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PDF (Volume 3) Durham E-Theses Intention and achievement in La Vie De Saint Thomas Becket by Guernes De Pont-Sainte-Maxence Littlefair, John Robert Siddle How to cite: Littlefair, John Robert Siddle (1980) Intention and achievement in La Vie De Saint Thomas Becket by Guernes De Pont-Sainte-Maxence, Durham theses, Durham University. Available at Durham E-Theses Online: http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/7800/ Use policy The full-text may be used and/or reproduced, and given to third parties in any format or medium, without prior permission or charge, for personal research or study, educational, or not-for-prot purposes provided that: • a full bibliographic reference is made to the original source • a link is made to the metadata record in Durham E-Theses • the full-text is not changed in any way The full-text must not be sold in any format or medium without the formal permission of the copyright holders. Please consult the full Durham E-Theses policy for further details. Academic Support Oce, Durham University, University Oce, Old Elvet, Durham DH1 3HP e-mail: [email protected] Tel: +44 0191 334 6107 http://etheses.dur.ac.uk 2 INTENTION AND ACHIEVEMENT IN LA VIE DB 5AINT THOMAS BECKCT BY GUEREES EE PONT-SAIBTE-MAXENCE A study of the aims of the poet in undertaking his work, of the means and methods "by which he proceeded, and an evaluation of his success in achieving his aims in THREE VOLUMES VOLUME THREE .0 by JOHN ROBERT SIDDLE LITTLEFAIR Submitted for the degree of Master of Arts in the University of Durham. Department of French 1980 The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. No quotation from it should be published without his prior written consent and information derived from it should be acknowledged. 14.MAY19-R4 TABLE OF COBTEMTS VOLTJMS THREE Page Title page 1 Tatle of Contents 2 Declaration 3 Statement of Copywright 4 Chapter seven; The Two Kings: Henry II and Louis VII 5 Chapter eight: Minor Characters in Guemes' poem 77 Chapter nine: The Achievement of the poet 176 Appendix: The Constitutions of Clarendon 231 Notes to Chapters seven to nine 237 Bibliography 242 DECLARATION None of the material contained in this thesis has previously been submitted for a degree in this or any other university by ms or by any other person. STAMPT OF COPXimiSlT The oopywright of this thesis rests with the author. No quotation from it should be published without his prior written consent and information derived from it should be acknowledged. GHAETER SEVEN THE TWO KINGS : HENRY II AND LOUIS VII The intention was stated, at the beginning of the previous chapter, to follow closely the career of Thomas Becket throughout that period of his archbishopric - and this was over#ielmingly the aejor part of it - ^ich he spent in adversity. In it was traced a perceptible and understandable tendency on the part of Giiernes to incline our sympathies towards the archbishop, the sorrow of his plight, the justice of his stance, the piety of his behaviour as he defended what he saw to be the Church's inalienable rights. Horrever, it would yet remain an unbalanced picture if vre were not now to consider the poet's trdatnent of the other major figures in the story of Becket's life, and the first and most inportant of these must obviously be King Henry II. Prom a closer study of Henry's role in Becket's story, and more particularly the way in which the king is depicted by Guernes in his poem,, we can gain a clearer picture of Guernes' treatment of his material and a better evaluation of how well this treatment corresponds to his avowed aims and intentions, which we investigated in Chapter III. Prom a very early stage in Guernes' final version poem we may deduce that in his own mind there exists little doubt concerning the justice of Becket's stance. Indeed, we should be very surprised that he should have undertaken such a work had grave doubts existed. But we must quickly appreciate that this approach at least implies a concomitant belief that King Henry was in the wrong, and Guernes does not hesitate long before presenting an aspect of this to his audience: Faire soleit li reis as clers e force e tort. 3'a forfait fussent pris, ja n'i eust resort K'il nes fefst jugier as lais a lur acort. Cist Thomas les maintint; n'orent altre comfort. Rir els se combati tant k'en suffri la mort. (Lines 36-40) Thus early in his poem Guernes affirms that the king is in the wrong in the matter of the criminous clerks. This is an unequivocal statement, and