King Hussein and the Presidents: Jordan and American Relations

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

King Hussein and the Presidents: Jordan and American Relations King Hussein and the Presidents: Jordan and American Relations Since 1967 By PATRICK ACKERSON Bachelor of Science in Operations and Information Systems Management Pennsylvania State University State College, PA 2001 Master of Arts in Applied History Shippensburg University Shippensburg, PA 2005 Submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate College of the Oklahoma State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY July, 2016 KING HUSSEIN AND THE PRESIDENTS: JORDAN AND AMERICAN RELATIONS SINCE 1967 Dissertation Approved: Dr. Belmonte Dissertation Adviser Dr. Logan Dr. Jenswold ii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I first would like to thank Dr. Belmonte for her advice in guidance throughout this process and for her instruction throughout my graduate studies. I would also like to thank my parents for instilling in me the value of an education and for their unwavering support while I completed this dissertation. I would like to thank my wife Ashley for her continued patience and support throughout my education that involved countless hours away from the family. Without her it would have been impossible to complete this project and I will always be grateful for her support. Finally, I want to thank Molly and Katie for making even the hardest days happier. iii Acknowledgements reflect the views of the author and are not endorsed by committee members or Oklahoma State University. Name: Patrick Ackerson Date of Degree: July 2016 Title of Study: KING HUSSEIN AND THE PRESIDENTS: AMERICAN AND JORDAN RELATIONS SINCE 1967 Major Field: History Abstract: The following examines the relationship between the United States and Jordan after 1967. It focuses on the leadership of the US starting with the Nixon administration and ending with King Hussein of Jordan’s death during the Clinton administration. It argues that King Hussein became a vital ally to the United States in preventing the expansion of the Soviet Union during the Cold War. Jordan’s role as an American ally during the Cold War was particularly important because of the inherent hostility of the Arabs towards the US because of its support of Israel. Jordan became an important piece of the American strategy to stop the spread of the Soviet Union in this vital region. In addition, because of Hussein’s practical nature and desire to work with both the US and Israel, Jordan became an important element for American efforts to find a peaceful solution to the conflicts between Israel and the Arabs. Hussein used his role to secure Jordan as an important ally of the United States and that close relationship remains twenty-years after his death. In return for his efforts, the United States granted Jordan military, diplomatic, and economic aid that allowed for the survival of Hussein’s Hashemite dynasty. While ideologically compatible with the US goals in the region, Hussein’s need for American support led him to align with American interests. Hussein’s actions during the period are important to understand the development of the American relationship with Jordan and the broader Middle East along with broader American policy in the region. iv TABLE OF CONTENTS Chapter Page I. INTRODUCTION ......................................................................................................1 II. THE NIXON ADMINSTRATION AND THE QUEST FOR PEACE ..................15 III. CIVIL WAR...........................................................................................................43 IV. NIXON AND FOR IN THE SHADDOW OF WAR ............................................89 V. CARTER, HUSSEIN AND THE MARCH TOWARDS CAMP DAVID ..........147 VI. REAGAN’S FIRST TERM AND CONFLICT IN THE MIDDLE EAST……..209 VII. REAGAN’s SECOND TERM & THE MIDDLE EAST PEACE PROCESS...244 VIII. HUSSEIN, BUSH AND THE PERSIAN GULF WAR………………………286 IX. CLINTON AND THE ISRAELI-JORDANIAN PEACE TREATY…………...347 X. CONCLUISION…………………………………………………………………391 BIBLIOGRAPHY………………………………………………………………......407 NOTES……………………………………………………………………………...421 v CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION On July 26, 1994, King Hussein bin Talal of the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan addressed a joint session of Congress after the signing of the Washington Declaration and announced the end of the state of war between Israel and Jordan. Hussein spoke of his enduring friendship with the US, saying, “I have sought over thirty-four years, since the presidency of Dwight Eisenhower, to ensure that [the friendship between Jordan and the United States] be honest and true. It has been a friendship built on mutual respect and common interests. I am proud to remind you how we stood shoulder to shoulder during the long years of the Cold War. And now together we share a great hope. To establish lasting peace in the Middle East.”1 Hussein reminded Congress and the American people that for decades, Jordan had been and continued to be a reliable partner in the Middle East for the United States. This speech was the culmination of years of work by Hussein to bring peace to Jordan through the help of the United States. 