Pastoral Mobility and the Formation of Complex Settlement in the Middle Bronze Age Şərur Valley, Azerbaijan

Dissertation

Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University

Selin Elizabeth Nugent, B.A., B.Sc., M.A.

Graduate Program in Anthropology

The Ohio State University

2017

Dissertation Committee:

Professor Clark Spencer Larsen, Advisor

Professor Robert Cook

Professor Hilary Gopnik

Professor Mark Hubbe

Professor Joy McCorriston

Selin Elizabeth Nugent

2017

ABSTRACT

What degree of authority do mobile pastoralists demonstrate during the emergence of complex settlement systems? Archaeology has historically marginalized mobile populations or ignored their contribution to the development of social complexity.

This research employs isotopic analyses on human skeletal remains in context with mortuary practice to explain how mobile pastoralists integrated into the emerging urban centers of the Middle Bronze Age (2400-1500BC) South Caucasus in the Şǝrur Valley of

Naxçıvan, Azerbaijan.

Small, fragmentary groups of mobile pastoralists and trace evidence of small- scale settlements characterize the Middle Bronze Age (2400-1500BC) in the South

Caucasus (Smith, 2005a). However, at the Qızqala settlement complex in the Aras River

Valley of Naxçıvan, Azerbaijan, the Middle Bronze Age features major political transformations and dense settlements on a scale that precedes traditional chronologies of the emergence of complex settlements in the Late Bronze Age (1500-1150 B.C) (Ristvet et al., 2012; Smith, 2012). Unlike most emergent Near Eastern urban societies, where the development of states and urban centers was predicated on control of agricultural production and sedentism, this region presents a case where the development of sociopolitical complexity relied on a regional population hypothesized as depending primarily on mobile pastoral subsistence (Smith, 2003). While the lack of long-term settlement across most the region supports seasonal and recurrent mobility patterns ii

during the Middle Bronze Age, little is known about the specific modes of mobile subsistence in the earliest fortified complex settlements and how mobility functioned in emergent complex settlement contexts. How the administrative system of the fortress and these mobile populations negotiated space and power is thus a key consideration in unraveling the development of polities in the South Caucasus and expanding on traditional models of social complexity (Arbuckle, 2012; Frachetti, 2012; Honeychurch,

2014; McCorriston, 2013; Porter, 2012; Szuchman, 2009).

How do pastoralists engage in mobility in emerging polities? How did changing mortuary practices generate and/or reflect negotiations of mobile people in a new political landscape? This dissertation tests the hypotheses of seasonal highland mobility and dynamic negotiations between mobile and sedentary factions at the Qızqala cemetery to investigate how mobile pastoral mobility, mortuary space construction and funerary ritual changed in this region during the emergence of complex polities.

Strontium (87Sr/86Sr), oxygen (δ18O), and carbon (δ13C) isotopic analyses on sequentially sampled human dental enamel provide data on seasonal diet and water sourcing behaviors over dental development to track degree of individual mobility across the regional landscape and shifting dietary habits. The heterogeneity in intra-individual and intra-tooth isotopic values for all isotopes studies supports the hypothesized intensive pastoral mobility that characterizes the Middle Bronze Age populations of the South

Caucasus. Results reveal a range of residential and seasonal mobility patterns, which support that the Qızqala population continued reliance on nomadic lifeways even during the emergence of complex settlement. Most individuals fluctuate between lowland and

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highland zones, which correspond to periods of increased C4 millet consumption, a highland summer crop.

This dissertation examines how individual mobility behaviors relate to local and individual expressions of funerary ritual in order to reflect on how pastoralist communities shaped their political landscape through reproducing, transforming, and/or resisting political and economic conditions of power through manipulations of funerary objects and spaces. The location, orientation, style, and elaboration of each individual’s burial context provide data to examine distribution of economic resources available to mobile pastoralists in emerging complex settlement systems. Results suggest mobility patterns closely relate to placement in the cemetery, supporting the importance of mobility in maintaining social cohesion around elite individuals.

By taking a bioarchaeological approach that includes details from the human skeleton as well as mortuary archaeology, this dissertation offers an encompassing perspective on interactions between mobile pastoralists and political institutions, elucidating the subject’s perspective on mobility and power that has otherwise been overlooked.

DEDICATION

This dissertation is dedicated to my parents, James and Güliz Nugent, for their continuous support of my education and for instilling a life-long love for my heritage.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

This dissertation was made possible with the support of a number of scholars, mentors, colleagues, and friends. I would first like to extend my appreciation to my advisor Clark Spencer Larsen for his guidance throughout my graduate career. I am also grateful for the contributions of my committee members, Mark Hubbe, Rob Cooke, and

Joy McCorriston, who offered guidance and a critical eye from the inception of this project through its completion.

This project would not be possible without the hospitality and generosity of the directors of the Naxçıvan Archaeological Project, Hilary Gopnik, Emily Hammer, and

Lauren Ristvet. I am eternally grateful that they took a chance on a wide-eyed undergraduate with no camping experience and introduced me to rural Naxçıvan. Special thanks to my Azerbaijani collaborators, Veli Bakhshaliyev and Bəhlul Ibrahimli who supported my project through access to archaeological materials, offering their deep knowledge of the local environment and history, and by so kindly welcoming and hosting me in Naxçıvan. Veli Müellim ve Bəhlul Müellim sizin qonaqpərvərliyə və Naxçıvanda mənim tədqiqat yardım üçün çox təşəkkür edirəm.

Isotopic analysis was significantly improved by the support and insights of Kelly

Knudson, and Gwyn Gordon at Arizona State University as well as David Dettman at the

University of Arizona. I am appreciative of their generosity in allowing me to use their lab space and equipment as well as for discussions that vastly improved my research. vi

Many thanks also to Allisen Dahlstedt for opening her home, taking time out of her busy schedule to train me, and for her friendship during my stay in Tempe.

Financial support of this project was provided by a number of organizations.

International travel to Azerbaijan was made possible by the Wenner-Gren Foundation

Dissertation Fieldwork Grant, the American Schools for Oriental Research Heritage

Fellowship, and The Ohio State University Larsen Travel Award. Sample preparation and analysis were supported by the Wenner-Gren Foundation Dissertation Fieldwork Grant and the National Science Foundation Doctoral Dissertation Improvement Grant (BSC

1545697).

I am also thankful for the friends who supported and inspired me over the course of planning, development, research, and writing this dissertation. Thank you to Susannah

Fishman, Kellen Hope, Robert Bryant, Hannah Lau, Jen Swerida, Lucas Proctor, Sara

McGuire, Abby Buffington, Kathryn Marklein, and Katie Downey.

Most of all, thank you to my family, Phillip Grudzina, Hermes, and Lisa for the consistent emotional support and understanding during my many months spent abroad as well as those spent glued to a computer screen.

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VITA

2008………………………………………Northview High School, Duluth, GA

2012………………………………………B.Sc. Anthropology & Human Biology, Emory University

2012………………………………………B.A. Ancient Mediterranean Studies, Emory University

2013………………………………………M.A. Anthropology, The Ohio State University

2013-2014………………………………...Graduate Teaching Associate, Department of Anthropology, The Ohio State University

2014-2015………………………………...Graduate Research Associate, Department of Anthropology, The Ohio State University

2015-2017………………………………...Graduate Research Assistant, NORC, University of Chicago

Fields of Study

Major Field: Anthropology

Concentration: Biological Anthropology

Publications

Grimstead, D., Nugent, S. 2017. “Why a Standardization of Strontium Isotope Baseline Environmental Data are Needed and Recommendations for Methodology.” Advances in Archaeological Science 5 (2): 184-195. Baxşəliyev, V., Ristvet, L., Gopnik, H., Nugent, S, Swerida, J. 2016. “Qızqalası Yaşayış Yerində 2015-ci Ildə Aparılan Arxeoloji Araşdırmalar (trans. Archaeological Investigations at the Qızqala Settlement Site, 2015). Azərbaycan MEA-nın

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Xəbərləri. Ictimai elmlər seriyası 2: 178-198.

Nugent, S. 2016 “Qızqala Kurganları ve Gömme Gelenekleri (trans. Kurgan Burials and Mortuary Practice at Qızqala).” Naxçıvan qalaları: tarixdə və günümüzdə. Editor: Ismayilova, N. McManus, D. and Nugent, S. 2011. "Blacking Plato’s Eye: Shadows, Puppets, Clowns, and Tragic Comedy." Journal of Drama Studies 5(1): 5-20.

Haddow, SD, Sadvari, JW, Knüsel, CJ, Moore SV, Larsen, CS, Nugent, SN. (in press) “Out of Range? Non-normative funerary practices from the Neolithic to the Islamic Period at Çatalhöyük, Turkey.” A Bioarchaeological Perspective of Atypical Mortuary Practices: A Geographic and Temporal Investigation Volume 1. Editors: Betsinger, TK, Scott, AB, Tsaliki, A.

Nugent, S. (in press) “Death and Burial on the Imperial Frontier: a case study of a Roman pithos burial in Naxçıvan, Azerbaijan.” Bioarchaeology of Borderlands. University of Florida Press. Editors: Martin, D, Tica, C. Nugent, S (contracted). Oğlanqala Bioarchaeology: Description and Analysis of Human Remains 2008-2011. In Local Identities and Imperial Resistance: The Naxçivan Archaeology Project, 2006-2011. University Museum Press, University of Pennsylvania.

TABLE OF CONTENTS

ABSTRACT ...... ii

DEDICATION...... v

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ...... vi

VITA...... viii

LIST OF TABLES ...... xv

LIST OF FIGURES ...... xvii

CHAPTER 1: Introduction ...... 1

CHAPTER 2: Political Complexity and Mobility in the South Caucasus ...... 12

2.1 Introduction ...... 12

2.2 Mobile Pastoralism in the Ancient Near East ...... 13

2.2.1 Historical References to Nomadic Populations ...... 16

2.2.2 Nomads in Archaeological Scholarship ...... 23

2.3 Mobile Pastoralist Relationships to Urban Centers in the Bronze Age Near East . 25

2.4 Intersections of Mobile Pastoralism and Complex Settlement in the South Caucasus ...... 28

2.5 Summary ...... 32 x

CHAPTER 3: Death and Burial in Middle Bronze Age South Caucasus: the Qızqala Necropolis in Context ...... 34 3.1 Introduction ...... 34

3.2 Mortuary Traditions of the Middle Bronze Age South Caucasus...... 37

3.2.1 Landscapes of Death ...... 37

3.3.2 Burial Form and Architecture ...... 39

3.3 Origins and Functions of Kurgans for Middle Bronze Age cultures ...... 42

3.3.1 Migration and the Proliferation of the “Kurgan Culture” ...... 43

3.3.2 Kurgans and Interpretation of Social Organization and Hierarchy ...... 45

3.3.3 Monumentality of Kurgans and Implications for Territoriality and Social Memory ...... 48

3.4 Notable Cemeteries of the South Caucasus ...... 50

3.4.1 Kurgan Cemeteries of Azerbaijan ...... 52

3.4.2 Kurgan Cemeteries of Armenia ...... 56

3.4.3 Kurgan Cemeteries of Eastern Turkey ...... 60

3.5 Environment and Archaeology of the Qızqala Cemetery ...... 64

3.5.1 Naxçıvan Autonomous Republic: Geography, Ecology, and History ...... 65

3.5.2 Qızqala ...... 72

3.6 Summary ...... 77

CHAPTER 4: Structuration Theory Applications to the Mortuary Archaeology and Bioarchaeology ...... 79 4.1 Introduction ...... 79

4.2 Structuration Theory ...... 80

4.3 Structuration and Mortuary Archaeology ...... 82

4.4 Structure, Agency, and Bioarchaeology ...... 89

4.5 Representing Agency and the Individual in the Pre-Industrial Past ...... 96

4.6 Summary ...... 99

CHAPTER 5: Isotopic Approaches to Investigating Paleomobility...... 101 5.1 Introduction ...... 101

5.2 Strontium...... 101

5.3 Oxygen ...... 106

5.4 Carbon ...... 109

5.5 Review of Isotopic Research for Mobility in Bioarchaeology ...... 113

5.6 Intra-Individual Isotopic Analysis and its Applications to Pastoral Mobility ...... 114

5.8 Summary ...... 117

CHAPTER 6: Materials and Methods ...... 118 6.1 Introduction ...... 118

6.2 Materials ...... 118

6.3 Biological Sex and Age Estimation ...... 120

6.4 Regional Isotopic Bioavailability ...... 122

6.5 Human Enamel Extraction and Isotopic Analysis ...... 128

6.6 Trace Element Analysis ...... 131

6.7 Strontium...... 131

6.8 Oxygen and Carbon ...... 133

6.9 Mortuary Analysis ...... 134

6.10 Statistical Analysis ...... 136

6.11 Summary ...... 137

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CHAPTER 7: Results ...... 139 7.1 Isotopic Bioavailability in the Naxçıvan Autonomous Republic ...... 139

7.1.1 Stable Oxygen ...... 139

7.1.2 Radiogenic Strontium ...... 143

7.2 Trace Element Results for the Evaluation of Diagenesis ...... 148

7.3 Isotopic Variation in the Middle Bronze Age, Naxçıvan: Qızqala and Plovdağ .. 148

7.4 Quantifying Power Mortuary Space Construction and Elaboration at Qızqala .... 156

7.6 Isotopic and Mortuary Analysis Results by Burial ...... 168

7.5.1 Burial CR2 ...... 168

7.5.2 Burial CR3 ...... 178

7.5.3 Burial CR6 ...... 191

7.5.4 Burial CR7 ...... 195

7.5.5 Burial CR8 ...... 201

7.5.6 Burial CR12 ...... 209

7.4.7 Burial CC4 ...... 216

7.7 Summary ...... 221

CHAPTER 8: Discussion ...... 223 8.1 Introduction ...... 223

8.2.1 Interpreting the Nature of Mobility at Qızqala ...... 224

8.2.2 Seasonality ...... 226

8.2.3 Horizontal and Vertical Mobility ...... 228

8.3.4 Individual Life History Patterns and Intensity of Mobility at Qızqala ...... 229

8.3.2 Mobility, Migration, and Access to Mortuary Resources ...... 238

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8.4 Summary ...... 250

CHAPTER 9: Conclusion ...... 251

REFERENCES ...... 257

APPENDIX A: Value Coded Mortuary Features ...... 305

APPENDIX B: Environmental Isotope Data ...... 325

APPENDIX C Human Skeletal Isotope Data ...... 330

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LIST OF TABLES

Table 1.1 Hypotheses and supporting evidence outlined...... 10

Table 3.1 Summary of notable South Caucasus MBA cemetery features...... 61

Table 6.1 Femoral head measurements for sex estimation, adapted from Bass (1995) .. 121

18 18 Table 6.2 Conversion equations used to adapt δ Ocarbonate (VPDB) values to δ Owater (VSMOW)...... 134

Table 7.1 Oxygen isotope values from modern water samples collected across the Naxçıvan Autonomous Republic...... 141

Table 7.2 Strontium isotope value ranges from modern plants collected across the Naxçıvan Autonomous Republic...... 144

Table 7.3 Coded authoritative and allocative value of mortuary feature by burial...... 162

Table 7.4 Proximity matrix using Euclidean squared distance by burial...... 164

Table 7.5 Ward linkage cluster membership for three cluster...... 164

Table 7.6 Comparison of group intra-individual and intra-tooth isotopic averages and variance for burial clusters 1, 2, and 3 (based on Section 7.4) ...... 167

Table 7.7 Intra-individual and intra-tooth mean and standard deviation of isotopic values for CR2.Sk1...... 174

Table 7.8 Intra-individual and intra-tooth mean and standard deviation of isotopic values for CR2.Sk2...... 177

Table 7.9 Intra-individual and intra-tooth mean and standard deviation of isotopic values for CR3.Sk1...... 184

Table 7.10 Intra-individual and intra-tooth mean and standard deviation of isotopic values for CR3.Sk2...... 187 xv

Table 7.11 Intra-individual and intra-tooth mean and standard deviation of isotopic values for CR3.Sk3...... 190

Table 7.12 Intra-individual and intra-tooth mean and standard deviation of isotopic values for CR7...... 200

Table 7.13 Intra-individual and intra-tooth mean and standard deviation of isotopic values for CR8...... 208

Table 7.14 Intra-individual and intra-tooth mean and standard deviation of isotopic values for CR12...... 215

Table 8.1 Summary of mobility and corresponding burial resources ...... 236

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LIST OF FIGURES

Figure 1.1 Map of Naxçıvan, Azerbaijan showing the location of the Qızqala settlement and cemetery complex...... 2

Figure 1.2 Periodization of the Bronze and Iron Ages in the South Caucasus...... 3

Figure 2.1 The relationship between mobility and subsistence demonstrating the range of variable practice in nomadic pastoralist lifestyle. Adapted from Cribb 2004...... 15

Figure 2.2 Map of major MBA fortified settlements along the Aras River ...... 30

Figure 3.1 Profile of a typical Middle Bronze Age kurgan burial in the South Caucasus 40

Figure 3.2 MBA Mortuary Architectural Features. Mounding: a) soil mounding; b) stone mounding; c) stepped mounding; d) stone-lined circle (cromlech). Burial Pit Seal: e) soil fill; f) multiple stone slabs; g) rock fill; h) single stone slab. Surface Shape: i) circular; j) ovoid; k) semi-circular/ovoid. Cemetery density: l) scattered; m) loosely clustered; n) densely clustered/conjoined. Burial Cut Shape/Form: o) rectilinear; p) circular/ovoid; q) multiple pits in a single mounded feature. Non-kurgan forms: r. earthen pit; s) stone-lined cist...... 42

Figure 3.3 Tumulus K16-15 clearly identifiable through distinctive soil and stone mounding, which doesn’t match the stone inclusions in the surrounding soil...... 49

Figure 3.4 Map of notable Middle Bronze Age cemeteries in the Aras River Basin and nearby areas ...... 51

Figure 3.5 Naxçıvan Autonomous Republic Map depicting rayons (administrative districts), mountain ranges and the Aras River...... 67

Figure 3.6 Map of Bronze Age sites in Naxçıvan. Adapted from Belli and Bakhshaliyev 2001...... 71

Figure 3.7 Kurgans (n=131) at Qızqala identified by surface survey. Satellite imagery from Google Earth...... 74

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Figure 3.8 Densely organized burials in Qızqala Group A ...... 75

Figure 3.9 Observable surface diameters of kurgans at the Qızqala cemetery ...... 76

Figure 5.1 Strontium variation in the earth based on age and origin (Bott 1982)...... 103

Figure 5.2 Rainout effect on δ 18O values. Adapted from Hoefs 1997 and Coplen et al. 2000...... 106

Figure 5.3 Oxygen isotopic responses to climatic factors in a given environment. Adapted from Clark and Fritz 1997...... 108

Figure 5.4 Carbon isotopic ranges in C3 and C4 plants and fractionation differences in mammalian enamel. Adapted from Cerling et al. 1997...... 111

Figure 6.1 Map of Qızqala necropolis identifying excavated burials ...... 119

Figure 6.2 Naxçıvan elevation map, courtesy of Emily Hammer ...... 124

Figure 6.3 Naxçıvan geological map, adapted from Bairamov et al. (2008) ...... 125

Figure 6.4 Twelve major geological zones in the Naxçıvan Autonomous Republic ...... 126

Figure 6.5 Incremental mineralization patterns of the human third molar and approximate ages at maturation (left), modified from Ramirez-Rozzi (1994) and Reid and Dean (2004). Sampling strategy adapted to the developmental anatomy of enamel (right)...... 130

Figure 7.1 Oxygen isotope values of local water sources in Naxçıvan compared to the elevation at which they were collected ...... 140

Figure 7.2 Map of the Naxçıvan Autonomous Republic with oxygen isotope values and source elevation of water sources ...... 142

Figure 7.3 Strontium bioavailability in the Naxçıvan Autonomous Republic...... 146

Figure 7.4 Strontium bioavailability in the Şərur Valley...... 147

Figure 7.5 Results 87Sr/86Sr and δ18O results from Qızqala and Plovdağ. The shaded regions represent local baselines for the Şərur and Gilançay...... 149

Figure 7.6 Comparison of 87Sr/86Sr means and ranges by skeleton at Qızqala and Plovdağ...... 150

Figure 7.7 Qızqala 87Sr/86Sr means and ranges by skeleton...... 151 xviii

Figure 7.8 Comparison of δ18O means and ranges by skeleton at Qızqala and Plovdağ. 152

Figure 7.9 Qızqala δ18O means and ranges by skeleton...... 153

Figure 7.10 Comparison of δ13C means and ranges by skeleton at Qızqala and Plovdağ...... 154

Figure 7.11 Qızqala δ13C means and ranges by skeleton...... 155

Figure 7.12 Surface and subterranean feature dimensions by burial at Qızqala. Burials with the same shape and hue are located in close proximity in the cemetery...... 157

Figure 7.13 Artifacts represented in the Qızqala cemetery...... 159

Figure 7.14 Breakdown of bead material types...... 160

Figure 7.15 Count of objects represented in each burial...... 161

Figure 7.16 Dendogram using Ward Linkage between excavated Qızqala burials...... 165

Figure 7.17 Burial CR2, oriented W-E ...... 168

Figure 7.18 Painted red-ware bowl with scalloped motif, Burial CR2 ...... 169

Figure 7.19 Large, incised grey ware jar with dotted wave motif, Burial CR2 ...... 170

Figure 7.20 Types and quantities of accompaniments in CR2...... 171

Figure 7.21 87Sr/86Sr and δ18O values across elements and sequential series for CR2. Skeleton No. 1...... 172

Figure 7.22 87Sr/86Sr and δ13C values across elements and sequential series for CR2. Skeleton No. 1...... 173

Figure 7.23 87Sr/86Sr and δ18O values across elements and sequential series for CR2. Skeleton No. 2...... 175

Figure 7.24 87Sr/86Sr and δ13C values across elements and sequential series for CR2. Skeleton No. 2...... 176

Figure 7.25 Burial CR3, oriented W-E...... 178

Figure 7.26 Painted red ware jar (left) and bowl (right) from Burial CR3...... 180

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Figure 7.27 Selection of carnelian beads from Burial CR3...... 180

Figure 7.28 Types and quantities of accompaniments in CR3...... 181

Figure 7.29 87Sr/86Sr and δ18O values across elements and sequential series for CR3. Skeleton No. 1...... 182

Figure 7.30 87Sr/86Sr and δ13C values across elements and sequential series for CR3. Skeleton No. 1...... 183

Figure 7.31 87Sr/86Sr and δ18O values across elements and sequential series for CR3. Skeleton No. 2...... 185

Figure 7.32 87Sr/86Sr and δ13C values across elements and sequential series for CR3. Skeleton No. 2...... 186

Figure 7.33 87Sr/86Sr and δ18O values across elements and sequential series for CR3. Skeleton No. 3...... 188

Figure 7.34 87Sr/86Sr and δ13C values across elements and sequential series for CR3. Skeleton No. 3...... 189

Figure 7.35 Burial CR6, oriented N-S...... 191

Figure 7.36 Burial CR6 objects assemblage...... 192

Figure 7.37 Types and quantities of accompaniments in CR6...... 193

Figure 7.38 Comparisons of 87Sr/86Sr, δ18O, and δ13C ratios in the femur of CR6 Skeleton 1...... 194

Figure 7.39 Burial CR7, oriented N-S...... 195

Figure 7.40 Burial CR7 objects assemblage...... 196

Figure 7.41 Types and quantities of accompaniments in CR7...... 197

Figure 7.42 87Sr/86Sr and δ18O values across elements and sequential series for CR7. Skeleton No. 1...... 198

Figure 7.43 87Sr/86Sr and δ13C values across elements and sequential series for CR7. Skeleton No. 1...... 199

Figure 7.44 Burial CR8, oriented N-S...... 201

Figure 7.45 Burial CR8 ceramic assemblage...... 202

Figure 7.46 Burial CR8 obsidian arrowheads and a selection of faience beads...... 203

Figure 7.47 CR8 right ulna with cutmarks...... 204

Figure 7.48 CR8 left femur fragment with non-specific periosteal reaction...... 204

Figure 7.49 Types and quantities of accompaniments in CR8...... 205

Figure 7.50 87Sr/86Sr and δ18O values across elements and sequential series for CR8 Skeleton No. 1...... 206

Figure 7.51 87Sr/86Sr and δ13C values across elements and sequential series for CR8 Skeleton No. 1 ...... 207

Figure 7.52 Surface architecture of CR12...... 209

Figure 7.53 Burial CR12, reconstruction of deceased position...... 210

Figure 7.54 Small handled cup from Burial CR12...... 211

Figure 7.55 Red basalt groundstone from Burial CR12...... 211

Figure 7.56 Types and quantities of accompaniments in CR12...... 212

Figure 7.57 87Sr/86Sr and δ18O values across elements and sequential series for CR12 Skeleton No. 1...... 213

Figure 7.58 87Sr/86Sr and δ13C values across elements and sequential series for CR12 Skeleton No. 1...... 214

Figure 7.59 Layout of Burial CC4.S4, oriented E-W ...... 216

Figure 7.60 Cut on frontal bone above left supraorbital ridge on CC4-S4.Sk1...... 218

Figure 7.61 Projectile point trauma in the right ischium on CC4-S4.Sk1...... 218

Figure 7.62 87Sr/86Sr and δ18O values across elements and sequential series for CC4 Skeleton No. 1 ...... 219

Figure 7.63 87Sr/86Sr and δ13C values across elements and sequential series for CC4 Skeleton No. 1 ...... 220

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CHAPTER 1

Introduction

Small, fragmentary groups of mobile pastoralists and trace evidence of small- scale settlements characterize the Middle Bronze Age (2400-1500BC) in the South

Caucasus (Smith, 2005b). However, at the Qızqala settlement complex in the Şərur River

Valley of Naxçıvan, Azerbaijan, the Middle Bronze Age (hereafter, MBA) features major political transformations and dense settlements on a scale that precedes traditional chronologies, which situate the emergence of complex settlement in the Late Bronze Age

(1500-1150BC) (Smith, 2005b, 2012). Recent archaeological excavations and survey of the Qızqala settlement and cemetery have discovered an early, fortified settlement dating to the MBA and consisting of complex features, including domestic settlement, stone fortification wall, ritual spaces, and a densely constructed kurgan (or tumulus) cemetery

(Hammer, 2014).

Unlike most emergent Near Eastern complex societies, where the development of states and urban centers was predicated on control of agricultural production and sedentism (Cowgill, 2004; Wilkinson et al., 2014), this region presents a case where the development of sociopolitical complexity relied on a regional population hypothesized as depending primarily on mobile pastoral subsistence (Smith, 2003). While the lack of long-term settlement across most the region supports seasonal and recurrent mobility 1

patterns during the MBA, little is known about the specific modes of mobile subsistence in the earliest fortified complex settlements and how mobility functioned in emergent complex settlement contexts.

Figure 1.1 Map of Naxçıvan, Azerbaijan showing the location of the Qızqala settlement and cemetery complex.

Figure 1.2 Periodization of the Bronze and Iron Ages in the South Caucasus.

This dissertation tests the hypotheses of persistent seasonal mobility—which is broadly characteristic of mobile pastoral movement—in the Qızqala MBA population as well as models representing the spectrum of dynamic political and economic relations between mobile and sedentary populations in complex settlements of the Bronze Age

Near East. Recurrent, seasonal mobility, typical of mobile pastoralism is traditionally viewed as incompatible with the emergence of politically and organizationally complex

societies. Therefore, understanding the nature of mobility and degree commitment to local area is a critical foundation in understanding the significance and status of mobile individuals in the community.

State that this is a multivariate examination of status, access to provisions and status. detailed study shows something complex occuring

This dissertation investigates the mobility patterns of the Qızqala population through the isotopic analysis of human skeletal remains and explores how mobile groups and individuals negotiated authority through the construction of mortuary spaces. Novel applications of strontium and oxygen isotopic analyses on dental enamel and bone identify short- and long-term mobility, reflecting individual-level experiences in seasonal/recurrent, highland/lowland, and long/short distance mobility.

A multivariate examination of status represented in burials and degree of control mobile individuals and groups had over economic, political, and sacred resources for construction of mortuary space complements isotopic analyses for individual mobility.

Control of these spaces is reflected in style, location, and elaboration of burials in the

Qızqala cemetery. Collectively, evidence for individual experiences with mobility in life, paired with evidence of power, status, and agency from material contexts in burials, provide sensitive measures of shifting political, economic, and social relations that reflect the dynamic roles of mobile populations in the environment of an emerging complex settlement. Understanding the specific patterns of mobility in which this population engaged and how individuals interacted with administrative systems to negotiate space and power in these new complex settlement spaces is essential to unraveling how complex sociopolitical structures develop and are sustained. This dissertation approaches 4

the issue of complexity and its relation to mobile lifestyles by addressing two primary research questions:

Question 1: How do pastoralists engage in mobility in an emergent complex settlement?

While the primary mode of mobile pastoral subsistence across the South Caucasus may have generally persisted in the contexts of emergent complex settlement, contingent elements such as pasture locations, frequency of movement, distance of movement, and demographic differences in subsistence participants may have changed in new social niches. Elucidating variation in mobility will provide insight into lived experience of the deceased, a factor that may influence how funerary participants and the society represent identity in mortuary contexts. This project investigates mobility through strontium

(87Sr/86Sr), oxygen (δ18O), carbon (δ13C) isotopic analyses of dental enamel from ten archaeological human remains excavated from seven burials in the MBA Qızqala cemetery. These are compared to 12 individuals from the nearby Plovdağ cemetery—a smaller site considered more typical of the MBA in the region—to assess the influence of complex settlement on the degree an intensity of mobility (İbrahimov, 2006; İbrahimli et al., 2015).

Strontium and oxygen isotope ratios are incorporated into enamel through food and water consumed during dental development. Strontium isotopes originate from local bedrock geology (Gosz et al., 1983; Ericson, 1985; Price et al., 2002), while oxygen isotopes originate from local meteoric waters (Epstein and Mayeda, 1953; Dansgaard,

1964; Longinelli, 1984; Luz et al., 1984; Koch, 1998; Bowen and Wilkinson, 2002).

Together, strontium and oxygen isotope ratios represent independent lines of evidence for assessing mobility across the geological landscape (horizontal plane) and across altitudinal zones (vertical plane), providing a robust means of evaluating mobility patterns in this environment. Carbon isotope ratios reflect dietary contributions of plants with different photosynthetic pathways (Schoeninger and DeNiro, 1984). Carbon isotopes complement strontium and oxygen by adding the dimension of seasonality of mobility through an evaluation of seasonal availability and consumption of different cereal grains.

The homogeneity versus heterogeneity of these isotope ratios in a population has been used to distinguish between mobile populations with heterogeneous isotopic values and sedentary populations with homogeneous values (Giblin, 2009; Knudson et al.,

2016). This project takes an innovative approach to investigating seasonal and recurrent mobility by testing if these isotopic ratios are heterogeneous in each individual. This is accomplished using a sequential (also referred to as intra-tooth) sampling technique to establish a temporal sequence of movement recorded in enamel over the course of dental development (Bocherens et al., 2001a; Balasse, 2002, 2003; Zazzo et al., 2012b). While the sample size is small and does not speak to broader patterns of mobility in the region, in combination with a robust intra-individual and intra-tooth sampling strategy, it offers great detail on individual variation in experiences with mobility over a lifetime at

Qızqala.

Given the presently supported hypothesis that MBA populations of the South

Caucasus engaged primarily in mobile pastoralism, I hypothesize that the Qızqala MBA population engaged in seasonal and recurrent mobility consistent with archaeological 6

evidence for mobile pastoralist practices in the region. This hypothesis would be supported if strontium and oxygen ratio data are significantly different across the sequence of enamel samples. If isotope ratios are not found to be significantly different, then the hypothesis would be rejected, suggesting that mobility diminished or otherwise altered in the new social organization processes.

Question 2: How did changing mortuary practices generate and/or reflect negotiations of mobile people in a new political landscape?

This project draws from structuration theory to articulate the power relations between urban authorities and agents participating in burial construction as demonstrated through the differential allocation of symbolic and economic resources to different individuals and groups (Gillespie, 2001). Structuration theory postulates that social systems are created and reproduced by both the influence of structure and actions of agents, without either playing a particularly dominant role (Giddens, 1979, 1984, 1986).

Resources serve to reflect the actions of individuals, who influence their social contexts through dynamic power relations. Giddens (1986) breaks down resources of power into two forms: authoritative resources, which allow individuals to control people and allocative resources, which allow individuals to control objects (Giddens, 1986;

Kilminster, 1997). In this dissertation, I quantify allocative resources using burial size, visibility, and material objects accompanying the deceased, which are residues of labor input. I quantify authoritative resources using style and location of burial, which are residues of control and the power to organize. Burial size, style, visibility, location, and 7

material objects will be compared to the intensity of mobility patterns of the inhumed individuals (identified by isotopic analyses). These factors reflect the territorial commitments of more mobile individuals to the polity contextualized with the economic, political, and sacred resources available to them. Evidence from mortuary space will be used to test three hypotheses on the degree of mobile pastoralist authority and the spectrum of interactions in which they engage in politically and organizationally complex systems, adapted from a model developed by Arbuckle (2012). These hypotheses are, of course, not mutually exclusive, but represent landmarks on a spectrum of power relations between mobile pastoralists and the community authorities of complex settlement systems. By considering a range of mobile pastoralist interactions and individual experiences with political institution, this research will develop a nuanced perspective on the emerging polities of the region. These perspectives will ultimately contribute to broadening our understanding of the processes and negotiations by which sedentarization and complex sociopolitical systems develop and are sustained.

Hypothesis I. Mobile pastoralists have limited access to both authoritative and allocative resources in constructing and using mortuary space

This hypothesis will be supported if burials of most mobile people conform to

the distinct burial styles that are characteristic of urban cemetery space (such

as pit/cist burials and located in close proximity on in clusters with other

burials). If the mortuary spaces of most mobile people also display fewer 8

allocative resources such as minimal burial elaboration, smaller burial sizes

and less visibility (due to lack of mounding or structures) then, the hypothesis

would be supported.

Hypothesis II. Mobile pastoralist access to authoritative and allocative resources is indistinguishable from that of more settled people.

This hypothesis will be supported if people of varying mobility patterns have

similar access to authoritative resources and do not show a significant

difference in burial style and location in terms of proximity to other burials. If

these individuals also do not show a significant difference between the

number and elaboration of material objects associated with burial, burial size,

or visibility in the landscape then the hypothesis would be supported. This

relationship suggests mobile pastoralists could hold positions of authority

through which they could negotiate access to authoritative and allocative

resources.

Hypothesis III. Political institutions have little to no regulatory power over mobile pastoralist access to authoritative and allocative resources

This hypothesis will be supported if most mobile people’s burials are

significantly correlated with the use of more kurgan/cromlech style burials

with more spatial distance between burials, because this style is more 9

characteristic of earlier autonomous mobile pastoralist communities and is not

used by settled people. Retention of kurgan/cromlech burials indicates a high

degree of control over authoritative resources through control of labor for

their construction. Furthermore, mobile people will have control over

allocative resources represented by an abundance of burial gifts, large burial

size, and high visibility due to mounding and structures.

Table 1.1 Hypotheses and supporting evidence outlined Supported if mobile Hypotheses individuals have… I. Mobile pastoralists have limited access to both small burial size authoritative and allocative resources in constructing dense cemetery and using mortuary space low visibility few to no burial objects II. Mobile pastoralist access to authoritative and diverse burial sizes allocative resources is indistinguishable from that of clustered cemetery more settled people. varying visibility diverse quantity and quality of burial objects III. Political institutions have little to no regulatory large burial size power over mobile pastoralist access to authoritative disperse cemetery and allocative resources high visibility abundant burial objects

The following chapters will provide background on the subject of this dissertation. Chapter two discusses mobile pastoralism in the context of complex societies in the Bronze Age Near East and South Caucasus, with particular attention given to how mobile pastoralists are represented in historical texts and their influence on the treatment of mobile pastoralism in the anthropological scholarship. Chapter three

discusses mortuary practice in the MBA South Caucasus and introduces the archaeological contexts of the Qızqala cemetery. Chapter four develops on the theoretical underpinnings of the dissertation by discussing structuration theory and how it is used to structure and interpret the results of isotopic and mortuary data. Chapter five introduces the history and applications of isotopic analysis in bioarchaeology and how it is used to address questions of mobility and migration in antiquity. Chapter six discusses the materials and methods used for analysis of the Qızqala population and cemetery.