one which the poet never seeks to review in the final draft of his poem. Such was not necessarily the case in the first draft, as we shall see. It is one of the tenets of his belief in the sanctity of the archbishop; as he states a little later in his poem, Guernes believes that Becket has suffered martyrdom par ceo que il maintint verite e raisonA> Although he goes on to attack those directly responsible for the murder in the cathedral and to tirge their immediate and contrite repentance, the fact that Becket has maintained the standards of truth and right suggests that the king has been opposed to these throughout the years of their conflict. Guernes argues this point strongly and forcibly early in his poem, thus establishing Becket in his audience's mind as the defender of God's Church, and Henry as the unreasonable aggressor: IvSilt poez bien veer mal conseil ot li reis. II ne deit fere a clerc n'a iglise defeis Ne tolir rien del lur, xsses mettre i pot acreis. De 1'iglise prent il la corone e les leis. Mes Deus I'ament, ki est uns en persones treist Bien est aparissant saint Thomas aveit dreit, Ki pur les clers suppris einsi se combateit. Pur amur Deu le fist, si cum feire deveit. Deus li ad bien rendu, ki nullui ne deceit; Desdire nel pot nuls, car tut li munz le veit. (Lines 56-65) We shall return to the question of the advice which the king received shortly, but for the moment it is inportant that we recognise that almost from the outset Guernes has informed his audience unequivocally that Becket is in the right, and Henry is therefore in the wrong. Five lines a little later in the poem explain the poet's position clearly, if perhaps unintentionally, when he is telling us how he gathered the material from which to construct his poem: Primes traitai d'ole, e suvent i raenti. A Cantorbire alai, la verite oi'; Des amis saint Thomas la verite cuilli, E de ces ki I'aveient des enfance servi, D'ester e de remettre le travail ensuffri. (Lines 12f6-150) We have already discussed in a previous chapter Guernes' revisions, both enforced and volimtary, of his work; what is interesting here is what he considers to be valid and reliable sources for his information. He obviously regards it as quite sensible and satisfactory to seek information from those who had been Becket's friends, and those who had known and served him a long time. Even allowing for the differing outlook of the twelfth century from that of the twentieth, it must be remarked that such sources are unlikely to provide the poet with a wealth of material favourable to the king; indeed what they offered as fact would necessarily in some cases be little more than interpretation, and recollection divulged with the benefit of hindsight and a full knowledge of the outcome of the dealings between the king and the archbishop could scarcely fail to show the king in the unkindest of lights. Indeed, we shall see, with the benefit of the evidence of the fragment of the first draft of the poem, that in at least one significant instance, Guernes' opinion of the king changed radically for the worse. Moreover, we have observed in the preceding chapters that the Latin biographers whom Guernes consulted as written sources began from a standpoint not so widely different from his own as to improve materially the impression or picttire of Henry H to be gained from a close study of them. It is true that none of them would have contemplated a work of the kind which he produced had he felt that a good case could be made out for the king's approach in the years of bitterness and struggle, or had his sympathies not lain so heavily with Becket, It is interesting to pause for a moment in otir consideration of the hagiographers and notice, by way of comparison, how one of the chroniclers deals with the material. It is true.that most of their accounts were only begun after Becket had been murdered in 1170, but even with the benefit of hindsight they are not writing with the same motivation as the tatin biographers. Let us consider for a moment the account of Roger of Hcwden, or Hoveden. He probably did not begin to write his Chronica until the last ten years of the twelfth century; but before then his services had been used by Henry II, and the evidence which indicates that in the 1170s and ll80s Henry II used him both as ambassador and as negotiator on religious problems suggests that he was on the one hand not entirely hostile to the king, and on the other quite conversant with affairs of the Church.
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