1 Following the formation of Jordan by the British after World War I, the leaders of Jordan frequently had a tight relationship with the West. While King Hussein was originally supported by the British, he later became one of the most important American allies in the Middle East. Because of his geographical location in the Middle East, his pragmatic disposition, and his need of outside support to survive, King Hussein established a relationship with the United States that is still strong long after his passing. This relationship has endured terrorist attacks on American interests and its allies from groups located in Jordan, a number of Middle Eastern conflicts, the Cold War, the rise of Arab nationalism, the rise of Islamic fundamentalism, and a large scale American war in the region. Despite these challenges, Hussein successfully formed a working relationship with a wide variety of American administrations that both protected his kingdom and demonstrated his increasing value to the United States. The United States responded to that relationship with both civilian and military aid along with the diplomatic support that was fundamental for the survival of the Hashemite dynasty in the Middle East. Since 1967 until his death in 1999, King Hussein worked with seven Presidents to make Jordan one the closest and most strategic allies of the United States in the Arab world. King Hussein was born in Amman, Jordan on November 14, 1935, thirteen years before Israel declared independence and while Jordan still existed under the mandate of Great Britain established by the Sykes-Picot Agreement at the conclusion of World War I. Hussein’s Grandfather, King Abdullah I led Jordan until his death at the hands of a 2 Palestinian assassin on July, 20, 1951. He was succeeded by his eldest son King Talal bin Abdullah until he abdicated his throne due to a medical condition and his increasingly erratic behavior.2 After Talal’s abdication, his eldest son Hussein came of age and took the throne on May 2, 1953, when he was only seventeen years old. King Hussein’s primary education took place at Victoria College, a British-run primary school, in Alexandria, Egypt. After that Hussein attended school in Great Britain at the Harrow School and briefly attended the British military academy in Sandhurst.3 Hussein’s upbringing in British schools combined with Jordan’s already deep connection to Great Britain gave Hussein a special affinity for the West along with the ability to understand Western attitudes and sensibilities. Hussein’s affection for the West was seen throughout his life, but especially in his relationship with his fourth wife, Queen Noor, and his love for Harley Davidson motorcycles. Hussein’s grandfather also had a unique relationship with Jordan’s neighbor Israel that continued throughout Hussein’s reign. Starting with Israel’s declaration of independence and continuing after it, King Abdullah frequently worked with the Israelis to serve the interest of Jordan. He repeatedly attempted to persuade the Jews in the British Mandate of Palestine to join with Jordan under his leadership where he would allow them to live safe and free under his protection.4 Hussein continued that relationship and, despite some setbacks, he had a relationship with Israel unlike any other nation in the Arab world. Through that relationship, Hussein frequently interacted with Israeli leaders to try and solve the issues of the Middle East. 3 After World War II, Great Britain pulled back from its involvement in the Middle East. Until that point, British personnel worked throughout Jordan in all levels of the government including the government bureaucracy and the military. The Jordanian military called the Arab Legion, was led by British officer John Bagot Glubb beginning in 1939. Glubb was usually referred to in the region as Glubb Pasha, an honorary title from the Ottoman period that showed the respect many in Jordan had for Glubb. The other major British figure was Alec Kirkbride, who served as a top advisor to King Abdullah and represented British interests in Jordan.5 British officers had full control over the Jordanian military and while they technically reported to King Hussein, the still took orders from Great Britain. In addition, Kirkbride set up a colonial style government that consisted of Jordanian workers with British officials at the management levels of the bureaucracy. The British position in Jordan ended after the Suez Crisis in 1956. On October 29, 1956, Israeli invaded Egypt and attempted to remove President Gamal Abdel Nasser because of his opposition to the British control of the Suez Canal. Before the invasion, Nasser nationalized the British built and owned Suez Canal, and the invasion was largely a response to that. Great Britain and France soon joined the invasion under the auspice of returning security and stability to the canal zone.6 The American rejection of this invasion led Hussein to want to replace Great Britain with the US as his chief benefactor. On November 9, 1956, Hussein’s chief of staff contacted the American representative in Jordan and told him that Jordan needed aid to replace and £13 million it received annually from Great Britain.