Chapters seven and eight present the results of analysis and discussion of findings, respectively, followed by the conclusion.

CHAPTER 2

Political Complexity and Mobility in the South Caucasus

2.1 Introduction

This dissertation focuses predominantly on investigating ancient experiences with mobility through the lens of death. Attention is given to the physical remains of the deceased, the spaces they occupy, and the contexts of their funerary treatment as a reflection of individuals and their broader sociopolitical systems. Archaeological literature historically tended to view death and mortuary spaces in isolation from the contexts of the living as either special circumstances distinct from the quotidian lives of people and ongoing of society or as an encompassing representation of cultural experience—implying an overtly morbid or romanticized fascination with death in daily life (Walter, 2005; Williams and Giles, 2016). Death, while an exit from physical, or mortal existence in society, serves as a rite of passage into a new identity or state of being in social memory that may indeed be as tangible or impactful as physical presence

(Chapman et al., 1981; Pearson, 1982; Tarlow, 1999). While perceptions, experiences, and reactions to death play a significant role in human culture, it is also important to consider that death likely did not preoccupy the daily psyche of ancient peoples and that the culture of death and mourning were intricately woven with subtlety into the fabric of society as any other aspect of an economic, political, social, and ritual life (Williams and

Giles, 2016).

Furthermore, the cultural responses to death are enacted less in the interest of the dead, but rather to serve as a tool for expression and solidarity for the living (Brown,

1971; Pearson, 1982; Carr, 1995; Gillespie, 2001). This is evident in practices that involve revisiting the physical remains or mortuary representation of the deceased years, and even generations after death. In sum, it is impossible to separate the living from the dead in mortuary spaces. The objective of this chapter will be to situate the perspectives of death in the contexts of the day-to-day experiences of life and living during the MBA in the South Caucasus.

This chapter broadly explores archaeological manifestations of political complexity and sedentary settlement in relation to patterns of human mobility in the

South Caucasus and the surrounding region in the late third and early second millennium

BC. The chapter first introduces literature on the study of mobile pastoralism in the Near

East—discussing historical approaches in anthropology and archaeology to interpreting the roles of mobile populations and the engendered biases that contemporary scholarship aims to counter. Subsequently, broader regional examples in Near Eastern urbanism and the roles of mobile subsistence are explored before focusing directly on complex political organizations and settlement in the South Caucasus. Given a foundation in the politics, economy, ritual, and social activities of the living, the following chapter will turn attention to the realm of the dead and on mortuary practice.

2.2 Mobile Pastoralism in the Ancient Near East

This section defines mobile pastoralism as it is used in this dissertation, explores its historical and archaeological representations, and reviews contemporary scholarly treatment of the subject.

Mobile pastoralism may be broadly defined as a subsistence practice which involves a high reliance on herd animal husbandry and a large portion of the population engages in periodic mobility with these animals (Khazanov, 1994). A wide array of terms has come to be used in discussing nomadic populations referring to both the degree of mobility and the subsistence practices in which they engage, including herder, pastoralist, transhumant, nomad, and various combinations of these words (Khazanov, 1984; Cribb,

2004; Hall, 2015). Despite attempts at assigning distinct definitions for each of these concepts, scholars have not agreed on standard usage, and the words have more frequently been used interchangeably (Hall, 2015). This is not to suggest that universal definitions should exist, as these societies exhibit a wider diversity of behavior than can be encompassed by any particular assigned category. A flexible treatment of these varied terms as tools to frame research questions rather than set typologies best reflects the continuum of behavior, which they are aimed to represent (Figure 2.1).

Figure 2.1 The relationship between mobility and subsistence demonstrating the range of variable practice in nomadic pastoralist lifestyle. Adapted from Cribb 2004.

Pastoralists or herders refer to a spectrum of subsistence practice ranging from people who rely entirely on animal resources and no agriculture to those who rely mostly on agriculture with some animal resources. Similarly, nomadism or transhumance can include populations with permanent, long-range mobility to short-term, localized mobility with varied forms of pattern and pace in between. This contrast is evident in comparing nomadic populations of the Eurasian steppe—who are highly mobile and have limited reliance on agricultural products—and the populations of the Near East who supplement mobile pastoralism with agriculture (Cribb, 2004). Therefore, a definition is most accurate in local context and with knowledge of specific mobility and subsistence behaviors.

The populations of the MBA South Caucasus are described as mobile pastoralist primarily based on the absence of permanent settlement, which suggests a population with frequent mobility and little to no dependence on agricultural production (Smith,

2005b, 2012). Given that these populations are characterized by a lack of archaeological evidence for their lifestyles, mobile pastoralism is often used in archaeological literature as a catchall identifier to describe a population about which there is little understanding of specific patterns of population mobility and subsistence (Cribb, 2004). This dissertation aims to elucidate some of the behaviors evident at Qızqala to arrive at a more accurate and detailed description of local practice, which will allow comparison of modes of mobile pastoralist lifestyle in the context of the South Caucasus region and with regional neighbors in the Near East and Eurasian Steppe.

Context is key to understanding the meanings, usage, and connotations of these terms. Furthermore, these terms have evolved significantly through history and it is important to reflect on how historical interpretations have shaped our current understanding of mobile pastoralism in archaeological scholarship.

2.2.1 Historical References to Nomadic Populations

There is no evident equivalent term to nomad as an encompassing reference to mobile populations in antiquity. Rather, earliest references to the mobile populations are limited to the names of outwardly specific ethnic groups accompanied by descriptions of their mobile lifestyles and pastoral subsistence practices (Szuchman, 2009). Yet, developing a clear understanding of the conditions that constitute a contemporary identification of nomadism are complicated by the often negative and derogatory treatment of mobile populations in ancient texts, a practice that left clear impressions on

early anthropological and archaeological scholarship in the early twentieth century

(Cribb, 2004; Makarewicz, 2013b).

Nomadic pastoralism was present across the ancient Near East through early agricultural development and the expansion of settlements, and likely complemented and supported agricultural production (Cribb, 1991, 2004; Porter, 2002; Abdi, 2003; Alizadeh,

2009; Rosen, 2011; McCorriston, 2013; Wilkinson et al., 2014). Earliest historical evidence for nomadic and pastoral populations in the Ancient Near East is rare and also problematic, because texts typically originate from the elites and authorities in urban centers rather than from the nomads themselves (Szuchman, 2009; Porter, 2012).

Consequently, mobile populations are presented as outsiders, and often as barbaric counterparts to civilized urban society. The Amorites, also referred to as the Amarru in

Akkadian and Martu in Sumerian, were semi-nomadic pastoralists who were most frequently mentioned in Mesopotamian texts as identifiably nomadic (Nichols et al.,

2006). While the name Amorite implies ethnic connotations, it is unclear if this name is intended to refer to a specific group of nomads or to generally encompass the likely various groups of nomadic pastoralists that lived in the region (Porter, 2007).

Nevertheless, they are represented as occupying roles distinct from the urban population, not only due to subsistence and mobility, but also due to implied inferior and primitive behaviors. The following excerpt of a third millennium BC Sumerian text describes the

Amorites and highlights the largely negative perspective presented in many early textual references to nomadic peoples.

The Martu who know no grain…no house nor town, the boors of the mountains. The Martu who digs up truffles…who does not bend his knees (to cultivate the land), who eats raw meat, who has no house during his lifetime, who is not buried after death… (Chiera, 1934: 58).

This excerpt indicates important identifying features of what could be expected of a nomadic group, including lack of strict reliance on agricultural production, particularly cereal grains (in lieu of foraging and animal products), lack of permanent settlement, and occupation of mountainous environments at the periphery of settlements. It is significant that this text describes these features of Amorites and compares them to the cultural traditions of urban residents. However, the qualities attributed to the nomadic lifestyle are clearly intended to vilify Amorites—and in extrapolation other nomadic groups possessing these traditions—as a primitive and barbaric existence compared to those of urban and sedentary farmers.

In addition to misunderstanding and prejudice of nomadic lifestyles, the language of the text was also likely colored by the power relationships of urban elites with

Amorites. While generally belittled in texts, some Amorites rose in the political hierarchy, often through military success, into positions of power in Mesopotamian city-states. The threat of political ascension to the existing authorities of the city-states, whose elites produced the majority of textual records of the time period, would have likely biased representations of Amorites as largely negative.

The end of the Ur III dynasty, also referred to as the Neo-Sumerian Empire, during the early second millennium BC was characterized by increasing tensions with and incursions by Amorites accompanied by widespread political fragmentation across the Near East (Whiting, 1995; Nichols et al., 2006; Porter, 2007). Following this period

of collapse, a number of rulers and elites claiming Amorite ancestry emerged. A notable figure was Hammurabi of Babylon who claimed the title “king of the Amorites” (Van de

Mieroop, 2008). With previously nomadic, pastoral peoples at the fringe of urban centers now rising through the urban political hierarchy, texts thus commence referring to the nomadic people in more positive light.

A contrasting perspective to the earlier texts can be found in the early second millennium BC Mari archives documenting palatial administrative records and royal correspondences that discuss relations with the region’s nomadic populations (Luke,

1965; Fleming, 2004, 2009). These texts contain several references to people who may fall under the category of the contemporary term “nomadism.” Fleming (2009) identifies three categories of nomadic groups referenced in the Mari archives, including Sutu, Hana

(or Binu Sim’al), and various occupants of the nawum, or pastoral camps. The Sutu were outsiders, unaffiliated with the Mesopotamian societies, who traversed through the southern desert of the Mari Kingdom. Hana, also referred to as the Binu Sim’al, were a nomadic group, with a sub-group who lived in sedentary communities (Fleming, 2009).

Numerous other mobile groups were also identified by the name of the grazing lands they occupied.

Notably, nomadic groups played a prominent role during the reign of Zimri Lim in the 18th century BC. Zimri Lim adopted the title of his predecessor Yahdun-Lim and identified himself as the king of the land of Mari and of mat Hana, or tent-dwellers

(Fleming, 2004). Zimri Lim ruled those who inhabited the towns as well as those who maintained more nomadic lifestyles, and he constructed an administrative system that addressed the needs of both groups (Van de Mieroop, 2015). Nomadic peoples in Zimri-

Lim’s domain seemingly received the advantage to move from their territory in the steppe and throughout the territory with great flexibility.

The flocks of the Hana that are grazing in my district are well. They have received fair treatment in pasture (and) water, and in justice. For the flocks of the Hana and for the town of Kahat, (all) is well.

My lord knows that I govern the Hana, and like the merchant who travels between (zones of) war and (of) peace, the Hana travel on foot [between] (zones of) war and (of) peace. (Fleming 2004: 151).

Their attested importance in the palatial records and symbolic closeness to the king mark a significant departure from the typical presentation of nomadic populations in both preceding and subsequent historical records. Details on the nature of interactions between the centralized authority and the nomadic populations related to the Mari archives will be discussed in greater depth in the following sections on the role of nomadic peoples in relationship to urban centers.

Later ancient historical perspectives on nomadic populations typically do not reflect the positive perspective or detail of the Mari archive texts. Nomadic populations traditionally are held in disrepute, particularly in relation to their sedentary, agriculturalist counterparts. A notable example is the descriptions of Scythian nomads in The Histories by Herodotus.

For when men have no established cities or forts, but are all nomads and mounted archers, not living by tilling the soil but by raising cattle and carrying their dwellings on wagons, how can they not be invincible and unapproachable? - Herodotus (Hist 4.46.3)

While Herodotus provides relatively ample reflection on this nomadic populations

compared to other historical accounts of similar societies, these descriptions are written in less than appealing terms. Mobility is represented as strategy for regional dominance rather than cultural tradition or a mode of subsistence. Herodotus expresses awe at the strategic prowess of their nomadic lifestyle in militaristic activities, but this is a minor achievement given that their transhumant lifestyle begets barbarism. The general impression relayed is that of a troublesome, violent, and exoticized other, vastly different from the societies of the Mediterranean.

Herodotus is, of course, not alone among his classical historian peers in his depiction of nomadic people. His first century successor Strabo, similarly attributes mobile lifestyles with barbarism while describing the populations living along the Black

Sea coast of Anatolia and in the Caucasus. In Strabo’s Geography, two distinct features appear in his treatment of transhumance. Strabo distinguishes nomadic people and their lifestyles based on the influences of 1) environment and 2) different degrees of mobility.

He raises stark contrasts between the Sarmatian people of the Caucasian highlands and semi-nomadic populations reliant on animal husbandry. Differences on the scale of highland mobility are also equated to a parallel scale of propensity for violence. For example, in discussing the pastoralist, and ostensibly semi-nomadic herding society of the Maeotse, Strabo attributes similar barbaric qualities to Sarmatian nomads, but observes fewer of these primitive qualities for those in the population living in the plains along the Bosphorus rather than the highlands.

For along the whole of this coasting voyage live Maeotse, who are husbandmen, but not less addicted to war than the nomads. They are divided into several tribes; those near the Tanais are more savage, those contiguous to the Bosporus are gentler in their manners. Strabo (Geo. 2.4)

Strabo offers a similar treatment of the Iberian societies of the Pontic coast of the

Black Sea. Despite the use of agricultural practices, subsets of the populations living in highland communities near the boundaries of Sarmatian and Scythian territories and intermixing with these populations are attributed a higher inclination for violence.

The plain is occupied by those Iberians who are more disposed to agriculture and are inclined to peace. Their dress is after the Armenian and Median fashion. Those who inhabit the mountainous country, and they are the most numerous, are addicted to war, live like the Sarmatians and Scythians, on whose country they border, and with whom they are connected by affinity of race. These people however engage in agriculture also, and can assemble many myriads of persons from among themselves, and from the Scythians and Sarmatians, whenever any disturbance occurs. Strabo (Geo. 3.3)

By the Middle Ages, there are clear discrepancies in the representations of nomadic peoples. The 13th and 14th centuries saw the rapid and prolific expansion of the

Mongol and Timurid Empires, largely nomadic populations who occupied immense swaths of Eurasia and the Near East (Honeychurch, 2014). Yet, nomadic people had few to no attributed functional roles in urban societies. The negative depictions of nomadic people thus expanded from that of primitive and militaristic to that of people with an impractical lifestyle dependent on the products of urban society. The 14th century historian Ibn Khaldūn best exemplifies these representations in his discussions on nomads, particularly the Bedouin of North Africa, whose nomadic lifestyle he treats much like a vestigial appendage of sedentary society with little benefit and ability for self-subsistence.

The desert civilization is inferior to urban civilization, because not all the necessities of civilization are to be found among the people of the desert... While they [the Bedouin] need cities for their necessities of life, the urban population needs [the Bedouin] for convenience and luxuries. Thus, as long as they live in the desert and have not acquired royal authority and control of the cities, the Bedouin need the inhabitants of the latter (Ibn Khaldūn 1967: 122)

With a few exceptions, such as the Mari archives, “barbarian nomad” was used as a trope throughout many ancient texts and persisted to the literature of the Middle Ages.

This is not to say ancient accounts did not express a genuine feeling of economic or physical threat. Intense competition over resources likely spurred these characterizations.

Whether bias by lack of knowledge, prejudice, or competition, the primitive, violent and exoticized qualities remained consistently emphasized features of these groups. In addition to the difficulties in recognizing mobile populations in the archaeological record, these historical sources ultimately influenced how nomads were approached in anthropological and archaeological scholarship of the twentieth century.

2.2.2 Nomads in Archaeological Scholarship

Mobile people and their relationships to urban political and economic institutions have been of interest to and the focus of anthropological and archaeological scholarship since the early twentieth century (e.g. Peake and Fleure, 1928; Gordon Childe, 1936;

Kupper, 1959). These relationships were often characterized by sharp distinctions between mobile pastoralists and sedentary agriculturalists. The early twentieth century

characterizations were closer to classical and colonialist traditions in which mobile nomadic populations were depicted as raiders who often depended on stable sedentary agricultural communities for food and materials (Morier, 1837).

Mid-century scholarship was still burdened by these biases and emphasized economic and ecological factors in a neo-evolutionary approach to political relationships.

Nomadism was viewed as a rudimentary form of social and economic organization along a linear cultural evolutionary trajectory. It had little compatibility with organizational complexity attributed to centralized, sedentary, agricultural systems (Cribb, 2004).

Subsistence economies were viewed as the catalyst in social change with successful transitions rooted in the redistribution of surplus (e.g., Childe, 1936; Service, 1975). The perceived constraints of a mobile lifestyle, which limited redistributive capabilities and population size led many scholars to conclude that mobile pastoralists made little or no contribution to the development of sociopolitical complexity (Irons, 1979).

Late twentieth-century scholarship marked a turning point in which nomadic people were resituated in the narratives of social complexity. Archaeologists rejected the notion of nomadic pastoralism positioned on a line of cultural evolution. Instead, scholars argued that nomadism was a fluctuating phenomenon that existed at the peripheries of the trajectory of cultural-evolutionary processes (e.g. Cribb, 1991; Gilbert, 1983; Khazanov,

1984; Lees and Bates, 1974). Nomadic lifestyles emerged from the necessary social conditions such as specialization, pastoralism practices, and social relationships as well as ecological conditions such as suitable animal species and herding environment.

Research was less concerned with pinpointing the origins of nomadism, but rather understanding how these practices emerged at the confluence of these conditions (Cribb,

2004). Ultimately, the conditions influencing the emergence and increased adoption of nomadic lifestyles were often in tandem with sedentarization and urbanism, reflecting the difficulty of viewing mobile people independent of their sedentary counterparts.

Contemporary studies on mobile pastoralists perceive mobile pastoralist societies as having the ability to act independently of sedentary societies even exhibiting alternative complexities emerging from mobile pastoralist societies, as well as taking a more active role in organizational complexity as agents of social change with the capacity for resistance, and agency as a critical part of “sedentary” societies (e.g., Alizadeh, 2009;

Barnard and Wendrich, 2008; Makarewicz, 2013; McCorriston, 2013; Porter, 2012;

Rosen, 2011; Szuchman, 2009). These contributions have been essential in broadening theoretical perspectives on complexity by including mobile pastoralists in the social interactions that gave rise to the urban polities and states. Despite recent interest in the issue, the inherent difficulty in observing mobility through material correlates for mobile pastoralism in the archaeological record remains an issue in reaching conclusions, which are not referential to models of behavior subscribed by historical texts, ethnographic reference, or western notions of pastoralist movement.

2.3 Mobile Pastoralist Relationships to Urban Centers in the Bronze Age Near East

Given evidence of emergent political and organizational complexity at Qızqala during a period characterized predominantly by mobile pastoralism, Near Eastern records on the relationships between mobile pastoralists and urban centers offers broader and

diverse regional comparisons. The South Caucasus creates a unique set of social and ecological circumstances that distinguishes itself from political landscapes of Anatolia and Mesopotamia. The marginal, highland environment limits agricultural production and interaction, resulting in smaller scale of polities supporting smaller, more isolated populations. Despite their differences, comparing Qızqala to other documented social systems and testing hypotheses on examples in the Near East allows this dissertation to position structural treatment of mobile pastoralists at Qızqala along a continuum of established comparative forms of interaction.

Mobile pastoralists in the second millennium BC in the Near East are commonly identified as semi-nomadic, or semi-mobile (e.g., Cribb, 1991; Porter, 2012; Wilkinson et al., 2014). Their subsistence centered around sheep and goats, and to a lesser degree cattle. Sheep and goats were herded for their renewable resources such as wool and milk in addition to meat. These herds were maintained by rotating their grazing location throughout the year based on climate (Van de Mieroop, 2015). Pastoralists thus alternated between residing in and around permanent settlements and moving to the steppe according to the season. Interactions between pastoralists and farmers in the valley settlements likely necessitated negotiations to ensure grazing fields were available and that livestock did not consume crops. These interactions also had political implications in how urban social structures enforced control over pastoralists, how they moved their herds in the vicinity of cities, and their obligations to institutional authorities for loyalty, pastoral production and taxation. The nature of these relations varies between different urban settings and different mobile pastoralists groups.

Arbuckle (2012) offers a dichotomy of Bronze Age pastoralist-state interactions at

the urban centers of Drehem and Mari based on differences in the scale of political and economic institutional centrality. These cities demonstrate the degree of variation in power asymmetries between institutional authorities and pastoral production among mobile subjects.

During the late third millennium BC, the Sumerian city of Puzrish-Dagan (also referred to with the modern name of Drehem) participated in the bala system, or a centralized bureaucratic system, which collected pastoral, agricultural, and craft products from provincial subjects in exchange for basic resources, infrastructure management, and security. Drehem was an important Ur III state administrative center for storage, specialized processing, and redistribution of livestock. Drehem authorities strictly managed agricultural and pastoral production, extending their authority over subjects both in proximity to and at the margins of the city (Steinkeller, 1987; Zeder, 1994). This suggests some groups practicing pastoral herding had restricted political and economic autonomy in the urban environment.

In contrast, during the early second millennium BC in the Khabur valley of northern Mesopotamia, the city of Mari resembled a segmentary state in which there was political centralization, but it lacked the bureaucratic capacities of Drehem to extend authority over economic production at its rural margins. As previously demonstrated through references in the Mari archives, autonomous mobile pastoralist groups formed a complex relationship with urban authorities, and at times were central to structural authority as in the case of the Hana people and Zimri-Lim (Luke, 1965; Fleming, 2004).

The benefits of power as well as the expectations of providing labor and military service were afforded to groups in the vicinity of the city while groups at the distant margins of

the city were under little to no regulatory control. Consequently these groups also lacked access to institutional authority in the city (Luke, 1965).

The contrast between highly centralized and segmentary urban systems in the

Bronze Age Near East serves to define the endpoints on a continuum of mobile pastoralist-urban interactions. The lack of historical records during the Bronze Age in the

South Caucasus limits our ability to recognize the dynamics of mobile populations in relation to emerging complex settlements. Regional examples from historical texts highlight the sheer diversity of interactions, while offering insight into the material manifestations of such interactions. Material indicators of power and community membership and their relationship to documented power dynamics thus aid in interpreting the nature of mobile pastoralist status at Qızqala.

2.4 Intersections of Mobile Pastoralism and Complex Settlement in the South Caucasus

The Qızqala settlement and necropolis date to the Middle to Late Bronze Age.

Radiometric analysis of charcoal collected from in situ burning events in burials and ceramic typologies have determined that the necropolis was used from the early to the late phases of the Middle Bronze Age. Charred wood and smaller burning events from the settlement and fortification wall determined it was occupied from the late phases of the

Middle Bronze through the Late Bronze Ages.

The Middle Bronze Age marks the collapse of the Early Bronze Age and is characterized by the wide-scale abandonment of Kura-Araxes culture settlements across the South Caucasus (Kushnareva, 1997; Sagona, 2014; Kohl, 2009). Populations

transitioned from sedentary agro-pastoral subsistence to mobile pastoralism (Smith and

Rubinson, 2003; Kohl, 2009; Messager et al., 2015). Increased mobility is also accompanied by the emergence of technologies of mobility such as wagons and carts.

These technologies as well as horses and cattle were included in burial contexts signifying the importance of mobility and transportation in daily life as well as in ritual

(Smith, 2005b, 2015). The earliest phases of the Middle Bronze Age are associated with the emergence of the elaborate tumulus burials referred to as kurgans (discussed in depth in Chapter 3). The iconography of warfare also emerges as a prominent feature of the period through the increased representation of obsidian and bronze weaponry in burials

(Smith and Rubinson, 2003; Smith, 2015). Ceramic technologies were predominantly painted red wares with a great deal of regional heterogeneity in decorative styles

(Kushnareva, 1997; Özfırat, 2001).

Ceramic, bronze, and obsidian artifacts from burial contexts at Qızqala are similar to regional repertoires of the Middle Bronze Age. However, Qızqala is one of three documented fortified MBA settlements in the Aras River basin, including Kültepe II and

Metsamor, which do not fit the mold of politically fragmented, highly mobile pastoralist communities that have come to characterize the region during this period (Belli and

Sevin, 1999; Belli and Bahşaliyev, 2001; Kushnareva, 1997; Ristvet et al., 2011).

Excavations at Qızqala have revealed domestic contexts, a large stone wall, and possible ritual spaces immediately adjacent to the fortification wall associated with the

Middle Bronze Age. Due to a heavy degree of soil overburden around Qızqala over the

Middle Bronze levels, the exact extent of the settlement cannot be determined. Surface survey identified Middle Bronze Age pottery scatters that span an area of approximately

8-10 hectares (Hammer, 2014).

The Kültepe II (Figure 2.2) tell is located approximately 50km South of Qızqala and was occupied from the Early through Middle Bronze Ages. The Middle Bronze settlement occupies an area of 10 hectares. Domestic structures on the tell were surrounded by a large stone fortification wall (Abibullayev, 1963; Ristvet et al., 2011).

Metsamor is located approximately 80km to the northwest of Qızqala in Armenia and emerged as a large fortified settlement in the Middle Bronze Age. The settlement is surrounded by a stone fortification wall and occupies an area of approximately 10.5 hectares (Khanzadian et al., 1973).

Figure 2.2 Map of major MBA fortified settlements.

While these sites may not bear resemblance to the character of Middle Bronze

Age nomadic pastoralist lifestyle in terms of their fortified, domestic contexts, they do resemble the subsequent complex polities in the Late Bronze Age, suggesting the process of sedentarization and social cohesion may have been rooted in the Middle Bronze Age

(Hammer, 2014). The Late Bronze/Early Iron Age in the South Caucasus traditionally marks a period of political transformation that hinged on changes in the way people manipulated power and space (Badalyan et al., 2003; Lindsay and Greene, 2013a). As in many Near Eastern and Mesopotamian societies during this period, changes in how people interacted with their landscape and the practice of mobility in these new social and political spaces played a major role in demonstrating and creating political authority that united fragmentary communities into urban centers (Cowgill, 2004; Ristvet, 2011;

Lindsay and Greene, 2013b; Wilkinson et al., 2014). Fragmentary communities that dotted the foothills of the Caucasus with monumental kurgan burials in the Bronze Age were replaced by a centralized and interconnected network of monumental fortress- centered polities and cemetery complexes that dominated Eastern Anatolia and the South

Caucasus in the LBA/EIA (Kushnareva, 1997; Smith, 2003, 2012; Badalyan et al., 2008;

Lindsay, 2011; Ristvet et al., 2011; Hammer, 2014). Much like their Middle Bronze Age counterparts, these polities present a situation in which political and organizational complexity are hypothesized to have emerged primarily at the hand of semi-nomadic pastoralist populations (Smith, 2005b; Lindsay and Greene, 2013a).

The political complexity in the Late Bronze/Early Iron Age in the South Caucasus is increasingly the focal point of archaeological scholarship in the region, which has shed critical light on the role of mobile pastoralist roles in emergent complex polities

(Badalyan et al., 2008; Lindsay et al., 2010; Lindsay, 2011; Marshall, 2012; Monahan,

2012; Greene and Lindsay, 2013; Lindsay and Greene, 2013a; Smith, 2015). However, the inherent difficulty in extracting empirical evidence of seasonal patterns of mobility from archaeological contexts limited understanding on the nature of mobility in these as well as earlier MBA pastoralist populations and how this mobility relates to processes of organizing political complexity and the large-scale settlements. By ignoring the varying mobility patterns of individuals and groups associated with specific mortuary contexts, broader explanations for the relationship between fortress, mortuary space, and mobile subject are at best speculative. This limits interpretations of how pastoralists shaped their political landscape through reproducing, transforming, or resisting political and economic conditions of power.

2.5 Summary

This chapter defined mobile pastoralism as it is used for the purpose of this dissertation, explored the often biased historical and archaeological representations of mobile pastoralism in the past, and discussed the current scholarly approaches that increasingly aim to shed light on mobile pastoralists as agents in urban and state contexts in the Near

East and South Caucasus. Regional perspectives on the daily lives and authority of mobile pastoralists interacting with and occupying complex settlement contexts serve to establish a set of possible explanations and comparisons for the relationship and dynamics of authority represented at the Middle Bronze Age Qızqala cemetery, an early representative of complex settlement in the region. Furthermore, these perspectives on

the daily lives of mobile pastoralists offer necessary insight into power dynamics in life that can be used to explore how these dynamics are represented in death. The following chapter will complement the authority and agency of living mobile pastoralists with how these forces manifest in the mortuary traditions in the Middle Bronze Age South

Caucasus.

CHAPTER 3

Death and Burial in Middle Bronze Age South Caucasus: the Qızqala Necropolis in Context

3.1 Introduction

The red-eye flight from Istanbul to Naxçıvan City arrives over the foothills of the

South Caucasus just as the sun emerges over the horizon, casting shadows that clearly reveal the dotted texture of the topography. In the summer of 2014, I awoke at just the perfect time to glance out of my window and observed distinct clusters of circular mounds on the otherwise smooth, rolling topography in the unpopulated hills and valleys of Eastern Turkey and Naxçıvan. I spotted several mounds and burial groups in the Şərur

Valley from previous visits and was surprised to realize that these monuments were still impressed in my memory millennia after their construction, years after first encountering them, and from such a great distance away. These mounds, referred to as kurgans, are the remaining representations of the Bronze Age mortuary landscape. Their monumentality and prominence in the topography of the South Caucasus foothills served as loci of social memory for generations of Bronze Age peoples. Kurgans demarcated ancestral lands and, even to the present day, serve as a marked space for remembrance. Memory is a critical feature through which authority is manipulated and legitimized in mortuary spaces and will be central to understanding the how power relations are represented at Qızqala.

The term kurgan is the Russian/Turkic name for a tumulus or barrow. Since the earliest discoveries found in kurgan burials of the Caucasus and Eurasian steppe in the late 19th century, the study and excavation of Bronze Age mortuary spaces, particularly monumental kurgan burials, has historically held a dominating role in the broader

Eurasian Steppe and Caucasus archaeology (Anthony et al., 1986). This is equally true of the South Caucasus, where archaeological scholarship until recent years relied heavily on mortuary archaeology to answer questions of culture history, social evolutionary processes, and regional networks (Kushnareva, 1997; Smith, 2012).

There are two reasons behind the extensive focus on mortuary spaces, including:

1) the mobile subsistence practices that characterize much of the Bronze Age across the

South Caucasus and 2) high surface visibility of the mounded surfaces. The nomadic/semi-nomadic populations of the Middle Bronze Age South Caucasus are hypothesized to have constructed ephemeral settlements in the form of seasonal camps

(Kushnareva, 1997; Smith, 2005a). These forms of settlement typically use degradable, organic materials, which leave minimal traces of their existence in the archaeological record. In contrast, the mortuary spaces of the Middle Bronze Age often consist of high stone and/or earth mounded kurgan burials that distinctively dot the hills of the South

Caucasus (Kushnareva, 1997; Marshall, 2012). While susceptible to erosional processes, they often remain easily identifiable from many meters distance even four millennia after their construction.

The monumental construction and elaborate furnishing of kurgans allowed for mortuary assemblages to serve as a convenient capsule in interpreting many cultural, economic, and political aspects of the societies by whom they were constructed.

Historically, artifacts in this region were divorced from their original contexts, and focus directed towards establishing cultural typologies and chronologies before considering the funerary practices and processes that brought these assemblages together into their terminal mortuary environs (Kushnareva, 1997; Özfırat, 2001).

As discussed in the previous chapter, a focus on the products of funerary traditions offers fragmentary and biased perspective on ancient societies that may overlook the functions of daily life that do not involve death or the dead. Moreover, treating mortuary assemblages in isolation risks defining tradition on the basis of a few commonalities as well as overlooking the variability that speaks to individual decisions and identity development in a given society and time period. Deciphering the social, symbolic and political significance of mortuary space and assemblages thus requires attention to patterns of mortuary practice in the Bronze Age South Caucasus across spaces and time and identifying variation within local cemetery contexts.

This chapter discusses MBA burial practices of the South Caucasus, with particular attention paid to the social lives of kurgans. Burial forms and funerary practices are broadly introduced. I follow by evaluating relationships between mortuary space and mobility, social hierarchy, territoriality, and social memory. I review notable

MBA cemeteries and associated contexts discovered and excavated in and close to the vicinity of the Şərur Valley as a regional comparison to the Qızqala necropolis. Finally, I discuss the significance of Naxçıvan in the MBA and introduce the Qızqala settlement and cemetery complex.

3.2 Mortuary Traditions of the Middle Bronze Age South Caucasus

3.2.1 Landscapes of Death

The placement of the dead in relation to each other and the living as well as their proximity to significant geographic features represents the symbolic and functional role of the dead in society. The dead often occupy liminal spaces that separate them from the realm of the living. Yet, they are also deeply integrated into living society by occupying mortuary landscapes that serve as communal spaces for engaging in intense ritual activities (Chapman, 2003). Through use and reuse for burial rites and re-visitations, these landscapes develop meaning, which is defined and redefined (Precourt, 1984) over time (Greene and Lindsay, 2013; Lindsay and Greene, 2013a).

As mentioned earlier, the primary organization of mortuary landscapes during the

MBA consists of widely dispersed, individual and clustered kurgans, also referred to as kurgan fields (Özfırat, 2001). The majority of these fields are documented in the peaks and valleys of foothills and most often in close proximity to river valleys, or streams

(Marshall 2012). While many kurgan fields are often not associated with settlements, the proximity to hydrological resources implies close association with likely temporary, semi-permanent inhabitation areas.

Similarly, while these foothills are marginal to the agriculturally-productive plains and more easily populated lowlands, these landscapes have high visibility of the surrounding valley and function as productive highland grazing pastures. Historical pastoralist populations attest to this function of the South Caucasus foothills for grazing,

which continue to be used as verdant and abundant spaces for highland grazing of sheep and goats in the dry summer season by current inhabitants (Fitzherbert 1985; Neudert et al 2008). This suggests that kurgan fields may have occupied high traffic areas that presented opportunities for regular communal expression of social memory. In combination with the monumentality of MBA burials that allow them to be easily distinguishable from great distances, and the well-trafficked landscape in which they are placed speaks to important issues of land use, territoriality, and social networks, which will be discussed in depth later in this chapter.

Mortuary landscapes of the MBA in the South Caucasus typically occupy large areas spanning nearly 100 or more hectares. Burials are loosely dispersed across the area with minimal documented evidence of adjacent domestic contexts (Özfirat, 2001). The emergence of this mortuary tradition accompanies the wide-spread abandonment of Early

Bronze Age (3500-2400 BC) permanent settlements in lieu of politically fragmentary nomadic lifestyles that ultimately characterized the region in the MBA (Kushnareva,

1997). MBA mortuary traditions thus pose a stark contrast with large-scale communal burials of the preceding small-scale Early Bronze Age settlements as well as with the more densely organized cemeteries situated at the edges of Late Bronze and Iron Age (c.

1500-800 BC) polities, which would later emerge in the region (Kushnareva, 1997;

Smith, 2005, 2012). The shifting patterns of social organization and settlement over the course of the Bronze Age, influenced by changes in population size and density and degree of political and economic centralization of authority, left distinct impressions on the character of mortuary traditions during each of these periods. However, much like the neighboring sites of Kültepe II and Metsamor in the Aras River Basin, Qızqala diverges

from expected regional MBA patterns of nomadism. The Qızqala necropolis similarly presents a hybridization of standard MBA traditions in their density and proximity to an identifiable complex settlement. These features evoke the organization of necropoli associated with polities of the LBA/EIA, suggesting that the allocation of territory, patterning, and production of mortuary space may be rooted in the social processes emerging in the Middle Bronze Age. This patterning will be explored through the analysis of mortuary spaces in this dissertation.

3.3.2 Burial Form and Architecture

Kurgans are constructed of mounded earth or stone atop a pit or cist burial cut containing the deceased and, typically, an abundance of material and faunal accompaniments (Figure 3.1). The kurgan is a dominant and prolific form that seemingly suggests distinct similarities in funerary traditions across a large number of Bronze Age communities across the Caucasus and Eurasia. The earliest form of the kurgan in the

South Caucasus emerged in the Early Bronze Age in the form of large communal crypt burials (Kushnareva, 1997). In the MBA, this form faded from use and was replaced by the ostentatious, monumental kurgans, often intended for single individuals, a hallmark feature of the MBA in the South Caucasus. However, pit and cist burials without superficial mounding or encircling stones are also documented in numerous MBA sites

(Özfirat, 2001). Despite the widespread use of the mounded burial form, kurgans exhibit diversity in architecture and style both within and between cemeteries, which are more

likely to represent the nuanced variations of local funerary traditions derived from group or individual identity through space and time rather than the superficial monumentality alone.

