DOCSLIB.ORG

Challenges and Opportunities in the Iran- Pakistan Relationship-2015

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Challenges and Opportunities in the Iran- Pakistan Relationship-2015 Challenges and Opportunities in the Iran- Pakistan Relationship-2015 Monthly Background Report Submitted by the NUST Research Team GCC and Iran October 15, 2015 NUST Research Team Monthly Background Paper 15-10-2015 Table of Contents 1. Abstract…………………………1 2. Analysis of the Issue……………………........2 3. Chapter 1: Analyzing the Intricacies of the Iran/Pakistan relationship………………………4 Section 1.1: Impact of divergent foreign policies on the status of trade………………………….6 4. Chapter 2: Illegal Trade and the Porous Sistan/ Balochistan/ Balochistan Border………………8 5. Chapter 3: Prospects and Challenges for the Iran/ Pakistan Gas pipeline…………………...10 Section 3.1: Unit Pricing……………………..10 Section 3.2: Pipeline Politics………………...13 6. Chapter 4: Terrorism and Border Skirmishes.15 Section 4.1: Countering Baloch Separatists….16 Section 4.2: Sectarianism as Divisive tactics...17 Section 4.3: Afghanistan Quagmire………………………..18 Section 4.4: Wider Geopolitics and their bearing on the Iran/ Pakistan relationship………………………19 7. Conclusion………………………20 8. Policy Recommendations……………….21 2 List of Acronyms and Abbreviations: IPI- Iran Pakistan Gas Pipeline RCD- Regional cooperation for Development CENTO- Central Treaty Organization NATO- North Atlantic Treaty Organization ISAF- International Security Assistance Force JCPOA- Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action IAEA- International Atomic Energy Agency JEC- Joint Economic Commission MBTU- Million British Thermal Units ICRO- Islamic Culture and Relations Organization TTP- Tehrik I Taliban Pakistan NUST Research Team Monthly Background Paper 15-10-2015 Abstract: There are considerable amount of challenges which needed to be surmounted in order for the Iranian-Pakistan relationship to blossom. Historically, the relationship has been defined in terms of a divergence of alliances and national interests instead of strategic convergence despite shared historical and cultural values between both nations. Iran was one of the first states to recognize the sovereign status of Pakistan in 1947 and simultaneously, Pakistan became one of the first states recognize the Islamic Regime in Iran after the 1979 revolution1. The subsequent turmoil in Pakistan due to military coups as well as the fragility of democracy has had a bearing on the relationship where different governments have aligned itself with the Iranian regime. The relationship has also been held hostage to Pakistan’s alliance with the United States and Saudi Arabia as opposed to Iran, which had chosen not to ally itself with the West after the revolution, Hence, differing narratives on the status of Afghanistan during the 1979 war, to close economic and defense cooperation between Pakistan and Saudi Arabia. Due to the complications of this relationship it is imperative to examine the everlasting challenges which both states encounter which hinder their ability to cooperate bilaterally. An examination of recent history would aid that process, where opportunities and challenges can be examined and explored so that adequate policy recommendations can be formulated to deal with those challenges and cash in on those opportunities. 1 Alam Shah, Iran Pakistan Relations: Political and Strategic Dimensions, Strategic Analysis Vol. 28, No. 4, 2004 p.546. 4 NUST Research Team Monthly Background Paper 15-10-2015 Analysis of the Issue: Recent history has suggested that prospects for cooperation have been promising, despite the civil/ military conundrums in Pakistan and the Iranian regime’s reservations over Pakistan’s alliance with the United States and Saudi Arabia, which Iran views with skepticism and suspicion. The relationship with Iran during the Shah regime for example, focused primarily on the convergence of strategic interests where both states were founding members of CENTO or the Baghdad Pact which was formed in 19552. Trilateral initiatives have also included regional forums such as the RCD or the Regional Cooperation of Development which was established in 1964. After the Shah regime was deposed and the 1979 Islamic revolution took place, Pakistan found itself balancing its foreign policy with Iran and the United States with the exception of the 1979 Soviet invasion of Afghanistan where the country under General Zia Ul Haq was averse to the idea of the Northern Alliance to cement its position as the legitimate government of Afghanistan and instead opted to support the Taliban which was recognized by states such as Saudi Arabia and the United States along with Pakistan. These overtures by the Pakistani government and the everlasting sectarian violence as a result of Pakistan’s alliance with the Taliban under successive civilian and military governments had resulted in souring of ties between both countries, where trust deficits widened over Pakistan’s alleged support for Sunni Extremist groups to Pakistan’s long held view that Iran, like many states in the Middle East, is fomenting sectarian discord within its borders. The post 2001 era in Iran Pakistan relations has resulted in more divergence instead of convergence of strategic interests. Pakistan became an active ally in the US led War on Terror with the objective of dismantling the Al Qaeda becoming a top priority under the military government of General Pervez Musharraf. Iran on the other hand was focused more on ensuring that it continues to pursue a policy of neutrality instead of outright support for NATO and ISAF led forces inside Afghan territory. 