Recommended publications
  • Profiles of New Ministers
    | Tuesday, October 13, 2020 JORDAN 3 Profiles of new ministers Prime Minister Deputy Prime Deputy Prime Minister and Minister Deputy Prime and Minister of Defence Minister and of Foreign Affairs and Expatriates Minister and Minister of Local Minister of State for Born on January 27, 1969, Kha- Administration Safadi, who holds an MA in Interna- Economic Affairs sawneh holds a PhD in law from tional Journalism from Baylor Uni- the London School of Economics. Born in Maan versity in Texas and a BA in English Born in Amman in He also worked as an adviser for in 1947, Kreis- Literature from Yarmouk University, 1946, Toukan ob- policies to His Majesty King Ab- han obtained has edited and written for a number tained his bachelor’s dullah as of August 18, 2020 and his BSc in ac- of newspapers, including The Jordan and master’s degrees adviser to King Abdullah for com- counting and Times and Al Ghad. Since September in business admin- munications and coordination business ad- 2016, he has served as a member of the istration from the between 2019 and 2020 and Jor- m i n i s t r at i o n Tawfiq Kreishan Senate until his appointment as a min- Ayman Safadi American Univer- Umayya Toukan dan’s permanent representative to from the Arab ister in Hani Mulki’s Cabinet. Between sity of Beirut, a post- UNESCO between 2018 and 2019. University of Beirut in 1972. He 2008 and 2011, Safadi served as adviser to His Majesty graduate diploma in economic develop- Khasawneh was also the King- was a deputy in Jordan’s 12th King Abdullah and as deputy prime minister, minister of ment from Oxford University and a PhD dom’s ambassador to France be- Bisher Al Khasawneh Parliament (1993-1997).
    [Show full text]
  • News. in Brief
    \ \ i " • _r' - ..,," • ",,' ;,-,. _, __ 'e" __ .' •• ,1t~.fr~ii":F'~--$*';':f\~~~ ......x. _fA .~ - ~ ~.,,=~. '" ;'-'~"'~")~}.";.;'.--...,,-,,: :-)","".":': ';.:- ...:s_-:)·:~'j·::·~:;-:~~~~-";'~~E:): ,.:\_: :"""<"':"'::-' .t"::' ~,:, ,.... -:.-'':''7'.-."'. -' - , .:: it. ~, ..... ,.1<- . .,," _.'" . c.".,"';", •. , ~ .., '-, -, ',- ,. ~ ....,. 3'- . .- -... .,.. .... , -_ .. - - :-.. ~-".~-. ,..... '? '. ( :~t; .~ • , }~j,i r , . , '. 16 - THE JEWISH POST, n;ursciay. December 14,1978 ,. ..' ' . , .. -.-'" .....:. .; i . " ! '-~--""'-"-'" News., in Brief. , Jerusalem (JCNS) - Israeli security forces using bulldozers knOCked down the homes of two West Bank men, both accused of terrorist ac- tivities, '.. ,.\ , . One of the' houses, in WUwan village, north of Jerusalem,. near , , Ramallah, was owned by Akram Abdulah Rabm!lD, accused of heading ! :. a polltical assassination squad which murdered' prominent West Bank ~.,'. /' " , \ residents. for allegedly co-operating with· Israel. Rahnianwasd!1,~ined .~~t1~~i~t'~ii,<:\;~:'> r/" . I ! ~, some months ago.' ,';·,d" , ._ ..... _, ..... ,., ..: .. 'f /.,.j I The owner o{.the.,9therjlouse, i!!. a '1llagE!near Na,blus,is th9ught to .' " Oli/est and Lsrgiist'i/fnYlo4ewlsh W6Bk~1i1W"stern C~ada ',., .• '. ' Ii'® J v' 'j'; • ~ havefl¢d to' Jo~n' after three .0thEir·iJ!emhers'0( his group Were Candia lighting tlma FrldaYls":1~ p.m;' .Shabbat encis:,5:20 p.m. By mall In Western Canada $10 / ~ , .j arrested. .' ", .. , , .' ... ' ... ' '. '. ' '~.- "'.' '" ,.." Vol. UV No. 47-48 21. 1978 21 Days In Kisiev , .;:;;: " · 'Felicia Langer, the Israeli Communist lawyer, obtained a Supreme WU\~"'IPEG. THURSDAV',I?E~EIIII~ER 'b ". /'. /' Court stay on the demolitions, but by the time she notified the military authorities, the demolitions had already been carried out. , Mter the demolitions, the villagers complained to the Red Cross and . , ~. ,/ :, newspapermen, while women danced and chanted .slligansiri support of i . Yasser Arafat, the Palestine Liberation Organization.Jeader.