Figure 3.1 Profile of a typical Middle Bronze Age kurgan burial in the South Caucasus

Kurgans may be circular or oval shaped, mounded with earth and/or stones at variable heights, have a stepped or sloping surface shape, and may be surrounded by a circle of large stones referred to as a cromlech. The cromlech may also be constructed internally to the mounding such that it is not visible on the surface. Kurgans may be isolated, part of a loosely formed cluster of other kurgans, or may be part of an

interconnected cluster, often with a central foundational kurgan surrounded concentrically by smaller kurgans. The area in the mounding or cromlech may contain a single or multiple burial cuts within. The burial pit beneath may be rectangular, ovoid, or circular, which may be an earthen pit or a stone or wooden—if preservation permits identification—cist. The pit may be filled with earth or layers of medium to large rocks with a single large topping stone, or various quantities of stone or wooden (if preserved) slabs across the top of the pit.

Figure 3.2 presents a schematic of some MBA burials varieties. This schematic may not necessarily represent the full diversity of burial forms in the region, but highlights important distinguishing features found in the survey and excavation of sites across the South Caucasus.

3.3 Origins and Functions of Kurgans for Middle Bronze Age Cultures

3.3.1 Migration and the proliferation of the “Kurgan Culture”

The widespread use of the kurgan burial across Eurasia and the Caucasus fueled early scholarly consideration of the cultural, genetic, and linguistic congruencies and relationships between these disparate groups scattered across Eurasia. In his search for

Indo-European origins in The Aryans, Childe (1926) sought archaeological evidence of migration that would mirror the widespread diffusion of Indo-European languages prior to the second millennium BC. Childe suggested the Corded Ware-Battle Axe-Tumulus

Burial complex of the early Bronze Age as a likely candidate with origins in the Northern

Pontic steppe that ultimately expanded through migration of nomadic pastoralist populations across the Eurasian steppe.

Gimbutas (1956) would later focus on the tumulus burial aspect of this complex and develop the concept of “Kurgan Culture” to encapsulate the similarities in monumental burial practice across Eurasia. Gimbutas postulated that early Indo-European speaking populations originated in the lower Volga in the 5th millennium BC and gradually migrated to Europe, Central Asia, and Anatolia over the course of the following three millennia. These patriarchal, nomadic populations, were aided in proliferating their culture through their use of domesticated horses and nomadic pastoral subsistence practices which provided an advantage in the hypothesized drier climate and deforestation that characterized the late third-second millennium BC. Through three successive migratory waves, these populations gradually overtook neighboring cultures

producing more homogeneous populations with shared language, social organization, economy, religion, and thus, material culture as evidenced by uniformity in mortuary practice, in the form of the kurgan burial.

The “Kurgan Culture” became a dominant archaeological and linguistic hypothesis for much of the mid twentieth century, encouraging the association of the tumulus form with nomadic pastoralism and steppe population replacements (Anthony,

1992). However, the sheer geographic scale of the model proved difficult in application to areas outside of the immediate Black Sea region, such as the South Caucasus, where direct culture contact by pastoral mobility and migration may have been less feasible

(Haarmann, 2015). In areas such as Eastern Europe and Anatolia outside of the immediate nucleus of the “Kurgan Culture,” which also exhibited similar archaeological traits and language, the development of these cultural features were more closely associated with increased social stratification and economic intensification in the Bronze

Age (Gilman, 1981). These developments were suggested to have expanded regional contact and trade networks that would aid in the proliferation of language and associated archaeological features through the transference of cultural packages from steppe nomads to far reaches of the continent (Anthony, 1986). However, limited and contradictory archaeological, linguistic, and genetic evidence would render “Kurgan Culture” irrelevant in lieu of more complex and regional approaches by the late twentieth century

(Krell, 2003). Nevertheless, the association of kurgan burials with nomadic pastoralism remains a significant and long-lasting impact of the “Kurgan Culture” hypothesis on the interpretation and understanding of the social lives and functionality of Bronze Age kurgan burial practice.

3.3.2. Kurgans and Interpretation of Social Organization and Hierarchy

Mortuary practice and funerary ritual are acts embedded in political context, and the reorganization of social and political structure in emerging complex settlement landscapes and created new contexts in which the ritual and practice could be enacted and altered (Binford, 1971; Goldstein, 1976). However, localized agency of individuals involved with funerary practice can reinforce, alter, and even subvert the social rules of the system (Chapman, 2003; Dobres and Robb, 2000; Gilliespie, 2001; Metcalf and

Huntington, 1991; Pearson, 1993; Porter, 2002). Interpreting political contexts of mortuary practice thus requires an approach that alternates between agent-centered and system-centered analyses by negotiating the identity of the deceased, contributions of localized agency, and the rules and restrictions of broader social and political structures while clearly articulating the material representations of each (Brown, 1995; Brumfiel,

1992; Porter, 2002).

Archaeological evidence from the South Caucasus suggests that during the mid- third millennium BC, a period of major social change occurred through increased mobility and migrations, violence and inter-group conflict, and greater social significance of the warrior identity (Kushnareva, 1997; Smith, 2005). Due to the lack of evidence for settlements, mortuary contexts inform on the majority of interpretations of social organization and structure of the MBA. The widespread emergence of individual inhumations as well as the increased incorporation of draught animals, transportation technologies (i.e., carts and wagons) and warfare technology in burials suggests the emergence of a new social setting in which mobility and warfare became a dominant

feature in funerary ritual (Smith, 2015).

These emergent social features have been traditionally viewed through a social evolutionary perspective that suggests increasing sociopolitical complexity through political centralization in individual tribal leaders, which allowed for increasing authority to command labor, land and material resources (Smith, 2012). The MBA kurgan burial tradition of the South Caucasus thus reflects many aspects of emergent social inequalities and mobile economies that typify the period. As previously noted, MBA mortuary practice is broadly characterized by elaborate construction and rich offerings, but there are also vastly varying degrees of elaboration that have been interpreted to suggest these communities were socially stratified and individuals commanded different funerary rites according to identity and status. Smith (2005) suggests the ostentatious burial traditions and rich mortuary offerings of the MBA highlight elite privilege and reflect the importance of individual authority rooted in close ties to ancestry among the small-scale mobile pastoral tribes that occupied the region. In contrast to the hypothesized egalitarian population of the EBA where communities shared burial spaces, MBA tribal elites commanded the labor resources and authority to remove economic resources from general circulation for individual veneration in death. This authority and hierarchical structure was validated and perpetuated by the community who enacted the elaborate funerary rites to construct these large-scale features in the hills and allocate valuable resources, such as weaponry, draught animals, transportation technology, and jewelry.

However, this approach takes a functional perspective on funerary ritual that overlooks the potential influences of individual agency and the relationship of agency and social structure that produce heterarchies, or complex horizontal power relationships,

which are common in segmentary, nomadic societies (Fowles, 2002; McIntosh, 1999). In addition to economic status, aspects of identity, such as gender, age, kinship, ethnicity, ideology, and disability may also command power in ways that are manifested in funerary representation. A representative example in Eurasian Bronze/Iron Age mortuary archaeology is the complicated nature of gender and “warrior” identities in interpreting authority structure, particularly represented in cases of deceased females receiving weaponry, which runs contrary to the traditional patriarchal, conflict-based authority of these nomadic populations (see Lindruff and Rubinson, 2008).

Consideration of burial forms that deviate from social evolutionary convention is influenced by developments in post-processual, practice, and feminist theories, which lend closer attention to the subject of individual agency. Rather than the elite playing a central role as the source of political power, which the common people perpetuate through funerary practices, this approach focuses attention on how funerary construction and ritual are enacted by the common people who render political power (see Joyce, 2005 and Pauketat, 2005). The debate continues as to how the intersectional applications of these perspectives distinguish complex social practice, individual agency, and intentionality from perpetuation of traditional hierarchical systems. Hanks (2008) argues that the application of new and multidisciplinary methodologies, such as those available through bioarchaeology, complement analysis of mortuary data in reorienting focus toward individuals.

3.3.3 Monumentality of Kurgans and Implications for Territoriality and Social Memory

The traditional definition of a monument is an object or architecture that is large in scale. However, the word monument derives from the Latin, monēre, or “to remind,” which when considered while investigating these visually prominent objects highlights the importance of also reflecting on the meaning these objects communicated to the communities that constructed, revisited, and encountered them through time (Osborne,

2014). Millennia after their construction, kurgans of the South Caucasus are still easily identifiable in the landscape, as evidenced by Figure 3.3, a photograph of an unexcavated kurgan identified during survey of the Qızqala necropolis.

Figure 3.3 Tumulus K16-15 clearly identifiable through distinctive soil and stone mounding, which contrasts with the sterile surrounding soil.

Without the masking effects of millennia of erosion and soil deposition, the original mounding, cromlechs, stone capping, and offerings would have given kurgans significantly more impact when they were initially constructed in the Bronze Age.

Instead of viewing these burials as capsules of a single, isolated, or terminal event in the ancient past, this approach encourages viewing kurgans and kurgan fields as constantly evolving and charged spaces where the living continuously return to frame and reframe the memory of the deceased while also participating in an ongoing process of

social relations (Barrett, 2000; Joyce, 2001; Joyce and Meskell, 2003; Meskell, 2001).

Additionally, the emotive nature of death and mortuary practice are formalized and reflected in the mortuary space. While emotion may not be a cross-culturally shared or immediately tangible/apparent phenomena, these experiences surrounding death and commemoration also have powerful effects on the representations of mortuary practice

(Kan, 1989; Metcalf and Huntington, 1991). The identities of the deceased, nested in the actions of the living constructing space and identity provided the fundamental materials on which social meaning/memory is first created and then, through the continuous use of mortuary space, are extended in social histories (Van Dyke and Alcock, 2003). Social memory can be used as an ideological mechanism through which authorities legitimize power (Alcock, 2002) and also as a mechanism of social cohesion and community identity (Blake, 1998).

3.4 Notable Cemeteries of the South Caucasus

Sensitivity to individual and local mortuary traditions has significant implications for exploring local agency and identities. Yet, these perspectives are difficult to distinguish without a regional approach, which considers local traditions in the context of the regional networks of interaction that shape funerary practice (Beck, 1995).

Understanding regional perspectives in mortuary practice is essential in the context of the

MBA populations of the South Caucasus whose mobile subsistence likely encouraged and maintained a number of strong and influential regional connections. Furthermore, establishing regional patterns of mortuary practice and funerary ritual serves as an

important tool for this dissertation, because comparison to smaller scale cemeteries in different ecological contexts highlight practices related to the influencing factors of emergent complexity at Qızqala. This section introduces a number of notable necropoli excavated in Azerbaijan, Armenia, and Eastern Turkey.

Figure 3.4 Map of notable Middle Bronze Age cemeteries in the Aras River Basin and nearby areas

The benefit of extensive focus on mortuary archaeology in the region since the nineteenth century allows this project to have numerous regional comparisons of funerary traditions to better identify regional connections and networks with shared cultural attitudes toward the treatment of the deceased as well as economic and political ties through the materials and products that accompany the deceased. From a period with widely attested mobile pastoralism, these regional connections will offer an essential perspective on regional connectivity to complement evidence of seasonal and lifetime mobility from isotopic analysis of human remains. The basic features of burial production of notable cemeteries from Azerbaijan, Armenia, and Turkey located in close proximity to the Qızqala cemetery are briefly described and summarized in Table 3.1. However, due to the nature of excavations and recording at historic excavation sites, human remains are not described in detail, which limits the degree to which they can be discussed at each site. I later evaluate burial features to examine the degree and aspects of mortuary traditions that parallel and diverge between Qızqala and the other regionally documented cemeteries.

3.4.1 Kurgan Cemeteries of Azerbaijan

Kızıl Vank

Located in Babek rayon (an Azerbaijani administrative district) in Naxçıvan along the Aras River, Kızıl Vank hosted among the earliest excavations of Middle Bronze Age

cemeteries in the region. After its discovery in 1895, N.V. Fyodorov, I.I. Meşşaninov, and A.A. Miller began excavations in 1926 (Ibrahimov, 2010).

The settlement mound is located along the Aras River while the necropolis is located to the northwest at the flanks of a rocky hill. Due to damage from earlier railway construction and limited publication of discoveries, detailed descriptions of burials is not possible. However, burials can be classified into two primary groups. Earliest burials dating to the twentieth century BC were cist graves with approximately 2 x 1.5 x 0.5m dimensions. Many also included loosely laid stone slabs across the top of the grave. Each grave was intended to hold a single individual. The deceased would be laid on the right side in semi-flexed position. Burial offerings, which included ceramic vessels, bronze weaponry, beaded and bronze jewelry, lithic tools and arrowheads, were placed near the head and/or feet.

The second form of burial, likely dating to the later Middle Bronze/Late Bronze is larger than the first with approximate dimensions 3.80-4.50 x 1.00-1.80m and surface mounding at approximately 1.6-1.7 m in height. These graves were intended for multiple individuals, also accompanied by faunal remains (mostly sheep and goat) (Alekperov,

1937; Aliev, 1977; Seidov et al., 1995; Ibrahimov, 2010).

Çalxanqala

Located in the Kəngərli rayon of Naxçıvan, Çalxanqala, also referred to as

Ezneburd, is a kurgan cemetery. The cemetery is located in the foothills adjoining the

Cəhri river. Seyidov and Bakhshaliyev (2002) dated the Trialeti style painted red wares found at the site to 2100-1900 BC.

The kurgans range in size from 8-10m in diameter and approximately 1.2m in height. Kurgan 4, the only kurgan documented as being excavated had a rectangular grave pit with dimensions 1.3 x 0.6 x 1m. Burial offerings included bronze weaponry, bronze pins, obsidian arrows, a bronze pendant and beads made of seashells and colored stones (Aliyev, 1977; Seidov et al., 1995).

Şahtaxtı

Located in the Şərur rayon, Şahtaxtı is a fortified settlement and with a dual necropolis site situated at the intersection of the Aras and Asnı rivers. The necropoli were used in three phases (2300-1900 BC; 1900-1700 BC; 1600-1300 BC) spanning the

Middle Bronze through Late Bronze Ages (Belli and Bahsaliyev, 2001).

Burial styles primarily include cist burials in either north-south or east-west orientation. Burial pits are typically large at approximately 5 x 3.4 x 1.5m dimensions.

Burials are filled with roughly two layers of large rocks, surrounded by stone cromlechs and topped with approximately 0.3-0.4m stone or earth mounding, which are barely perceptible in the landscape. Cromlech sizes are variable, with the largest example reaching 30m in diameter. The larger examples often contain multiple cist burials of various sizes. The limited discovery of human remains and ample ash in burials was interpreted as evidence that the deceased were cremated and ashes placed in the ceramic vessels placed in the burial. However, this conclusion appears to be based on the lack of identifiable human bone rather than the identification of cremations form human remains.

Burials included painted and plain red ware ceramics of the Sevan-Uzerlik, Karmir Berd, and Van-Urmiye styles as well as cylinder seals (Bahshaliyev and Aliev, 1985).

A unique feature of Şahtaxtı Necropolis is a horse buried in similar style to humans in terms of burial layout. The horse was adorned with riding tack and accompanied by tightly arranged red and black ceramic vessels as well as a gold-plated bronze bowl. There is no evidence to suggest a human may have accompanied the horse

(Belli and Bahshaliyev, 2001).

Şortepe

The necropolis at Şortepe is located in Şərur rayon in Naxçıvan along the Aras

River. The necropolis is situated immediately adjacent to a settlement mound, which had predominantly Early Bronze occupation followed by a period of ostensible disuse in the

Middle Bronze Age. However, the necropolis continued to be used for burial through the

Middle Bronze Age. Monochrome and polychrome red ware ceramic finds of Trialeti style found at the site were dated to 2100-1900 BC. Due to damage from agricultural use and construction in the area as well as limited documentation, specifics of burial practice are unclear with exception of a river rock lined cist grave (Aliev, 1991; Novruzlu and

Bakhshaliyev, 1993).

3.4.2. Kurgan Cemeteries of Armenia

Arich

Located in Northern Armenia along the Akhuryan River in the Shirak Plataeau,

Arich is an Early and Middle Bronze walled settlement and cemetery. The cemetery is immediately adjacent to the settlement mound and contains 85 MBA burials dating to

1900-1800 BC over a 3-hectare area. Burial forms consist of stone and/or earth mounded kurgans with internal cromlechs overlaying rectangular or oval earth pit burial cuts.

Diameters range from approximately 10-16m with a height of 0.7-1.8m. Burial cut sizes are variable with typical dimensions at roughly 3.2 x 1.8 x 0.4-3m (Kushnareva, 1985).

Each typically contains a single individual, although a few double inhumations are documented. Individuals are flexed with females resting on the left side while males rest on the right side. It is unclear if sex was determined based on skeletal markers or by artifacts accompanying individuals. Therefore, the veracity of these patterns is tentative.

Monochrome red ware and incised black ware line the walls of the cut, with some containing fragmentary faunal remains. Other accompaniments include abundant faunal remains, bronze weapons and tools, and beaded jewelry (Kushnareva, 1985; Ozfirat,

2001).

Echmiadzin

Located in the southwest corner of Armenia in the Ararat Valley, Echmiadzin is a necropolis dating the 16-15th centuries BC. Burials consist of kurgans with diameters

ranging from 5-8m in diameter, and mounding ranging from 0.50-1.00m in height. Burial pits are oval or rectangular with dimension ranging from 2.10-2.40 x 1.75-2.40m.

Burials are single inhumations with each individual placed in flexed position.

Accompaniments include poorly made Trialeti-style red ware, stone and glass paste beads, obsidian arrowheads, and cattle remains (Martirosyan, 1964).

Elar

Located 16km east of Yerevan on the Kotayk plateau, Elar is a multi-period settlement and necropolis site. Occupation extends roughly from the Early Bronze through the Middle Ages. However, it is uncertain whether Middle Bronze levels, dating to the early second millennium and consisting of abundant monochrome red ware truly constitutes settlement. Middle Bronze Age burials are earthen pits with single inhumation. Human remains are either cremated or placed in flexed position in the burial.

Accompaniments consisted of a single bronze dagger and a small number of incised black and monochrome red wares for each individual (Khazandian, 1966, 1979).

Karmir Berd

Located just north of Yerevan, Karmir Berd necropolis dates to the first half of the second millennium and has undergone multiple investigations after its initial discovery in 1896. Burials are small, stone mounded kurgans atop burial cuts sealed with

3-5 large stone slabs. Cuts are rectangular, oriented north-south with dimensions ranging from 1.5-1.8 x 0.7-0.98m with a depth of 0.65-0.9m.

Excavations encountered poorly preserved human remains located at either the center or northern edge of the cut. Beyond individual inhumation, contexts of burial are unclear. Burials had few accompaniments, including incised black and monochrome red wares, bronze objects, beads, and unspecified faunal remains (Kushnareva, 1960;

Martirosyan, 1964; Burney and Lang, 1971).

Keti

Located on the Shirak Plateau, Keti is an Early Bronze and Early Iron Age settlement as well as an MBA/LBA kurgan cemetery dating to 2000-1500 BC. A total of

53 burials were excavated, which exhibited three styles: circular and ovoid cromlechs, rectangular earth pits, and stone lined cists. Large stone slabs enclose the top of each burial. Cromlechs are 5-9.5m in diameter while burial cuts are 1.40-4.00 x 0.70-2.00m x

0.60-2.50m. Burials are oriented in either north-south or east-west directions.

Most burials contain a single individual in flexed position on either the left of right side, while fewer contained cremated remains. Mostly incised black ware and fewer monochrome red ware line the walls of the cut while a single bowl is placed near the head for non-cremated individuals. Other accompaniments include remains of herding animals, bronzes (weaponry, tools, and pins), obsidian arrows, and beads of a variety of materials (Kushnareva, 1997).

Lchashen

Situated in the hills on the northwest shore of Lake Sevan, the Lchashen necropolis consists of nearly 200 identified MBA/LBA kurgan burials placed at the lower

skirts of a walled fortress. Burial forms are earthen mounds atop rectangular or circular burial cuts. Mounding diameters range dramatically from 4-28m while burial cuts also vary from 2.5-23m in length and as deep as 3m.

Human remains were not encountered in the nine excavated kurgans, leading archaeologists to suggest remains may have been cremated prior to inhumation. Burials contained an abundance of faunal remains of herding animals, notably bull crania adorn each side of the burial entrance. Other accompaniments include a variety of monochrome red ware and incised black ware, bronze weaponry, bronze jewelry, obsidian arrows, and lithic tools (Burney, 1977; Baur-Mandroff, 1984; Kushanreva, 1985).

Metasamor

Metasamor is a settlement and necropolis site located in close proximity to

Echmiadzin in the Ararat valley, and positioned at the headwaters of the Metasamor

River, from which it derives its name. Occupation dates from the second half of the 4th millennium through the 7th century BC. Middle Bronze Age levels do not show evidence of architecture, but discoveries include lithic tools, and painted red and brown ware ceramic sherds.

The Metasamor necropolis dates to the Middle Bronze-Early Iron Ages and extends across a 200 hectare space to the northeast of the settlement, with a total of 115 identified burials. Of these 7 stone lined cists and 16 kurgans were dated to the Middle

Bronze Age. Kurgans are mounded with either stone or earth and surrounded by cromlechs. Mounding overlays a stone-lined cist with dimensions ranging from 1.4-3.9 x

0.8-1.5m are oriented east-west, and were sealed by a single stone slab or possibly wooden beams.

Inhumations are single with human remains placed in flexed position.

Archaeologists suggest the deceased was wrapped in straw mat and clay.

Accompaniments include incised black as well as grey/brown ware pottery placed by the head, bronze dagger and pins, obsidian arrowheads, and an assortment of beads

(Khazandian, 1996; Khazandian and Piotrovskii, 1992).

3.4.3 Kurgan Cemeteries of Eastern Turkey

Ani

Ani is an MBA necropolis situated in the plain surrounding the Bostan river in the

Arpaçay district. Few details are known about the precise details of mortuary tradition at the site due to looting and insufficient documentation. Yet, Ani offers another important example of a MBA cemetery consisting of primarily stone lined cists sealed by stone slabs. Human remains were placed in supine position and cremated, possibly in situ.

Accompaniments include an abundance of monochrome Trialeti wares, bronze jewelry, and weaponry (Balkan and Sümer, 1965; Alkim, 1967; Petrosyan, 1989).

Suluçem

The Suluçem kurgan cemetery is situated in the foothills above the Ararat plain near Doğubeyazıt. A significant aspect of this cemetery is the large size of kurgans. Two

are approximately 43 m in diameter with 4-5m of mounding, and another reaches 60m in diameter with 10m of mounding. The later example is composed of 11 concentrically placed 5-6m diameter kurgans around a central burial that together form a large, elevated feature in the landscape. Insight into the content of these burials derives from exposed pits left by looters. Burial cuts appear to be stone lined cists containing a single inhumation accompanied by monochrome painted red ware. However, it is likely these burials contained additional artifacts that have been lost to looters (Özfirat, 2001).

Table 3.1 Summary of notable South Caucasus MBA cemetery features. Location Site Name Site Type Cemetery Features Kızıl Vank Settlement - Stone lined cists approximately 2 x and Cemetery 1.5 x 0.5m dimensions - Kurgans 3.8-4.5 x 1-1.8m and surface mounding at approximately 1.6-1.7m in height. - Single and multiple inhumations. - Semi-flexed position. - Monochrome ceramics, faunal remains, bronze weaponry, beaded and bronze jewelry, lithic tools and arrowheads. Çalxanqala Settlement, - Kurgans ranging from 8-10m in Naxçıvan Cemetery, and diameter and approximately 1.20m Autonomous Fortress in height. Republic - Monochrome red ware, bronze (Azer.) weaponry, bronze pins, obsidian arrows, a bronze pendant and beads made of seashells and colored stones Şahtaxtı Settlement - Large stone lined cists and Cemetery approximately 5.00 x 3.40 x 1.50m surrounded by stone cromlechs (up to 30m diameter) and topped with approximately 0.3-0.4m stone or earth mounding.

Continued

Table 3.1 Continued Şahtaxtı Settlement - The larger examples often contain and Cemetery multiple cist burials of various sizes. - North-south or east-west orientation. Naxçıvan - Cremated human remains Autonomous - Painted and plain red ware Republic ceramics of the Sevan-Uzerlik, (Azer.) Karmir Berd, and Van-Urmiye styles and cylinder seals - Horse burial Şortepe Settlement - River stone lined cists and Cemetery - Monochrome and polychrome red ware ceramics. Ani Cemetery - Stone lined cists sealed by stone slabs. - Human remains in supine position and cremated. - Monochrome Trialeti wares, bronze jewelry, and weaponry Turkey Suluçem Cemetery - Large-scale kurgans (43-60m diameter with 4-10m of mounding) - Concentrically placed kurgans around a central burial - Stone lined cists containing - Single inhumation - Monochrome painted red ware Arich Settlement - Stone and/or earth mounded and cemetery kurgans with internal cromlechs overlaying rectangular or oval earth pit burial cuts - Cromlech diameters are 10-16m with 0.70-1.80m of mounding. Burial pits are 3.2 x 1.8 x 0.4-3m - Single and double inhumation Armenia - Flexed with females resting on the left side while males rest on the right side. - Monochrome red ware, incised black ware, faunal remains, bronze weapons and tools, and beaded jewelry

Continued 62

Table 3.1 Continued Echmiadzin Cemetery - Kurgans with diameters 5-8m and mounding ranging from 0.50-1.00m - Burial pits are oval or rectangular with dimensions 2.1-2.4 x 1.75- 2.4m. - Single inhumations - Flexed position - Monochrome red ware, stone and glass paste beads, obsidian arrowheads, and cattle remains Elar Settlement - Earthen pits and Cemetery - Single inhumation. - Human remains are either cremated or placed in flexed position - Monochrome red wares, incised black wares, bronze weaponry. Karmir Berd Cemetery - Small, stone mounded kurgans sealed with 3-5 large stone slabs. - Pits are rectangular, oriented north-south with dimensions Armenia ranging from 1.50-1.80 x 0.70- 0.98m - Single inhumation - Monochrome red wares, incised black wares, bronze objects, beads, and faunal remains Keti Cemetery - Circular and ovoid cromlechs, rectangular earth pits, and stone lined cists. - Large stone slabs enclose burials - Cromlechs are 5-9.5m in diameter and pits are1.4-4 x 0.7-2m x 0.6- 2.5m. - Oriented north-south and east-west - Single inhumation - Flexed position - Some cremated remains - Incised black ware, monochrome red ware, herding animals, bronzes (weaponry, tools, and pins), obsidian arrows, and beads

Table 3.1 Continued Lchashen Cemetery - Earthen mounds atop rectangular or circular pits - Mounding diameters are 4.00- 28.00m while burial cuts are 2.50- 23.00m - Human remains cremated - Monochrome red ware, incised black ware, herding animals (notably bull crania), obsidian arrows and tools, bronze jewelry. Metsamor Settlement - Stone lined cists and kurgans with Armenia and Cemetery cromlechs - Sealed by a single stone slab or wooden beams - Pits are 1.4x3.9 x 0.8-1.5m Continued - Oriented east-west. - Single inhumation - Flexed position - Corpse wrapped in straw mat and clay - Incised black ware, grey/brown ware, bronze weaponry, bronze pins, obsidian arrowheads, assorted beads

3.5 Environment and Archaeology of the Qızqala Cemetery

The Naxçıvan Autonomous Republic has a long and rich archaeological tradition, hosting some of the earliest archaeological expeditions in Azerbaijan at a diverse variety of sites dating from the Neolithic through the medieval periods, which are significant for the broader South Caucasus region (Belli and Sevin, 1999; İsmayılzadə and İbrahimli,

2013). Naxçıvan is a particularly notable regional center in the South Caucasus and

Eastern Anatolia for the study of the Bronze Age especially because it offers otherwise

rarely encountered evidence of MBA settlement and cemetery complexes, and extensive continuity of use by a high density of Late Bronze/Early Iron Age sites. A number of important MBA cemeteries in Naxçıvan were presented in the previous section. This section delves into deeper detail of the geographical, ecological, and archaeological features of Naxçıvan. These aspects of Naxçıvan serve to better situate the Qızqala cemetery and human remains originating from nearby cemeteries in the immediate local context. This section also introduces the excavations at Qızqala, with a particular focus on burials excavated and studied in this dissertation.

3.5.1. The Naxçıvan Autonomous Republic: Geography, Ecology, and History

The Naxçıvan Autonomous Republic is a political exclave of the Republic of

Azerbaijan with an area of approximately 5,000km2. It shares borders with Armenia to the north and east, Iran to the south and west, and Turkey to the northwest (Figure 3.5)

Naxçıvan’s landscape is characterized by dramatic variation in elevation and geology. The Zangezur and Dereleyez Mountains, the southern extent of the Lesser

Caucasus range, define Naxçıvan’s northern and eastern border with Armenia. These ranges reach elevations of approximately 2200-2400m with the exception of Mount

Kaputjugh in the Zangezur Range, which reaches an elevation of 3900m (Zeinalov et al.,

2010). The geology of these ranges varies across their extent. Devonian, Paleozoic, and

Triassic formations characterize the northeastern portions while Mesozoic, Eocene, and

Pliocene formations characterized the northwestern portions. The northeastern edges of

the ranges were produced through volcanic activity and include magmatic formations and volcanic uplifting (Bairamov et al., 2008).

Figure 3.5 Naxçıvan Autonomous Republic Map depicting rayons (administrative districts), mountain ranges and the Aras River.

The lowland areas of Naxçıvan reach a minimum of approximately 600masl.

These areas are interconnected floodplains, which form at the junction of the Arpaçay,

Naxçivan, Əlincəçay, Gilançay, and numerous other highland streams with the Aras River basin. These areas are composed predominantly of Holocene and Pleistocene tilled soils

(Bairamov et al., 2008). The Aras River forms Naxçıvan’s southern and western border with Iran. The Aras River originates in northeastern Turkey, flows along the Armenian border and continues south along the border between Azerbaijan and Iran before merging with the Kura River and terminating in the Caspian Sea.

Naxçıvan has a cold, semi-arid, steppe climate characterized by hot summers and cold winters. The Zangezur Mountains defining the northern and eastern border with

Armenia act as a rain shadow diminishing precipitation in the region. Dry, hot air masses originating from semi-desert zones in the Iranian steppe also contribute to the region’s aridity. Precipitation is minimal and occurs with the intrusion of cold air masses from the north and reaches an annual maximum during the late spring and early summer

(Hüseynov and Malikov, 2009). Consequently, there is limited water to sustain the local population and large-scale agricultural practices which dominate the current local economy. Damming and channeling of rivers, notably the Aras, Arpaçay, and Naxçıvan rivers, help meet local water requirements. Other smaller mountain streams and groundwater also supply potable water to the communities of Naxçıvan.

The geological, ecological, and climatological features of the Naxçıvan

Autonomous Republic today assist in delineating the prerequisites for human habitation,

cultivation, and animal husbandry, which contributes valuable information on local ecology. This local ecology may affect sociocultural processes by which human populations adapted to the landscape and resources of this region in antiquity. The cool mountainous highlands would have provided ample, cool pastures for grazing herds in the hot, dry summers, while high agricultural potential of its lowland valleys and abundant mountain streams and riverine water sources supported the flourishing of intensified agriculture for sedentary communities. Furthermore, the Dereleyez mountain pass along the Arpaçay would have facilitated connection between Lake Sevan and the

Caucasus to the north as well as the Iranian steppe and Lake Urmia basin to the south, while the Aras River basin provided east-west passage from the Iranian steppe to

Anatolia—a route that would in the Medieval period become an significant passage for

Silk Road caravans. The significance of the landscape in this region is also attested in classical historical literature, which describes the Aras (also referred to as the Araxes)

River as the defining geological feature, which divides eastern (Persian) and western

(Greco-Roman) societies (Propertius Elegies 1.4.3).

When exploring pastoral mobility in the second millennium in the landscape of

Naxçıvan, features of geology and climate will play a significant role in modeling pattern and pace of populations adapt their surroundings during a period of major sociopolitical change. Furthermore, these features are also fundamental factors influencing diverse regional isotopic bioavailability, which will support elucidating the nature of local adaptation to the landscape. Further details regarding isotopic bioavailability corresponding to geologic and climatic factors in Naxçıvan and how they reflect human behavior will be discussed in upcoming chapters.

The history of archaeological research on the MBA in Naxçıvan began in 1896 when N.V. Fyodorov investigated burials associated with the site of Kızılvank, discovered in the previous year by local residents of Ordubad rayon during railroad construction. Systematic excavation commenced in 1926 in the Kızılvank Necropolis by

N.V. Fyodorov accompanied by I.I. Meşşaninov, and A.A. Miller. These investigations would identify the abundant use of monochrome and polychrome red ware pottery, which became the most distinguishing and recognizable feature of the MBA in the South

Caucasus and Eastern Anatolia (Kushnareva, 1997; Özfırat, 2001; İbrahimli et al., 2015).

While originally referred to as Kızılvank Culture, this pottery style would be found in a number of subsequent investigations across Naxçıvan, the Aras River valley and eastern

Anatolia (Kushnareva, 1997; Seyidov et al., 1995). The investigation of the MBA culture of Naxçıvan expanded beyond Ordubad in 1936 when groundbreaking for canal construction in Şərur rayon discovered multi-period settlement deposits and a necropolis at Şortepe. A.K. Alekperov excavated the necropolis, identifying the painted red ware, characteristic of the MBA found earlier at Kızılvank (approximately 100km to the southeast).

There was a brief hiatus in archaeological research during World War II until

O.H. Abibullayev began excavations at Kültepe I between 1951 and 1964, a continuous occupation site from the Chalcolithic through Early Iron periods, with a brief MBA occupation layer (Abibullayev, 1982). Excavations would later expand 5km away to

Kültepe II, an extensive MBA fortified settlement site, where O.H. Abibulliyev and V.H.

Aliyev conducted a wide horizontal exposure excavation between 1968 and 1988

(Aliyev, 1991).

Until this point, the predominant focus of MBA archaeological investigations mirrored broader Soviet archaeological interests in identifying the origin and chronology of MBA cultures as reflected in the distribution and extent of pottery styles. This approach aimed to explain how the material characteristics of the MBA emerged from and related to the EBA Kura-Araxes culture with the goal of understanding the evolutionary processes and ecological factors influencing the transition from the EBA to the MBA. Pottery style packages reflected distinct archaeological cultures. Changing boundaries of these cultures through time were used to interpret if cultures emerged locally or through incursion of non-local ethnic groups, and how these cultures interacted with one another through exchange and alliances (Kushnareva, 1997). Consequently, pottery, and to a lesser extent, architecture and metallurgy, served a fundamental role in answering these research questions. Mortuary contexts, particularly kurgan burials were a central focus of archaeological excavations, particularly as a reliable and continuous source for these artifacts

Figure 3.6 Map of Bronze Age sites in Naxçıvan. Adapted from Belli and Bakhshaliyev 2001.

3.5.2. Qızqala

Qızqala in Azerbaijani means “girl castle,” and refers to the broader area surrounding a large Medieval hilltop fortification. The fortification faces Oğlanqala, or

“boy castle” to the south, and these neighboring fortresses derive their complementary names from a folk story of tragic love, reminiscent of Romeo and Juliet, told by the nearby villages of Oğlanqala and Dizə.

The Qızqala Bronze Age settlement and necropolis are situated at the northern edge of the Şərur Plain in northwestern Naxçıvan. The plain is situated at the pass between the Dereleyez range of the Lesser Caucasus formed by the Arpaçay river valley originating from Lake Seven, which ultimately intersects with the Aras River at the end of the valley.

The vast expanse of the rich alluvium plain paired with the abundance of riverine water sources makes the Şərur plain the largest, arable valley in Naxçıvan. The significance of this valley is evident in its nearly continuous long-term occupation from the Chalcolithic through the present. Archaeological sites studied through excavation in the valley include Qızqala, the Iron Age fortress site of Oğlanqala, and the Chalcolithic site of Ovçular Tepesi. Numerous other ancient remains in the Şərur Valley have been documented through survey of a 450km2 area, including five smaller fortresses, cemeteries, villages, and pastoral sites (Hammer, 2014).