2 Ibid. 5 NUST Research Team Monthly Background Paper 15-10-2015 However, these differing foreign policy overtures does not detract from the fact that the Iranian/ Pakistani relationship has not been bogged down or hijacked completely and cooperation on multiple fronts has continued over an array of different issues on diverse forums ranging from state level talks, foreign minister visits to dialogues stressing on economic cooperation. In 2008, there was great emphasis placed on the Iran Pakistan Gas Pipeline project which was previously held hostage to geopolitical dynamics and global power alliances. The respective governments of Mahmoud Ahmadinejad and General Pervez Musharraf had decided reignite the project which had been subject to delays as well as unit cost issues3. Such bilateral dialogues, or mechanisms for ensuring cooperation have continued, which is extremely relevant in present times where the Western states continue to engage with Iran regarding its enrichment activities and consider solutions to curb Iran’s status as a nuclear power of which the JCPOA, P5+1 Nuclear Deal is noteworthy. Under the agreement, Iran as a state which was previously riddled with sanctions because of its economic program would benefit from a waiver subject to efforts aimed at curbing its enrichment activities, as well as allowing invasive IAEA inspections and signing the Additional Protocol4. The purpose of this monthly background paper would be to explore these prospects through which Pakistan and Iran can enhance their cooperation presently, where developments such as the Iranian regime’s historic negotiations with the West and Pakistan’s first democratic transition during the 2013 elections present a plethora of issues, challenges as well as prospects. In international relations, realism trumps all other considerations given that the states are essentially rational actors which explore avenues of cooperation with one another based upon their own national interests. The paper will provide a historical background and include secondary sources of information regarding the Iran/ Pakistan relationship and its major developments as well as dwell into the intricacies of the prospects. 3 Tehran Times, 2008, Pakistan, Iran Finalize Gas Pipeline Deal, APP, Tehran. 4 Project on Middle East Political Science, Iran and the Nuclear Deal, POMEPS Studies, 13, 2015. pp. 24-35. 6 NUST Research Team Monthly Background Paper 15-10-2015 Chapter 1- Analyzing the Intricacies of the Iran/ Pakistan Relationship: The Iran Pakistan relationship dates back to 1947 when Iran was one of the first states to recognize the sovereign state of Pakistan. Both states are unique in their disposition, where presently Pakistan is a recognized nuclear power which has been grappling with internal power struggles between the civilian government and the military, while Iran has emerged from its largely secular regime under Mohammad Raza Pahlavi also known as the Shah to an Islamic theocratic state after the 1979 Revolution. These developments are crucial in understanding the significance of the relationship, given that differing foreign policy objectives have had a bearing on prospects for economic cooperation between both states. Similarly the souring of ties can also be attributed to differences over alliances where the US and Saudi Arabian alliance with Pakistan over its foreign policy decisions stood in stark contrast to the Post 1979 Iran which focused on disengagement with the West. However, alliances alone do not explain impediments towards bilateral economic cooperation and outstanding issues such as drug trafficking and cross border terrorism have had a bearing on widening trust deficits between both states. The stability of Afghanistan is another example, where conflicting narratives on ensuring security in the restive country have been a feature of Iranian Pakistani ties, where support for the Northern Alliance by Iran during the 1979 Soviet invasion of Afghanistan was at loggerheads over Pakistan’s support for the Taliban5. The porous border between the Sistan Balochistan and Balochistan province
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Iran COI Compilation September 2013
    Iran COI Compilation September 2013 ACCORD is co-funded by the European Refugee Fund, UNHCR and the Ministry of the Interior, Austria. Commissioned by the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, Division of International Protection. UNHCR is not responsible for, nor does it endorse, its content. Any views expressed are solely those of the author. ACCORD - Austrian Centre for Country of Origin & Asylum Research and Documentation Iran COI Compilation September 2013 This report serves the specific purpose of collating legally relevant information on conditions in countries of origin pertinent to the assessment of claims for asylum. It is not intended to be a general report on human rights conditions. The report is prepared on the basis of publicly available information, studies and commentaries within a specified time frame. All sources are cited and fully referenced. This report is not, and does not purport to be, either exhaustive with regard to conditions in the country surveyed, or conclusive as to the merits of any particular claim to refugee status or asylum. Every effort has been made to compile information from reliable sources; users should refer to the full text of documents cited and assess the credibility, relevance and timeliness of source material with reference to the specific research concerns arising from individual applications. © Austrian Red Cross/ACCORD An electronic version of this report is available on www.ecoi.net. Austrian Red Cross/ACCORD Wiedner Hauptstraße 32 A- 1040 Vienna, Austria Phone: +43 1 58 900 – 582 E-Mail: [email protected] Web: http://www.redcross.at/accord ACCORD is co-funded by the European Refugee Fund, UNHCR and the Ministry of the Interior, Austria.