    [Show full text]
  • Asylum-Seekers Become the Nation's Scapegoat
    NYLS Journal of International and Comparative Law Volume 14 Number 2 Volume 14, Numbers 2 & 3, 1993 Article 7 1993 TURMOIL IN UNIFIED GERMANY: ASYLUM-SEEKERS BECOME THE NATION'S SCAPEGOAT Patricia A. Mollica Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.nyls.edu/ journal_of_international_and_comparative_law Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Mollica, Patricia A. (1993) "TURMOIL IN UNIFIED GERMANY: ASYLUM-SEEKERS BECOME THE NATION'S SCAPEGOAT," NYLS Journal of International and Comparative Law: Vol. 14 : No. 2 , Article 7. Available at: https://digitalcommons.nyls.edu/journal_of_international_and_comparative_law/vol14/iss2/ 7 This Notes and Comments is brought to you for free and open access by DigitalCommons@NYLS. It has been accepted for inclusion in NYLS Journal of International and Comparative Law by an authorized editor of DigitalCommons@NYLS. TURMOIL IN UNIFIED GERMANY: ASYLUM-SEEKERS BECOME THE NATION'S SCAPEGOAT I. INTRODUCTION On November 9, 1989, the Berlin Wall fell, symbolizing the end of a divided German state. The long dreamed-of unification finally came to its fruition. However, the euphoria experienced in 1989 proved ephemeral. In the past four years, Germans have faced the bitter ramifications of unity. The affluent, capitalist West was called on to assimilate and re-educate the repressed communist East. Since unification, Easterners have been plagued by unemployment and a lack of security and identity, while Westerners have sacrificed the many luxuries to which they have grown accustomed. A more sinister consequence of unity, however, is the emergence of a violent right-wing nationalist movement. Asylum- seekers and foreigners have become the target of brutal attacks by extremists who advocate a homogenous Germany.
    [Show full text]
  • The Origins of Hamas: Militant Legacy Or Israeli Tool?
    THE ORIGINS OF HAMAS: MILITANT LEGACY OR ISRAELI TOOL? JEAN-PIERRE FILIU Since its creation in 1987, Hamas has been at the forefront of armed resistance in the occupied Palestinian territories. While the move- ment itself claims an unbroken militancy in Palestine dating back to 1935, others credit post-1967 maneuvers of Israeli Intelligence for its establishment. This article, in assessing these opposing nar- ratives and offering its own interpretation, delves into the historical foundations of Hamas starting with the establishment in 1946 of the Gaza branch of the Muslim Brotherhood (the mother organization) and ending with its emergence as a distinct entity at the outbreak of the !rst intifada. Particular emphasis is given to the Brotherhood’s pre-1987 record of militancy in the Strip, and on the complicated and intertwining relationship between the Brotherhood and Fatah. HAMAS,1 FOUNDED IN the Gaza Strip in December 1987, has been the sub- ject of numerous studies, articles, and analyses,2 particularly since its victory in the Palestinian legislative elections of January 2006 and its takeover of Gaza in June 2007. Yet despite this, little academic atten- tion has been paid to the historical foundations of the movement, which grew out of the Muslim Brotherhood’s Gaza branch established in 1946. Meanwhile, two contradictory interpretations of the movement’s origins are in wide circulation. The !rst portrays Hamas as heir to a militant lineage, rigorously inde- pendent of all Arab regimes, including Egypt, and harking back to ‘Izz al-Din al-Qassam,3 a Syrian cleric killed in 1935 while !ghting the British in Palestine.
