Tel-Aviv/Jaffa Urban Segregation in Tel-Aviv’S First Decades
Planning and Injustice in Tel-Aviv/Jaffa Urban Segregation in Tel-Aviv’s First Decades Rotem Erez June 7th, 2016 Supervisor: Dr. Stefan Kipfer A Major Paper submitted to the Faculty of Environmental Studies in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master in Environmental Studies, York University, Toronto, Ontario, Canada Student Signature: _____________________ Supervisor Signature:_____________________ Contents Contents .................................................................................................................................................... 1 Table of Figures ......................................................................................................................................... 3 Abstract .............................................................................................................................................4 Foreword ...........................................................................................................................................6 Introduction ......................................................................................................................................9 Chapter 1: A Comparative Study of the Early Years of Colonial Casablanca and Tel-Aviv ..................... 19 Introduction ............................................................................................................................................ 19 Historical Background ............................................................................................................................ -
T C K a P R (E F C Bc): C P R
ELECTRUM * Vol. 23 (2016): 25–49 doi: 10.4467/20800909EL.16.002.5821 www.ejournals.eu/electrum T C K A P R (E F C BC): C P R S1 Christian Körner Universität Bern For Andreas Mehl, with deep gratitude Abstract: At the end of the eighth century, Cyprus came under Assyrian control. For the follow- ing four centuries, the Cypriot monarchs were confronted with the power of the Near Eastern empires. This essay focuses on the relations between the Cypriot kings and the Near Eastern Great Kings from the eighth to the fourth century BC. To understand these relations, two theoretical concepts are applied: the centre-periphery model and the concept of suzerainty. From the central perspective of the Assyrian and Persian empires, Cyprus was situated on the western periphery. Therefore, the local governing traditions were respected by the Assyrian and Persian masters, as long as the petty kings fulfi lled their duties by paying tributes and providing military support when requested to do so. The personal relationship between the Cypriot kings and their masters can best be described as one of suzerainty, where the rulers submitted to a superior ruler, but still retained some autonomy. This relationship was far from being stable, which could lead to manifold mis- understandings between centre and periphery. In this essay, the ways in which suzerainty worked are discussed using several examples of the relations between Cypriot kings and their masters. Key words: Assyria, Persia, Cyprus, Cypriot kings. At the end of the fourth century BC, all the Cypriot kingdoms vanished during the wars of Alexander’s successors Ptolemy and Antigonus, who struggled for control of the is- land. -
HIRAM of TYRE and SOLOMON Edward Lipiński University Of
HIRAM OF TYRE AND SOLOMON Edward Lipiński University of Leuven Josephus Flavius took a particular interest in the relations between Hiram, king of Tyre, and Solomon. Describing their friendly relation- ship, maintained on a basis of equality, Josephus undoubtedly aimed at underscoring the importance of Solomon in the eyes of his non- Jewish readers, he was addressing in Jewish Antiquities, followed soon by Against Apion. 1. Josephus and His Sources The sources of Josephus were not only the biblical Books of Kings and the Books of the Chronicles, but also some Hellenistic historiogra- phers of the 2nd c. BCE, like Menander of Ephesus, Dius, and Eupo- lemus. Menander and Dius quote translated extracts from the Tyrian annals, while Eupolemus’ work contains letters allegedly exchanged between Hiram and Solomon. Although the writings of Menander and Dius were no primary sources, they were works independent from the Bible and, in consequence, had more appeal for the heathen readers of Josephus. They are unfortunately lost, and the quotations from both authors preserved by Josephus have most likely been excerpted from the History of Phoenicia compiled ca. 70–60 BCE by Alexander Polyhistor,1 who had copied large passages from his predecessors’ writ- ings. Josephus stresses the importance of the Hiram-Solomon relation- ship in his Jewish Antiquities and in the somewhat later booklet Against 1 Alexander Polyhistor, a native of Miletus, an ancient city on the Anatolian shore of the Aegean Sea, compiled excerpts from several Hellenistic historiographers, related to Phoenicia. Preserved fragments of his work have been collected by F. Jacoby (ed.), Fragmente der griechischen Historiker IIIA (Berlin: Weidmann, 1940) 96–121, with a commentary F. -