    [Show full text]
  • Iran's Balancing Act in Afghanistan
    CHILDREN AND FAMILIES The RAND Corporation is a nonprofit institution that helps improve policy and EDUCATION AND THE ARTS decisionmaking through research and analysis. ENERGY AND ENVIRONMENT HEALTH AND HEALTH CARE This electronic document was made available from www.rand.org as a public service INFRASTRUCTURE AND of the RAND Corporation. TRANSPORTATION INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS LAW AND BUSINESS Skip all front matter: Jump to Page 16 NATIONAL SECURITY POPULATION AND AGING PUBLIC SAFETY Support RAND SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY Browse Reports & Bookstore TERRORISM AND Make a charitable contribution HOMELAND SECURITY For More Information Visit RAND at www.rand.org Explore the RAND National Defense Research Institute View document details Limited Electronic Distribution Rights This document and trademark(s) contained herein are protected by law as indicated in a notice appearing later in this work. This electronic representation of RAND intellectual property is provided for non- commercial use only. Unauthorized posting of RAND electronic documents to a non-RAND website is prohibited. RAND electronic documents are protected under copyright law. Permission is required from RAND to reproduce, or reuse in another form, any of our research documents for commercial use. For information on reprint and linking permissions, please see RAND Permissions. This product is part of the RAND Corporation occasional paper series. RAND occa- sional papers may include an informed perspective on a timely policy issue, a discussion of new research methodologies, essays, a paper presented at a conference, a conference summary, or a summary of work in progress. All RAND occasional papers undergo rigorous peer review to ensure that they meet high standards for research quality and objectivity.
    [Show full text]
  • Pakistan: Violence Vs. Stability
    PAKISTAN: VIOLENCE VS. STABILITY A National Net Assessment Varun Vira and Anthony H. Cordesman Arleigh A. Burke Chair in Strategy [email protected] Working Draft: 5 May 2011 Please send comments and suggested revisions and additions to [email protected] Vira & Cordesman: Pakistan: Violence & Stability 3/5/11 ii Executive Summary As the events surrounding the death of Osama Bin Laden make all too clear, Pakistan is passing through one of the most dangerous periods of instability in its history. This instability goes far beyond Al Qa‟ida, the Taliban, and the war in Afghanistan. A net assessment of the patterns of violence and stability indicate that Pakistan is approaching a perfect storm of threats, including rising extremism, a failing economy, chronic underdevelopment, and an intensifying war, resulting in unprecedented political, economic and social turmoil. The Burke Chair at CSIS has developed an working draft of a net assessment that addresses each of these threats and areas of internal violence in depth, and does so within in the broader context of the religious, ideological, ethnic, sectarian, and tribal causes at work; along with Pakistan‟s problems in ideology, politics, governance, economics and demographics. The net assessment shows that these broad patterns of violence in Pakistan have serious implications for Pakistan‟s future, for regional stability, and for core US interests. Pakistan remains a central node in global counterterrorism. Osama Bin Laden was killed deep inside Pakistan in an area that raises deep suspicion about what Pakistani intelligence, senior military officers and government officials did and did not know about his presence – and the presence of other major terrorists and extremist like Sheik Mullah Omar and the “Quetta Shura Taliban.” Pakistan pursues its own agenda in Afghanistan in ways that provide the equivalent of cross- border sanctuary for Taliban and Haqqani militants, and that prolong the fighting and cause serious US, ISAF, and Afghan casualties.