    [Show full text]
  • Irak Og Global Jihadisme Økonomi Og Politikk I Saudi-Arabia Miljømerking Og Bærekraft Ny Tid I Dansk UD Norge, Thailand Og Kina I 1971
    [4·05] Internasjonal politikk Irak og global jihadisme Økonomi og politikk i Saudi-Arabia Miljømerking og bærekraft Ny tid i dansk UD Norge, Thailand og Kina i 1971 Nr. 4 - 2005 63. Årgang Norwegian Institute Norsk of International Utenrikspolitisk Affairs Institutt Utgiver: NUPI Copyright: © Norsk Utenrikspolitisk Institutt 2005 Redaktør: Birgitte Kjos Fonn Bokmeldingsred.: Halvard Leira Red.sekr.: Jan Risvik Red.utvalg: Torgeir Larsen, Henrik Thune, Bent Sofus Tranøy, Ståle Ulriksen Red.råd: Helge Blakkisrud, Torkel Brekke, Laila Bokhari, Karin Dokken, Gro Holm, Lars Mjøset, Iver B. Neumann, Knut G. Nustad, Jarle Simensen, Stein Tønnesson, Nils Morten Udgaard Manus: Sendes elektronisk til: [email protected] Vennligst bruk malen på 3. omslagsside. Alle synspunkter i Internasjonal politikk står for forfatternes regning og kan ikke tillegges Norsk Utenrikspolitisk Institutt. Internasjonal politikk er Indeksert i The International Bibliography of the Social Sciences, International Political Science Abstracts og Gale Directory of Publications and Broadcast Media Medlem av Norsk Tidsskriftforening: www.tidsskriftforeningen.no Internasjonal politikk: 4 hefter i året Abonnement 2004: NOK 360 (innen Norden) NOK 480 (utenfor Norden) Enkelthefter: NOK 115 (+ porto/eksp.) Bestilling: www.nupi.no/Norsk/Publikasjoner/Bestilling/ Tel.: 22 99 40 00 Fax: 22 36 21 82 E-post: [email protected] Internett: www.nupi.no Adresse: Postboks 8159 Dep. 0033 Oslo Besøksadresse: C.J. Hambros plass 2 Design: Ole Dahl-Gulliksen Trykk: Hegland trykkeri as, Flekkefjord Omslagsbilde: Scanpix [4] Innhold 347 Forord: Irak-krigen og global jihadisme Birgitte Kjos Fonn 351 Irak-konflikten i radikal islamistisk ideologi Thomas Hegghammer 371 Saudi-Arabia − økonomisk pusterom under politisk usikkerhet Ådne Cappelen & Robin Choudhury 395 Miljømerking og bærekraftig fiskeri- og skog- forvaltning Lars H.
    [Show full text]
  • Saudi Arabia.Pdf
    A saudi man with his horse Performance of Al Ardha, the Saudi national dance in Riyadh Flickr / Charles Roffey Flickr / Abraham Puthoor SAUDI ARABIA Dec. 2019 Table of Contents Chapter 1 | Geography . 6 Introduction . 6 Geographical Divisions . 7 Asir, the Southern Region � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � �7 Rub al-Khali and the Southern Region � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � �8 Hejaz, the Western Region � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � �8 Nejd, the Central Region � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � �9 The Eastern Region � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � �9 Topographical Divisions . .. 9 Deserts and Mountains � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � �9 Climate . .. 10 Bodies of Water . 11 Red Sea � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 11 Persian Gulf � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 11 Wadis � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 11 Major Cities . 12 Riyadh � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � �12 Jeddah � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � �13 Mecca � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � �
    [Show full text]
  • By Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Of
    FROM DIWAN TO PALACE: JORDANIAN TRIBAL POLITICS AND ELECTIONS by LAURA C. WEIR Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements For the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Dissertation Adviser: Dr. Pete Moore Department of Political Science CASE WESTERN RESERVE UNIVERSITY January, 2013 CASE WESTERN RESERVE UNIVERSITY SCHOOL OF GRADUATE STUDIES We hereby approve the thesis/dissertation of Laura Weir candidate for the Doctor of Philosophy degree *. Pete Moore, Ph.D (chair of the committee) Vincent E. McHale, Ph.D. Kelly McMann, Ph.D. Neda Zawahri, Ph.D. (date) October 19, 2012 *We also certify that written approval has been obtained for any proprietary material contained therein. ii TABLE OF CONTENTS List of Tables v List of Maps and Illustrations viii List of Abbreviations x CHAPTERS 1. RESEARCH PUZZLE AND QUESTIONS Introduction 1 Literature Review 6 Tribal Politics and Elections 11 Case Study 21 Potential Challenges of the Study 30 Conclusion 35 2. THE HISTORY OF THE JORDANIAN ―STATE IN SOCIETY‖ Introduction 38 The First Wave: Early Development, pre-1921 40 The Second Wave: The Arab Revolt and the British, 1921-1946 46 The Third Wave: Ideological and Regional Threats, 1946-1967 56 The Fourth Wave: The 1967 War and Black September, 1967-1970 61 Conclusion 66 3. SCARCE RESOURCES: THE STATE, TRIBAL POLITICS, AND OPPOSITION GROUPS Introduction 68 How Tribal Politics Work 71 State Institutions 81 iii Good Governance Challenges 92 Guests in Our Country: The Palestinian Jordanians 101 4. THREATS AND OPPORTUNITIES: FAILURE OF POLITICAL PARTIES AND THE RISE OF TRIBAL POLITICS Introduction 118 Political Threats and Opportunities, 1921-1970 125 The Political Significance of Black September 139 Tribes and Parties, 1989-2007 141 The Muslim Brotherhood 146 Conclusion 152 5.