2 the Assyrian Empire, the Conquest of Israel, and the Colonization of Judah 37 I
ISRAEL AND EMPIRE ii ISRAEL AND EMPIRE A Postcolonial History of Israel and Early Judaism Leo G. Perdue and Warren Carter Edited by Coleman A. Baker LONDON • NEW DELHI • NEW YORK • SYDNEY 1 Bloomsbury T&T Clark An imprint of Bloomsbury Publishing Plc Imprint previously known as T&T Clark 50 Bedford Square 1385 Broadway London New York WC1B 3DP NY 10018 UK USA www.bloomsbury.com Bloomsbury, T&T Clark and the Diana logo are trademarks of Bloomsbury Publishing Plc First published 2015 © Leo G. Perdue, Warren Carter and Coleman A. Baker, 2015 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, recording, or any information storage or retrieval system, without prior permission in writing from the publishers. Leo G. Perdue, Warren Carter and Coleman A. Baker have asserted their rights under the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act, 1988, to be identified as Authors of this work. No responsibility for loss caused to any individual or organization acting on or refraining from action as a result of the material in this publication can be accepted by Bloomsbury or the authors. British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library. ISBN: HB: 978-0-56705-409-8 PB: 978-0-56724-328-7 ePDF: 978-0-56728-051-0 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library. Typeset by Forthcoming Publications (www.forthpub.com) 1 Contents Abbreviations vii Preface ix Introduction: Empires, Colonies, and Postcolonial Interpretation 1 I. -
Three Conquests of Canaan
ÅA Wars in the Middle East are almost an every day part of Eero Junkkaala:of Three Canaan Conquests our lives, and undeniably the history of war in this area is very long indeed. This study examines three such wars, all of which were directed against the Land of Canaan. Two campaigns were conducted by Egyptian Pharaohs and one by the Israelites. The question considered being Eero Junkkaala whether or not these wars really took place. This study gives one methodological viewpoint to answer this ques- tion. The author studies the archaeology of all the geo- Three Conquests of Canaan graphical sites mentioned in the lists of Thutmosis III and A Comparative Study of Two Egyptian Military Campaigns and Shishak and compares them with the cities mentioned in Joshua 10-12 in the Light of Recent Archaeological Evidence the Conquest stories in the Book of Joshua. Altogether 116 sites were studied, and the com- parison between the texts and the archaeological results offered a possibility of establishing whether the cities mentioned, in the sources in question, were inhabited, and, furthermore, might have been destroyed during the time of the Pharaohs and the biblical settlement pe- riod. Despite the nature of the two written sources being so very different it was possible to make a comparative study. This study gives a fresh view on the fierce discus- sion concerning the emergence of the Israelites. It also challenges both Egyptological and biblical studies to use the written texts and the archaeological material togeth- er so that they are not so separated from each other, as is often the case. -
THROUGH the BIBLE ISAIAH 15-19 in the Bible God Judges Individuals, and Families, and Churches, and Cities, and Even Nations…
THROUGH THE BIBLE ISAIAH 15-19 ! In the Bible God judges individuals, and families, and churches, and cities, and even nations… I would assume He also judges businesses, and labor unions, and school systems, and civic groups, and athletic associations - all of life is God’s domain. Starting in Isaiah 13, God launches a series of judgments against the Gentile nations of his day. Making Isaiah’s list are Babylon, Assyria, Philistia, Moab, Ethiopia, Egypt, Edom, Tyre, and Syria. Tonight we’ll study God’s burden against the nations. ! Isaiah 15 begins, “The burden against Moab…” Three nations bordered Israel to the east - Moab, Edom, and Ammon. Today this area makes up the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan - a pro-Western monarchy with its capitol city of Amman - or Ammon. ! Today, it’s fashionable to research your roots - track down the family tree. Websites like Ancestry.com utilize the power of the Internet to uncover your genealogy. For some folks this is a fun and meaningful pastime. For me, I’ve always been a little leery… I suspect I’m from a long line of horse thieves and swindlers. I’m not sure I want to know my ancestry. This is probably how most Moabites felt regarding their progenitors… ! The Moabites were a people with some definite skeletons in the closest! Their family tree had root rot. Recently, I read of a Michigan woman who gave her baby up for adoption. Sixteen years later she tracked him down on FB… only to get romantically involved. She had sex with her son… Obviously this gal is one sick pup. -