    [Show full text]
  • The Baluch Insurgency: Linking Iran to Pakistan by Zia Ur Rehman
    Report May 2014 The Baluch insurgency: linking Iran to Pakistan By Zia Ur Rehman Executive summary The Sistan and Baluchistan Province of Iran has long been associated with instability and armed conflict. The two million largely Sunni Muslim Baluch living in the province have suffered sustained racist persecution and discrimination in predominantly Shia and Persian-speaking Iran. Analysts claim that lack of development and cultural and religious repression in Sistan and Baluchistan have encouraged popular support for the insurgency among the Baluch community. Iran claims that the main bases of the two main Baluch insurgents groups, Jundullah and Jaish-ul Adl, are in Pakistan’s Baluchistan Province, which shares a 1,165-kilometre border with Iran. Iranian forces are increasingly carrying out cross-border attacks against these groups, straining relations between Iran and Pakistan and possibly fuelling sectarian violence in both countries. Pakistan is battling its own Baluch separatist insurgency. It is feared that the mistreatment of the Baluch community on both sides of the border could lead to an alliance between religiously motivated anti-Iranian Sunni militant groups and the various secular Pakistani Baluch separatist groups. Iranian Baluch militants groups are not only causing an increasing internal security crisis in Iran, but are also threatening to become the key to the survival of the Taliban on the Iran-Pakistan-Afghanistan border. The Baluch in Iran and Pakistan: Persian state in Iran that enshrined ethnic suppression, historical context forcing the Baluch community to fight to protect their rights The Baluch are the indigenous people of the Baluchistan under Iranian rule (UNPO, 2010).
    [Show full text]
  • Examining the Response of Baloch Sunnis to the Ethno-Religious Policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran
    Turkish Journal of Middle Eastern Studies ISSN: 2147-7523, E-ISSN: 2630-5631 Vol: 6, No: 1, pp. 55-84 Received: 14.11.2018 Accepted: 14.05.2019 DOI: 10.26513/tocd.482859 examining the response of Baloch sunnis to the ethno-religious Policy of the ıslamic republic of ıran * Hadi Gamshadzehifar & **Abdolmoghset Banikamal abstract This study investigates the response of the Baloch Sunni ethno-religious minorty towards the assimilationist approach of the Islamic Republic of Iran. It argues that the Iranian theocratic political system uses an assimilationist approach and tries to assimilate the Baloch-Sunni into Shia Persain dominated ethno-religious group; but, this policy has been resisted by different strata of the society. The study finds that although there is a general consensus among the Baloch Sunnis to uphold their ethno-religious values, each segment of the Baloch Sunni society is combatting the central government’s ethno-religious policy on its own way depending on the means available, ranging from cultural efforts to political and military activities. keywords: Baloch Sunnis, Ethno-Religious Assimilation, Islamic Republic of Iran, Shia * Dr., Al-Madinah International University, Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia, orcid.org/0000- 0002-3924-8113, [email protected] ** Dr., Ankara Yildirim Beyazit University, TR, Department of International Relations, orcid.org/0000-0001-7804-5741, [email protected] 55 Türkiye Ortadoğu Çalışmaları Dergisi ISSN: 2147-7523, E-ISSN: 2630-5631 Cilt: 6, Sayı: 1, ss. 55-84 Geliş Tarihi: 14.11.2018 Kabul Tarihi: 14.05.2019 DOI: 10.26513/tocd.482859 Beluci sünnilerin İran İslam Cumhuriyeti’nin etno-dini Politikasına karşı Tepkilerinin İncelenmesi * Hadi Gamshadzehifar & ** Abdolmoghset Banikamal Öz Bu çalışma, Beluci-Sünni etnik azınlığının İran İslam Cumhuriyeti’nin asimilasyon temelli yaklaşımına karşı tepkisini incelemektedir.