    [Show full text]
  • The Hashemite Custodianship of Jerusalem's Islamic and Christian
    THE HASHEMITE CUSTODIANSHIP OF JERUSALEM’S ISLAMIC AND CHRISTIAN HOLY SITES 1917–2020 CE White Paper The Royal Aal Al-Bayt Institute for Islamic Thought THE HASHEMITE CUSTODIANSHIP OF JERUSALEM’S ISLAMIC AND CHRISTIAN HOLY SITES 1917–2020 CE White Paper The Royal Aal Al-Bayt Institute for Islamic Thought THE HASHEMITE CUSTODIANSHIP OF JERUSALEM’S ISLAMIC AND CHRISTIAN HOLY SITES 1917–2020 CE Copyright © 2020 by The Royal Aal Al-Bayt Institute for Islamic Thought All rights reserved. No part of this document may be used or reproduced in any manner wthout the prior consent of the publisher. Cover Image: Dome of the Rock, Jerusalem © Shutterstock Title Page Image: Dome of the Rock and Jerusalem © Shutterstock isbn 978–9957–635–47–3 Printed in Jordan by The National Press Third print run CONTENTS ABSTRACT 5 INTRODUCTION: THE HASHEMITE CUSTODIANSHIP OF THE HOLY SITES IN JERUSALEM 7 PART ONE: THE ARAB, JEWISH, CHRISTIAN AND ISLAMIC HISTORY OF JERUSALEM IN BRIEF 9 PART TWO: THE CUSTODIANSHIP OF THE ISLAMIC HOLY SITES IN JERUSALEM 23 I. The Religious Significance of Jerusalem and its Holy Sites to Muslims 25 II. What is Meant by the ‘Islamic Holy Sites’ of Jerusalem? 30 III. The Significance of the Custodianship of Jerusalem’s Islamic Holy Sites 32 IV. The History of the Hashemite Custodianship of Jerusalem’s Islamic Holy Sites 33 V. The Functions of the Custodianship of Jerusalem’s Islamic Holy Sites 44 VI. Termination of the Islamic Custodianship 53 PART THREE: THE CUSTODIANSHIP OF THE CHRISTIAN HOLY SITES IN JERUSALEM 55 I. The Religious Significance of Jerusalem and its Holy Sites to Christians 57 II.
    [Show full text]
  • After the Accords Anwar Sadat
    WMHSMUN XXXIV After the Accords: Anwar Sadat’s Cabinet Background Guide “Unprecedented committees. Unparalleled debate. Unmatched fun.” Letters From the Directors Dear Delegates, Welcome to WMHSMUN XXXIV! My name is Hank Hermens and I am excited to be the in-room Director for Anwar Sadat’s Cabinet. I’m a junior at the College double majoring in International Relations and History. I have done model UN since my sophomore year of high school, and since then I have become increasingly involved. I compete as part of W&M’s travel team, staff our conferences, and have served as the Director of Media for our college level conference, &MUN. Right now, I’m a member of our Conference Team, planning travel and training delegates. Outside of MUN, I play trumpet in the Wind Ensemble, do research with AidData and for a professor, looking at the influence of Islamic institutions on electoral outcomes in Tunisia. In my admittedly limited free time, I enjoy reading, running, and hanging out with my friends around campus. As members of Anwar Sadat’s cabinet, you’ll have to deal with the fallout of Egypt’s recent peace with Israel, in Egypt, the greater Middle East and North Africa, and the world. You’ll also meet economic challenges, rising national political tensions, and more. Some of the problems you come up against will be easily solved, with only short-term solutions necessary. Others will require complex, long term solutions, or risk the possibility of further crises arising. No matter what, we will favor creative, outside-the-box ideas as well as collaboration and diplomacy.