In addition to the highly visible tumuli and stone cromlechs in the Qızqala foothills, much of the eastern hills and their flanks at the edge of the valley floor by the

Arpaçay River had large quantities of MBA pottery scatter. With the goal of better understanding the nature of occupation in these hills, the Naxçıvan Archaeological

Project and Survey conducted extensive, systematic surface survey of Qızqala in the 2013 field season. This survey identified individual burials in the extensive Qızqala kurgan field as well as possible Bronze and Iron Age occupation on the western flank of the

Arpaçay River and in the southern plain in the profile of a deep canal originally excavated for utilities in the Soviet period. Based on these results, the Naxçıvan

Archaeological Project excavated the settlement and cemetery complex at Qızqala in the

2014 through 2016 summer field seasons under the supervision of Hilary Gopnik.

The Qızqala MBA cemetery occupies an expansive area of approximately 100 hectares in the foothills of the Dereleyez Mountains. Surface survey identified 131 visible surface features consistent with individual kurgans (Figure 3.7). However, this number likely significantly underestimates the total number of burials. Erosion of the loose, gravely soil, construction of electrical infrastructure, and traffic from mining vehicles likely had a significant influence in the visibility and preservation of mounding and cromlech features. On many occasions, excavation revealed burial features that were not identifiable on the surface. Similarly, geophysical survey through magnetic gradiometer and ground-penetrating radar conducted by Jason Herrman and Emily Hammer (2016) also identified numerous subsurface anomalies, which may also correspond to additional unidentified burials.

Figure 3.7 Kurgans (n=131) at Qızqala identified by surface survey. Satellite imagery from Google Earth.

I subdivide the Qızqala necropolis into 4 areas of dominant use. Group A, located in a narrow valley directly to the north of the canal cut excavation units, has the highest density of burials and 32% of the observable burial features. The density of burials in this area is represented by excavated burials CR-6, 7, 8, 12, and 13, a group of interconnected burials joined by their cromlech features, and studied in this dissertation (Figure 3.8).

This area was used as a road for mining trucks, which disturbed a large portion of the area, likely destroying the surface features of potentially numerous other burials. Based

on the density of features and proximity and accessibility to the valley floor, Group A may have been primary burial space for the Qızqala community in the MBA. Group B and C contain 14% and 33% of the observable kurgans, respectively. These groups consist of a large expanse of land where burials are all situated in a line on two hilltops to the west of Group A. Group B and C encapsulate a large number of kurgans, but these features are less densely organized than Group A. Group D contains 21% of observable kurgans, which are loosely organized and spread over a large area of the Qızqala foothills to the west of the Groups A-C.

Figure 3.8 Densely organized burials in Qızqala Group A 75

Observable surface features in these areas were recorded between approximately

2-12m in diameter, with an average diameter of 5.47m (refer to Figure 3.9). This average is notably small compared to mound diameters documented at other MBA sites in the region. Of the observable tumuli, 39% show signs of having a stone rounded cromlech feature. The remaining 61% appear to be simply stone and soil mounded. However, due to possible erosional processes, cromlech features may also be hidden below the soil surface. This is likely given that all burials excavated in the Qızqala cemetery had a stone cromlech feature, even if they weren’t observable on the surface.

Figure 3.9 Observable surface diameters of kurgans at the Qızqala cemetery

Mortuary excavations and bioarchaeological research at Qızqala were aimed at investigating a representative sample of the burials and the inhumed individuals inhumed.

This approach was necessary due to the scale of the cemetery and the difficulty of excavating these kurgans, which required delicate excavation procedures due to the quantity of materials contained in poor preservation. The Naxçıvan Archaeological

Project team, including myself, excavated ten kurgans in the Qızqala cemetery as well as one pit burial in the canal cut adjacent to the fortification wall. Each excavated burial will be discussed in depth in Chapter 5.

3.6 Summary

This chapter reviewed the history of Bronze Age mortuary archaeology in the

South Caucasus, detailed regional mortuary traditions, and discussed how mortuary traditions have been used to interpret mobility, migration, social organization and complexity. The centrality of mobility and mobile pastoral social organization in the study of Middle Bronze Age mortuary spaces in the South Caucasus highlights the discrepancies faced in interpreting the social organization in the context of an emergent

MBA complex settlement at Qızqala and the Aras River Basin. Choices of how individuals engage in mobility and utilize the landscape in life shape and are informed by identity. Understanding the relationship of mobility to identity, and thus, the role of identity to authority and society is the ultimate goal. The following chapter discusses the theoretical approach drawing on both mortuary archaeology and bioarchaeology to

exploring these relationships through the lens of structuration theory.

CHAPTER 4

Structuration Theory Applications to the Mortuary Archaeology and Bioarchaeology

4.1 Introduction

As mentioned previously, elucidating the pattern and pace of mobility of the

MBA Qızqala population through isotopic analysis is an important consideration in discussing the authority of mobile people in emerging complex settlement contexts, and is often a missing component in archaeological discussions of mobile pastoralism related to cities and states. Defining the nature of individual mobility allows this project to investigate material representations of authority in relation to individual behavior and identity. The nature of emergent complex settlement systems in mid-late second millennium BC and concurrent considerations of consolidation of power, social hierarchical systems, shifting subsistence strategies, and regional networks of interaction are central areas of focus in studies of the Late Bronze and Early Iron Age South

Caucasus. Emerging evidence of politically complex sedentary settlement in the Middle

Bronze Age in the Aras River basin suggests political and organizational complexity in the South Caucasus has origins in the late third and early second millennium BC

(Hammer, 2014; Ristvet et al., 2011), raising the importance of drawing attention to the periods preceding established political complex settlement systems. The context of major

social and political change raises questions regarding the nature of institutional (or structural), collective, and individual authority.

This chapter discusses premises of structuration theory, its application to mortuary archaeology and bioarchaeology, and how a structuration-centered approach drawing from complementary lines of data offered by these two disciplines can elucidate the relation of mobile identities to power structures at Qızqala. This chapter begins by introducing structuration theory and its major premises in relation to explaining relations of power. This is followed by a discussion of the history of theoretical approaches to mortuary archaeology and bioarchaeology. The chapter concludes by exploring how the increasingly intersected disciplines of mortuary archaeology and bioarchaeology integrate the perspectives of structuration and practice theory to illuminate personhood, and agency.

4.2 Structuration Theory

British sociologist Anthony Giddens introduced the theory of structuration in

1973 to address the issue of dualistic approaches to structure and individual actions, and the difficulty in reconciling the two in the humanities and social sciences fields of the mid-twentieth century. Structuration refers to the relationship between the subjective power of individuals and the objective power of their social contexts. Dialectical interactions of agent and structure produce and shape social structures (Giddens, 1986;

Parker, 2000).

In contrast with the structuralist school of the mid-twentieth century, which characterizes structure as constraining action, Giddens conceptualized structure as the means of producing and the product of social practice. In lieu of dualism, Giddens presents the duality of structure in which structure and agent are mutually dependent

(Giddens, 1984). Structure provides the rules in which social practice is enacted, and how these rules serve as the raw material for subversion or alteration by social actors.

Accordingly, structure depends on reflexivity and recursiveness in social practice on the part of the human agent. Reflexivity involves the production and reproduction of social acts on the part of knowledgeable individuals. Knowledge is not incidental, but individuals who recognize the contexts and circumstances of their actions and the social systems of which they are a part serve a fundamental role in a functioning society

(Giddens, 1979). Recursivity involves regularized—or habitual—social practice unintentionally perpetuated by agents. A similar conceptualization of how agents perceive structure is proposed in Pierre Bordieu’s practice theory. However, Bordieu

(1990) argues that while agents have the capacity for reflexivity, action is more often determined by habitus, or an embodied disposition, similar to recursivity. Together, both the intended and unintended products of social action result in the production and reproduction of social structure (Parker, 2000).

With regard to the question of systems of authority, structuration theory articulates power relations, or the rules of domination, between social structure and agents through evaluation of the differential allocation of symbolic and economic resources. These material representations of authority are also evident archaeologically, allowing for the applicability of structuration theory to pre-industrial contexts. The 81

ability of agents to access and control resources serves as the social actions by which structure is produced and reproduced (Dobres and Robb, 2000). Giddens divides resources into two types, authoritative and allocative. Authoritative resources are non- material sources of power centering on the ability to control people through the power to control information. Allocative resources are material sources of power such as control over objects and materials (Giddens, 1984, 1986). The relationship between these two types of resources varies between societies.

Archaeological and bioarchaeological scholarship has increasingly focused on conceptualizing the agent or individual, both with regard to personhood and collective identity, and these investigations offer a remedy in approaching the issue of the agent in archaeological applications of structuration (Gillespie, 2001; Knudson and Stojanowski,

2008a; Zvelebil and Weber, 2013). The following sections discuss theoretical developments in mortuary archaeology and bioarchaeology and how their confluence serves as a productive space for the application of structuration theory.

4.3 Structuration and Mortuary Archaeology

Efforts to evaluate and reconstruct social structure through the investigation of mortuary space (burials and cemeteries) have been a major focal point in anthropological and archaeological scholarship in the twentieth and twenty-first centuries (Andrews and

Bellow 2006). The abundance of these features available in the archaeological record and the typically context rich quality of mortuary space has provided opportunities to engage

questions of ancient culture, ecology, and behavior (Ashmore and Geller, 2005; Brown,

1995). To this end, mortuary analysis, over the course of its long history of study, has been used to investigate a wide range of social phenomena such as social complexity

(Binford, 1971; Saxe, 1970; Goldstein, 1976), ideology (Hodder, 1980), and territoriality

(Chapman 1981) among other topics. The increasing integration of bioarchaeological perspectives (Buikstra et al., 2005; Knüsel, 2006; Larsen, 2015) has additionally incorporated a wider range of anthropological considerations for study related to the ecology and biology of ancient populations. Bioarchaeological studies have integrated mortuary archaeology to address the subjects of identity (Knudson et al., 2009;

Gregoricka, 2013; Zvelebil and Weber, 2013; Torres-Rouff et al., 2016), social relationships (Howell and Kintigh, 1996; Chesson, 1999; Weiss-Krejci, 2011; Meyer et al., 2012; Pilloud and Larsen 2011), and social systems (Andrushko, 2007; Arkush and

Tung, 2013; Tung, 2012; Pechenkina and Delgado, 2006). This concept was the foundation of a major turning point in bioarchaeological theory and approaches to how human skeletal remains were studied in the context of ancient social organization and complexity (Knudson and Stojanowski, 2008b).

From its early roots in culture historical and processual interpretations, mortuary analysis has been enriched with the aid of ethnographic comparisons, adapted sociological theories, thorough contextual considerations, and bioarchaeological perspectives. Ultimately, contemporary mortuary analysis has developed into an interdisciplinary and powerful approach (still with its limitations, of course) in addressing current issues of interest in anthropology and archaeology, such as the materiality of social structure, agency, and social memory. 83

Scholarly interest and investigation of the material remains of death, funerary ritual, and veneration as reflected in ancient burials and cemeteries have been a staple in archaeological research since the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Much of these early studies relied on purely descriptive or culture-historical approaches (Binford,

1971). Yarrow (1880) conducted the first known comparative study of mortuary practice and suggested the practices evident in the material contexts of death and burial reflected the philosophies and beliefs of those who practiced them. While such studies involved extensive excavation of burials and have provided vast amounts of information, intensive study and systematic analysis of mortuary space and its social contexts was not undertaken in archaeology until mid-twentieth century (Brown and Beck, 1995).

The origins of intensive mortuary archaeology are rooted in American processual and neo-evolutionary archaeology of the 1960s and 1970s. This research relied heavily on quantitative methods of analysis to study the variation and patterning of burials and cemeteries (Chapman, 2003). American archaeologists engaging in mortuary analysis of this period established that social organization (in the form of ecological and material forces) was the primary influencing factor explaining the material representation of mortuary practice. Thus, scholarship primarily focused on variations in burial forms and evident mortuary practices as tools to decipher structure of society—egalitarian versus hierarchical—and thus complexity. This approach was ultimately a “representationist” perspective that viewed mortuary contexts of the deceased as reflecting their social role or status in life, and thus how they fit in the broader social organization (Brown, 1981,

1995).

The hallmark approach to mortuary studies at the time was termed the Saxe-

Binford research program, which reflects the contributions by Arthur Saxe and Lewis

Binford who originally developed the processual paradigm in mortuary analysis in an effort to establish parameters for determining categories of social organization.

Binford (1971) directly responded to earlier culture-historical interpretations of mortuary analysis in an effort to emphasize that variability in mortuary practice was not simply changes in response to culture contact or influence, but reflected, identifiable and cross-culturally comparable structural underpinnings (Binford, 1971). Much like Ucko

(1969), an earlier critic of archaeological investigation of mortuary space, Binford did not use archaeological data to support his argument, he drew upon ethnographic data to highlight links between social organization and mortuary practice (Binford, 1971).

Complementing Binford’s proposal, Saxe (1970, 1971) investigated social structure based on mortuary analysis of a hunter-gatherer cemetery dated to the 11,000-

8,000 BP in Wadi Halfa, Sudan. Based on the similar orientation of burials with some variation in female orientation, Saxe suggested that the population was primarily egalitarian with patrilocal marriage practices. Additionally, drawing on similar ethnographic correlates with the Wadi Halfa cemetery, Saxe concluded that the collective ancestor veneration associated with cemeteries functioned to legitimize the control of land resources. Later, processualist and neo-evolutionary focused archaeologists would develop on these ideas by relating mortuary space construction and status to energy expenditure (Kinnes, 1975; Tainter, 1975, 1978); subsistence practice (Gupta and

Choudhury, 1972); and cultural differentiation (Brown, 1971; Rowlett and Pollnac,

1971). 85

The processualist and evolutionary approach to mortuary analysis in archaeology faced heavy debate in the 1980s through post-processual critiques (Hodder, 1982;

Pearson, 1982; Shanks and Tilley, 1982). Drawing on social theory from European social sciences such as neo-Marxism and structuralism, postprocessual archaeologists instead focused on ideology, meaning, symbolism, and agency and their reflections in the mortuary practice. In particular, response focused on how the material manifestations of mortuary practice reflected a ritual process guided by the social interactions of living individuals participating in the funerary event as well as the space’s continued use over time (Hodder, 1980, 1982; O’Shea, 1984; Pearson, 1982; Precourt, 1984; Shanks and

Tilly, 1982). Hodder (1980) drew on ethnographic study of the Mesakin Nuba burial practices in Sudan to argue that mortuary practice did not directly correlate with the influences of social structure, but were rather closely linked to symbolism. Burial practices in this community reflected an idealized veneration of the deceased in which social agents, in the form of funerary participants, used and manipulated the practical, socially structured rules for burial. Pearson (1982) further developed these ideas through the lens of power relations to suggest the living could manipulate the representation of the dead to the benefit of their own interests. Pearson highlights the particular case of nineteenth century England Roma burials, which were highly elaborate and expensive despite Roma being among the lowest class members in British society.

While theories concerning burial practice up until this period in archaeological and anthropological scholarship reflect polar opposites (top-down versus bottom-up) in how mortuary practice was conceptualized, subsequent scholarship developed a productive middle space, or dialectic, that drew upon both approaches. Archaeological 86

investigations beginning in the 1990s began approaching mortuary space on a variety of scales beginning at the level of the identity of the deceased individual, through individual burial context constructed by the living, through the cemetery/local landscape and ultimately to the regional landscape (Chapman, 2003). For example, Morris (1991) investigated Classical Athenian and Roman cemeteries to argue that the processual interpretation of mortuary space reflecting social structure is but one of many complex discourses at play in mortuary practice. While such a neo-evolutionary approach is useful to the extent of defining social organization, such perspectives must be complemented with consideration to context and human agency to highlight the competition and conflict that also has material representations in mortuary space.

Contemporary approaches to mortuary practice maintain a critical perspective on the materiality and nuances of social structure reflected in archaeological mortuary space.

These approaches draw heavily on approaches adapted from practice and structuration theory in addition to the many aspects of preceding processual and post-processual archaeologies.

Approaches in mortuary analysis drawing from practice (Bordieu, 1990) and structuration (Giddens, 1979,1984, 1989) theory explain mortuary space as the material remains of generative actions during funerary ritual. Burial accompaniments reflect differential allocation of resources that shape social actions and agency that, in turn, produce and reproduce social structures. Resources are divided into encompassing categories.

1) Authoritative resources, reflected in burial style and location and

constitute the control of materials such as labor, subsistence, and

production (Dobres and Robb, 2000; Giddens, 1984; Vaughn, 2009)

2) Allocative resources, reflected in burials artifacts as well as the residues

of labor input in the form of burial size and visibility. The differential

allocation of these economic and symbolic resources reflects the power

relations between social structure and agents participating in burial

construction. This approach has increasingly been used in explaining

the material patterning in mortuary practice in archaeology (see

Gillespie, 2001; Porter, 2002, 2012).

However, there are limitations and challenges in discussing agency and social structures through the mortuary record. Areas of particular interest for critical investigation are funerary formation processes and interpreter bias in explaining mortuary phenomena. Weiss-Krejci (2011) discusses the various aspects of mortuary/funerary practice practiced by ethnographic populations and relates these processes to what is actually seen in the archaeological record. According to Weiss-Krejci (2011), only a portion of mortuary practice centering on the funerary cycle itself remains for the archaeologist to interpret while aspects such as extra-funerary and post-funerary processes may be lost or inaccessible from an archaeological perspective. This discrepancy highlights how linking mortuary space to social structure may be rather problematic given the majority of the life of mortuary event may take place outside of the 88

realm of archaeological study. Social interactions and agencies and identities may thus play out in ways that are not accurately represented by the materiality of the space alone.

Similarly, interpretation of social structure may be biased by the researcher’s cultural perceptions of the function and symbolism of a practice, particularly in single inhumations that seem familiar in contemporary situations (Brown, 1995; Chapman,

2005). Contemporary, western perspectives certainly cannot contain the breadth of function, meaning, and symbolic possibilities in an archaeological (especially, prehistoric) setting, but can infer given adequate data and comparisons. A solution to this limitation has been to take an inductive approach avoiding classification systems through documenting as many aspects of mortuary practice as possible by increasingly integrating interdisciplinary perspectives from bioarchaeology and other specializations in archaeology (Duncan, 2009; Pearson et al., 2005, Weiss-Krejci, 2011).

4.4 Structure, Agency, and Bioarchaeology

Bioarchaeology and mortuary archaeology have only relatively recently ventured into undertaking collaborative and interdisciplinary research. Until the latter half of the twentieth century, research in mortuary archaeology had relatively little interest in the human skeletal remains contained in mortuary space and the biological contexts that they provided to the study of mortuary practice (Blakely, 1977; Buikstra et al., 2005).

Similarly, bioarchaeological research until recently has had relatively little interest in the immediate material surroundings of the human skeleton (Chapman and Randsborg,

1981). However, scholarship has rapidly changed over the past three decades to integrate context from both disciplines in an effort to present more encompassing narratives of ancient life and death. Such studies in bioarchaeology have discussed how many of the features of skeletal/dental health and morphology are influenced by social contexts in life such as socio-economic status, reflected in mortuary contexts (Tainter, 1990). However, while mortuary analysis has increasingly integrated bioarchaeological contexts of death, the biological aspects of the skeleton are often not used as an explanatory tool for how mortuary space is represented. Despite the objective biological reality that bioarchaeologists define in the human skeleton such as age, sex, biological kinship, infirmity, and disability, how these realities are conceptualized and imbued symbolism and meaning vary widely across cultures (Knudson and Stojanowski, 2008). Therefore, diversity in mortuary space represents an abstraction, or culturally based perception of these biological realities. Ultimately, biology, much like the environment, is a raw material on which abstracted social meanings develop and then are manipulated, changed, and perpetuated.

Bioarchaeology complements mortuary archaeology in the application of structuration by studying the dialectic influences of agency and structure as they influence the biological aspects of human lives and are represented in physical remains of the body (Schrader, 2013). Human life and behavior are deeply rooted in social context to the extent that even human biology is immersed in and influenced by the social, economic, and political environment in which individuals live.

Bioarchaeology approaches social structure and complexity predominantly through the biological impact of social inequality in complex societies and the 90

phenomenon of structural violence (Klaus, 2012; Winkler et al., 2017). Structural violence is the product of social structure, with socially and politically embedded hierarchies, that impose indirect negative health consequences and oppression on certain people or groups (Curtin and Litke, 1999; Galtung, 1990; Parsons, 2007). Galtung (1969) introduces and first describes structural, or indirect violence as:

Anything avoidable that impedes personal growth…a deprivation of goods…to deprive people of cultural stimuli or to create societies; however rich, with a division of labor that forces people to stay in the same profession for life are forms of violence.

This concept was most notably adapted into medical anthropology and public health research by the anthropologist and physician Paul Farmer (Farmer et al., 2004;

Kleinman et al., 1978). Since then, there has been increasing interest in integrating structural violence in bioarchaeology to explain the impacts of inequality on the human skeleton in archaeological populations (Klaus, 2012). While the act of structural violence may be an abstract concept, it has quantifiable detrimental effects on social behavior, and various aspects of mental and physical health of society (Dilts, 2012; Farmer et al., 2004;

Schwebel, 2011).

Human health does not exist in a biological vacuum, but is firmly related to social, political, and economic aspects surrounding populations and individuals (Nguyen and Peschard, 2003). The relationship between socioeconomic status and differential health is a widely recognized phenomenon in contemporary societies (Navarro 1976;

Waitzkin, 1983). In these contexts, low income, social status, and limited access to resources such as education are social stressors correlated with physiological disruption,

increased risk for disease and disorders, decreased fertility, as well as increased mortality

(Macintyre et al., 2002). The biological impacts of inequality are fueled by a social dialectic in which varying levels of social, economic, and political exclusion in populations lead to diminished access to resources critical for maintaining health, biological consequences may continuously perpetuate a cycle of exclusion, social stress, and thus biological stress. Consequently, social stratification may perpetuate and even deepen its existing inequalities (Whitehead et al., 2001).

These relationships are society and temporally specific and may not be applicable in cross-society comparison due to differential heterogeneity in complex societies

(Wilkinson and Marmot, 2003). However, it is possible to consider a range of risk factors that can be generally applicable, not only in contemporary societies, but also in the ancient populations. Such factors may include, differential resource allocation (based on various aspects of socially ascribed identity), living conditions, and diet. While the living in contemporary societies may more noticeably display the wide-range of biological responses to these factors in terms of psychosocial stress responses and acute, short-term stress and disease, the impacts political and economic forces on the skeletal remains of the body are nevertheless possible to observable as expressions of a long-term continuum of biological responses to social inequality (Goodman, 1998; Goodman and Leatherman,

1998; Larsen, 2015). The effects of inequalities are written in the human skeleton and are measurable through different intensities of morbidity and mortality that vary between and in societies based on differences in sociopolitical organization.

The assessment of these factors naturally requires assessing multiple lines of data obtained from the skeleton at the population level to define the structure of societal 92

stressors and approximate their differential impacts on physiological development, disease risk, morbidity, and mortality. Bioarchaeological approaches assess a number of skeletal and dental stress indicators and traumatic injury that can be empirically measured as evidence of social inequality impacts. The combined assessment of these indicators represents a general skeletal “health” related to the combined influences of various aspects of life history such as nutrition and disease (Larsen 2015). Factors considered have included variations in stature (Floud et al., 1990; Fogel et al., 1983; Komlos, 1989;

Mummert et al., 2011), disruption in enamel mineralization represented has dental enamel hypoplasias (Goodman and Rose, 1991; Klaus and Tam, 2010), carious lesions on teeth (Bonfiglioli et al., 2003; Larsen, 1990, 2015), bone mass and degeneration

(Agarwal and Grynpas, 1996; Schrader, 2015), and periostitis and osteomyelitis (Klaus and Tam, 2009; Milner, 1991) as well as many others. Recent bioarchaeological studies have drawn on these skeletal markers of stress and have included evidence of additional skeletal alterations (see Arkush and Tung, 2013) to discuss biological changes to the human skeletal firmly within the society specific context of complexity and inequality.

For example, Klaus et al. (2009) discussed structural impacts on populations by assessing degenerative joint disease (DJD) in the context of economic intensification and division of labor practices in Peru following Spanish colonization. Based on historic records of this society, the indigenous Mochica population considered a lower rank than the Spanish colonizers of the region and it was predicted that new divisions of labor instituted by the Spanish elite authorities would place indigenous people in more strenuous, less desirable roles. In combination with economic intensification in production and resource extraction to support a growing population and exchange 93

networks with Europe, Klaus et al. (2009) hypothesized these conditions would result in increased skeletal degeneration due to load bearing on joints in occupation in the indigenous populations. The statistically significant increase in DJD in the post-colonial period supports their hypothesis and falls in line with expectations from the societal context and historically documented changes in complexity that structured their hypothesis.

Such studies are becoming increasingly prevalent and the political economic approach has been productive in elucidating the biological impact of inequality to answering how the human body responds to social change. While political economic approaches to studying archaeological societies in bioarchaeology have been a theoretical perspective over the past two decades, incorporating perspectives on societal complexity and inequality poses a number of challenges and limitations. These challenges in many ways limit the ways in which human remains offer refined perspectives of sociopolitical contexts to move beyond simply considering the influences of ecological processes such as diet, pathogen exposure, or biophysical conditions (Kreiger, 1994)

A primary complication is establishing a firm society-specific understanding of inequality in an archaeological setting. The well-contextualized example from Klaus et al. (2009) benefited from the existence of detailed historical records that offered insight into the power structure, population divisions, economic practices, and exchange relationships for the coastal colonial Peruvian populations. This allowed for the researchers to adopt historically-specific hypotheses and explain results in detail.

However, bioarchaeologists working in prehistoric settings face the far greater challenge of contextualizing the evident biological responses to stress by reconstructing social 94

complexity through the material remains of social, economic, and political contexts without imposing contemporary or comparative societal expectations on the interpretations of skeletal remains.

Such challenges can be overcome in many ways through careful consideration of the archaeological and ethnohistorical contexts of prehistoric and historic societies. For example, Schrader (2015) examined entheseal changes and their relationship to inequality in a prehistoric second millennium BC population at Kerma, Sudan. Schrader develops hypotheses using a thorough examination of mortuary space and relates changes in entheseal changes between different burial types to account for differences in ascribed status the deceased. Evidence of intense labor related to lower status burial supported social inequality that negatively impacted individual of lower rank. In this situation, mortuary contexts served to explain the source of biological differences between individuals. Given the availability of information on the mortuary and inhabitation contexts of archaeological skeletal populations, such approaches are an important addition to bioarchaeological studies on populations with little to no historical record of their structure.

Concepts of power are not simply confined to the relationship between institution and a group or individual. Rather, power varies within regions, communities, and even within households. Furthermore, power relationships are not stagnant or unilinear in a given society or time period. The integration of practice theory and the concept of agency in archaeological studies of social complexity have discussed how agent, whether groups or individuals, can alter the social roles ascribed to them in society. Identity and status are continuously negotiated, manipulated, and reproduced (Dobres and Robb, 2000). 95

Bioarchaeological investigations have increasingly turned attention to the individual, individual interactions with their social surroundings, and how they may be represented in biological remains through a life-history approach on an individual basis

(e.g., Agarwal and Glencross, 2010; Gowland and Knüsel, 2006; Knudson and

Stojanowksi, 2008; Sofaer, 2006; Stodder and Palkovich, 2012). These approaches draw from the concept of embodiment. Social meaning and personal choices and behaviors in life are impressed on the physical body. Biological aspects of identity in skeletal representations of age, sex, ancestry, stress, occupational markers, modification, mobility, diet, disease, trauma, and disability are thus used to infer social constructions and the historical production of identities.

4.5 Representing Agency and the Individual in the Pre-Industrial Past

A major short-coming in Gidden’s theory of structuration in its applicability to archaeology is in the role of the agent, particularly with regard to the autonomous conceptualization of the individual, which is a modern, western notion of the individual.

The individual and sense of self are culturally specific constructions and influenced by their relation to others as well as personal experiences. Recent scholarship in mortuary archaeology and bioarchaeology remedy this issue by conceptualizing the individual through considerations of the influences of collective identity and transformations of individual identity with social memory.

With regard to localized group agencies, Ian Morris made the rather obvious, but nonetheless crucial comment, “a burial is part of a funeral, and a funeral is part of a set of

rituals by which the living deal with death (Morris, 1992: 1).” Mortuary space as encountered by the archaeologist reflects a portion of the specific actions and rituals enacted by funerary participants who choose to invent, perpetuate, or alter the means by which the mortuary practice is enacted. The evident variability in mortuary space even in single community suggests that living participants are making active decisions and thus, operationalizing their agency to create material outcomes. The materiality of these representations of agency is determined based on a contrast with social structure represented by tradition.

Barrett (2000) argues that tradition is a condition of agency and that tradition is the raw social material that agents utilize to reproduce and manipulate social rules.

Traditions such as the distribution of artifacts, burial form, and burial/cemetery location and boundaries are derived from a culturally and temporally specific contextual framework to which abhorrent agent action by the living participants of the funerary event can be attributed. Chapman (2000) takes this approach to highlight tension in mortuary practice reflected in burials from Kisfore-Damm in Hungary. Chapman particularly focuses on the unusually formal mortuary treatment of a two-year old child who was oriented in a SW-NE direction and buried with a skull painted with red ochre.

Chapman concluded that the treatment of this individual demonstrated conscious decision-making on the part of mourners to make a subversive statement, which contrasts with established tradition (Chapman, 2000).

While earlier scholarship considered addressing the role of the deceased, processual approaches characterized the individual being directly controlled by the rules of social structure while the individual in post-processual approaches had a dominant, 97

threatening relationship to social structure. Contemporary practice-centered scholarship distinguishes itself from these discussions in its relationship to individual identity, aiding in characterizing individual agency generated by and generative of, and not necessarily constrained or injurious to social structure. Identity may be derived from an individual’s age, sex, gender, socioeconomic status, ethnicity, ideology, and ancestry. Additionally, individuals can have multiple identities that may occur simultaneously or consecutively over the course of a lifetime (Knusdon and Stowjanowski, 2008).

Material representation of individual agency in mortuary space is benefited in part by the integration of bioarchaeological approaches that link the micro-level biological indicators of identity to the broader responses and reflections in the mortuary practice attributed to the individual. Hodder (2000) uses the example of a unique burial from

Neolithic Çatalhöyük in which individual identity in life may have had a profound role in how mourner materialized the individual’s mortuary space in death. The burial contained an older male with the unusual context of a missing cranium and wearing a necklace made from a mustelid bacculum bone. This individual was the final of a series of successive house floor burials containing younger people with similar biological features of ancestry. Hodder (2000) suggests that the special representation of this individual as the final burial in the house in addition to his sex, age, and cranial removal may indicate the individual played an important role in either the founding or leading of the household in life and whose death cause the ultimate abandonment of the abode. In this situation, identity and agency in life in conjunction with identities constructed by the living may have had a direct effect on how the living enacted and altered their traditional household mortuary practice. 98

Recent anthropological scholarship has additionally considered object-centered agency, with the object being the physical remains of the deceased. This has been argued in two theoretical respects: 1) bodies only have the agency given to them by the living

(Tung, 2012) and 2) bodies have the inherent ability to alter the emotions of living people and thus transform their surroundings (Crandall and Martin, 2014). However, defining the materiality of this phenomenon is far more difficult to approach because it may be nearly impossible to distinguish between the agency of the living, the identity of the deceased, and the agency in the physical remains of the deceased without ample contextual evidence oft not afforded to the archaeologist, particularly in prehistoric contexts (Gell, 1998). However, this is not to say object-centered agency has not been productive in mortuary analysis. Crandall and Harrod (2014), offered insight on how the perceived presence of two early settler specters on a ranch in Las Vegas, despite absence of their bodies on the property, altered how the local community approached local urban planning around the location. While such contexts may not be cross-culturally reflected, they provide considerations for future research. Emerging scholarship that draws on burials with ample contexts have made important strides in developing this concept.

4.6 Summary

This chapter described structuration theory and its utility in expressing material manifestations of authority over people and objects, which serves as the foundation for assessing authority among individuals of the Qızqala population. The chapter then discussed theoretical developments in the disciplines of mortuary archaeology and bioarchaeology and their trajectory toward more agent-centered perspectives. The focus

on the agent and the influence of structuration and practice theories on contemporary approaches to these disciplines encourages increasing intersection between the two in developing a sense of the individual and individual identity within the societal contexts of the past. Furthermore, the centrality of mobility and mobile pastoral social organization in the study of Middle Bronze Age mortuary spaces in the South Caucasus highlights the discrepancies faced in interpreting the social organization in the context of emergent

MBA complex settlement at Qızqala and the Aras River Basin. Therefore, detailing the nature of individual mobility and how behavior in life intersects with mortuary treatment is a key consideration in investigating the Qızqala cemetery population. The following chapter will discuss isotopic analysis and the rationale behind its application to detail

MBA mobility at Qızqala.

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CHAPTER 5

Isotopic Approaches to Investigating Paleomobility

5.1 Introduction

Biogeochemical analysis of archaeological human bone and teeth offers a unique perspective on ancient human lifeways by providing evidence for individual mobility and dietary habits. Isotopic analysis is based on the premise of identifying the differential distribution of certain stable and radiogenic isotopes in the human body. These isotopes incorporate in the body through ingestion of food and water, which impart the isotopic values of the ecosystem from which they originate. This research investigates mobility and diet in the MBA population at Qızqala using strontium (87Sr/86Sr), oxygen (δ18O), and carbon (δ13C) isotope ratios. This chapter discusses the isotopes studied, reviews the history of bioarchaeological applications of isotopic research to investigate mobility, and discusses the application of intra-individual approaches in isotopic analysis in bioarchaeology.

5.2 Strontium

Strontium has four naturally occurring isotopes, including 88Sr, 87Sr, 86Sr, and

84Sr. Analysis for geographic origins, mobility, and migration utilizes measurements of

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87Sr and 86Sr. These isotopes in the human skeleton originally derive from soil and rocks in the environment when the person was alive (Bentley, 2006; Faure, 1986). Variation in

87Sr/86Sr ratios in these geological sources is based on differences in mineral type and mineral age. 87Sr is a radiogenic isotope that is created by the radioactive β-decay of rubidium, an element with a half-life of about 4.88x1010 years. Minerals have a distinct

87Sr/86Sr value primarily influenced by the original ratio of rubidium (87Rb) to strontium

(87Sr) when they were first formed. Over time, these isotopes exhibit an inverse relationship in which 87Rb decreases as 87Sr increases. Consequently, older rocks, such as granites have higher 87Sr values while younger rocks such as volcanic basalts have lower

87Sr values (Figure 4.1). Similarly, mineral type also influences 87Sr/86Sr based on the amount of potassium. Rubidium substitutes for potassium due to similarities in their atomic size, thereby affecting the ratio of rubidium to strontium (Bentley 2006; Ericson

1985). 86Sr is stable and serves as the constant value to which 87Sr is compared (Budd et al., 2000; Bentley, 2006; Faure, 1986). Different geographic regions are characterized by distinct strontium isotopic ratios due to geological variations in the relative amounts and ages of minerals present in the local environment (Bentley, 2006; Price et al., 2002).

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Figure 5.1 Strontium variation in the earth based on age and origin (Bott, 1982).

These differences across geographical space form the foundation on which bioarchaeological researchers distinguish local inhabitants (based on similarity to their local geological values) versus non-locals (whose strontium ratio values differ from their local geological values). However, the integration of strontium in the human skeleton does not take a direct path from earth to bone. Instead, it is a complex system under the influence of biocultural factors related to diet and skeletal biology.

Strontium (87Sr/86Sr) isotopes are incorporated from rocks and soil into local water through the weathering of bedrock and are reflected in the local trophic system when consumed by plants and animals. Since strontium has a large atomic mass, it does not fractionate. Strontium isotopes maintain the same ratio as they move from the rocks

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to the groundwater and into the food chain (Clauer and Chaudhuri, 1992; Copeland et al.,

2011). The concentration of strontium in these organisms is variable, but still reflects

87Sr/86Sr values in the environment in which they live and develop. However, it is important to note that a given geological zone, and even a given rock may be composed of many types of minerals with various 87Sr/86Sr values. Weathering of bedrock may distribute minerals through the local environment in unpredictable patterns, causing an averaging effect in the soil, which is reflected in the local plant and faunal life (Price et al., 2002). Therefore, local bedrock alone is not an accurate predictor of values for the local food chain. For this reason, local 87Sr/86Sr values and how they are represented in the human skeleton are best represented through an assessment of biologically, rather than geologically available strontium.