    [Show full text]
  • The Impact of Afghanistan, Pakistan, India, and Central Asia
    Iran, Afghanistan, Pakistan, and Central Asia June 26, 2012 i US AND IRANIAN STRATEGIC COMPETITION: The Impact of Afghanistan, Pakistan, India, and Central Asia By Robert M. Shelala II, Nori Kasting, and Anthony H. Cordesman June 26, 2013 Anthony H. Cordesman Arleigh A. Burke Chair in Strategy [email protected] Iran, Afghanistan, Pakistan, and Central Asia June 26, 2012 ii Acknowledgements Sam Khazai and Sean Mann made important contributions to this analysis. Iran, Afghanistan, Pakistan, and Central Asia June 26, 2012 iii Executive Summary Security and stability in Central and South Asia are driven by regional tensions and quarrels, and the internal instability of regional states. Weak governance and corruption are major problems in every state in the region, along with state barriers to economic growth and development and – in most cases – under investment in education, health, and infrastructure. Very young populations face major unemployment and underemployment problems and income distribution is badly unbalanced, and on sharply favors the ruling power elite. Ethic, tribal, and sectarian tensions compound these problems, and in many cases, so do internal and external threats from Islamic extremists and the growing tensions between Sunni and Shi‟ite. The tensions between the US and Iran have been peripheral to these forces and are likely to remain so – particularly since the US is largely leaving Afghanistan and has steadily declined strategic interest in Pakistan and Central Asia as well. The one exception that might sharply increase US and Iranian competition would be a contingency where a major confrontation or conflict between the US and Iran that began in the Gulf – or outside Central and South Asia – led Iran to be far more aggressive in attacking or challenge UDS interest in the region.
    [Show full text]
  • Sunni Militants in Iran: Activities, Ideological Sources and Political
    International Research Journal of Social Sciences______________________________________ ISSN 2319–3565 Vol. 4(3), 79-87, March (2015) Int. Res. J. Social Sci. Sunni Militants in Iran: Activities, Ideological Sources and Political Strategies Noraiee Hoshang Hoshang Noraiee Taught International Political Economy-University of Westminster, London, UNITED KINGDOM Available online at: www.isca.in Received 27 th December 2014, revised 31 st January 2015, accepted 5th March 2015 Abstract In this article the activities, ideological and strategic characters of militant Sunni groups in Southeast Iran will be investigated. It will be argued that their ability to survive and their capacity for popularity and action, to a large extent, is associated with strong sense of alienation among the Sunnis in the area, as well as their ethnic and religious networks which exist across borders. These factors have strengthened their positions in the wake of turbulent conditions in adjacent countries, particularly in Pakistan and Afghanistan. The militant groups in the area are not homogeneous and vary from quietists and ethnic-religious nationalists to sectarian and global-oriented Jihadists. Nearly all these militants in the marginal corner of Southeast Iran have adopted a strong anti-Shia approach, which was influenced politically and ideologically by radical Deobandis as well as Wahabbis and Salafists. Their strategies have shifted overtime but mostly focused on near enemy. With serious threats imposed by ISIS along western borders, the Shia regime in Iran has become more aware of the dimension of problems in Southeast Iran, particularly the area of Sistan and Baluchistan Keywords: Iran, Afghanistan, Sistan and Baluchistan, Pakistan, US, NATO, Taliban, al Qaeda, jihadist, Jondollah, Jaish-e- Adl, Sunni, Shia, Laskar-e- Janguhi.
    [Show full text]
  • Iran's Troubled Relations to Aghanistan and Pakistan
    DIIS REPORT 2011:03 DIIS REPORT STRAINED ALLIANCES IRAN’s TROUBLED RELATIONS TO AFGHANISTAN AND PAKISTAN Janne Bjerre Christensen DIIS REPORT 2011:03 DIIS REPORT DIIS . DANISH INSTITUTE FOR INTERNATIONAL STUDIES 1 DIIS REPORT 2011:03 © Copenhagen 2011, Janne Bjerre Christensen and DIIS Danish Institute for International Studies, DIIS Strandgade 56, DK-1401 Copenhagen, Denmark Ph: +45 32 69 87 87 Fax: +45 32 69 87 00 E-mail: [email protected] Web: www.diis.dk Cover photo: XINHUA / EYEVINE / Polfoto Iran Interior Minister Mostafa Mohammad Najjar (front L) attends a press conference with his Afghan counterpart Basmillah Mohammadi (front R) in Kabul, Afghanistan, March 8, 2011 Layout: Allan Lind Jørgensen Printed in Denmark by Vesterkopi AS ISBN 978-87-7605-442-7 Price: DKK 50.00 (VAT included) DIIS publications can be downloaded free of charge from www.diis.dk Hardcopies can be ordered at www.diis.dk This publication is part of DIIS’s Defence and Security Studies project which is funded by a grant from the Danish Ministry of Defence Janne Bjerre Christensen (1973–) is a social anthropologist. She holds a PhD in International Development Studies from Roskilde University (2009), an MA in Social Anthropology from the School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London, and a first degree from the University of Copenhagen. Janne has been working on Iran since the mid 1990s and is the author of Drugs, Deviancy and Democracy in Iran: The Interaction of State and Civil Society, published by I.B. Tauris in 2011 [email protected] 2 DIIS REPORT 2011:03 Contents Abstract 4 1.