EDOM and COPPER Photo by Mohammad Najjar Mohammad by Photo Photo by Thomas E
Edom& Copper The Emergence of Ancient Israel’s Rival Thomas E. L E v y a n d m ohammad Najjar Did King David do battle with the Edomites? The Bible says he did. It would be unlikely, however, if Edom was not yet a sufficiently complex society to organize and field an army, if Edom was just some nomadic Bedouin tribes roaming around looking for pastures and water for their sheep and goats. Until recently, many scholars took this position: In David’s time Edom was at most a simple pastoral society.1 This gave fuel to those scholars who insisted that ancient DUBY TAL / Israel (or rather, Judah) likewise did not ALBATROSS develop into a state until a century or more 24 BI B LICA L ARCHAEOLOGY REVIEW • JULY/AUGUST 2006 JULY/AUGUST 2006 • BI B LICA L ARCHAEOLOGY REVIEW 25 EDOM AND COPPER PHOTO BY MOHAMMAD NAJJAR PHOTO BY THOMAS E. LEVY after David’s time. Ancient Israel, they argued, explore the role of early mining and metallurgy on r PILES OF RUBBLE (opposite) bestride the outline of a large e v was just like the situation east of the Jordan—no i square fortress and more than 100 smaller buildings at social evolution from the beginnings of agriculture R AMMON n complex societies in Ammon, Moab or Edom. a Khirbat en-Nahas in the Edomite lowlands of Jordan. The and sedentary village life from the Pre-pottery d r According to this school of thought, David was o Neolithic period (c. 8500 B.C.E.) to the Iron Age J massive black mounds are slag, a waste product of the Jerusalem not really a king, but a chieftain of a few simple SEA copper-smelting process, indicating that large-scale copper (1200–500 B.C.E.) in Jordan. -
OF EZEKIEL Ezekiel 26–28
Dr. J. Paul Tanner Old Testament III Ezek 26–28: Tyre Oracles SESSION SEVENTEEN THE "TYRE ORACLES" OF EZEKIEL Ezekiel 26–28 I. THE INTERPRETATIVE PROBLEM Chapters 26–28 of Ezekiel, dealing with the oracle against Tyre, occur in the context of chapters 25– 32 in what is often referred to as the "doom oracles." In this series of oracles, God speaks judgment against several neighboring nations of Israel. One people group that receives extended treatment is the city of Tyre (26–28). The concluding chapter to this segment (ch 28) singles out the leader(s) of Tyre for special condemnation. The one who is addressed as the “king of Tyre” in 28:11-19 has received particular attention because of the many superhuman things said of him. Various solutions have been proposed: (1) Ezekiel was describing Tyre's human king who served as the representative (a "guardian cherub") for Tyre's patron deity Mekart;1 (2) Ezekiel was describing the pagan "god" behind the king of Tyre and who empowered the human king (possibly Baal); (3) Ezekiel was describing Tyre's king, Ethbaal in highly poetic language, comparing him with Adam (so Merrill2); and (4) Ezekiel was actually referring to Satan (several conservative interpreters including Chafer, Feinberg, and Ryrie take this view). Most all admit that this is one of the more difficult passages in the OT to interpret, and the problem is compounded by the fact that the figure in view is never designated specifically by name in the text. Yet this is not a moot question, because the answer we give to this has a bearing on our theology of Satan. -
Jaffa's Ancient Inland Harbor: Historical, Cartographic, and Geomorphological Data ������������������������� 89 Aaron A
c hapter 4 Jaffa’s ancient inland harbor: historical,cartographic, and geomorphological data a aron a. burke,1 shelley wachsmann,2 simona avnaim-katav,3 richard k. dunn,4 krister kowalski,5 george a. pierce,6 and martin peilstöcker7 1UniversityofCalifornia,Los Angeles; 2Te xasA&M; 3UniversityofCalifornia, LosAngeles; 4Norwich University; 5Johannes GutenbergUniversity; 6BrighamYoung University; 7Humboldt Universität zu Berlin Thecontext created by recent studies of thegeomorphologyofLevantine harborsand renewedarchaeologicalresearchinthe Late Bronze AgelevelsofTel Yafo (Jaffa) by theJaffa Cultural Heritage Projecthaveled to efforts to identifythe location of apossible inland Bronze andIronAge harbor at Jaffa, Israel.Althoughseveral scholarsduring thetwentieth centuryspeculatedabout theexistenceand location of an ancient inlandharbor, theextent of theproxy data in supportofits identification hasnever been fullyassessed. Nonetheless, a range of historical, cartographic, arthistorical,topographical, andgeomorphologicaldata can be summoned thatpoint to theexistenceofabodyofwater thatlay to theeastofthe settle- ment andmound of ancient Jaffa. This feature is likely avestige of Jaffa’searliestanchorage or harbor andprobablywentout of usebythe startofthe Hellenisticperiod. slongasbiblicalscholars, archaeologists, always directly relatedtoits declineasaport(see historians,and geographershaveconcerned historicaloverviews in Peilstöcker andBurke 2011). athemselves with Jaffa, itsidentityhas revolved Jaffa’seclipse by anotherportisfirstattestedwiththe -