Biologically available, also referred to as bioavailable, strontium in a given local environment is used to assess whether humans are local or non-local by comparison to the strontium values of local plants and fauna. Plant metabolism averages strontium values of the soil, groundwater, and precipitation in the specific area in which it grows

(Bentley, 2006). A single plant may not represent the average value of a geographic area, but a series of plants reflect extent of local strontium isotopic variation. Herbivores typically consume plants over a wider range, with distance varying based on species.

Fauna reflect values of a broader geographic scope (Sealy et al., 1991; Sillen et al., 1998).

Sampling fauna thus offers the opportunity to collect fewer environmental samples in a given environment. However, given that herbivores reflect more homogenous bioavailable strontium in a local environment, their ranging behaviors may also mask local-scale isotopic variation across pasturing lands. Similarly, a geographically wide 104

pasturing area may not necessarily correspond to the cultural boundaries in the landscape, because herds may consume plants outside of the designated “local” area. Due to the interest in scales of mobility, local and regional isotopic variations are critical considerations and were preferable for the purposes of this study.

In humans, dietary strontium has a close relationship with dietary calcium.

Strontium and calcium are chemically similar and strontium incorporates readily in the hydroxyapatite in place of calcium, fixating in the crystalline lattice of hydroxyapatite in bone and teeth (Bentley, 2006; Carr et al., 1962; Dolphin and Eve, 1963; Nelson et al.,

1986). However, dietary strontium concentrations are strictly regulated by the body so that only 3-5% is retained for integration into hydroxyapatite, 8-10% is absorbed into the blood serum and extracellular fluid, and the remaining excess is excreted through urine and feces (Carr, 1967; Robertson et al., 1979).

An important consideration in strontium isotopic analysis is the potential influence of diagenesis in the burial environment. Diagenesis is biogeochemical change in hydroxyapatite through contamination from the surrounding soil. While the dense crystalline structure of dental enamel hydroxyapatite mostly protects against diagenesis, the less dense crystalline structure of bone as well as the greater organic phase of bone mineral allows for recrystallization with minerals in the burial soil (Koch et al., 1997;

Price, 1989). Dental enamel is composed of 96% hydroxyapatite in dense organization that offers protections against diagenesis (Hillson, 1996; Kohn et al., 1999). However, caution is required for damaged, or poorly preserved bone and dental enamel, which are particularly susceptible to diagenesis.

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5.3 Oxygen

Oxygen has three naturally occurring isotopes 18O, 17O, and 16O. Isotopic assessment of mobility investigates the relationship of 18O to 16O in the following notation: 18O/16O, or δ18O. While strontium reflects mobility in relation to the geographic location of certain geologies, oxygen reflects mobility in relation to geographic location of consumed water sources (Luz et al., 1984; Luz and Kolodny, 1985; Knudson and

Price, 2007).

Figure 5.2 Rainout effect on δ 18O values. Adapted from Hoefs 1997 and Coplen et al. 2000

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These water sources may include precipitation, groundwater, rivers, and lakes

(Dansgaard, 1964). The value of δ18O ratios in these water sources changes by the process of fractionation, which is a separation process where isotope values enrich or deplete based on differences in atomic mass. Fractionation in oxygen is influenced by altitude, temperature, and distance from coastlines (Epstein and Mayeda, 1953;

Dansgaard, 1964; Longinelli, 1984; Luz et al., 1984; Koch, 1998; Bowen and Wilkinson,

2002). In higher temperatures, water undergoes the process of evaporation in which 16O preferentially evaporates due to its lighter mass. This results in enriched 18O, and thus a more positive δ18O value. Similarly, in cooling, and the process of condensation, which leads to precipitation, the heavier mass of 18O causes it to be preferentially removed compared to lighter 16O, resulting in a depleted δ18O value. With each precipitation event, the vapor cloud travels further away from the body of water from which it was formed and has a more and more depleted δ18O values, accounting for differences due to distance from coastlines. Finally, altitude also produces depleted δ18O values due to cooler temperatures as elevation increases (Dansgaard, 1964). Figure 4.3 illustrates how climatic and geographic factors influence resulting δ18O values.

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Figure 5.3 Oxygen isotopic responses to climatic factors in a given environment. Adapted from Clark and Fritz 1997.

However, cultural factors in how humans consume water create complications in oxygen isotopic analyses that alter the values of natural water sources. That is, water storage in vessels and cisterns mimic the fractionation processes in standing water, resulting in depleted values. Similarly, consumption of beverages, such as alcohol, or cooked liquids, also results in depleted oxygen values. Hydrological infrastructure such as damming, irrigation channeling, and aqueducts manipulate natural water sources such that they arrive from longer distances and undergo fractionation processes different from 108

that of natural water sources. For MBA populations in the South Caucasus, the influence of hydrological infrastructure is likely not a concern in interpreting δ18O values.

However, water storage and the contribution of non-water liquids may have an influence on how ingested water reflects δ18O values. For this reason, it is critical to consider oxygen in relation to strontium values to gauge the influence of natural and anthropogenic water and thus distinguish mobility from cultural influences on local water consumption practices.

Oxygen isotopes from water incorporate into the hydroxyapatite of bone and enamel through substitution with phosphate (PO4) and carbonate (CO3) (Sponheimer and

Lee-Thorp, 1999). This analysis investigates δ18O in the carbonate portion of hydroxyapatite because it uses the simultaneous analysis of carbon isotopes in carbonate, which also offers insight into dietary habits (Sponheimer and Lee-Thorp, 1999). The δ18O values in human enamel and bone carbonate may be compared to δ18O of local water sources through conversion equations (e.g., Bryant et al., 1996; Chenery, 2012; Coplen et al., 1983; Daux et al., 2008; Iacumin et al., 1996; Luz et al., 1984; Pollard et al., 2011).

Global climatic changes over time and current δ18O values in local water systems may not exactly match those of the ancient past. Comparison to strontium values, in addition to presently bioavailable oxygen in the local environmental water sources, is important for interpreting the nature of mobility evident in isotopic analysis of archaeological human remains.

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5.4 Carbon

Stable carbon isotopic analysis evaluates the dietary contributions of different plants. Differences in values reflect different photosynthetic pathways in plants as well as the contributions of terrestrial versus marine fauna (Schoeninger and DeNiro, 1984).

Marine fauna are unlikely to be a significant dietary contributor in the South Caucasus highlands therefore, the primary components of diet are expected to be various plants and terrestrial herbivores

Carbon has three naturally occurring isotopes: 12C, 13C, and 14C. Dietary analysis utilizes the ration of 13C and 12C (notated 13C/12C or δ13C) (Ambrose and Norr, 1993;

Schoeninger and Moore, 1992). Differences in the quantity of 13C to 12C are caused by variable fractionation rates between three photosynthetic pathways, including C3 (Calvin-

Benson), C4 (Hatch-Slack), and CAM (crassulacean acid metabolism). C3 plants consist of wheat, barley, rice, fruits, vegetables, and many trees and shrubs. These plants have highly depleted δ13C values ranging from -35‰ to -20‰ because the photosynthetic enzyme ribulose bisphosphate carboxylase preferentially captures the lighter 12C isotope

(Smith and Epstein, 1971; DeNiro, 1987). C4 plants consist of tropical grasses such as corn, millet, and sorghum. These plants have more enriched δ13C values ranging between

-14‰ and -9‰ because their carbon fixing enzyme phosphoenolpyruvate carboxylase

13 discriminates against C to a lesser degree than C3 plants (Boutton et al., 1984; DeNiro,

1987; Lee-Thorp et al., 1989; Tieszen and Chapman, 1992). CAM plants use both ribulose bisphosphate carboxylase and phosphoenolpyruvate carboxylase, the carbon- fixing enzymes of C3 and C4. Environmental aridity influences the enzyme used by the plant. Therefore, δ13C values range from -27‰ to -12‰ (Boutton et al., 1984). CAM 110

plants consist of succulents, which have little to no dietary input in the Caucasus

(Ambrose and Norr, 1993). Figure 4.4 details the differences in δ13C values across different photosynthetic pathways.

Figure 5.4 Carbon isotopic ranges in C3 and C4 plants and fractionation differences in mammalian enamel. Adapted from Cerling et al. 1997. 111

The primary plant components in MBA human diets in the South Caucasus are C3 plants (ie. wheat and barley). However, evidence at Qızqala and the surrounding region suggests the production of broomcorn millet (Panicum miliaceum), a C4 plant (Proctor and Lau, 2016). Broomcorn millet is a summer crop with a short growing season

(Baltensperger, 2002; Hunt et al., 2011). These differences will be an important

13 consideration because variations in δ C, which reflect differences in C3 and C4 plant consumption over the course of mineralization, when compared to variation in the source of ingested water, may aid in identifying the seasonality of potential mobility through seasonally variable availability of different dietary contributors.

Carbon isotopes also incorporated in the human bone and dental enamel hydroxyapatite through carbonate (DeNiro and Schoeninger, 1983; Dupras and Tocheri,

2007; Katzenberg et al., 1993; Koch et al., 1997; Sealy et al., 1995). Approximately +5‰ fractionation occurs as carbon isotopes incorporate into the bone and enamel mineral.

13 Consequently, humans who consume predominately C3 diets will have δ C values around -19‰, and those with primarily C4 diets are around -5‰ (Dupras et al., 2001;

Boutton et al., 1984; Schoeninger and DeNiro, 1984; Ambrose and Krigbaum, 2003).

Diets consisting of a combination of both plant types exhibit intermediary values.

For both stable carbon and oxygen isotope analysis of carbonate in bone and enamel, there are risks of diagenic alteration due to carbonate ion exchange in the apatite with the burial soil and moisture (Ambrose and Norr, 1993). Accordingly, this project does not evaluate carbon isotopes in collagen to develop a full dietary reconstruction.

This decision was based on concerns over the poor bone preservation.

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5.5 Review of Isotopic Research for Mobility in Bioarchaeology

Isotopic analyses for mobility were introduced to archaeology and bioarchaeology by ecologists who used strontium and oxygen isotopes to track and map the migrations of various animal species (Gosz et al., 1983, Ericson, 1985). These analyses were then adopted into archaeological and paleoecological studies on mobility and migration to reconstruct faunal migratory behaviors such as mammoths and mastodons (Hoppe et al.,

1997, 1999) and salmon (Koch et al., 1992) as well as identify locals and non-locals in human skeletal populations such as those in Eastern-Central Arizona (Ezzo et al., 1997), the North American Southwest (Price et al., 1994), and globally (Sealy et al., 1995) study on skeletal series.

An increasing number of bioarchaeological research projects over the past two decades have included isotopic analysis in investigating residential mobility in the archaeological record. Notable analyses performed on archaeological populations include identification of migration in the Bell Beaker population in Eastern Europe (Price et al.,

2004), the New Kingdom Egyptian populations in the Nile Valley (Buzon et al., 2007) and the Tiwanaku in Peru and Bolivia (Knudson, 2008; Knudson et al., 2004). Recent studies have moved beyond simply identifying locals from non-locals in populations and have used these analyses to address broader questions on the sociopolitical contexts of mobility and migration. For example, Giblin et al. (2012) applied strontium isotopic analysis human skeletal remains from the Copper Age and Neolithic in eastern Hungary.

The higher degree of variability in 87Sr/86Sr values among individuals in the Copper Age populations compared to Neolithic populations suggested that these later populations

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were acquiring food resources from a greater geographic distances and thus likely engaging in more mobile pastoral subsistence. Giblin et al. (2012) use this information to model how the complex human-environmental interactions and social exchange networks reflected in the mobility patterns of the populations related to broader social organization and settlement nucleation. Similarly, Knudson et al (2016) develops on this approach by reconstructing individual life histories through 87Sr/86Sr analysis of various elements from each individual to represent mobility over different developmental periods. These developments in the application of isotopic analyses expand the research questions that can be addressed on paleomobility.

5.6 Intra-Individual Isotopic Analysis and its Applications to Pastoral Mobility

This study utilizes intra-individual and intra-tooth sampling methods in bone and teeth to evaluated mobility in micro- and macro- scales over the lifetime. Human bone and each dental element develop and mineralize at different times during development.

Sampling across various elements evaluates changes in geographic locality and diet at different periods of time.

Bone hydroxyapatite continuously remodels throughout the human lifetime.

Depending on the element, bone undergoes complete replacement every 7 to 20 years

(Lowenstam and Weiner, 1989). This allows evaluation of residence and diet in the last one to two decades before death.

In contrast, dental enamel mineralizes at different ages during childhood and does

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not remodel over the lifetime (Kohn et al., 1998). Each tooth mineralizes at a different age during dental development and sampling of enamel from a certain tooth reflects the isotopic values of food and water consumed during the specific period of time during which that tooth mineralized. Samples for this study were taken from first, second, and third left, mandibular molars. The first molar crown develops between birth and 3 years of age. The second molar crown develops between 3 and 6 years of age. The third molar crown develops between 8 and 11 years of age (Reid and Dean, 2006).

Dental enamel formation, or amelogenesis, occurs incrementally in appositional and imbricational arrangement. Mineralization of the enamel commences at the tooth apex where hydroxyapatite crystals are deposited in approximately 24 hour, circadian increments—visible as cross-striations—in enamel prisms (or rods) oriented perpendicular to the enamo-dentine junction (EDJ) (Boyde, 1967). Each layer is completely mineralized within a week on average (Ramirez Rozzi, 1994). After maturation, each successive layer is deposited appositionally from apex to cervix, forming clearly defined layered structures called striae of Retzius. Because dental enamel does not remodel over the lifetime, isotopic compositions reflect diet and environment during enamel mineralization.

However, it is important to note that sequential sampling across these incremental structures in the enamel will always represent a time-averaged isotopic signal rather than isotopic values of a discrete period of time. While evidence suggests a chronological sequence is respected along the growth axis of the enamel, delay in maturation, mixing of water sources, and body water reservoir may introduce bias that has been shown to attenuate, or dampen values (Balasse, 2003; Zazzo et al., 2012a; Blumenthal et al., 2014). 115

These factors are taken into account in adapting sampling strategy (discussed further in

Chapter 6) and in the interpretation of results by not assigning discrete chronological periods to samples.

Intra-tooth, or sequential sampling, of dental enamel for isotopic analysis is commonly employed in the study of archaeological fauna, yet noticeably absent in the study of archaeological human populations. The increasing prevalence of intra-tooth sampling of faunal populations has highlighted individual changes in diet and climate over dental development, which has demonstrated various phenomena, including palaeoclimatic fluctuations (Sharp and Cerling, 1998; Sharma et al., 2004; Bernard et al.,

2009; Higgins and MacFadden, 2009; Brookman and Ambrose, 2012), seasonality of birth, weaning, and death (Balasse et al., 2003, 2012; Frémondeau et al., 2012; Towers et al., 2014), and herd mobility—particularly as proxy for human pastoral mobility and congregation (Balasse et al., 2002; Bentley and Knipper 2005; Bocherens et al., 2001b;

Henton et al., 2014; Julien et al., 2012b; Pellegrini et al., 2008; Widga et al., 2010).

However, the additional consideration of seasonal camping, mobility, and dietary resources from the human perspective is essential for reconstructing lifestyles and subsistence strategies in ancient societies, particularly in nomadic communities whose ephemeral inhabitations leave few material traces in the archaeological record. The study of seasonally variable human diet and mobility would also benefit from the short-term scale afforded by isotopic analysis through the use of an intra-tooth sampling approach.

In order to investigate individual mobility and subsistence patterns associated with pastoralism in the mountainous South Caucasus, this project adapts faunal intra-tooth sampling methods paired with radiogenic strontium (87Sr/86Sr) stable oxygen (δ18O) and 116

carbon (δ13C) analysis of the Middle Bronze Age highland agro-pastoralists from the

Qızqala cemetery in Naxçıvan, Azerbaijan.

5.8 Summary

This chapter reviewed bioarchaeological applications of isotopic analysis to investigate diet and mobility, reviewed the isotopic analyses employed in this project, and explained the biological rationale behind intra-individual and intra-tooth sampling procedures in reconstructing individual life histories. These life histories form the foundation of understanding experiences with and practices of mobility at Qızqala. The following chapter develops on how this project investigate individual identity, agency, and authority in the context of the Qızqala cemetery by explaining the materials and methods used to test the postulated hypotheses.

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CHAPTER 6: Materials and Methods

6.1 Introduction

The purpose of this chapter is to describe the materials and methods used to test the hypotheses of seasonal mobility and models of mobile-sedentary interactions in complex settlement systems to address broader questions on the emergence of complex settlements in the Şərur Valley. The chapter begins by describing the sampling strategy for the burials and skeletons from the Qızqala cemetery studied in this investigation. It then outlines methods used for preliminary survey and analyses, which established environmental isotopic baselines. The chapter concludes with discussion of methods for isotopic and mortuary analyses and statistical approaches.

6.2 Materials

This project studies the skeletal remains of ten adult individuals and the mortuary traditions used in their commemoration from the Qızqala MBA cemetery. The Naxçıvan

Archaeological Project and Azerbaijan National Academy of Sciences, Naxçıvan conducted excavations of the Qızqala settlement and the cemetery complex. Systematic survey identified 121 visible kurgan burials. Of these, eleven kurgan burials were excavated, of which seven contained preserved human skeletal remains. The remaining four were either disturbed by looting or the inhumed skeletal remains disintegrated due to 118

alkaline soil chemistry.

Burials were selected for excavation based on location and size as a representative sample of the diverse burial forms in the cemetery (Figure 6.1). Of the eleven burials excavated, five were situated along the peaks of hills, five were densely clustered in a valley, while one was situated adjacent to the settlement’s fortification wall on the plain.

Selected burials also represent the range of tumulus surface diameters (2-12m) documented during surface survey.

Figure 6.1 Map of Qızqala necropolis identifying excavated burials 119

Despite the small sample size, each individual’s patterns of mobility and funerary treatment will be presented in significant detail that is consistent with the agent-centered approach to understanding how individuals and smaller groups responded to economic, symbolic, and political power (Gillespie, 2001). This approach allows this project to test the hypothesis of persistent pastoral mobility with high-resolution isotopic assessment of seasonal mobility patterns over individual lifetimes. Identifying specific modes and experiences with mobility allow this project to evaluate how individual actions in life relate to treatment in death on a case-by-case basis.

6.3 Biological Sex and Age Estimation

Biological sex and age are analytical factors in assessing demographic differences in a skeletal population. Sex estimations provide the opportunity to investigate how cultural constructions related to sex and gender roles affect differential mobility behaviors and mortuary treatments in this population. While this project will only study adults whose dentition has fully erupted, accurate estimation of biological age at death will also be a relevant factor in presenting the biological identity profile of each individual in the sample. Due to issues of preservation, many measurements were not possible on the individuals studied. However, the following methods were employed when possible.

Biological sex was estimated using the morphological features of the cranium and pelvis as described in Buikstra and Ubelaker (1994) as well as using measurements of the femoral head as described in Bass (2005). A combination of the subpubic concavity,

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ventral arch, and greater sciatic notch were the principal features assessed to determine biological sex (Buikstra and Ubelaker, 1994). While preference was given to assessing all three features on each individual, instances of poor preservation of the pelvic bone would assess fewer. Cranial sex estimation supplemented pelvic estimation of biological sex, but was never solely used to assess sex due to the potentially wide-range of cranial size and shape variation within a population. Mandibular size/shape, mastoid process, nuchal crest, supraorbital margin, and supraorbital ridge were scored according to Buikstra and

Ubelaker (1994). Additionally, femoral head diameter was also measured for each individual. Estimations were made according to Bass (2005; adapted in Table 6.2).

Table 6.1 Femoral head measurements for sex estimation, adapted from Bass (1995) Sex Estimation Femoral Head Measurement Threshold (mm)

Female < 42.5

Probably Female 42.5-43.5

Indeterminate 43.5-46.5

Probably Male 46.5-47.5

Male >47.5

The primary factor for age-based inclusion of individuals in this study was adults with fully erupted 3rd molars. The adult 3rd molar is used for isotopic analysis for mobility and an explanation for this selection is provided in subsequent sections on human dental

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enamel extraction methods. However, adult age at death was also considered an important factor in presenting a more detailed perspective on the identities of the individuals in this study. Adult age was estimated by scoring the patterns of degeneration evident in the pubic symphysis as described in Brooks and Suchey (1990) and auricular surface as described in Lovejoy et al. (1985). Pelvic features were complemented with assessment of dental wear adapted from Lovejoy (1985). It is important to note that age estimations are inherently prone to error, because aging standards typically reflect the biological variation of the populations/museum collections that were used to derive them.

Populations from different geographic or temporal origins may exhibit different features of age due to variable behaviors that may alter the form and rate of appearance of degenerative features. Therefore, when possible, multiple indicators were preferred for more accurate estimation of age.

6.4 Regional Isotopic Bioavailability

Naxçıvan has a diverse and nearly ideal geological landscape for applying strontium isotope methods for studying human mobility across a landscape. Oxygen isotopes (δ18O) reflect local meteoric waters, which in turn reflect elevation (most important for this study), season of precipitation, and distance from coastlines. Unlike the other climatic variables, elevation varies drastically across Naxçıvan from low valleys to snow-capped mountains and thus has a drastic effect on oxygen ratios.

However, in order to relate evidence of mobility in dental enamel to actual

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geographic locations where individuals may have traveled, it is crucial to first understand the variation in strontium and oxygen isotopic values in the region. By convention, local isotopic bioavailability of 87Sr/86Sr is determined by averaging the strontium values from local fauna and applying ±2 standard deviation to define local human values (Grupe et al., 1997; Schweissing and Grupe, 2000). Individuals with values outside of these limits are determined to be non-local. These limits are statistical predictions and mask isotopic diversity and geological complexity on a local scale (Slovak and Paytan, 2011).

This project takes a more conservative approach that aims to represent isotopic diversity in the Şərur Valley as well as the Naxçıvan Autonomous Republic as a whole.

This is done by first establishing a regional isotopic baseline map that provides the opportunity to more accurately and meaningfully specify patterns and locations of mobility in the landscape. In order to develop such a baseline map for the Şǝrur Valley and surrounding areas of the Naxçıvan Autonomous Republic prior to analysis of human dental enamel, I conducted a systematic environmental sampling survey encompassing the majority of Naxçıvan in July 2014. Prior to the collection of environmental samples, topographic (Figure 6.1) and geological (Figure 6.2) maps were consulted to determine areas with potentially distinct strontium (87Sr/86Sr) and/or oxygen (δ18O) values. The

Naxçıvan Autonomous Republic could be subdivided into 12 zones representing areas of distinct geology and/or elevation (Figure 6.3).

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Figure 6.2 Naxçıvan elevation map, courtesy of Emily Hammer

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Figure 6.3 Naxçıvan geological map, adapted from Bairamov et al. (2008)

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6 12

Figure 6.4 Twelve major geological zones in the Naxçıvan Autonomous Republic

Plant samples (n=37) were collected from each of the 12 distinct geological regions to assess variations in strontium bioavailability. Water samples were collected from river, stream, spring, lake, and well sources at various elevations across Naxçıvan to assess variation in oxygen bioavailability. Samples were transported to, stored, and pretreated at the Archaeological Isotope Laboratory at The Ohio State University.

Plant species and parts collected were first documented in the field, after which they were air-dried, packaged in sterile plastic bags, and transported. After arriving at the laboratory, approximately 10 grams of plant matter from each sample was placed in ceramic crucibles and ashed at 800˚C for 12 hours. Final weight and color were documented and 4-6mg of ash was placed into 1.5mL centrifuge tubes. These samples were then taken to the Archaeological Chemistry Laboratory, supervised by Kelly

Knudson at Arizona State University. Samples were dissolved in 0.5mL twice distilled

5M nitric acid (HNO3) and allowed to sit at room temperature until the powder completely dissolved. Samples were then transported to the Arizona State University

W.M. Keck Foundation Laboratory for Environmental Biogeochemistry Clean

Laboratory where strontium was chemically separated from the sample. Samples in the nitric acid solution were transferred to Teflon beakers in which they were heated on a hot plate at 80˚C until evaporated and a white precipitate formed. The precipitate was then dissolved at room temperature in 250μL of twice distilled 5M HNO3. Strontium was separated from each sample solution using EiChrom Sr Spec resin loaded in glass micro columns. Resin volume was 100 μL and was cleaned and conditioned using repeated washes of MilliQ H2O and 5M of HNO3 after which the sample solution was added.

Strontium was eluted using 1500 μL of MilliQ H2O. The strontium solution was then

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analyzed using a Thermo Electron Neptune Multi-Collector Inductively Coupled Plasma

Mass Spectrometer (MC-ICP-MS).

Water samples used to assess oxygen bioavailability in major regional water sources include 12 samples from rivers and streams, 19 from springs, and 5 from ground water collected from man-made wells. While water was sampled systematically from major sources, preference was given to sources, which were determined to have had minimal anthropogenic pollution (i.e. agricultural runoff, industrial pollutants, sewage, and damming). Such sources include natural and improved springs, groundwater, and the headwater of rivers and streams. River and stream water were collected, but treated with great caution, as they may not accurately reflect ancient water values due to possible differences in climate since the Middle Bronze Age. In the case of the Arpacay River, which is dammed, samples were collected before and after each dam to account for any differences in oxygen fractionation that may have occurred across the watershed from source to stream. Water samples were collected in 50ml vials sealed with Teflon tape and electrical tape to ensure an airtight seal and to prevent any evaporation of the water that would alter oxygen values prior to analysis. These samples were transported to the Ohio

State University Environmental Geochemistry Laboratory where water samples were centrifuged to separate suspended particles and surface water was pipetted into to 5ml vials. These were then analyzed in a Picarro L1102-i liquid water isotope analyzer.

6.5 Human Enamel Extraction and Isotopic Analysis

If present, bone (rib and/or femur) and the first mandibular molar were bulk

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sampled while the third mandibular molar was sequentially sampled. One exception was

CC4 Skeleton.1, who had no molars, but first incisor, second incisor, canine and bone were sampled in bulk.

Soil in the burial environments of the Şərur Valley region is alkaline and damaging to human bone (Nugent, 2012). Therefore, removing the outermost layer of bone and enamel was an important, precautionary step to avoid diagenic contamination of selected samples (Price, 1989; Koch et al., 1997b; Ambrose and Krigbaum, 2003;

Bentley, 2006). In bone, preference was given to elements with minimal discoloration, compared against the soil in the burial environment. The outermost layer of bone was abraded using a Dremel drill fitted with a tungsten-carbide burr. In teeth, preference was given to the buccal side of the tooth, which has a thicker enamel layer, allowing for higher sample yield following removal of any possible diagenic alteration on the surface of the tooth. Before sampling, the outermost layer on the surface of the enamel was removed through abrasion using a Dremel drill fitted with a diamond-tipped burr.

Enamel of the bulk-sampled teeth was sampled using a 0.5mm diamond-tipped burr across the height of the tooth. Enamel was sequentially sampled using a 0.05mm diamond-tipped burr on a micromill with microscope attachment at 30x magnification. A low rotation speed was preferred to increase precision and limit overheating of the burr that might cause heat fractures in the enamel and the burr itself. Drilling commenced at the cervix, starting at an oblique angle to the EDJ and drilled a small horizontal line until approximately 2mg was collected. Samples were stored in a 0.6mL centrifuge vials.

Subsequent samples were collected by proceeding to the apex at successively wider angles, following the incremental pattern of the lines of Retzius (see Figure 2a).

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Depending on the height of the molar, between 5 and 7 samples were collected along the growth axis, each corresponding to approximately 3 months of enamel mineralization, the period of roughly an annual season.

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6.6 Assessment of Diagenic Alteration

One (3-4mg) powdered sample from each bone and tooth sampled was selected for trace element analysis to test for diagenic alteration. Samples were taken to the

Archaeological Chemistry Laboratory at Arizona State University where they were cleaned and digested for analysis. Samples were cleaned in an ultrasonic bath in 15ml centrifuge vials containing 5ml Millipore water for 30 minutes then in 5ml of 0.8 acetic acid (CH3COOH) for 30 minutes. The samples were rinsed with 1ml of Millipore water followed by 5ml of Millipore water for 5-10 minutes. Samples were dried in an oven at

50°C for one hour. Samples were then ashed in crucibles at 800°C for 10 hours. For the first dilution, 3mg of sample were dissolved in 0.96mL of twice distilled 5M nitric acid

(HNO3) and 14.04mL of Millipore water. The second dilution was prepared in a 15mL metal-free centrifuge tube by diluting 0.20mL of the first dilution solution in 14.80mL of twice distilled HNO3. Four standard solutions with known elemental concentrations including cow bone ash, llama bone ash, calibration solution, and blanks were prepared as controls. First and second dilutions, as well as standards were then transported to the

W.M. Keck Foundation Laboratory for Environmental Biogeochemistry Clean

Laboratory where they were analyzed on a quadropole inductively coupled plasma mass spectrometer (Q-ICP-MS) with the assistance of Gwendolyn Gordon.

6.7 Strontium

Samples were extracted, cleaned, and purified following standard procedures for

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isotope analysis of dental enamel samples (Knudson et al., 2008). Bone samples were powdered with a mortar and pestle and placed in ceramic crucibles. These samples were ashed at 800°C for 8 hours. Powdered dental enamel and bone ash (4-6 mg) were placed in 1.5mL micro-centrifuge tubes. These samples were then taken to the Archaeological

Isotope Laboratory at Arizona State University. Then samples were dissolved in 0.5mL twice distilled 5M nitric acid (HNO3) and allowed to sit at room temperature until the powder completely dissolved.

Samples were then transported to the W.M. Keck Foundation Laboratory for

Environmental Biogeochemistry Clean Laboratory where strontium was chemically separated from the sample. Samples in the nitric acid solution were transferred to Teflon beakers in which they were heated on a hot plate at 80˚C until evaporated and a white precipitate formed. The precipitate was then dissolved at room temperature in 250μL of twice distilled 5M HNO3. Strontium was separated from each sample solution using

EiChrom Sr Spec resin loaded in glass micro columns. Resin volume was 100 μL and was cleaned and conditioned using repeated washes of MilliQ H2O and 5M of HNO3 after which the sample solution was added. Strontium was eluted using 1500 μL of MilliQ

H2O. The strontium solution was then analyzed using a Thermo Electron Neptune Multi-

Collector Inductively Coupled Plasma Mass Spectrometer (MC-ICP-MS). Instrumental error was tested with carbonate standard SRM-987, which was measured to be 0.710255

± 0.000019 (2σ, n=72).

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6.8 Oxygen and Carbon

Carbonate samples were prepared following the methods adapted from Koch et al.

(1997). Powdered samples (3-5mg) were placed in 1.6 mL micro-centrifuge tubes and treated with 2% NaOCl at room temperature for 24 hours. Tubes were placed in a centrifuge for 3-5 minutes until the sample formed a pellet at the bottom of the tube. The

NaOCl solution was then pipetted out and rinsed with 0.5mL MilliQ H2O and micro- centrifuged for 3-5 minutes. This step was repeated four more times. After the fifth rinse, samples were treated with 0.1 M CH3COOH at room temperature for 12 hours. Samples were then centrifuged and rinsed 0.5mL MilliQ H2O five times. After final rinse, samples were placed in a drying oven at 40°C until dry. The dried sample was transferred to a

0.6mL microcentrifuge tube for analysis.

Samples were measured by David Dettman on an automated carbonate preparation device (KIEL-III) coupled to a gas-ratio mass spectrometer (Finnigan MAT

252) at the Environmental Isotope Laboratory at the University of Arizona. Oxygen

(18O/16O) and carbon isotope ratios (13C/12C) are expressed in delta notation (δ) and per mil (‰) units relative to V-SMOW (Vienna-Standard Mean Ocean Water) for oxygen and V-PDB (Vienna Pee Dee Belemnite) for carbon. Reproducibility for δ18O was ±0.1‰ and ±0.08‰ for δ13C. The following conversion equations were used to convert enamel

18 18 δ Oc (VPDB) values to δ Odw (VSMOW) values used for local water values.

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18 18 Table 6.2 Conversion equations used to adapt δ Ocarbonate (VPDB) values to δ Owater (VSMOW) Step 1: 18 18 Coplen et al. 1983 δ Oc (VSMOW) = (1.03091 x δ Oc(VPDB) + 30.91

Step 2: 18 18 Iacumin et al. 1996 δ Op(VSMOW)= (0.98 x δ Oc (VSMOW)) – 8.5

Step 3: 18 18 Luz et al. 1984 δ Odw(VSMOW)= (δ Op(VSMOW)– 22.70) ÷ 0.78

6.9 Mortuary Analysis

Hypotheses 2-4 regarding how changing mortuary practices generate and/or reflect negotiations of mobile people in a new political landscape in the Şǝrur Valley were tested using analysis of the mortuary contexts of each individual.

Several aspects of mortuary space were used to analyze patterns of differential access to authoritative and allocative resources for mortuary practice between more mobile and more sedentary populations. Each feature reflects labor investment, territoriality, social memory, and ritual. These inferences, in turn, inform about the degree and type of investments in mortuary space that point to particular social and political contexts of their production (Porter, 2002). Burial size—quantified as a residue of labor input—as well as the quantity and size of material objects and fauna accompanying the deceased are categorized as allocative resources. Style and location of burial are categorized as authoritative resources. Physical attributes of burial were assigned to either allocative or authoritative categories, as detailed in Table 6.3. These attributes were then each assigned ranked values as follows:

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Table 6.3 Features of mortuary space considered by this project

Value Factors Resource Type Ranking Variables Value Codes Burial Location Authoritative Lowland 1 Highland 2 Tumulus Diameter Authoritative Small (<3.0m) 1 Average (3.0-6.0m) 2 Large (6.0-9.0-m) 3 Outlier (>9.0m) 4 Degree of Stylistic Authoritative Low 1 Elaboration Moderate 2 High 3 Material Origin Authoritative Local 1 Regional 2 Long Distance 3 Burial Fill Volume Allocative Small 1 Average 2 Large 3 Quantity of Allocative Low 1 Accompaniments Moderate 2 High 3 Size of Material Allocative Low 1 Production Moderate 2 High 3 Faunal Species Allocative Ovicaprid 1 Canid 2 Cattle 3 Faunal MNI Allocative 1-2 1 2-3 2 3+ 3

For burial location highland burials were ranked higher than lowland burials due to their high visibility of the valley and surrounding geographical features as well as the due the increased difficulty of access for funerary rituals. Tumulus diameter and burial cut volume were ranked according to size based on average and standard deviation calculations of burials at Qızqala. Degree of stylistic elaboration of objects was ranked

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according to degree of embellishment, such as painting and incision work on ceramics.

The material origin of objects was ranked by the distance of origin for raw materials. For examples, ceramics and bronzes are likely locally produced, obsidian originates from regional sources in the South Caucasus, while marine shell, carnelian, and glass paste beads originate from longer distances, such as Mesopotamia, the Levant, and Egypt.

Quantity of accompaniments and the size of objects are based on average and standard deviation calculations of these values. Faunal accompaniments are ranked according to the size and quantity species present in the burial space.

The total authoritative and allocative value of mortuary spaces and the similarity of burials to one another will be compared to the intensity of mobility patterns of the inhumed individuals (identified by previous isotopic analyses). These factors reflect the territorial commitment of individuals to the polity as well as the economic, political, and sacred resources available to them in relation to their mobility behaviors.

6.10 Statistical Analysis

Due to the limited number of individuals studied and a focus on intra-individual isotopic variation, only the descriptive statistics of average and standard deviation from intra-tooth and intra-element values are presented in this dissertation. Isotopic values obtained from bone, the first molar, and third molar represent the degree of individual mobility over the lifetime. Values obtained from along the growth axis of the third molar represent mobility in late childhood. The average of these isotopic values is used to

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measure the degree, or distance, of individual movement. This is evaluated by the difference between the individual average and locally bioavailable isotopic ratios. The standard deviation of individual isotopic values represents the degree of isotopic variation within each individual and thus, the intensity, or frequency of mobility.