    [Show full text]
  • The Stability-Instability Paradox and the Effect of an Iranian Nuclear Weapon on Pakistan‘S Domestic Stability
    The Stability-Instability Paradox and the Effect of an Iranian Nuclear Weapon on Pakistan‘s Domestic Stability Mehreen Ahmed University of Colorado at Boulder Program in International Affairs IAFS 4800-001 Honors in International Affairs April 10, 2013 Committee Members Vicki Hunter ǀ Program in International Affairs Gregory Young ǀ Dept. of Political Science (advisor) Jerry Peterson ǀ Dept. of Physics Abstract Sectarian conflict is a recent phenomenon in Pakistan‘s history. Pakistan lost its secular nature when it underwent a process of Islamization during Zia-ul- Haq‘s rule, which created extremist Sunni militants. The Iranian Revolution and Saudi religious donations also caused the Pakistani population to become more religious and the target of a Saudi-Iranian proxy war. In this thesis, I explore how the stability-instability paradox helps explain why the Saudi-Iranian proxy war will lead to domestic instability and increased sectarian conflict in Pakistan once Iran acquires nuclear weapons. The Saudi-Iranian proxy war has manifested itself in sectarian terms in Pakistan because both countries fund religious schools and militant political organizations. Because Iran and Saudi Arabia are competing for regional hegemony, they have turned Pakistan into a battleground between pro- Saudi Sunni forces and pro-Iran Shiite forces. When Iran acquires nuclear weapons, Pakistani Shiite groups will become aggressive and Iran will become emboldened in its support of unconventional warfare thus leading to domestic instability and increased sectarian
    [Show full text]
  • Pakistan Siyasetini Anlama Kilavuzu
    RAPOR PAKISTAN SIYASETINI ANLAMA KILAVUZU SALİM ÇEVİK PAKISTAN SIYASETINI ANLAMA KILAVUZU COPYRIGHT ©2013 SETA SETA Yayınları XXIII I. Baskı : Mayıs 2013 ISBN : 978-605-4023-24-0 Kapak Tasarımı : M. Fuat Er Tasarım ve Uygulama : Ümare Yazar Fotoğraflar : AA Baskı : Pelin Ofset, Ankara İletişim : SETA Siyaset, Ekonomi ve Toplum Araştırmaları Vakfı Nenehatun Cad. No.66 GOP Çankaya 06700 Ankara Tel: (0 312) 551 21 00 | Faks: (0 312) 551 21 90 www.setav.org | [email protected] PAKISTAN SIYASETINI ANLAMA KILAVUZU Salim Çevik Katkıda Bulunanlar Muhammet Koçak Ahmet Halit Hatip ÖNSÖZ 11 BIRINCI BÖLÜM 13 PAKİSTAN’IN DÜNÜ VE BUGÜNÜ IKINCI BÖLÜM 19 SİYASİ HARİTA ÜÇÜNCÜ BÖLÜM 83 DİNİ HARİTA DÖRDÜNCÜ BÖLÜM 113 ORDU BEŞINCI BÖLÜM 123 PAKİSTAN MEDYASI ALTINCI BÖLÜM 127 İŞ DÜNYASI YEDINCI BÖLÜM 131 PAKİSTAN TOPLUMUNDAKİ DİĞER ÖNEMLİ KİŞİLER İÇİNDEKİLER KISALTMALAR | 11 ÖNSÖZ | 13 1. PAKİSTAN’IN DÜNÜ VE BUGÜNÜ | 15 2. SİYASİ HARİTA | 21 2.1 Ulusal Partiler ve Aktörler | 21 2.1.1 Pakistan People’s Party/ Pakistan Halk Partisi (PPP) | 21 2.1.1.1 Asıf Ali Zerdari | 24 2.1.1.2 Bilavel Butto | 25 2.1.1.3 Yusuf Rıza Gilani | 26 2.1.1.4 Raja Pervez Eşref | 28 2.1.2 Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz/Pakistan Müslüman Birliği-Navaz (PML-N) | 29 2.1.2.1 Navaz Şerif | 31 2.1.2.2 Şahbaz Şerif | 33 2.1.2.3 Nisar Ali Han | 34 2.1.3 Pakistan Tehreek-e Insaf/Pakistan Adalet Hareketi (PTI) | 35 2.1.3.1 İmran Han Niyazi | 37 2.1.3.2 Cavit Haşimi | 38 2.1.3.3 Şah Mahmud Kureyşi | 39 2.1.4 Pakistan Muslim League-Quaid/Pakistan Müslüman Birliği- Quaid (PML-Q) | 40 2.1.4.1 Çaudri
    [Show full text]
  • Repression and Revolt in Balochistan the Uncertainty and Survival of a People’S National Aspirations