Early Jaffa: from the Bronze Age to the Persian Period
C HA pt ER 6 EARLY JAFFA: FROM THE BRONZE AGE TO THE PERSIAN PERIOD A ARON A . B URKE University of California, Los Angeles lthough Jaffa is repeatedly identified featured a natural, deepwater anchorage along its rocky as one of the most important ports of the western side. A natural breakwater is formed by a ridge, Asouthern Levantine coast during the Bronze located about 200 m from the western edge of the Bronze and Iron Ages, limited publication of its archaeological Age settlement, that can still be seen today.2 remains and equally limited consideration of its his- Although a geomorphological study has yet to be torical role have meant that a review of its historical undertaken, a number of factors indicate that an estuary significance is still necessary. Careful consideration of existed to the east of the site and functioned as the early Jaffa’s geographic location, its role during the Bronze harbor of Jaffa (see Hanauer 1903a, 1903b).3 The data and Iron Ages, and its continued importance until the for this include: (1) a depression that collected water early twentieth century C.E. reveal that its emergence to the south of the American (later German) colony as an important settlement and port was no accident. known as the Baasah (Clermont-Ganneau 1874:103; This essay reviews, therefore, the evidence for Jaffa’s see also Hanauer 1903b:258–260) (see also Figure 13.1 foundation and subsequent role from the Early Bronze and Figure 13.2); (2) a wall identified as a seawall that Age through the coming of Alexander at the end of the was encountered at some depth within this depression Persian period. -
The Status of Jaffa in the First Century of the Current Era
The Status of Jaffa in the First Century of the Current Era S. Applebaum A group of three Greek inscriptions recently published by Dr. Ya’akov Kaplan1 raises a number of questions relating to the status and history of Jaffa in the earlier period of the Roman Empire. The three inscriptions are nominally uniform, but were written in very careless lettering, two of them certainly by a semiliterate, being mere test sketches on moulds in which inscribed weights were to be cast. No. 2, however, was sufficiently clear to enable the text to be read, and to show that all three reflected one formula.2 The main point is that each ends with the name and function of a Jewish official — Judah the agoranomos, son of Zozomus (?). Not less important are the two signs opening the common formula; each of these represents the well-known sign Ἔ’, which stands for ‘Year’ in numerous Greek inscriptions,3 and is invariably followed by a figure. On inscription No. 2 this is Θ, i.e. year 9; No. 7 is a botched version of the same date; Θ is here represented by ‘O’. The figure on No. 3, on the other hand, is Δ , i.e. year 4. As the inscriptions begin with the name of the emperor Trajan, the years concerned are the fourth and ninth of his reign, i.e. 101/2 and 106/7. Dr. Kaplan has drawn my attention to the horizontal line or bar above the Ἔ’ sign, and, in his opinion, connected with it, as it commences the first line of the second inscription, numbered by him as ‘2’ (Plate 68, No. -
Hiram, King of Tyre
HIRAM, KING OF TYRE Presented at William O. Ware Lodge of Research by Edwin L. Vardiman April 10, 1986 The name of Hiram, King of Tyre, brings recognition to all of us here tonight. As Master Masons we are aware of this man who is known as a friend of the Illustrious King Solomon, and who has a major part in the events portrayed in the Legend of the Temple. Who was this man who was in the confidence of King Solomon? What had he done, as the king of a neighboring country, to be so valuable to the Kingdom of Israel? Was he a true and living person whose life and reign were recorded in history, or was he merely a convenient symbol for the early playwright who developed the much beloved portrayal of the events in the Master Mason Degree? For a few minutes, let’s attempt to answer these questions as we think upon the connection of Hiram, King of Tyre, to our Fraternity. What of the country of Tyre? It was a real country and one that made considerable contributions to our civilization. Its origins extend back into the dim beginnings of history, and it had influence far greater than its size indicates on the ancient Mediterranean world, our language and even our world today. Tyre’s name reflects the foundation of its island existence. The basic meaning of the word “Tyre,” going back through the Greek and Hebrew words, means “rock.” Although the first settlement was on the eastern Mediterranean shore, in what is now southern Lebanon, the city did not emerge into a thriving commercial center until after it was constructed on two rock islands of no more than half a mile wide.