The statistical similarity of Qızqala burials to one another was measured with a proximity matrix using Euclidean squared distance and Ward’s hierarchical clustering method (O’Shea, 1984; Pearson et al., 1989; Brass, 2016). This method was applied because the mortuary data has a hierarchical structure and because it treats cluster analysis as an analysis of variance. Ward’s hierarchical clustering method was limited to calculate three clusters due to the small sample size. Three clusters were determined to be the most meaningful approach after two clusters muted variation by grouping very different burials, while the additional group in four clusters varied by a single burial from three clusters.

All statistical analyses were performed using Statistical Package for the Social

Sciences (SPSS) version 10.6.

6.11 Summary

Eleven MBA burials and ten individuals were sampled from the Qızqala cemetery in the Şǝrur Valley of Naxçıvan, Azerbaijan. Environmental samples were collected across the Naxçıvan Autonomous Republic to establish a regional isotopic baseline to which human remains will be compared in following chapters. Dental enamel sampling

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involves drilling multiple intra-tooth enamel samples along the 3rd molar growth axis for both strontium and oxygen isotopic analyses. Strontium sample preparation involves pretreating powdered samples followed by purification by extraction chromatography prior to loading onto filaments for analysis with a Thermo Electron Neptune (MC-ICP-

MS). Oxygen sample preparation involves pretreating powdered samples followed by analyzing with a KIEL-III automated carbonate preparation device coupled to a Finnigan

MAT 252 gas-ratio mass spectrometer. Statistical analyses include basic descriptive statistics of intra-individual isotopic values as well as Ward’s method of hierarchical cluster analysis on the value of mortuary features and accompaniments. The results produced from these approaches are presented in the following chapter.

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CHAPTER 7

Results

7.1 Isotopic Bioavailability in the Naxçıvan Autonomous Republic

7.1.1 Stable Oxygen

Oxygen-18 isotopic bioavailability in the Naxçıvan Autonomous Republic is significantly influenced by the elevation of water sources and may be subdivided into three major altitudinal zones.

1) lowlands along the Aras River basin (approx. 600-900masl),

2) mid-altitude foothills at the on the northern and eastern flanks of the lowlands

(approx. 900-1200masl)

3) highlands leading into the Dereleyez and Zangezur Mountains (1200-

2400masl).

Water samples collected from springs, wells, and rivers/streams in these altitudinal zones across Naxçıvan yielded δ18O values ranging from -12.117 to -8.083‰

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18 (VSMOW). Table 7.1 presents the δ O values for the samples collected along with corresponding location and elevation information. When plotted against recorded elevations where samples were collected, oxygen isotopic values are strongly inversely related to elevation (Figure 7.1). This pattern supports the established relationship that

Oxygen-18 is depleted at high altitudes and enriched at low altitudes. Figure 7.2 presents the δ18O values and elevation in their geographic context, which illustrates how δ18O values are more depleted in the north and northeastern border of Naxçıvan along the

Dereleyez and Zangezur mountains. More enriched values are concentrated in the Aras

River basin and in the valleys opening into the basin.

Figure 7.1 Oxygen isotope values of local water sources in Naxçıvan compared to the elevation at which they were collected

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Table 7.1 Oxygen isotope values from modern water samples collected across the Naxçıvan Autonomous Republic.

SAMPLE ID LOCATION SOURCE ELEVATION (MASL) δ18O SNA14-115 Batabat Spring 2122 -12.117 SNA14-119 Batabat Spring 2238 -11.825 SNA14-114 Batabat Spring 1926 -11.621 SNA14-130 Batabat Spring 2101 -11.492 SNA14-131 Batabat Stream 1620 -10.267 SNA14-136 Milakh Spring 1133 -10.037 SNA14-144 Milakh Stream 1515 -9.976 SNA14-194 Naxçıvan Well 1275 -9.529 SNA14-112 Naxçıvan Spring 934 -9.487 SNA14-106A Naxçıvan Well 903 -9.187 SNA14-106B Naxçıvan Well 878 -8.972 SNA14-202 Ordubad Spring 1473 -10.624 SNA14-210 Ordubad Spring 1400 -9.639 SNA14-206 Ordubad Spring 763 -8.201 SNA14-204 Ordubad Spring 739 -8.083 SNA14-181 Parağa Spring 1394 -10.407 SNA14-182 Parağa Spring 1394 -10.256 SNA14-166 Parağa Spring 1343 -10.238

SNA14-180 Parağa Stream 1464 -10.144

SNA14-176 Parağa Spring 1138 -9.775

SNA14-AAA Qızqala Spring 1400 -9.728

SNA14-108 Şərur Well 979 -9.064

SNA14-113 Şərur Spring 903 -8.426

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Figure 7.2 Map of the Naxçıvan Autonomous Republic with oxygen isotope values and source elevation of water sources

7.1.2 Radiogenic Strontium

The Naxçıvan Autonomous Republic has diverse geology and may be partitioned into 12 major geological zones determined from existing geological maps of the region

(i.e., Bairomov 2008), each with distinct ranges in radiogenic strontium isotopic values.

Despite detailed, geological and geomorphological mapping of the region, testing the bioavailable radiogenic strontium available for human consumption in the environment remains a critical step for accurate comparisons to values reflected in archaeological human remains. Modern shrubs with similar rooting depths to human-consumed cereals collected in these geological zones across Naxçıvan with little to no anthropogenic impact are expected to reflect the 87Sr/86Sr values available in the environment for human consumption in the Bronze Age. Across Naxçıvan, values range from 0.7053 to 0.7081 with the lowest values in Ordubad rayon in the southeast corner of the exclave and highest values in Sədərək Rayon in the northwest corner. Most geological zones exhibit a narrow range of values. However, the three geological zones encompassed in the Şərur

Rayon, where Qızqala is located exhibit a wider range of values in bioavailable strontium. Table 7.2 presents the 87Sr/86Sr value ranges in each zone. Similarly, Figure

7.3 presents these ranges as they corresponding to the geologic zones on a map of

Naxçıvan.

Before comparing results from human skeletal remains to the environmentally bioavailable strontium as a regional baseline, it is critical to resolve the possible complications arising from the diverse values obtained from the Şərur Valley and areas immediately surrounding it in the Şərur rayon. The Şərur Valley exhibits two distinct

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ranges in the area around Qızqala. The valley floor and Arpaçay alluvium has higher values (0.7076-0.7078) than the highlands (0.7074-0.7076) where the cemetery is situated. These are important geographical and cultural distinctions when considering highland-lowland transhumance. Thus, the Şərur Valley zone may be subdivided into these two categories to more accurately discuss comparisons to radiogenic strontium values in human skeletal remains.

Table 7.2 Strontium isotope value ranges from modern plants collected across the Naxçıvan Autonomous Republic.

Location Geology 87Sr/86Sr Zone 1 Şərur Valley a) Upper Şərur Valley a) Pleistocene and Carboniferous a) 0.7076-0.7078 b) Şərur Western Highlands b) Paleozoic and Carboniferous b) 0.7074-0.7076 Zone 2 Devonian 0.7078- 0.7081 Sədərək Zone 3 Holocene and Pleistocene 0.7063-0.7073 Şərur Lowlands Zone 4 Triassic and Jurassic 0.7062-0.7078 Şərur Eastern Highlands Zone 5 Mesozoic 0.7077-0.7080 Kəngərli Highlands Zone 6 Pleistocene and Miocene 0.7073-0.7075 Kəngərli Lowlands Zone 7 Pliocene 0.7061-0.7069 Şahbuz Highlands Zone 8 Eocene 0.7076-0.7080 Naxçıvan-Culfa Plain Zone 9 Magmatic Lower Miocene 0.7065-0.7071 Culfa Hills Zone 10 Triassic 0.7053-0.7058 Culfa Lowlands Zone 11 Ordubad Valley Miocene 0.7075-0.7077

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The wider range of radiogenic strontium values in the neighboring zones of the with the Şərur Lowlands (0.7063-0.7073) and Eastern Highlands (0.7062-0.7078) also requires critical assessment to better gauge mobility outside of the immediate vicinity of

Qızqala (Figure 7.4). The geological map Azerbaijan and geological survey conducted in the course of obtaining regional baseline samples of the Şərur Eastern highlands indicates that it is an area of highly complex geological formations with varying narrow bands of

Triassic – and Jurassic sedimentary outcroppings, which likely attributed to the wide range of radiogenic strontium values in the sampling area. While the geographic location of samples and their corresponding value confirms this complexity, the narrow width

(roughly 0.5 km) and long length of these bands stretching from the valley in the mountains creates difficulty in subdividing this region into meaningful sub-zones based on physical features in the landscape.

The Şərur Lowlands were formed through the alluvial deposits of the Aras River, its numerous tributaries, and contribution from glacial erosional processes, which create a complex geology not necessarily reflective of local bedrock composition. These processes deposit thick layers of non-local soil and rock, which mask local bedrock values produce inconsistent results in the local environment. Consultation with the geological map and in-person visual assessment of the geology of the lowlands, which are also heavily tilled for agricultural and inhabitation purposes, offered no clear geological differentiations to better explain the range of values exhibited in this zone’s botanical samples.

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Figure 7.3 Strontium bioavailability in the Naxçıvan Autonomous Republic.

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1 km

Figure 7.4 Strontium bioavailability in the Şərur Valley.

7.2 Trace Element Results for the Evaluation of Diagenesis

Results from trace element analysis are presented in Table C1 in the human enamel isotope results section of the appendix. The ratio of Ca/P, used to examine if the hydroxyapatite experienced ionic exchanged with calcium carbonate, is 2-2.1 in uncontaminated archaeological bone (Sillen, 1986; Knudson and Price, 2007). The Ca/P ratio average for the all samples is 2.420 ± 0.994. Breaking down by site, Qızqala’s average is higher at 2.558±1.395 and Plovdağ’s average is lower at 2.287±0.251.

Qızqala’s average is significantly increased by a single highly contaminated bone sample from CR12.

7.3 Isotopic Variation in the Middle Bronze Age, Naxçıvan: Qızqala and Plovdağ

Dental enamel and bone samples from 22 MBA human skeletal individuals were analyzed from the sites of Qızqala (n=10) and Plovdağ (n=12). Figure 7.4 presents the full range of strontium and oxygen isotopic results for all individuals from both sites. The

Qızqala sample produced a mean 87Sr/86Sr ratio of 0.70742 ± 0.00025 (1σ), falling in range of the lower environmental baseline values of the Şərur Valley geological zone, which ranges from 0.7074-0.7076 on the valley floor and 0.7076-0.7078 in the highlands.

The δ18O value mean is -8.663 ± 2.472 (1σ), which closely mirrors the δ18O values of water sources from elevations (approximately 600-900masl) consistent with the valley floor and lower foothills of the Şərur Valley. The δ13C value mean is -11.18 ± 1.928 (1σ).

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By comparison, the Plovdağ sample produced a mean 87Sr/86Sr ratio of 0.70750 ±

0.00028 (1σ), fitting in the lower end of locally bioavailable 87Sr/86Sr values of 0.7075-

0.7077 in the Gilançay Valley, part of the Ordubad Valley geological zone. The δ18O value mean is -8.571 ± 2.523 (1σ), which also falls in the range δ18O values of water sources from elevations (approximately 600-800masl) consistent with the valley floor and lower foothills of the Gilançay Valley. The δ13C value mean is slightly higher and more variable than that of the Qızqala sample at -10.61 ± 2.395 (1σ).

Figure 7.5 Results 87Sr/86Sr and δ18O results from Qızqala and Plovdağ. The shaded regions represent local baselines for the Şərur (green) and Gilançay (blue) valleys.

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Figure 7.6 Comparison of 87Sr/86Sr means and ranges by skeleton at Qızqala and Plovdağ.

While means and standard deviations across each of the samples at Qızqala and

Plovdağ fits in the regional isotopic baseline ranges their respective local environments, breaking the sample down to present isotopic value ranges by each individual, highlights the diversity of values for each site and each individual. Figure 7.5 compares the 87Sr/86Sr ratio means and standard deviations for each individual at Qızqala and Plovdağ. A higher number of individuals at Plovdağ—notably PD-2, -68, -69, 74, 77, and 80—exhibit a wider range of values than those at Qızqala, where CR3.Sk1, CR3.Sk3, and CR7 have wide ranges, but comparatively less than most many individuals at Plovdağ. Mean

87Sr/86Sr values for each individual at Plovdağ are comparatively less consistent for

Qızqala are closely consistent across all individuals and with the local baselines, with exception of CC4, whose greatly dissimilar values lowered the mean and raised the standard deviation for Qızqala.

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bioapatite

Sr 86

Sr/ 87

Figure 7.7 Qızqala 87Sr/86Sr means and ranges by skeleton.

In the Qızqala sample, patterns in the 87Sr/86Sr means and ranges emerge by relation to burial location (Figure 7.6). Both individuals interred in CR2 have similar mean

87Sr/86Sr values with narrow ranges straddling the baseline values for the Şərur valley floor and highlands. The three individuals in burial CR3 have lower average 87Sr/86Sr values from the rest of the individuals—with exception of CC4—with a wide range of values falling in and outside of the Şərur region. Even CR3.Sk3, who has a higher mean

87Sr/86Sr value than Skeletons 1 and 2 also exhibits values outside of the local range, similar to the others. Individuals in CR6, CR7, CR8, and CR12, which are neighboring burials with shared, intersecting cromlech features, exhibit 87Sr/86Sr value similar means with values ranging between local values in the Şərur Valley floor and highlands. Finally,

CC4, a burial found outside of the MBA fortification wall on the valley floor and isolated

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from the rest of the Qızqala cemetery burials, exhibits altogether distinct 87Sr/86Sr values, lower than those represented in the local environment of the Şərur Valley.

Figure 7.8 Comparison of δ18O means and ranges by skeleton at Qızqala and Plovdağ.

A more complex pattern emerges when comparing δ18O value means and ranges between Qızqala and Plovdağ (Figure 7.7). Both sites exhibit similar means in the δ18O range predicted for the local elevation, which is similar in both the Şərur Valley and

Gilançay Valley. Plovdağ exhibits a larger standard deviation, particularly PD1, PD3,

PD68, and PD69, which have values higher than those expected from natural water sources not altered by cultural practices, as well as values lower than predicted local values. Half of the Qızqala individuals also have a wide range of values. However, the wide extent of these ranges consists of outliers.

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Figure 7.9 Qızqala δ18O means and ranges by skeleton.

In the Qızqala sample, δ18O patterns do not reflect the similarity by proximity as they did with strontium results (Figure 7.8 left). CR2 Sk1, CR2.Sk2 and CR3.Sk1 have mean values higher than the those available in the local natural water sources at the altitude of the Şərur Valley. CR6 (single value from bone) and CR12 have values lower than the locally available water sources. Individuals CR2.Sk1, CR3.Sk1, CR3.Sk3, CR7, and CR8 have a wide range of δ18O values. Much like their 87Sr/86Sr values CR2.Sk2 and

CR3.Sk2, and CR12 exhibit a narrow range of δ18O values. Additionally, CC4 has a mean consistent with the other individuals with a narrow range.

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Qızqala and Plovdağ have similar δ13C means and ranges for most individuals represented (Figure 7.9). However, certain individuals in both groups exhibit a higher diversity in intra-individual values that influence the larger standard deviation seen in both. Furthermore, four individuals in the Plovdağ sample and two individuals from

Qızqala exhibit outlier values at the higher end of the δ13C spectrum.

Figure 7.10 Comparison of δ13C means and ranges by skeleton at Qızqala and Plovdağ.

Looking at the Qızqala sample in detail (Figure 7.10), slightly different patterns emerge based on location of burials. Individuals sharing burial spaces (CR2 and CR3) do not share similar δ13C means and ranges. However, individuals in Burials CR2 and CR3, which are located in close proximity on a hilltop in the Qızqala cemetery, when considered together have a higher diversity of values and many have instances of higher

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values than individuals located in the valley, and CC4. CR6, a single value from bone has a higher δ13C ratio. Neighboring burials CR7, CR8, and CR12 have lower δ13C with a narrow range. CR8 has a larger standard deviation of the three, but CR7 and CR12 also have higher outlier values, with CR12 having the highest δ13C of all individuals represented. CC4 also has a similar δ13C mean and diversity as the valley burials with a single high outlier value.

Figure 7.11 Qızqala δ13C means and ranges by skeleton.

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7.4 Quantifying Power Mortuary Space Construction and Elaboration at Qızqala

The burials sampled for excavation and analysis at Qızqala represent the various highland and lowland areas that form the mortuary landscape as well as the diverse burial mound sizes observable on surface survey. Dimensions of surface mounding and burial pit fill are used as a proxy for degree of authoritative control over the coordination of human labor to construct these features. Surface mound diameters range from 2.4-11.4m and a mean diameter of 5.25m, similar to the average for the whole of Qızqala cemetery. This value excludes CC4, which is a pit burial and has no observable mound or surface feature.

It is unclear if this burial did not originally have a mound or it if it was removed or destroyed later. Burial cut fill volume is an approximation from the product of length, width, and depth of burial cut from excavation reports. Burial cut fill volume ranges from

1.23-22.95m3 with a mean volume of 4.53m3. Figure 7.11 presents the surface mound diameter and burial cut fill volume for each burial excavated at Qızqala by area in the cemetery. CR2, CR4, and CR4 located in close proximity along a hilltop share similar volumes, but have a wide difference in surface diameter. CC4 exhibits the largest surface diameter of the excavated burials. In contrast, CR6, CR7, CR8, CR12, and CR13, located in the valley, have closer surface diameters and similar burial cut fill volumes, with exception of CR8, which has the largest burial cut fill volume of all excavated burials.

Burial CR9 located on a hilltop at the southern edge of the cemetery, closely resembles the surface diameter and burial cut fill volume of CR3. CR11, located on a hilltop to the west of the previous valley group, closely resembles the dimension of CR6 and CR2. Finally, in addition to lacking a surface mounding feature, CC4 has the smallest burial cut dimension.

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Figure 7.12 Surface and subterranean feature dimensions by burial at Qızqala. Burials with the same shape and hue are located in close proximity in the cemetery.

The grand exterior of the Qızqala kurgans is also mirrored in the burial chamber in the elaborate furnishings that accompany the deceased. The main categories of accompaniments include:

1) ceramics, representing 52.2% of objects and consisting primarily of painted red

ware bowls and jars

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2) bronzes representing 20.76% of objects and consisting primarily of large,

pierced pins with a pomegranate shaped heads

3) stone artifacts representing 22.65% of objects and consisting primarily of small

obsidian arrowheads, and groundstones.

4) jewelry representing 4.40% of objects consisting of necklaces and a bracelet

made with beads.

Figure 7.12 presents the percentages of artifact categories and object types from burials CR2, CR3, CR4 (no human remains), CR6, CR7, CR8, CR9 (no human remains),

CR12, CR13 (no human remains), and CC4. Figure 7.13 details the materials represented in beaded jewelry, which includes faience, shell (saltwater), carnelian, hematite, bronze, bone, and amber. Finally 7.14 presents the count of each object represented in each burial.

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Figure 7.13 Artifacts represented in the Qızqala cemetery.

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Figure 7.14 Breakdown of bead material types.

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Figure 7.15 Count of objects represented in each burial.

Coded values (1-3) were assigned to each mortuary feature, including the burial surface and internal dimensions as well as the material, size, and degree of elaboration for each object based on premises discussed in Chapter 6 (Materials and Methods). Table 7.3 presents the sum of assigned values for each burial by feature and resource category

(authoritative or allocative).

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Table 7.3 Coded authoritative and allocative value of mortuary feature by burial.

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Among the excavated burials at Qızqala, CR8 and CR3 emerge at the forefront with a total value score of 330, followed by CR3. CR2, CR4, CR6, and CR7, have middle range scores while CR9, CR11, CR12, and CR13 fall at the lower end. CC4 is notably low at a score of 4 due to the small size of the burial and absence of all material accompaniments. Most burials have a higher score for authoritative compared to allocative value, with exception of CR2, CR3, and CR4, which have an even or slightly lower authoritative score versus allocative score. An important consideration in these results is that CR4 and CR11 had varying degrees of disturbed contexts, with possibly fewer objects left than were originally placed during the initial inhumation.

The values of each feature of mortuary architecture and object, which were totaled and summarized in Table 7.3, were used to perform a cluster analysis using

Ward’s hierarchical method. Table 7.4 presents the Euclidian distance matrix for each burial quantifying the similarity in the architectural and material contexts of each burial.

Given the small number of burials considered, the number of clusters was limited to three. Table 7.5 and Figure 7.15 depict cluster membership of each burial and the relation of clusters to one another. Cluster 1 consists of CR2, CR4, CR6, and CR8.

Cluster 2 consists of CR3 and CR3. Cluster 3 consists of CR9, CR11, CR12, CR13, and

CC4. Cluster 3 has a closer proximity to Cluster 1 than Cluster 2, likely due to the exceedingly high value score compared to the other burials.

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Table 7.4 Proximity matrix using Euclidean squared distance by burial.

CR2 CR3 CR4 CR6 CR7 CR8 CR9 CR11 CR12 CR13 CC4 CR2 0 15202 587 2672 440 44116 9129 13391 8610 7031 21111 CR3 15202 0 20873 6180 17538 7978 47279 56187 45830 42025 71155 CR4 587 20873 0 5037 363 53845 5344 8638 4907 3732 15044 CR6 2672 6180 5037 0 3118 26712 20267 26151 19304 16801 36653 CR7 440 17538 363 3118 0 47914 7497 11217 6914 5447 18397 CR8 44116 7978 53845 26712 47914 0 92887 105277 90892 85431 125475 CR9 9129 47279 5344 20267 7497 92887 0 420 33 184 2480 CR11 13391 56187 8638 26151 11217 105277 420 0 537 1046 896 CR12 8610 45830 4907 19304 6914 90892 33 537 0 91 2787 CR13 7031 42025 3732 16801 5447 85431 184 1046 91 0 3838 CC4 21111 71155 15044 36653 18397 125475 2480 896 2787 3838 0

Table 7.5 Ward linkage cluster membership for three cluster.

Burial 3 Clusters CR2 1 CR3 2 CR4 1 CR6 1 CR7 1 CR8 2 CR9 3 CR11 3 CR12 3

CR13 3

CC4 3

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Figure 7.16 Dendogram using Ward Linkage between excavated Qızqala burials.

The samples collected represent both intra-tooth differences in isotopic values (9-

11y during M3 development) as well as intra-individual differences (birth-last decade of death). Table 7.15 presents the average and standard deviation of isotopic results for M3 and lifetime of all Qızqala individuals. The table also presents values for individuals in each cluster (determined in Section 7.4) as well as the lowland and highland burials. The

CC4.S4 burial is excluded due to its isolated position outside of the highland cemetery

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space. For all individuals represented at Qızqala, the average and standard deviation of

δ18O values are similar over the M3 and lifetime, δ13C are also similar with slightly depleted values during M3 development, and 87Sr/86Sr has a similar average, but a lifetime standard deviation than for the M3. Comparing the hierarchical clusters, Cluster

1 is distinct from Cluster 2 and 3 in that it has depleted average δ18O as well as a smaller standard deviation, enriched δ13C with greater standard deviation, and lower 87Sr/86Sr values paired with higher standard deviation. Inspection of individual isotopic values in section 7.6 demonstrate that much of this difference originate from the individual in CC4.

Clusters 2 and 3 are similar, but have a higher standard deviation for δ13C and 87Sr/86Sr for both lifetime and M3 values. Comparing the highland and lowland burials, lowland burials have more depleted δ18O, a similar lifetime standard deviation, and lower M3 standard deviation. They share similar average δ13C, but lowland burials have a higher standard deviation for both lifetime and M3 values. 87Sr/86Sr are slightly elevated in the lowland individuals with a lower lifetime standard deviation, but a higher M3 standard deviation.

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Table 7.6 Comparison of group intra-individual and intra-tooth isotopic averages and variance for burial clusters 1, 2, and 3 (based on Section 7.4)

Cluster 1 Cluster 2 Lowland Cluster 3 Highland Cemetery (CR12, (CR2, CR6, (CR6, CR7, CR8, (CR3, CR8) (CR2, CR3) CC4) CR7) CR12) 18 δ O Lifetime Avg. -8.663 -10.186 -8.754 -8.348 -8.278 -9.286 1.433 2.716 2.620 2.443 2.446 Lifetime Std. Dev. 2.473 M3 Avg. -8.647 -8..804 -8.007 -8.310 -9.255

M3 Std. Dev. 2.619 2.631 2.640 2.740 2.352

7 16 13 -11.183 -10.917 -11.027 -11.381 -11.209 -11.222 δ C Lifetime Avg. 1.928 2.832 1.439 1.775 1.779 2.199 Lifetime Std. Dev. M3 Avg. -11.531 -11.567 -11.795 -11.646 -11.325 M3 Std. Dev. 1.868 1.106 1.643 1.630 2.284

87Sr/86Sr Lifetime Avg. 0.707402 0.707195 0.707527 0.707459 0.707419 0.707549 Lifetime Std. Dev. 0.000246 0.000418 0.000069 0.000120 0.000111 0.000089 M3 Avg. 0.707467 0.707529 0.707406 0.707361 0.707506 M3 Std. Dev. 0.000119 0.000065 0.000134 0.000114 0.000137

7.6 Isotopic and Mortuary Analysis Results by Burial

7.5.1 Burial CR2

Figure 7.17 Burial CR2, oriented W-E .

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Burial CR2 is located in Group C of the Qızqala cemetery, a N-S oriented line of kurgans on the peak of a hill with an elevation of 997masl. Superficial features included earth and stone mounding surrounded by a stone cromlech 5m in diameter. Removal of the first stone layers revealed three small, red ware jars placed upright at the edges of the mound. Following 4 layers of large stone fill, excavators defined the burial cut as 2.1. x

1.5m. The first level of burial fill contained a cluster of densely deposited burial goods. A total of 2 ceramic jars, 11 bowls (Figure 7.18), and a small bronze bead were discovered.

Ceramic wares included incised grey ware (Figure 7.19) and black painted red ware.

Figure 7.20 presents the quantities of objects found in CR2.

Figure 7.18 Painted red-ware bowl with scalloped motif, Burial CR2 169

Figure 7.19 Large, incised grey ware jar with dotted wave motif, Burial CR2

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Figure 7.20 Types and quantities of accompaniments in CR2.

At the base the burial artifacts, excavators discovered human remains belonging to two individuals. Skeleton 1 was an adult (21+ years) situated at the northern side of the burial cut was discovered positioned on the right side, flexed, facing south, and oriented

W-E. Remains were in poor condition and only teeth and small bone fragments survived.

Skeleton 2 was an adult (21+ years) found at the south side of the burial cut on the right side, flexed, facing north and oriented W-E. Remains were in poor condition and only 171

teeth and small bone fragments survived. Skeleton 2 was discovered cradling the remains of a neonate/infant sheep/goat under the left arm.

CR2 - Skeleton No. 1 Intra-Individual Oxygen and Strontium Isotopic Variation -16 0.70751

-14 0.70750

-12 0.70749

8 )

S W

O -10 0.70748

8 M

6 S

V (

O -8 0.70747

1 δ -6 0.70746

-4 0.70745

-2 0.70744 Rib M1 M3 - Apex M3 - 2 M3 - 3 M3- 4 M3 - Cervix Oxygen -4.847 -9.225 -14.848 -10.570 -8.109 -11.376 -9.684 Strontium 0.70749 0.70747 0.70749 0.70750 0.70749 0.70748 0.70747

Figure 7.21 87Sr/86Sr and δ18O values across elements and sequential series for CR2. Skeleton No. 1.

Isotopic analysis of Skeleton 1 produced variable results for all elements investigated. 87Sr/86Sr values in bone, M1, and in the M3 fall in the lower ranges of the

Şərur western highlands geological zone (0.7074-0.7076) with minor variations across elements and the M3 sequential series. Figure 7.18 details the 87Sr/86Sr and corresponding

δ18O ratios for each intra-individual sample. The 87Sr/86Sr ratio of the rib sample is comparatively elevated, while the M1 is comparatively lower. The M3 series begins with a slightly increasing 87Sr/86Sr value followed by a gradual decrease toward the cervix. 172

δ18O values also appear to mirror 87Sr/86Sr values. Higher 87Sr/86Sr values correspond to increasing, or more enriched, δ18O values.

A similar pattern emerges when comparing 87Sr/86Sr to δ13C ratios. Figure 7.10 details the 87Sr/86Sr and corresponding δ13C ratios for each intra-individual sample. The rib sample has the highest value, followed by the M1. The M3 series commences with a slight enrichment in values followed by a gradual depletion.

Figure 7.22 87Sr/86Sr and δ13C values across elements and sequential series for CR2. Skeleton No. 1.

Mean and standard deviation of isotopic values serve as a measure of degree and intensity of mobility and diet over the lifetime (development of M1, M3, and bone) and 173

over the course of development of the M3. Table 7.6 details the mean δ13C, δ18O and δ13C for just the M3 and over all elements.

Table 7.7 Intra-individual and intra-tooth mean and standard deviation of isotopic values for CR2.Sk1.

CR2.Sk1 δ18O Lifetime Avg. -9.808 Lifetime Std. Dev. 3.063 M3 Avg. -10.917 M3 Std. Dev. 2.509 δ13C Lifetime Avg. -11.573 Lifetime Std. Dev. 1.464 M3 Avg. -12.372 M3 Std. Dev. 0.523 87Sr/86Sr Lifetime Avg. 0.70748 Lifetime Std. Dev. 0.00001 M3 Avg. 0.70749 M3 Std. Dev. 0.00012

CR2.Sk1 exhibits a more depleted δ18O value and smaller standard deviation during the development of the M3 than over the course of lifetime development. This pattern is paralleled in δ13C values. The 87Sr/86Sr ratios are nearly identical over the course of M3 and lifetime development, but M3 values exhibit a higher standard deviation.

Isotopic analysis of Skeleton 2 also produced variable results for all elements investigated. The M3 was too small to be resampled for radiogenic strontium analysis and

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was therefore bulk sampled for this analysis. 87Sr/86Sr values in bone, M1, and in the M3 match the lower ranges of the Şərur western highlands geological zone (0.7074-0.7076) with minor variation over the rib, M1 and M3. Figure 7.20 details the 87Sr/86Sr and corresponding δ18O ratios for each intra-individual sample. The 87Sr/86Sr ratio of the rib sample is elevated, while the M1 is slightly lower. The bulk M3 is much lower. δ18O values for bone and M1 are both moderately depleted. Ratios over the development of the

M3 fluctuate between enriched and local elevation values. The M3 series commences with a depletion event followed by an enrichment event, followed by a gradual depletion.

Figure 7.23 87Sr/86Sr and δ18O values across elements and sequential series for CR2. Skeleton No. 2.

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A similar pattern emerges in the δ13C ratios. Figure 7.31 details the 87Sr/86Sr and corresponding δ13C ratios for each intra-individual sample. The rib and M1 samples exhibit similar moderately depleted values. The M3 series starts with a depletion event followed by an enrichment event, and followed by a gradual depletion.

Figure 7.24 87Sr/86Sr and δ13C values across elements and sequential series for CR2. Skeleton No. 2.

Mean and standard deviation of isotopic values are similar over the lifetime

(development of M1, M3, and bone) and over the course of development of the M3 for

δ13C and δ18O. Table 7.7 details the mean δ13C and δ18O for just the M3 and over all elements for 87Sr/86Sr, δ13C and δ18O. CR2.Sk2 exhibits a more depleted δ18O value and

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slightly larger standard deviation during the development of the M3 than over the course of lifetime development. The mean and standard deviation of δ13C is similar for both lifetime and M3 values. The 87Sr/86Sr ratios exhibit a high standard deviation over the course of the lifetime.

Table 7.8 Intra-individual and intra-tooth mean and standard deviation of isotopic values for CR2.Sk2.

CR2.Sk2 δ18O Lifetime Avg. -7.308 Lifetime Std. Dev. 1.760 M3 Avg. -6.621 M3 Std. Dev. 1.599 δ13C Lifetime Avg. -10.503 Lifetime Std. Dev. 1.075 M3 Avg. -10.564 M3 Std. Dev. 1.300 87Sr/86Sr Lifetime Avg. 0.70751 Lifetime Std. Dev. 0.00003 M3 Avg. - M3 Std. Dev. -

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7.5.2 Burial CR3

Figure 7.25 Burial CR3, oriented W-E.

Burial CR3 is also located in Group C directly to the south of CR2. Superficial features include earth and stone mounding surrounded by a stone cromlech 7m in diameter. The burial cut dimensions measured 1.2m x 1.7m and the pit contained 6 layers of large stone deposit above the grave fill. The first layer of burial pit contained the

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skeletal remains of two human individuals, two cattle crania at the eastern entrance to the burial cut, and an articulated adult ovicaprid. Skeleton 1 (an adult 21+) was discovered at the northern edge of the burial cut positioned on the left side, flexed, facing north and oriented W-E. This individual was found holding the remains of a neonate ovicaprid and a juvenile canine under his/her right arm. Skeleton 3 (young adult of 16-17 years of age

+/- 2 years) was discovered at the southern edge of the burial cut, oriented W-E. Little else was distinguishable because only teeth and small fragments remained. However,

Skeleton 3 was discovered in direct associated with a glass paste bead, and a polished shell pendant on the chest.

The next level of burial fill contained an abundance of densely deposited burial goods. A total of 24 objects were discovered both in situ and from sieving of back dirt.

Objects included, five red and gray ware jars, eleven red and gray ware bowls, beaded necklace and bracelet (made of carnelian, marine shell, glass paste, bronze, and hematite), five obsidian arrowheads, and five bronze fixtures (likely handle pieces for the ceramic objects). This level also contained the skeletal remains of a third human individual (Skeleton 1), an adult (21+ years), who wore the necklace and bracelet. This individual’s inhumation likely preceded Skeletons 1 and 2 as it is as a lower elevation and had a number of objects placed above them.

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Figure 7.26 Painted red ware jar (left) and bowl (right) from Burial CR3.

Figure 7.27 Selection of carnelian beads from Burial CR3. 180

Figure 7.28 Types and quantities of accompaniments in CR3.

Isotopic analysis of Skeleton 1 produced highly variable results for all elements investigated. 87Sr/86Sr values in bone, M1, and in the M3 fit partially in the Şərur Valley geological zone as well as in lower values outside of this zone with wide variations across elements and the M3 sequential series. Figure 7.24 details the 87Sr/86Sr and corresponding δ18O ratios for each intra-individual sample.

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Figure 7.29 87Sr/86Sr and δ18O values across elements and sequential series for CR3. Skeleton No. 1.

The 87Sr/86Sr ratio of the rib sample is higher and in the range of values associated with the Şərur Valley floor (0.7076-0.7078), while the M1 is lower and in the Şərur western highlands range. The M3 series reflects a increase in the 87Sr/86Sr value from non-local to local over the course of development of the M3. δ18O values mirror 87Sr/86Sr values. The high and low 87Sr/86Sr values in bone and the M1 respectively correspond to higher and lower δ18O ratios. Similarly, the gradual increase in 87Sr/86Sr ratios across the

M3 corresponds with the enrichment of δ18O ratios. The δ18O values , however also, experience a significant enrichment in M3 sample 4 and a depletion event in the sixth sample at the M3 cervix where no sample remained for a sixth 87Sr/86Sr sample.

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Figure 7.30 87Sr/86Sr and δ13C values across elements and sequential series for CR3. Skeleton No. 1.

A similar pattern emerges when comparing 87Sr/86Sr to δ13C ratios. Figure 7.25 details the 87Sr/86Sr and corresponding δ13C ratios for each intra-individual sample. The rib sample has the most enriched value, while the M1 is more depleted. The M3 series progresses from depleted to gradually more enriched over the course of the M3 development.

In reviewing the lifetime and M3 means and standard deviations, CR3.Sk1 exhibits a similar δ18O mean and standard deviation values during the development of the

M3 than over the course of lifetime development. This δ13C values for the M3 are slightly more depleted and less variable than over the lifetime. The 87Sr/86Sr ratios are nearly identical over the course of M3 and lifetime development with values lower than the 183

Şərur Valley and a high standard deviation, but lifetime values exhibit a higher standard deviation.