    [Show full text]
  • The Arab-Israel War of 1967 1967 Was the Year of the Six-Day War
    The Arab-Israel War of 1967 1967 was the year of the six-day war. Here we bring together its impact on Israel and on the Jewish communities in the Arab countries; United States Middle East policy and United Nations deliberations; effects on the East European Communist bloc, its citizens, and its Jewish communities, and American opinion. For discus- sions of reactions in other parts of the world, see the reviews of individual countries. THE EDITORS Middle East Israel A ALL aspects of Israel's life in 1967 were dominated by the explosion of hostilities on June 5. Two decades of Arab-Israel tension culminated in a massive combined Arab military threat, which was answered by a swift mobilization of Israel's citizen army and, after a period of waiting for international action, by a powerful offensive against the Egyptian, Jor- danian and Syrian forces, leading to the greatest victory in Jewish military annals. During the weeks of danger preceding the six-day war, Jewry throughout the world rallied to Israel's aid: immediate financial support was forthcoming on an unprecedented scale, and thousands of young volunteers offered per- sonal participation in Israel's defense, though they arrived too late to affect the issue (see reviews of individual countries). A new upsurge of national confidence swept away the morale crisis that had accompanied the economic slowdown in 1966. The worldwide Jewish reaction to Israel's danger, and the problems associated with the extension of its military rule over a million more Arabs, led to a reappraisal of atti- tudes towards diaspora Jewry.
    [Show full text]
  • From Hussein to Abdullah: Jordan in Transition
    THE WASHINGTON INSTITUTE POLICY FOCUS FROM HUSSEIN TO ABDULLAH: JORDAN IN TRANSITION ROBERT SATLOFF RESEARCH MEMORANDUM Number Thirty-Eight April 1999 Cover and title page illustrations from the windows of the al-Hakim Bi-Amrillah Mosque, 990-1013 All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopy, recording, or any information storage and retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publisher. © 1999 by The Washington Institute for Near East Policy Published in 1999 in the United States of America by the Washington Institute for Near East Policy, 1828 L Street NW, Suite 1050, Washington, DC 20036 Contents Institute Staff Page iv About the Author v Acknowledgments vi Executive Summary vii From Hussein to Abdullah: Jordan in Transition 1 Appendix I: Correspondence between King Hussein and Prince Hassan 13 Appendix II: Correspondence between King Hussein and Prince Abdullah 19 Appendix III: Correspondence between King Abdullah and Prince Hassan 21 Appendix IV: Correspondence between King Abdullah and Prime Minister Abd al-Rauf al-Rawabdeh 23 Appendix V: Royal Decree Naming Hamzah Crown Prince 29 Appendix VI: Letter from King Abdullah to Queen Rania 30 THE WASHINGTON INSTITUTE for Near East Policy An educational foundation supporting scholarly research and informed debate on U.S. interests in the Near East President Executive Committee Chairman Michael Stein Barbi Weinberg Vice Presidents Charles Adler Robert Goldman Walter P. Stern Secretary/Treasurer Richard S. Abramson Fred Lafer Lawrence Phillips Richard Borow Martin J.
    [Show full text]
  • Iranian Espionage in the United States and the Anti-SAVAK Campaign (1970-1979)
    The Shah’s “Fatherly Eye” Iranian Espionage in the United States and the Anti-SAVAK Campaign (1970-1979) Eitan Meisels Undergraduate Senior Thesis Department of History Columbia University 13 April 2020 Thesis Instructor: Elisheva Carlebach Second Reader: Paul Chamberlin Meisels 2 Table of Contents Acknowledgments ........................................................................................................................... 3 Introduction ..................................................................................................................................... 5 Historiography, Sources, and Methods ......................................................................................... 12 Chapter 1: Roots of the Anti-SAVAK Campaign ......................................................................... 14 Domestic Unrest in Iran ............................................................................................................ 14 What Did SAVAK Aim to Accomplish? .................................................................................. 19 Chapter 2: The First Phase of the Anti-SAVAK Campaign (1970-1974) .................................... 21 Federal Suspicions Stir ............................................................................................................. 21 Counterintelligence to Campaign ............................................................................................. 24 Chapter 3: The Anti-SAVAK Campaign Expands (1975-1976) .................................................
    [Show full text]