    FEATURE Repression and Revolt in Balochistan The Uncertainty and Survival of a People’s National Aspirations ZEUS HANS MENDEZ ife with historical tensions, the region of Balochistan has erupted into insurrections against the Pakistani state since 1948. Convinced of being historically wronged, the Baloch view their fight as one against repression Rand for self- determination. Though residing in the same region, the ethnic iden- tity of the Baloch has remained in sharp contrast to the ultranationalism that defines the Pakistani state. Therefore, the Pakistani security forces, who see many of the Baloch nationalist groups as terrorists, have crushed any opposition or de- mand for reform. This, in addition to a deteriorating human rights scenario has further cemented Baloch opposition against Pakistan. Across the border in Iran, the Baloch face a similar fate, with extreme deprivation and marginalization by the Iranian theocracy. While undoubtedly possessing unique identities and aspi- rations, repression and ignorance on both sides of the border have resulted in a common desire for liberation. However, the fact that an international border separates two distinctive Baloch communities, one motivated by secular aspira- tions and the other by Sunni Islam, any progress toward a unified front is hin- dered. Drawing on such dynamics, this article will seek to highlight the fact that even though the fight for Balochistan is one of international significance, most observers have ignored the situation, leaving the Baloch in a drawn- out insur- gency with no support and an increased feeling of uncertainty. In this context, many have termed the Baloch freedom movement as dying or dead.
    [Show full text]
  • March 2010 No. 42, Volume 4
    ran nvestment TURQUOISE Monthly March 2010 Volume 4, No 42 PARTNERS THIS MONTH HAPPY PERSIAN Market Overview 2 NEW YEAR In February, the Tehran Stock Exchange’s positive per- formance continued on from the previous month. The main 1389 reason was viewed as gains in the global prices of metals and crude oil, following the weakening of the US Dollar. Trade volumes also jumped by 60% this month. Turquoise Iran Equity Investments 4 This section provides data and charts on the performance of all portfolios of Turquoise Iran Equity Investments for the month of February. Country Overview 6 The capture of Abdolmalek Rigi by the Iranian intelligence service and the Mehr housing scheme will be discussed in this section. Economy 8 Iran’s copper industry, the Central Bank’s monetary policy for the coming year, Iran’s free trade agreements and the latest D8 summit will be covered in this section. Iran Investment Monthly is produced by Turquoise Partners, No. 17 East Gord Alley, Turquoise Partners. Distributed electroni- Bidar St., Fayyazi (Fereshteh) Ave. cally by exclusive subscription. Tel : +98 21 220 35 830 Fax : +98 21 220 49 260 Chief Editor: Ramin Rabii Email : [email protected] Consulting Editor: Eddie Kerman To nd out more about Turquoise Partners, Authors: Shervin Shahriari visit our website at: Ali Mashayekhi www.turquoisepartners.com. Haft-Seen table, set up as part of Iranian New Year, Norouz, celebrations Year, Haft-Seen table, set up as part of Iranian New © 2010 All rights reserved Market Overview 2 The Tehran Stock Exchange (TSE) started off slowly in February, but [nished the month on a positive run.
    [Show full text]