Table 7.9 Intra-individual and intra-tooth mean and standard deviation of isotopic values for CR3.Sk1.

CR3.Sk1 δ18O Lifetime Avg. -6.448 Lifetime Std. Dev. 1.818 M3 Avg. -6.160 M3 Std. Dev. 1.952 δ13C Lifetime Avg. -11.646 Lifetime Std. Dev. 1.597 M3 Avg. -12.075 M3 Std. Dev. 1.161 87Sr/86Sr Lifetime Avg. 0.70738 Lifetime Std. Dev. 0.00013 M3 Avg. 0.70734 M3 Std. Dev. 0.00011

Isotopic analysis of CR3 Skeleton 2 produced less variable results in the M1 and

M3, but exhibited drastic difference in bone. 87Sr/86Sr values in bone fall in the Şərur

Valley western highlands zone. M1 values and all M3 values are lower than the local strontium values . Figure 7.26 details the 87Sr/86Sr and corresponding δ18O ratios for each intra-individual sample. The 87Sr/86Sr ratio of the M3 series begins with a slightly increasing event followed by a gradual decrease in the middle of the M3 followed by a leveling of values toward the cervix. δ18O values also appear to mirror 87Sr/86Sr values. 184

Higher 87Sr/86Sr values correspond to increasing, or more enriched, δ18O values. The only exception of M3 sample 5 at the cervix where δ18O is depleted while the 87Sr/86Sr value is consistent.

Figure 7.31 87Sr/86Sr and δ18O values across elements and sequential series for CR3. Skeleton No. 2.

A somewhat similar pattern is also reflected in δ13C ratios. Figure 7.10 details the

87Sr/86Sr and δ13C ratios for each intra-individual sample. While δ13C is consistently depleted, the values are comparatively enriched in the rib sample versus the teeth. The

M3 series starts with a slight enrichment followed by a slight and gradual depletion a similar pattern to δ18O ratios and mirroring 87Sr/86Sr ratios.

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Table 7.8 presents the mean and standard deviations of isotopic values over the

M3 series and lifetime for CR2 Skeleton 2. This individual exhibits a very similar lifetime and M3 mean and standard deviation for both δ18O and δ13C. This is also similar to 87Sr/86Sr, but the lifetime mean and standard deviation are slightly elevated compared to the M3 series.

Figure 7.32 87Sr/86Sr and δ13C values across elements and sequential series for CR3. Skeleton No. 2.

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Table 7.10 Intra-individual and intra-tooth mean and standard deviation of isotopic values for CR3.Sk2. CR3.Sk2 δ18O Lifetime Avg. -7.501 Lifetime Std. Dev. 0.699 M3 Avg. -7.505 M3 Std. Dev. 0.652 δ13C Lifetime Avg. -12.289 Lifetime Std. Dev. 0.973 M3 Avg. -12.730 M3 Std. Dev. 0.362 87Sr/86Sr Lifetime Avg. 0.70735 Lifetime Std. Dev. 0.00009 M3 Avg. 0.70731 M3 Std. Dev. 0.00002

CR3 Skeleton 3, a juvenile of 16-17 years exhibits highly variable isotopic results.

However due to the small size of this individual’s M3, there was only enough sample for analysis of carbonates while radiogenic strontium was analyzed on a bulk sample and M2 was also analyzed. Figure 7.28 details the 87Sr/86Sr and corresponding δ18O ratios for each intra-individual sample. The 87Sr/86Sr value from the rib is the highest value and fits in the upper Şərur valley floor (0.7076-0.7078). The 87Sr/86Sr ratios gradually decrease over the bulk M1, M2, and M3. The M3 reflects values lower than local values. δ18O values experience fluctuations over the M1, M2, and M3 series. The M3 series experiences a rapid depletion followed by a gradual enrichment.

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Figure 7.33 87Sr/86Sr and δ18O values across elements and sequential series for CR3. Skeleton No. 3.

The δ13C ratios of CR3 Skeleton 3 differ slightly from these patterns in the form of fluctuations. Figure 7.29 details the 87Sr/86Sr and corresponding δ13C ratios for each intra-individual sample. A gradual depletion of δ13C ratios from the M1 to M2 to the first sample in the M3 series is followed by a rapid enrichment. The third M3 sample exhibits a depletion event followed by a gradual enrichment toward the cervix. The rib sample is depleted. There are no clear patterns emerged between 87Sr/86Sr and δ13C ratios, but the pattern of fluctuation, particularly in the M3 series parallel δ18O ratios.

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Figure 7.34 87Sr/86Sr and δ13C values across elements and sequential series for CR3. Skeleton No. 3.

Table 7.10 details the mean and standard deviations of isotopic values over the

M3 series and lifetime for CR2 Skeleton 2.CR2.Sk1 exhibits close similarities in mean and high standard deviations over the lifetime and over the course of M3 development for both oxygen and carbon isotopes. Lifetime 87Sr/86Sr ratios exhibit an average that falls in the lower ranges of the Şərur Valley western highlands and a high standard deviation.

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Table 7.11 Intra-individual and intra-tooth mean and standard deviation of isotopic values for CR3.Sk3.

CR3.Sk3 δ18O Lifetime Avg. -10.074 Lifetime Std. Dev. 2.145 M3 Avg. -10.365 M3 Std. Dev. 2.627 δ13C Lifetime Avg. -10.249 Lifetime Std. Dev. 2.535 M3 Avg. -10.609 M3 Std. Dev. 2.532 87Sr/86Sr Lifetime Avg. 0.70748 Lifetime Std. Dev. 0.00015 M3 Avg. - M3 Std. Dev. -

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7.5.3 Burial CR6

Figure 7.35 Burial CR6, oriented N-S.

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Burial CR6 is located in Group A of the Qızqala cemetery, a dense, lowland area.

Superficial features include earth and stone mounding surrounded by a stone cromlech

4.9m in diameter. The burial cut dimensions measured 2.6m x 1.3m and the pit contained

4 layers of large stone deposit above the grave fill. The burial cut was oriented NW-SE and most contents were isolated in the southern edge of the cut. A total of 21 objects were discovered including small, red and grey ware jars, a grey ware bottle, a cache of obsidian arrowheads (likely from a quiver of arrows), obsidian scraper, a ground stone, a wet stone, and a bronze pin. Scattered human long bone fragments represented human remains and no cranial material was present.

Figure 7.36 Burial CR6 objects assemblage.

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Figure 7.37 Types and quantities of accompaniments in CR6.

Due to the poor preservation of human remains from CR6, isotopic analysis was only possible on bone. The femur was selected as it had the best preservation and was the least likely to be contaminated by diagenesis. Figure 7.32 details the 87Sr/86Sr, δ18O, and

δ13C ratios for the femur. The δ18O ratio is depleted compared to the local elevation. The

87Sr/86Sr ratio is in the local range for the Şərur valley floor. The δ13C ratio is enriched compared to other individuals.

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Figure 7.38 Comparisons of 87Sr/86Sr, δ18O, and δ13C ratios in the femur of CR6 Skeleton 1.

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7.5.4 Burial CR7

Figure 7.39 Burial CR7, oriented N-S.

Burial CR7 is located in Group A of the Qızqala cemetery directly to the west of

CR6. Superficial features include earth and stone mounding surrounded by a semi-

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circular stone cromlech 4.1m in diameter. The southern edge of the cromlech shares stones with the cromlech of CR8. The burial cut dimensions measured 1.2m x 1m and the pit contained 3 layers of large stone deposit above the grave fill. The burial consisted of an adult female in flexed position facing north and oriented E-W. This individual was placed facing 3 ceramic vessels and held two additional vessels in both hands. This area also contained a cache of obsidian arrowheads in a tight cluster all oriented to point east, possibly as an indication of a quiver that once contained these arrows. Just below these arrowheads was a bronze spearhead and pin in alignment with the arrowheads.

Figure 7.40 Burial CR7 objects assemblage.

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Figure 7.41 Types and quantities of accompaniments in CR7.

Isotopic analysis of the CR7 skeleton produced variable results for all elements investigated. 87Sr/86Sr values in bone fit in the local values of the Şərur valley floor.

Figure 7.18 details the 87Sr/86Sr and corresponding δ18O ratios for each intra-individual sample. The M1 value is the lowest and falls in the lower range of the Şərur Valley western highlands. The M3 series varies between the local values in the valley floor and the highlands with a gradual decrease in 87Sr/86Sr values followed by a rapid increase at the cervix. δ18O values mirror 87Sr/86Sr values in the bone and M1 with higher 87Sr/86Sr

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values corresponding to higher, or more enriched, δ18O values. The M3 series presents

δ18O values that enrich at the apex and then gradually deplete in toward the cervix. The first three values mirror strontium, but are not consistent in the last two samples.

Figure 7.42 87Sr/86Sr and δ18O values across elements and sequential series for CR7. Skeleton No. 1.

The δ13C ratios of CR7 Skeleton 1 is fairly consistent across the all elements studied. Figure 7.10 details the 87Sr/86Sr and corresponding δ13C ratios for each intra- individual sample. All values appear to remain depleted in the -10 to -12 range in the rib,

M1, and M3.

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Figure 7.43 87Sr/86Sr and δ13C values across elements and sequential series for CR7. Skeleton No. 1.

CR7.Sk1 exhibits mean δ18O values in the lifetime and M3 series consistent with locally bioavailable water sources, a moderate standard deviation during the development of the M3, and a high standard deviation over the course of lifetime development. This in contrast δ13C values are nearly identical with exhibit little variability over the lifetime and the M3 series. The 87Sr/86Sr ratios for both time frames fall in local values in the highlands with moderate variability for both as well.

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Table 7.12 Intra-individual and intra-tooth mean and standard deviation of isotopic values for CR7 CR7 δ18O Lifetime Avg. -8.689 Lifetime Std. Dev. 2.813 M3 Avg. -8.875 M3 Std. Dev. 1.954 δ13C Lifetime Avg. -11.513 Lifetime Std. Dev. 0.955 M3 Avg. -11.766 M3 Std. Dev. 0.450 87Sr/86Sr Lifetime Avg. 0.70756 Lifetime Std. Dev. 0.00008 M3 Avg. 0.70758 M3 Std. Dev. 0.00007

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7.5.5 Burial CR8

Figure 7.44 Burial CR8, oriented N-S.

Burial CR8 is also located in Group A of the Qızqala cemetery abutting CR7 and directly to the south of CR6. Superficial features include earth and stone mounding surrounded by a semi-circular stone cromlech 7.3m in diameter. This feature is composed

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of a roughly and irregularly shaped half circle of stones arching around an oval mound of medium-large stones. A painted red ware jar was found immediately below topsoil on the mound. Three layers of large stone fill followed in the 4.5 x 3m burial cut. Two large red ware jars marked the beginning of the burial chamber.

Figure 7.45 Burial CR8 ceramic assemblage.

Below these jars, the western edge of the chamber contained the remains of an adult male of 40-50years of age, tightly flexed on the right side, oriented S-N and facing east. The arms were tightly crossed across the chest and the distal right ulna had two deep

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cut marks. The femur and tibia had evidence of non-specific periosteal reaction across their entire shafts. The cranium was disarticulated from the body and placed in a large red ware bowl. The body was draped in beads (made of faience, shell, carnelian, bone, and amber) as part of either several beaded necklaces or a large bib type necklace and encircled by 14 bowls, some stacked, and an incense burner. The eastern edge of the burial contained the remains an articulated cattle skeleton, a large bronze spearhead, 16 large bronze pins, and two obsidian arrowheads.

Figure 7.46 Burial CR8 obsidian arrowheads and a selection of faience beads. 203

Figure 7.47 CR8 right ulna with cutmarks.

Figure 7.48 CR8 left femur fragment with non-specific periosteal reaction. 204

Figure 7.49 Types and quantities of accompaniments in CR8.

Isotopic analysis of Skeleton 1 produced variable results for all elements investigated. Figure 7.38 details the 87Sr/86Sr and corresponding δ18O ratios for each intra-individual sample. The rib sample has the highest 87Sr/86Sr value, fitting with the local range for the Şərur valley floor. The M1 has a lower value, which is in the Şərur western highlands ranges. The M3 values gradually decrease across the series from lowland to highland values with a slight decrease in the third sample. δ18O values follow a similar pattern to the 87Sr/86Sr values in the rib and M1, with depleted values

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corresponding to higher 87Sr/86Sr values. In the M3 series, values deplete, with a rapid depletion event in the third sample.

Figure 7.50 87Sr/86Sr and δ18O values across elements and sequential series for CR8 Skeleton No. 1.

δ13C ratios mirror the pattern of 87Sr/86Sr values. Figure 7.39 details the 87Sr/86Sr and corresponding δ13C ratios for each intra-individual sample. The rib sample has the highest value, corresponding to the highest strontium value. The M1 is more depleted, mirroring strontium. The M3 values gradually depletes over the course of the sampling series.

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Figure 7.51 87Sr/86Sr and δ13C values across elements and sequential series for CR8 Skeleton No. 1

Table 7.12 detailed the mean and standard deviation of lifetime and M3 series values for the CR8 Skeleton 1. CR8 Skeleton 1 has slightly enriched δ18O ratio mean and with a wide diversity in values during the development of the M3 than over the course of lifetime development. This pattern is paralleled in δ13C values. The 87Sr/86Sr ratios are nearly identical over the course of M3 and lifetime development, but M3 values exhibit a higher standard deviation.

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Table 7.13 Intra-individual and intra-tooth mean and standard deviation of isotopic values for CR8.

CR8 δ18O Lifetime Avg. -7.643 Lifetime Std. Dev. 2.857 M3 Avg. -7.643 M3 Std. Dev. 2.998 δ13C Lifetime Avg. -11.692 Lifetime Std. Dev. 1.293 M3 Avg. -11.948 M3 Std. Dev. 0.992 87Sr/86Sr Lifetime Avg. 0.70758 Lifetime Std. Dev. 0.00005 M3 Avg. 0.70757 M3 Std. Dev. 0.00003

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7.5.6 Burial CR12

Figure 7.52 Surface architecture of CR12.

Burial CR12 is also located in Group A of the Qızqala cemetery abutting CR8 and to the southeast of CR6. A circular stone cromlech 3.4m in diameter defines this burial.

In the cromlech is a second, smaller ovoid ring of stones filled with large that designate the burial cut. Four layers of large stones and soil compose the burial fill. The chamber held a single adult individual of indeterminate sex (due to preservation), flexed on the

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right side, oriented E-W, and facing south. A large red ware jar, two painted red ware bowls, and a small grey ware jar were placed at the feet. A small brown handled cup, and a red basalt groundstone were placed by the face. A scattering of spherical carnelian beads were found by the abdomen and may have been a bracelet or part of a necklace.

Figure 7.42 details the artifacts found in CR12.

Figure 7.53 Burial CR12, reconstruction of deceased position. 210

Figure 7.54 Small handled cup from Burial CR12.

Figure 7.55 Red basalt groundstone from Burial CR12.

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Figure 7.56 Types and quantities of accompaniments in CR12.

Isotopic analysis of CR12 Skeleton 1 produced slight variability in results across the elements studied. Figure 7.44 details the 87Sr/86Sr and corresponding δ18O ratios for each intra-individual sample. 87Sr/86Sr values in bone are the highest and fall in the local range of the Şərur valley floor. The M1 and the first 2 samples in the M3 series remain consistent at the boundary between highland and valley values. The remaining M3 values experience a decrease into values in the highland range followed by an increase at the cervix. δ18O values also appear to mirror 87Sr/86Sr values in that they remain consistent in 212

the M1 and the beginning of the M3 series. At the end of the series, values deplete as

87Sr/86Sr values decrease.

Figure 7.57 87Sr/86Sr and δ18O values across elements and sequential series for CR12 Skeleton No. 1.

The δ13C ratios of CR12 Skeleton 1 exhibit greater variability. Figure 7.45 details the 87Sr/86Sr and corresponding δ13C ratios for each intra-individual sample. The rib and M1 are the most depleted. The M3 series commences with a major enrichment followed by a rapid depletion. In the remainder of the series, values remain consistently depleted.

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Figure 7.58 87Sr/86Sr and δ13C values across elements and sequential series for CR12 Skeleton No. 1.

Table 7.13 details the mean and standard deviation of lifetime and M3 series values for CR12 Skeleton 1. The δ18O mean is depleted and has little variability during the development of the M3 than over the course of lifetime development. δ13C means are also similar in both time periods, but exhibits greater variability, particularly in the M3 series. The 87Sr/86Sr ratio means are also similar and fall in the local highlands values with slightly more variability over the lifetime than over the M3 series.

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Table 7.14 Intra-individual and intra-tooth mean and standard deviation of isotopic values for CR12

CR12 δ18O Lifetime Avg. -11.147 Lifetime Std. Dev. 0.514 M3 Avg. -10.993 M3 Std. Dev. 0.540 δ13C Lifetime Avg. -10.993 Lifetime Std. Dev. 3.405 M3 Avg. -10.260 M3 Std. Dev. 3.862 87Sr/86Sr Lifetime Avg. 0.70755 Lifetime Std. Dev. 0.00006 M3 Avg. 0.70753 M3 Std. Dev. 0.00005

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7.4.7 Burial CC4

Figure 7.59 Layout of Burial CC4.S4, oriented E-W

Burial CC4.S4 (or CC4) is located outside of the highland boundaries of the

Qızqala cemetery and is possibly situated outside of the Middle Bronze Age fortification wall in the Canal Cut excavation area. The exact relationship to the fortification wall is tentative because the wall is only partially exposed. The CC4.S4 burial pit is also situated

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over two older burial features, both with superficial mounding structures and faunal and ceramic accompaniments. CC4.S4 is a simple earthen pit with no surface features and dimensions of 1.6 x 1.1m. The pit contained the remains of a single adult male of 50+ years of age in tightly flexed position, oriented E-W and facing north. The individual’s hands were tightly held together in front of the face and contained charred twigs and ash.

The feet were also tightly held together—suggesting possible binding for both hands and feet—and also contained the same charred twigs and ash. The skeleton shows evidence of significant antemortem tooth loss and only had the mandibular left first incisor, second incisor, and canine. The cranium exhibits an approximately 20mm thin, and shallow cut in the superior-interior direction across the frontal bone and no signs of healing (Figure

7.49) . The right ischium has 13 x 4mm, deep lesion resembling the shape of a small project point, such as an arrow or a narrow spear point (Figure 7.50). This lesion showed some signs of new bone deposition, but was only partially healed at death. No objects were found in direct association with this burial.

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Figure 7.60 Cut on frontal bone above left supraorbital ridge on CC4-S4.Sk1.

Figure 7.61 Projectile point trauma in the right ischium on CC4-S4.Sk1.

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Isotopic analysis of CC4 Skeleton 1 produced fairly consistent results for all elements investigated. Figure 7.47 details the 87Sr/86Sr and corresponding δ18O ratios for each intra-individual sample. All 87Sr/86Sr values in fall outside of the local bioavailable strontium ranges. The femur exhibits a lower value than the Rib, I1, I2, and C share similar, but also low 87Sr/86Sr values. The femur is also distinct in δ18O values, which are more depleted compared to the other samples, which are fairly consistently more enriched.

Figure 7.62 87Sr/86Sr and δ18O values across elements and sequential series for CC4 Skeleton No. 1

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A similar pattern emerges when comparing 87Sr/86Sr to δ13C ratios. Figure 7.48 details the 87Sr/86Sr and corresponding δ13C ratios for each intra-individual sample. The femur has an enriched value while the rib, I1, I2, and C maintain consistent depleted values.

Figure 7.63 87Sr/86Sr and δ13C values across elements and sequential series for CC4 Skeleton No. 1

Table 7.14 details the lifetime mean and standard deviation of isotopic values represented in the bone and teeth of CC4 Skeleton 1. The mean δ18O value falls in values of the local elevation with moderate variability. This δ13C ratio mean is moderately depleted with high variability. Finally, the 87Sr/86Sr mean is distinct from the local Şərur highland and valley values with moderate variability.

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Table 7.15 Intra-individual mean and standard deviation of isotopic values for CC4

CC4 δ18O Lifetime Avg. -8.841 Lifetime Std. Dev. 1.172 δ13C Lifetime Avg. -10.810 Lifetime Std. Dev. 2.151 87Sr/86Sr Lifetime Avg. 0.70672 Lifetime Std. Dev. 0.00008

7.7 Summary

This chapter presented the results for oxygen isotopic values of natural water sources and strontium isotopes of plants the Şərur Valley and Naxçıvan Autonomous

Republic as a whole. Oxygen isotopic values of water were closely related to altitudinal differences in the sources. Strontium isotopic values varied widely in the Şərur Valley, allowing for distinction between highland and lowland geologies. These results established the local and regional values for environmental isotopic bioavailability against which human isotopic data was compared. The combined isotopic values for all

Qızqala individuals and their relation to local baselines were compared to the Plovdağ individuals. Qızqala individuals exhibit less variance and less difference from regional baselines compared to Plovdağ for strontium and oxygen, while there is similarity in carbon values and variance. Then, features of the Qızqala cemetery, coded mortuary values and results of cluster analysis are presented with burials clustering based on

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degree of material accompaniments. Isotopic values are compared between clusters as well as between natural highland and lowland groups in the Qızqala cemetery. Finally, each burial and the isotopic values of each individual were presented independently in context. Regional, intra-cemetery, and intra-individual perspectives complement each other to develop multi-scalar reflections on the relationship between society, groups, and individuals. These relationships and the dynamics of power in relation to mobility and life experience will be discussed in the following chapter.

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CHAPTER 8

Discussion

8.1 Introduction

This chapter evaluates each hypothesis presented in the introduction chapter by applying evidence from biogeochemical and mortuary cluster analysis results to address the primary research questions on mobility and pastoralist authority in the Şərur Valley.

Each hypothesis is considered in light of the regional archaeological and ecological contexts. Evaluation of these lines of evidence from each individual studied through the perspective of structuration theory aims to develop on the nature of agency, social complexity, and identity in the Middle Bronze Age Aras River basin and more broadly in the South Caucasus.

8.2 Question I: How do pastoralists engage in mobility in emerging polities?

Hypothesis I: LBA/EIA populations engaged in mobile pastoralism through seasonal and recurrent mobility.

A high degree of intra-individual isotopic variability was expected among the

Qızqala population, which would mirror the hypothesized intensive pastoral mobility that

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characterizes the Middle Bronze Age populations of the South Caucasus. However, strontium and oxygen isotopic analysis for mobility suggests the Qızqala population engaged in a lesser degree of mobility and a greater reliance on C4 grains compared to its

MBA counterpart at Plovdağ, which, in contrast to Qızqala, lacks evidence of complex settlement. On the other hand, the selected sample of individuals presents a multitude of experiences with mobility including and expanding beyond that expected of seasonal pastoral transhumance at varying, patterns, intensities, and extents. This diversity sheds light on the complex expressions of movement and utilization of environmental resources in the lives of the inhabitants of Qızqala that begins to reveal inconsistencies with the dominant narrative of nomadic MBA lifeways.

8.2.1 Interpreting the Nature of Mobility at Qızqala

By comparison to individuals in the Plovdağ population, the Qızqala individuals exhibit a lesser degree of variability in 87Sr/86Sr ratios. This variability is not explained by difference in local diversity in bioavailable strontium, because the Şərur valley exhibits a wider range of local values (0.7074-0.7078) than the Gilançay Valley (0.7075-0.7077).

These differences suggest individuals at Qızqala consumed food and water from locations with more similar 87Sr/86Sr ratios over the periods of dental and skeletal development represented in the samples, and likely had a more constrained horizontal range of mobility than those at Plovdağ.

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1) Individuals from both Qızqala and Plovdağ share a similar mean and

degree of variation in δ18O ratios. The close similarity in climate and

altitude between these two sites produces similar ranges of bioavailable

δ18O ratios in local water sources. Therefore, the similarity between these

two sites may be explained by these variables.

2) Both sites also exhibit a high number of highly enriched δ18O values,

which do not fall within regional baselines from naturally available water

sources (i.e. rivers, streams, rain, and groundwater). These results may be

attributable to consumption of water sources altered by anthropogenic

factors, such as storage, boiling, and fermentation. These processes

preferentially deplete 16O resulting in enriched δ18O values. Qızqala

differs slightly in that it exhibits more outlier values on the highly depleted

end of the spectrum.

3) Given the wider difference between Qızqala and Plovdağ in their 87Sr/86Sr

ratios, the higher degree of variability in δ18O ratios suggests individuals

at Qızqala occasionally relied on δ18O depleted highland water sources

through occasional highland mobility. These highland zones would have

only slight dissimilarity in bioavailable 87Sr/86Sr ratios compared to the

valley surrounding Qızqala, which is supported by the bioavailability

ratios of the Şərur Western Highlands immediately to the north of the

Qızqala settlement and cemetery.

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Similarities between Qızqala and Plovdağ also emerge in the mean and variability of δ13C ratios. Individuals in both populations exhibit values that suggest a diet consisting of variable quantities of C3 and C4 plants. The primary crops consumed in the MBA in

13 this region are C3 plants, particularly wheat and barley, which have depleted δ C values.

Apart from undesirable wild shrubs and grasses, the only major C4 contributor to human diet is broomcorn millet (Panicum miliaceum), which has been identified in small quantities in MBA contexts at Qızqala and the surrounding region (Hunt et al., 2008;

Proctor and Lau, 2016).

8.2.2 Seasonality

Seasonality is a significant aspect of ethnographic pastoral subsistence strategies.

Seasonality is also hypothesized to have influenced the patterns of mobility in the MBA

South Caucasus by influencing the locations for the establishment of pastoral camps and herding grounds. Traditionally, zooarchaeological isotopic studies employing sequential sampling strategies rely on seasonal fluctuations in δ18O precipitation reflected in enamel by consuming during grazing (Balasse, 2002; Bernard et al., 2009; Britton et al., 2009;

Julien et al., 2012a). However, human water consumption is less directly influenced by precipitation in that humans predominantly access water from natural bodies such as rivers, lakes, springs, and groundwater through wells. Humans also consume water that has been processed through cooking, storage, and fermentation. The δ18O values of the individuals from Qızqala exhibit a more erratic pattern of depletion and enrichment over

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the course of the intra-tooth series than would be expected of a seasonal curve (typical of faunal sequentially sampled enamel results) over two years of enamel deposition.

Therefore, human δ18O values are a less reliable source to address seasonality.

However, a secondary proxy for seasonality emerges in the patterns of δ13C consumption in many of the individuals studied. While wheat and barley can be harvested in both the spring and autumn, and be available for consumption throughout the year, millet is a summer crop that grows in 60-90 days of sowing. Millet can be planted in the summer and harvested by the autumn (Baltensperger, 2002; Hunt et al., 2011).

Most individuals exhibit nearly consistent δ13C values over the M3 series in the approximately -10 to -12‰ range. However, with exception of CR7 and CR3 Skeleton 2, which have leveled values over the entire series, all other individuals also experience one to two enrichment events that suggest a period of greater availability and consumption of

C4 plants than C3 plants.

Each sample in the sequential series represents approximately 3-4 months of development, roughly aligning with a season. Spikes in δ13C enrichment may then be associated with an increased availability of C4 crops and thus, consumption surrounding the season of millet harvest in the late summer/early autumn. This allows for individual evaluation of mobility patterns to consider timing of movement over the course of the series, which will be detailed in Section 8.3.2.

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8.2.3 Horizontal and Vertical Mobility

Qızqala, while situated in the largest arable plain in Naxçıvan, occupies the junction of the lowlands and highlands that surround the valley, and at the entrance of a major mountain pass along the Arpaçay River. Therefore, due to proximity, access to highland land resources to the north and upstream are an important consideration in describing yearly and residential mobility patterns in additional to horizontal mobility across the landscape.

The majority of strontium and oxygen isotopic values represented in the Qızqala sample fall in local highland and lowland values of the Upper Şərur Valley, which suggests many of these individuals did not venture outside of the Şərur Valley region in the periods of development represented in the samples. However, two exceptions from the individuals in the CR3 kurgan and burial CC4, who respectively exhibit neighboring and long-distance non-local values warrant more detailed inspection, examined in Section

8.3.4.

Vertical mobility is generally closely related to season in the Qızqala population.

The harvesting period for millet also corresponds with the most arid period of the year in

Naxçıvan. During this period, the warmer lowland environments are depleted of vegetation and current day cattle, sheep, and goat herders of the Şərur Valley take their animals to graze in the cooler, and more verdant highlands surrounding foothills and mountains. Based on personal observation in the field, many modern day herders of the valley make this journey on a daily basis, while a few spend weeks away from the

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village. A similar, yet inverted pattern occurs during the 2nd millennium BC in

Mesopotamia where historical records and ethnographic comparisons suggest that during the arid summer, herds likely rotated in the pastures in the fertile river valleys surrounding villages and cities. During the cooler months, herds had access to vegetation in the steppes (Van de Mieroop, 2015).

In the Qızqala population, the late summer/early autumn corresponds to increasing 87Sr/86Sr and depleting δ18O ratios in all individuals with exception of CR8,

87 86 87 86 which exhibits higher Sr/ Sr and enriched δ18O ratios. Elevated Sr/ Sr and depleted

δ18O correspond to isotopic values consistent with highland zones surrounding the Şərur

Valley. This suggests that in the late summer/early autumn, these individuals generally source their food and water from highland sources, through movement to these higher elevation zones or by consuming products brought from these zones.

8.3.4 Individual Life History Patterns and Intensity of Mobility at Qızqala

A wide diversity of isotopic patterns are evident in each of the individuals from

Qızqala, which represents individually unique patterns of mobility that, in turn, speak to various approaches to movement at Qızqala in the MBA.

CR2

The two individuals buried in CR2 exhibit variable isotopic results in the local ranges of the Şərur Valley, which support local mobility over the developmental periods

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of the analyzed elements and the M3 series. CR2.Skeleton 1’s M1 enamel, formed during infancy, reflects local highland 87Sr/86Sr ratios with enriched δ18O ratios, and a high consumption of C4 plants products. In this case, oxygen values do not correspond with elevations associated with the strontium values and may have been influenced by consumption of breast milk (Roberts et al., 1998; Wright and Schwarcz, 1998). During late childhood, 87Sr/86Sr and δ18O in the M3 exhibit a mirrored curve from highland values into lowland values followed by gradual return to highland values, which coincides with δ13C enrichment associated with late summer/early autumn. Finally, in adulthood, the rib sample exhibits lowland values with increased C4 plant contribution.

Compared to other individuals studied at Qızqala, CR2.Skeleton 1 is more localized in the Şərur highland values, and engaged in less intensive horizontal mobility, but more intensive vertical mobility, particularly on seasonal scale in late childhood.

CR2.Skeleton 2 began life with 87Sr/86Sr ratios similar to the higher ranges of the local highland values and slightly depleted values, which is similar to CR2.Skeleton 1.

By comparison, during late childhood, the bulk M3 sample is lower with similarity to the lower range of the local highland values while δ18O values have two fluctuations between enriched lowland and depleted highland values. Enrichment in δ13C is accompanied by depletion δ18O suggesting highland mobility in the late summer/early fall. Finally, in the last decade of life, values are similar to M1 values with a return to higher 87Sr/86Sr and slightly depleted δ18O. Similar to CR2.Skeleton 1, compared to other individuals studied at Qızqala, Skeleton 2 is more localized in the Şərur highlands and was less horizontally

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mobile, but engaged in more intensive seasonal vertical mobility in the local environment.

These two individuals exhibit similar patterns of mobility consisting predominantly of dry period highland movement in the Şərur Valley. These movements coincide with a diet consisting of both C3 and C4 plants with 1-2 periods of increased millet consumption.

CR3

The three individuals buried in CR3 exhibit variable isotopic results with many values falling outside of the local Şərur Valley ranges. While these individuals have differing patterns, intensities, and degrees of mobility, they share a common association between the Qızqala and another non-local area.

During infancy and into late childhood, CR3.Skeleton 1 exhibits low 87Sr/86Sr values and slightly depleted δ18O values that fall below the ranges associated with the highland and lowland areas around Qızqala. The closest geological region that exhibits similar values are the Şərur Lowlands along the Aras River and the Şərur Western

Highlands, both approximately 20-30 km away from Qızqala. However, over the course of M3 development, these individual experiences a gradual increase in 87Sr/86Sr that eventually reflect values encompassed by local Qızqala highland ranges. Over the course of this series, δ18O ratios reflect lowland values followed by a gradual depletion, but in lowland ranges. The later portion of the series that reflects local values coincides with slightly increased consumption of C4 plants. During the final decade of life, isotopic

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values reflect local Qızqala lowland ranges with increased contribution millet to the diet.

In summary, this individual did not originally from the Qızqala area and lived, at least through late childhood in non-local contexts. Compared to other individuals at Qızqala,

CR3.Skeleton 1 exhibits a greater degree of horizontal mobility, mostly in lowland contexts, as well as possible movement into local contexts associated with the summer/fall. This mobility appears to be continuous rather than recurrent.

CR3.Skeleton 2 exhibits similar non-local, lowland 87Sr/86Sr and δ18O values in youth followed by local values in adulthood. However, isotopic values for all elements are more leveled with slight fluctuations in 87Sr/86Sr and δ18O values mirrored by degree of C4 plant consumption. By comparison to other individuals at Qızqala, CR3.Skeleton 2 has a lesser degree of horizontal and vertical mobility with slight influence from season.

Finally, the third member of CR3, a young adult (16-17 years) differs from the first two members in that they originated and spent earlier childhood local to Qızqala. By late childhood, bulk M3 87Sr/86Sr supports non-local movement to an area matching the same low values exhibited in the other two individuals. During this period, rapid δ18O fluctuations suggest highland mobility coinciding with summer/fall availability of millet.

The end of life reflects return to Qızqala values in bone. Compared to other individuals at

Qızqala the young adult in CR3 exhibits a greater intensity of mobility. These patterns suggest seasonal, recurrent vertical mobility in addition to moderate horizontal mobility.

Given this individual is buried alongside adults whose isotopic values at infancy are similar to those of the young adult’s M3 suggests the young adult, while local, maintained a relationship with the geographic origins of the adults. In addition to being a

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secondary burial, this mobility may indicate a kinship-based relationship, but determining the exact nature of relations is not possible.

CR6

While only bone could be sampled from the skeleton in CR6, this individual exhibits an 87Sr/86Sr value that is similar to local lowland values, yet δ18O is depleted at highland levels. This inconsistency may indicate a number of factors, including: 1) averaging of isotopic values over bone development, 2) that 87Sr/86Sr values may be derived from another location with similar to local geology, but different in topography, and 3) cultural factors in which the individual sources food and water from different sources. Additionally, this individual consumed a greater degree of C4 plants in the last decade of life than many other individuals from this population.

CR7

The adult female buried in CR7 has fluctuating 87Sr/86Sr and δ18O ratios in local ranges supporting recurrent mobility over the time periods represented in the selected elements. At infancy, this individual exhibits highland values. By late childhood, values fluctuated between local lowland and highland 87Sr/86Sr and δ18O values over the course of the M3 series. Compared to others at Qızqala, this individual exhibits moderate mobility intensity on both horizontal and vertical planes. However, δ13C remain consistent limiting the ability to speak to seasonality of movement. By the end of life, this

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individual occupied the local lowland with a highly enriched δ18O ratio suggestive of processed/stored water sources.

CR8

The adult male buried in CR8 also presents evidence of local mobility. This individual originated locally, reflecting values between the highlands and lowlands in the

87Sr/86Sr value while reflecting lowland inhabitation in the δ18O value. During late childhood, this individual engaged in lowland to highland mobility following an increase in C4 plant consumption. These fluctuations are slight, and by comparison to other individuals, they engaged in moderate vertical mobility with little horizontal mobility.

The end of life isotopic values in bone support this individual lived in the Qızqala lowland area.

CR12

The individual buried in CR12 has fairly consistent 87Sr/86Sr, δ18O, and δ13C ratios over the lifetime that supports local origin and inhabitation between averaging lowland and highland values. Over the M3 series, a single fluctuation of 87Sr/86Sr and δ18O ratios suggests a season of highland movement, but this does not correspond to a change in diet.

Compared to other individuals at Qızqala, this individual engaged in low intensity vertical and horizontal mobility, remaining localized.

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CC4

The elderly male in CC4 has consistently low 87Sr/86Sr values (ranging from

0.70660 to 0.70679) in bone and enamel, which are not represented in bioavailability data from the Şərur Valley or immediately surrounding regions. The nearest areas in Naxçıvan with similar values are the Culfa Hills and the Şahbuz Highlands, approximately 100km to the southwest and northwest, respectively. The complete lack of local isotopic representation over all elements studied suggests this individual arrived in the Şərur

Valley nearer to the time of death and did not consume local resources long enough for them to be reflected in bone, which represents mineralization during roughly the last decade of life.

8.3 Question II: How did changing mortuary practices generate and/or reflect negotiations of mobile people in a new political landscape?

• Hypothesis I: Mobile pastoralists have no access to authoritative

resources and limited access to allocative resources in constructing

mortuary space.

• Hypothesis II: Mobile pastoralist access to authoritative and allocative

resources is indistinguishable from that of more settled people.

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• Hypothesis III: Political institutions have little to no regulatory power

over mobile pastoralist access to authoritative and allocative resources

While only ten individuals could be studied, those selected represent a wide diversity of mobility patterns in which the members of the MBA Qızqala community engaged, from near sedentism to recurrent local highland/lowland to short-distance non- local, and long-distance non-local mobility. These results support a complex system of movement rather than a strict dichotomy of seasonally mobile pastoralist or sedentary agriculturalist, which can be compared against patterns of mortuary practice.

Distinction in material resources and positions of power were anticipated along the spectrum of lifetime and annual movement from more sedentary to more mobile among the MBA inhabitants of Qızqala. Three models of interaction between mobile and sedentary people were proposed, which derived from textual examples of the forms of mobile pastoralist interactions with urban centers in Bronze Age Mesopotamia:

1) Rejected: Hypothesis I derives from the highly centralized system of

authority over mobile pastoralist populations at Drehem (Steinkeller,

1987; van de Mieroop, 2007; Zeder, 1994) and posits that burials of most

mobile people conform to the small, densely constructed, and minimally

decorated burial forms that are characteristic of urban cemetery space.

This hypothesis predicts that the mortuary spaces of most mobile people

control fewer allocative resources in the form of minimal burial

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elaboration, smaller burial sizes and less visibility (due to lack of

mounding or structures). The highly variable forms of burial at Qızqala

and degrees of resource allocation between individuals, which are also

inconsistent with isotopic evidence for degrees of mobility does not offer

evidence in support of this hypothesis at Qızqala, and is thus rejected.

2) Rejected: Hypothesis II serves as a counterpoint to hypothesis IIa and

derives from mobile pastoralist relations with the city of Mari, where

mobile pastoralists commanded equal or greater authority than sedentary

counterpart. This hypothesis posits that the most mobile people are

significantly correlated with a high degree of control over authoritative

and allocative resources through the use of widely dispersed burial forms

by an abundance of burial gifts, large burial size, and high visibility due to

mounding and structures, which reflect the widely used funerary traditions

of segmentary, autonomous mobile pastoralist groups that traditionally

characterize the MBA in the South Caucasus. While the most elaborate

burials belong to the moderate to high horizontal and vertical mobility

individuals, CC4 Skeleton 1, a non-local, also exhibits high horizontal

mobility with nearly no allocated mortuary resources. Therefore, this

hypothesis must be rejected.

3) Supported: Hypothesis III serves as an intermediary model between the

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centralized bureaucratic system at Drehem and the segmentary system at

Mari that accounts for dynamic negotiations that produce variable

outcomes between more mobile and more sedentary people. This

hypothesis posits that people of different mobility patterns and intensities

have similar likelihood to access authoritative resources. Given people of

moderate-high mobility may receive many and few to no material

resources, while the few individuals with less mobility have access to the

same resources, this hypothesis may not be rejected.

The complexity of mobility represented in the results suggests the types of mobility in which people engaged, rather than the mere act or intensity of movement serve a key role in understanding power and authority at Qızqala. Consequently, this scenario of dynamic mobility relationships in the Qızqala community requires a closer assessment of the precise nature of burial and how material and social appropriation is related to specific patterns of mobility to better explain the sources of power and authority at Qızqala.

8.3.2 Mobility, Migration, and Access to Mortuary Resources

This project evaluates the relationship individual decisions to engage in mobile behavior and the influence of their decisions on their role in society. Giddens (1984)

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postulates that society is the product of structural constraint reproduced, subverted, and altered by social agents. Individual mobility choices in life and group decisions in funerary treatment of the dead are considered expressions of agency. Power relations and the rules of domination of mobility people in the emergent complex settlement context of

Qızqala are articulated through access to symbolic and material resources. Given the elaborate nature of MBA burial traditions, all burials (with exception of Burial CC4) received monumental kurgan architecture and an assemblage of artifacts consisting predominantly of painted ceramic vessels, jewelry, and weaponry. The access to material and symbolic resources varied widely across individuals, which support differential treatment. For each individual the total authoritative and allocative values were similar suggesting the power to control people is also closely related to the ability to command material resources, seemingly supporting and perpetuating elite authority. However, a complex picture emerges in comparing these resource differences to evidence of mobility. Table 8.1 summarizes the relationship between resources allocated and mobility index for each individual.

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Table 8.1 Summary of mobility and corresponding burial resources.

Burial Individual Mobility Type Burial Value Code CR2 Sk1 Low intensity, local, seasonal highland Authoritative 59 mobility Allocative 60 Sk2 Low intensity, local, seasonal highland mobility CR3 Sk1 Regional residential + low intensity Authoritative 107 highland mobility Allocative 116 Sk2 Regional residential + low intensity highland mobility Sk3 Regional residential + low intensity highland mobility CR6 Sk1 Local origin Authoritative 93 Allocative 65 CR7 Sk1 Moderate intensity, local highland mobility Authoritative 66 Allocative 47 CR8 Sk1 Moderate intensity, local highland mobility Authoritative 154 Allocative 135 CR12 Sk1 Low/Moderate intensity, local highland Authoritative 24 mobility Allocative 20 CC4 Sk1 Non-local across all element Authoritative 3 Allocative 1

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In considering isotopic evidence for mobility in context with mortuary resources at Qızqala, the materialist sense of authority rooted in the commanding allocative resources in death does not necessarily predict or relate to the degree of mobility at which the deceased engaged during life. Cluster 1 containing CR12 and CC4 is associated with occupying higher elevations with low highland/lowland intensity of mobility as well as non-local strontium values with high intensity horizontal mobility over the lifetime. This starkly contrasts with Cluster 2 (CR2, CR6, and CR7) and Cluster 3 (CR3 and CR8) .

These clusters are more similar to each other, but Cluster 3 has greater variability in C4 consumption for δ13C and more intensive local highland-lowland mobility.

The issues with clustering burials based on status is highlighted in the case of burials CR3 and CR8 in Cluster 3, which command the greatest number of authoritative and allocative resources by a significant margin. Isotopic analyses suggest that the members of burial CR3 engaged in the greatest intensity of vertical as well as moderate horizontal mobility compared to the other individuals examined, in addition to sharing common non-local origins. Exhibiting a slightly different pattern, CR8 was local, but

engaged in a moderate degree of local highland mobility as well as a low degree of horizontal mobility.

Similarly, problems arise in examining Cluster 1. Much of the distinct features of

Cluster 1 derive from CC4. The individual in CC4 exhibits high mobility in a different sense with evidence of non-local origin and long-distance movement of at least 100km to

Qızqala in the last years before death. Yet, this individual, who experienced pre- and peri-mortem violence, was bound by the hands and feet and buried in a simple pit burial

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outside of the wall with no accompanying objects. This supports the idea that while people who engaged in short-distance horizontal mobility as well as local vertical mobility had access to local sources of authority, a person of outsider or foreigner status originating from outside of the vicinity of the Şərur Valley commanded no authority and would not be allocated the materials and labor required of local funerary tradition.

However, this is not to say that mobility is disassociated from hierarchical power structures at Qızqala. Rather, mobility serves as a significant unifying feature of shared social identity that centers on an elite figure. In this sense, mobility represents a proxy for close social relationships, whether by real or fictive kinship, and other forms of social proximity. Hierarchical clustering of burials on the basis of material and symbolic representations of power identified close relationships between burials located a great distance from each other in the cemetery, as well as those whose occupants exhibited different patterns of mobility. The proximity of individuals and burials to one another in the cemetery offers groupings along lines of similarity in mobility behaviors. These similarities share a spatial relationship. Individuals in the highland group occupied higher elevations on average, engaged in mobility over a greater distance, but with less frequency during childhood. Individuals in the lowland group, on average, had an opposite experience with mobility with greater recurrent local mobility and lowland occupation. Mobility similarities may also share a chronological relationship in which people in closer periods of time may share closer behaviors and physical proximity.

The two individuals in CR2 exhibit similar patterns of intensive local, seasonally recurrent highland transhumance. Compared to neighboring burials CR3 and CR4, this

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burial is relatively less elaborately furnished with only ceramic jars and bowls, and a neonate ovicaprid. Yet, they share similar patterns of annual isotopic fluctuation with neighboring CR3, particularly CR3 Skeleton 2, which also holds a similar ceramic wares, neonate ovicaprid and canid. Even though the individuals in CR2 are originally local to the Qızqala area, they share an identity with CR3 related to annual mobility also reflected in close proximity in the afterlife.

The three highly mobile individuals in burial CR3 share short-distance non-local origin with one another as well as some seasonal, recurrent vertical mobility. While they shared the same elaborate burial space, each individual is commemorated differently through a unique assemblage of accompaniments. These accompaniments are placed close to the body and suggest that they are aspects of individual identity either of the deceased and/or perception of the deceased’s identity by mourners.

How an individual chooses to define/redefine identity reflects individual agency.

Items related to identity may be personal adornment such as jewelry, clothing, body modification, etc. Furthermore, the aspect of and how localized groups choose to define/redefine identity of an individual is also agency and serves to highlight that agency and identity cannot be considered in isolation. The dead do not bury themselves.

Therefore, the material contexts of burial such as artifacts, architecture, burial orientation, and burial form are linked to the social context of the dead. The living participants in funerary ritual may reproduce and perpetuate social rules for differential allocation of mortuary resources based on status, or use agency to transform or resist social authorities

(Dobres and Robb, 2000)

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Skeleton 1, the primary individual buried in CR3 wears ornate beaded jewelry and faces a cache of finely worked obsidian arrows. Skeletons 2 and 3 receive fewer traditionally high status accompaniments in the form of two neonate fauna and a worked shell pendent, respectively. Skeleton 1 exhibits characteristics of an high status, charismatic elite figure who commands authoritative resources in the form of labor needed to construct an elaborate burial space as the primary inhumation and the symbolic power of high status objects produced from materials originating from great distances.

Despite the differences in their demonstrated status through mortuary commemoration,

Skeletons 2 and 3 share similar mobility behaviors with Skeleton 1 that suggest they are unified around a shared social identity that influenced their ultimate deposition and unified commemoration in CR3.

Similarly, individuals from the densely organized lowland burials exercised a lesser degree of mobility than those on the hilltop, remaining local as nearly sedentary or with a single highland transhumance event. This burial group most clearly illustrates the concept of shared identity around a central elite figure commanding great authority. In this group, CR8 is the largest and most amply furnished burial with great quantities of authoritative and allocative resources, militaristic objects, and evidence of peri-mortem violent trauma. CR8 is constructed as a foundational burial while surrounding burials

CR6, CR7, CR12, and CR13 were subsequently placed around it in a manner resembling petals with shared cromlech stones. A smaller, but unique assemblage of artifacts placed in close proximity to the body accompanies each burial surrounding CR8. These distinct groupings of objects may represent individual aspects of social identity valued by the

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deceased and/or the funerary participants. While receiving fewer objects, they too have access to high status items such as obsidian, bronzes, and carnelian. Burials CR6 and

CR7 also share the representation of militaristic objects such as arrows and a spear with

CR8. The ornately furnished burial and militaristic features of CR8 suggest that this individual occupied an elite warrior status that commanded shared social identity among those with similar mobility patterns and identities related to warfare. Despite complex settlement and diminished mobility at Qızqala, this burial group shares evidence of violence, intergroup conflict, and social significance of a warrior identity with the broader South Caucasus region during the Middle Bronze Age (Kushnareva, 1997;

Smith, 2005, 2015).

In contrast with the other individuals at Qızqala, the individual in CC4 whose lack of proximity to other individuals at Qızqala through separation from the primary cemetery space and seemingly isolated position outside of the Qızqala wall is also mirrored in the deviant nature of his burial. Aspects of his identity as an outsider and his lived experience with violence prior to and at the time of death seems to have denied access to the funerary traditions such as kurgan burial and ceramic bowls and jars offered other community members regardless of their status.

Smith (2005) argues that the monumental and ostentatious displays of MBA kurgan burials highlight elite privilege and support the importance of individual authority rooted in close ties to ancestry among the small-scale mobile pastoral tribes that occupied the region. MBA tribal elites commanded authority over labor and materials to remove economic resources from general circulation for individual veneration in death. This 245

authority and hierarchical structure was validated and perpetuated by the community who enacted the elaborate funerary rites to construct these large-scale features in the hills and apportion valuable allocative resources, such as weaponry, draught animals, transportation technology, and jewelry. While these characterizations hold true at Qızqala where elite figures command greater authoritative and allocative resources, the evident patterns of social cohesion around shared identity offer a critical, unexplained facet of hierarchical relationships as they relate to the contexts of emergent complexity identified at Qızqala. Smith’s structure of social hierarchy and authority characterize fragmentary tribal systems that traditionally characterize the MBA in the broader region of the South

Caucasus, but is not compatible with and does not sufficiently explain processes of emergent complexity in the Aras River Basin that predate the LBA/EIA transition to complex polity systems.

Instead, I argue for consideration of an alternative explanatory model of complexity that relies less on the role of centralization of authority rooted in material economic resources and that additionally considers the ideological influences of negotiating social cohesion and shared identity, which is catalyzed by elite figures through the accumulation of authoritative resources and perpetuated by funerary participants.

McCorriston (2013) proposes such a model through the application of Ibn

Khaldūn’s concept of asabīyah, or group feeling, to the emergence of complex societies in the 1st millennium BC Arabian Peninsula. McCorriston argues that social complexity among mobile pastoralist communities is rooted in evoking group solidarity through 246

charismatic leaders who mobilize authoritative resources rather than just the control of allocative resources such as agricultural surplus, which is a later phenomenon in established complex societies. This group solidarity can be formalized through communal pilgrimage involving gatherings at small-scale monuments around which participants solidify social relationships through feasting and sacrifice.

A similar relationship may be gleaned from Qızqala where the monumentality of kurgan burials would have been a focal point of communal ritual. The act of burial in this context is itself a communal performance in which many people are required to construct the large-scale mortuary spaces, specially produce funerary ceramics (i.e. painted red ware bowls and jars), and transport the deceased, animals and funerary objects to the cemetery. The difficulty of constructing these spaces, including those of smaller size and fewer material resources, was evident during excavation when each of the fill stones covering each burial cut each required the effort of three workers to lift. The ultimate monumentality of these burials that endures even to the present day encourages visibility as a socially and ritually charged marker in the highland landscape. In the broader context of the MBA in the South Caucasus, Smith (2005) suggests that smaller mobile pastoral tribes of the Bronze Age created large, elaborate kurgan burials as focal points of individual authority that was rooted in ancestry. Revisiting these monumental, highly visible burial sites over the course of their pastoral rounds encouraged social unity and integration in communities, reconnected the people with their ancestral past—reaffirming ancestral authority, and helped maintain territorial boundaries (Hammer, 2014).

Additionally, evidence of recurrent feasting events by various pastoral groups 247

simultaneously on and around these burials suggests these spaces served as loci of social and political relations that formed, reaffirmed, and altered social ties to both the living and dead (Linsday and Greene, 2013). Thus, social memory could be altered given changes in social, territorial, and ancestral affiliation. However, as urban centers were established under Iron Age empires, these spaces continued to be part of social memory and dense cemeteries were established in close proximity to preexisting kurgan cemeteries. In this sense, social memory was subsumed to legitimize territorial and ancestral claims by urban elites (Alcock, 2002; Ristvet, 2012; Zimansky, 1995).

As evidenced through isotopic results, these highland areas surrounding Qızqala were likely an important and highly frequented destination, particularly for seasonal herding activities when these burials would have undoubtedly been encountered. The placing of ceramic vessels on the mounding of burial CR8 and CR2 supports the suggestion that these burials were revisited. While impossible to identify or distinguish these visitation events from seasonal mobility through isotopic analyses, the results of intra-individual analysis supports that generally, shared approaches to mobility likely played an important part in social cohesion. Mobility common to a group, at the same period of time—in this case 11-13 years of age—suggests a socially dictated and perpetuated behavior for elite and non-elite alike.

Individual decisions of mobile behavior that shape individual identity and its complex relationship with group identity highlights two concerns in applying structuration to these archaeological contexts. The first issue arises from deriving intentionality and decision-making by an individual from the material products of their 248

actions. This is directly related the second issue, which is the question of to what extent are the material products of individual actions are also influenced by alternative structural external influences, such as family and group identity. This is especially problematic in contexts in which funerary settings and objects are selected and organized by the group, and not the individual themselves. The difficulty in discussing the individual is rooted in a problematic conceptualization of the agent, which Giddens developed around the contemporary Western concept of the individual (Gillespie, 2001). Little attention is afforded to the individual as part of an interconnected network of agents making collective as well as individually informed decisions (Kilminster, 1991; Sewell, 1992).

Shared behavior and identity may be catalyzed and enhanced by the direct or indirect influence of charismatic elites, but it also requires conviction and compliance of the individuals that shape and reshape solidarity. A possible example of non-elite buy-in to solidarity around an elite figure is the access of non-elites to labor-intensive burial practice with the ability to command—albeit fewer, but nonetheless ample—funerary resources. By comparison, an outsider (CC4) with no relation to other individuals in the community was declined participation in the act of removing economic resources for commemoration evident in all other burials at Qızqala. Through these cooperative and or coercive feedback dynamics between elites and non-elites, the social dynamics of identity, agency, and authority allow for the expansion of sovereignty to a growing populace that fosters emergent complexity in the MBA at Qızqala.

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8.4 Summary

This chapter interpreted the results of isotopic and mortuary analyses to discuss whether the hypotheses posited in this dissertation are rejected or supported. Isotopic analyses supported seasonal and recurrent mobility characteristic of mobile pastoralism.

The intersection of isotopic evidence for mobility and mortuary data supported mobile people engaged in cooperation and/or coercion interactions with political institutions with variable command of authority. Results demonstrated that the individuals at Qızqala engaged in a lesser degree and intensity of mobility as well as greater consumption of C4 plants than their contemporary counterparts from the nearby Plovdağ cemetery.

Individuals exhibit various experiences with mobility with intra-individual and intra- tooth isotopic variation characteristic of seasonal and residential mobility as well as local, regional, and long-distance mobility. However, differences in mobility did not correlate with differences in status reflected in mortuary treatment. Instead individuals buried in close proximity to one another reflect similar intensities and locations of mobility. The chapter concludes that how and where individuals decide to engage in mobility are constructed aspects of identity that shape group identity and social cohesion. The following chapter concludes this dissertation and discusses limitations and future directions of this project.

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CHAPTER 9

Conclusion

The emergence of permanent settlement in the Middle Bronze Age Aras River

Basin at sites such as Qızqala united the intensely mobile pastoralist people of the region through a complex arrangement of social and economic factors. Despite more limited mobility among the Qızqala individuals compared to smaller-scale communities in the region, the various scales and expressions of mobility represented in the population confirms the continued importance of mobile pastoralism and regional mobility in an emergent complex settlement system. Rather than serving as a basis for power asymmetries with institutional authorities, people practicing both local and regional mobility commanded both authoritative and allocative resources as well as positions of power in relation to individuals of elite status with whom they shared similar experiences with local and seasonal mobility in life. The interconnected network of cromlechs in the

Qızqala cemetery valley as well as the close grouping and communal burials on the hilltops embody the efforts to cultivate local identity and social memory around central, elite figures of authority. However, the value of mobility does not extend to an individual of foreign origin who experienced corporal violence and was physically and symbolically excluded from the shared cemetery spaced in an isolated burial outside of the community

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with no objects of veneration. The differential treatment of individuals with local and regional mobility compared to long-distance movement reinforces the idea that membership was negotiated in the Qızqala community through shared behavior and a sense of social cohesion around a charismatic elite whether through alliance and/or real or fictive kinship. Social proximity to the elite afforded economic and political advantages, and buy-in reinforced their authority. These relationships are in line with the significance of ancestral lines of authority among mobile pastoralist groups during the

Middle Bronze Age in the broader South Caucasus region. However, the size and density of the cemetery suggests this community was also deeply invested in the Qızqala area and also legitimized authority centered on place in addition to individuals.

In summary, this dissertation concludes that in line with the emergence of politically complex and large-scale fortified settlement, the degree and extent of mobility at Qızqala declined marginally compared to the more ephemeral community at Plovdağ, which is more typical of the Middle Bronze Age. Yet, many individuals at Qızqala maintained a degree of local and regional mobility that both reflects movement associated with short-range residential mobility as well as localized seasonal mobility, mostly likely related to pastoral herding in the highlands surrounding the settlement. There was only one example of long-distance residential mobility from outside of the boundaries of the geological zones represented in the Naxçıvan Autonomous Republic. All individuals consumed a mixed C3-C4 plant diet with some increase in C4 plant consumption over the course of sequential series likely associated with increased availability of broomcorn millet after the late summer harvest season. These results suggest reliance on agricultural

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production in addition to pastoral subsistence, the degree to which may become more evident with ongoing botanical research at Qızqala. Biogeochemical results are not related the to allocation of resources. Both more and less mobile people have access to high degrees of authoritative and allocative resources. The two highest status burials are also associated with the individuals with regional residential mobility and local seasonal transhumance. However, similarities in biogeochemical results were shared between burials in close proximity to one another.

This study offers substantial insight into an understudied period of the South

Caucasus during the early formative processes of political complexity and sedentary settlement that would later proliferate in across the region by detailing the nature of mobility and the dynamic negotiations in producing social cohesion and political centralization. The emergence of urban centers in the South Caucasus offers a unique perspective on the development of social complexity in agriculturally marginal highlands that diverges from traditional models of early urbanization. The research presents the diverse means by which humans unite to develop and sustain complex social and political systems such as cities and states, particularly populations that are often overlooked or considered marginal to urban development. The social, political, and economic practices embodied in the archaeological skeleton and its material surroundings in death enable this research to contribute to a growing body of anthropological scholarship that explores the dynamic processes by which often overshadowed and overlooked mobile factions of communities position themselves in relation to institutional powers. This project approaches these relations from an individual and group focused perspective that is

253

compatible with broader anthropological interests in agency and materiality. Individuals and smaller groups responded to the economic, symbolic, and political power of the emerging polities, and the nature of these interactions demands focused investigation.

Discourse on these questions has recently been an increasingly significant topic of interest (e.g. Abdi, 2003;l Alizadeh, 2010; Barnard and Wendrich, 2008; Fleming, 2004;

Lindsey, 2006; Lindsey and Greene, 2013; Porter, 2012; Rosen, 2011; Szuchman, 2009).

By utilizing intra-tooth isotopic analysis, this research offers detailed insights into short- term mobility that provides clarity into individual-scale experiences with seasonal/recurrent, highland lowland, and long/short distance scales. Collectively, these individual experiences with mobility in life paired with political, economic, and symbolic resources allocated to their representation in death, as reflections of power, status, and agency, provide sensitive measures of shifting political economic and social relations that reflect the dynamic roles of mobile people in emerging urban spaces. Furthermore, this project complements interdisciplinary research on mobile pastoralism and emergent complexity with a team of researchers in the Naxçıvan Autonomous Republic of

Azerbaijan using varied approaches including spatial, petrographic, zooarchaeological, and paleobotanical analyses on mobility, subsistence and politics. In combination with these studies, this dissertation contributes to a unified and multifaceted perspective on this increasingly significant question in anthropological and archaeological research.

This research also has a number of limitations that restrict the interpretations that can be made from the data. The first issue relates to sampling. A relatively small number of individuals was sampled, which raises concerns that these individuals may offer a

254

biased perspective compared to the broader population. For this reason, burials from different areas of the cemetery, and those with different surface feature sizes were selected for excavation with the aim of capturing diversity that may be influenced by location and superficial indicators. Additionally, samples from Plovdağ were obtained to both clarify the degrees of mobility in permanent versus ephemeral Middle Bronze Age sites as well as potentially capture additional regional diversity not represented at

Qızqala. Second, preservation remained a continuous concern for this project. Diagenic alteration in isotopic enamel was of low concern due to positive outcomes of Sr/Ca analysis (See Appendix B). However, the highly alkaline soil chemistry of the Qızqala foothills were highly destructive to bone, limiting ability to speak to osteological features of the individuals studied. Also, the Qızqala cemetery has been the frequent target of looting which was evident in some excavated burials in which some material artifacts were likely missing and human skeletal remains were damaged or destroyed.

This project would benefit from future research, particularly in addressing how patterns of mobility and experiences with authority related to regional trends in the Aras

River Basin, which experienced major sociopolitical changes at the hand of mobile pastoralist populations. Because there is growing evidence to suggest that the Aras River

Basin supported a network of permanent/semi-permanent settlements sharing similar architecture, ceramic forms, lithic and metal technologies, and luxury items, it is critical to develop a better understanding of how these communities were sustained and their channels of interaction. Future research should explore the nature of interaction in these communities by incorporating perspectives from several settlements along the Aras

255

River, drawing from work at Qızqala, excavation records from excavations at Kültepe II and Metsamor, from ongoing excavations at the Plovdağ MBA settlement and necropoli, and other projects in the Naxçıvan area. Together these perspectives would elucidate detailed lifeways and identity that reorient mobile pastoralists as innovative agents of political change and organizational transformation.

This dissertation integrated biogeochemical techniques and various lines of mortuary data to explore patterns of residential and short-term mobility and their relation to agency and authority in contexts of emergent political complexity. By considering a range of mobile pastoralist interactions and individual experiences with political institution, this research develops a nuanced perspective on the emerging polities of the region. These perspectives ultimately contribute to broadening our understanding of the processes and negotiations by which complex sociopolitical systems and urbanization develop and are sustained.

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APPENDIX A

VALUE CODED MORTUARY FEATURES

305

Features of Burials CR2, CR3, CR4, and CR6.

Burial CR2 CR3 CR4 CR6

Group 5 5 5 3

Joining Burial 0 0 0 3

Count

Landscape Hilltop Hilltop Hilltop Valley

Elevation

Surface Mounded Mounded Mounded Unmounded

Features Cromlech Cromlech Cromlech Cromlech

Surface Stone Stone Stone Soil

Composition

Surface 5 7 11.4 4.9

Diameter

Fill Type Stone Stone Stone Stone

Length 1.5 1.2 2 1.3

Width 2.1 1.7 1.4 2.6

Depth 1.5 1.4 1.3 1.1

Area 3.15 2.04 2.8 3.38

Volume 4.725 2.856 3.64 3.718

Individuals # 3 2 unknown 1

Object Total 31 24 13 20

Pottery # 19 16 6 4

306

Features of Burials CR2, CR3, CR4, and CR6. Continued Burial CR2 CR3 CR4 CR6

Jars 8 5 4 4

Bowls 11 11 2 0

Other 0 0 0 0

Stone 0 1

Pottery Wares Red and Grey Red and Grey Grey Red and Grey

Jewelry 1 3 2 0

Bead # 1 15 33 0

Shell 0 6 23 0

Fiance 0 1 10 0

Carnelian 0 5 0 0

Hematite 0 3 0 0

Amber 0 0 0 0

Metals # 6 3 4 1

Pin 0 0 0 1

Dagger 0 0 1 0

Spearhead 0 0 1 0

Bronze Arrow 0 0 0 0

Other 6 3 2 0

Lithics # 5 2 1 15

Arrowhead 5 2 1 13

307

Features of Burials CR2, CR3, CR4, and CR6. Continued Burial CR2 CR3 CR4 CR6

Wetstone 0 0 0 1

Other 0 0 0 2

Faunal # 6 1 3 0

Faunal Types Cattle and Ovicaprid Cattle and

Ovicaprid Ovicaprid

Cattle 3 0 1 0

Ovicaprid 2 1 2 0

Canid 1 0 0 0

Other 0 0 0 0

Burning Events 3 1 0 0

Orientation E-W E-W E-W E-W

308

Features of Burials CR7, CR8, CR9, and CR11. Burial CR7 CR8 CR9 CR11

Group 3 3 4 6

# Of Joining 1 4 0 0

Burials

Landscape Valley Valley Hilltop Hilltop

Elevation

Surface Features Mounded Mounded Mounded Mounded

Semi- Semi- Cromlech Cromlech

Cromlech Cromlech

Surface Stone Stone Stone Stone

Composition

Surface Diameter 4.1 7.3 5.2 7.1

Fill Type Stone Stone Stone Stone

Length 1.2 4.5 1.3 1.2

Width 1 3 1.8 1.7

Depth 1.3 1.7 1.2 1.2

Area 1.2 13.5 2.34 2.04

Volume 1.56 22.95 2.808 2.448

Individuals # 1 1 unknown 1

Object Total 15 41 7 4

Pottery # 5 18 6 3

309

Features of Burials CR7, CR8, CR9, and CR11. Continued. Burial CR7 CR8 CR9 CR11

Jars 2 4 0 1

Bowls 3 14 6 2

Other 0 0 0 0

Stone 0 1 1 0

Pottery Wares Red Red Red Red and Grey

Jewelry 0 1 0 0

Bead # 0 120 0 0

Shell 0 49 0 0

Fiance 0 67 0 0

Carnelian 0 3 0 0

Hematite 0 0 0 0

Amber 0 1 0 0

Metals # 2 20 1 1

Pin 1 16 0 1

Dagger 0 0 0 0

Spearhead 0 1 0 0

Bronze Arrow 1 0 0 0

Other 0 1 1 0

Lithics # 8 2 0 0

Arrowhead 8 2 0 0

310

Features of Burials CR7, CR8, CR9, and CR11. Continued.

Burial CR7 CR8 CR9 CR11

Wetstone 0 0 0 0

Other 0 0 0 0

Faunal # 0 1 0 0

Faunal Types Cattle

Cattle 0 1 0 0

Ovicaprid 0 0 0 0

Canid 0 0 0 0

Other 0 0 0 0

Burning Events 0 0 0 0

Orientation N-S S-N E-W E-W

311

Features of CR12, CR13, and CC4-S4 Burial CR12 CR13 CC4-S4

Group 3 3 1

# Of Joining Burials 3 2 0

Landscape Valley Valley Valley

Elevation

Surface Features Inner Cromlech Mounded Semi- Mounded with

Semi-Cromlech Cromlech no Cromlech

Surface Composition Stone Stone Soil

Surface Diameter 3.4 2.4 0

Fill Type Stone Stone Soil

Length 1 1.2 1.1

Width 1.5 1.5 1.6

Depth 1.5 0.9 0.7

Area 1.5 1.8 1.76

Volume 2.25 1.62 1.232

Individuals # 1 unknown 1

Object Total 6 7 0

Pottery # 5 6 0

Jars 2 3 0

Bowls 2 3 0

Other 1 0 0

312

Features of CR12, CR13, and CC4-S4. Continued. Burial CR12 CR13 CC4-S4

Stone 1 0 0

Pottery Wares Red Red and Grey 0

Jewelry 1 1 0

Bead # 6 1 0

Shell 0 0 0

Fiance 0 0 0

Carnelian 6 1 0

Hematite 0 0 0

Amber 0 0 0

Metals # 0 0 0

Pin 0 0 0

Dagger 0 0 0

Spearhead 0 0 0

Bronze Arrow 0 0 0

Other 0 0 0

Lithics # 0 0 0

Arrowhead 0 0 0

Wetstone 0 0 0

Other 0 0 0

Faunal # 0 0 0

313

Features of CR12, CR13, and CC4-S4. Continued.

Burial CR12 CR13 CC4-S4

Faunal Types

Cattle 0 0 0

Ovicaprid 0 0 0

Canid 0 0 0

Other 0 0 0

Burning Events 0 0 2

Orientation E-W E-W E-W

314

Coded values of excavated Qızqala burials location and architecture. Area Location Diameter (m) Volume

CR2 2 2 3

CR3 2 3 2

CR4 2 4 2

CR6 1 2 2

CR7 1 2 1

CR8 1 3 3

CR9 2 2 2

CR11 2 3 2

CR12 1 2 2

CR13 1 1 1

CC4 1 1 1

315

Coded Values of burials artifacts from Qızqala burials. Area ID# Object Type Material Quantity Material Origin Size Elaboration

CR2 1 Pendent Bronze 2 2 1 1 2

CR2 2 Bowl Ceramic 2 1 1 1 1

CR2 3 Bowl Ceramic 2 1 1 2 2

CR2 4 Bowl Ceramic 2 1 1 3 2

CR2 5 Bowl Ceramic 2 1 1 2 2

CR2 6 Bowl Ceramic 2 1 1 2 1

CR2 7 Bowl Ceramic 2 1 1 2 1

CR2 8 Bowl Ceramic 2 1 1 2 2

CR2 9 Bowl Ceramic 2 1 1 2 2

CR2 10 Bowl Ceramic 2 1 1 2 2

CR2 11 Bowl Ceramic 2 1 1 2 2

CR2 12 Bowl Ceramic 2 1 1 2 1

CR2 13 Bowl Ceramic 2 1 1 2 2

CR2 14 Jar Ceramic 2 1 1 3 2

CR2 15 Jar Ceramic 2 1 1 3 2

CR2 16 Jar Ceramic 2 1 1 2 2

CR2 17 Jar Ceramic 2 1 1 1 2

CR2 18 Jar Ceramic 2 1 1 1 1

CR2 19 Jar Ceramic 2 1 1 1 2

CR3 1 Fixture Bronze 3 2 2 1 1

316

Coded Values of burials artifacts from Qızqala burials. Continued. Area ID# Object Type Material Quantity Material Origin Size Elaboration

CR3 2 Fixture Bronze 3 2 2 1 1

CR3 3 Fixture Bronze 3 2 2 1 1

CR3 4 Fixture Bronze 3 2 2 1 1

CR3 5 Plating Bronze 3 2 2 1 1

CR3 6 Plating Bronze 3 2 2 1 1

CR3 7 Bowl Ceramic 3 1 1 3 1

CR3 8 Bowl Ceramic 3 1 1 2 2

CR3 9 Bowl Ceramic 3 1 1 2 2

CR3 10 Bowl Ceramic 3 1 1 3 1

CR3 11 Bowl Ceramic 3 1 1 2 2

CR3 12 Bowl Ceramic 3 1 1 2 1

CR3 13 Bowl Ceramic 3 1 1 2 1

CR3 14 Bowl Ceramic 3 1 1 2 1

CR3 15 Bowl Ceramic 3 1 1 3 2

CR3 16 Jar Ceramic 3 1 1 2 2

CR3 17 Jar Ceramic 3 1 1 1 2

CR3 18 Jar Ceramic 3 1 1 1 2

CR3 19 Jar Ceramic 3 1 1 3 2

CR3 20 Jar Ceramic 3 1 1 3 1

CR3 21 Bracelet Mixed 3 3 3 1 3

317

Coded Values of burials artifacts from Qızqala burials. Continued.

Area ID# Object Type Material Quantity Material Origin Size Elaboration

CR3 22 Necklace Mixed 3 3 3 1 3

CR3 23 Arrow Obsidian 3 2 2 1 3

CR3 24 Arrow Obsidian 3 2 2 1 3

CR3 25 Arrow Obsidian 3 2 2 1 3

CR3 26 Arrow Obsidian 3 2 2 1 3

CR3 27 Arrow Obsidian 3 2 2 1 3

CR3 28 Arrow Obsidian 3 2 2 1 3

CR3 29 Pendent Shell 3 3 3 2 1

CR4 1 Cauldron Bronze 2 2 2 3 3

CR4 2 Dagger Bronze 2 2 2 3 3

CR4 3 Fragments Bronze 2 2 2 1 2

CR4 4 Spearhead Bronze 2 2 2 2 2

CR4 5 Bowl Ceramic 2 1 1 2 1

CR4 6 Bowl Ceramic 2 1 1 2 2

CR4 7 Bowl Ceramic 2 1 1 2 2

CR4 8 Jar Ceramic 2 1 1 3 3

CR4 9 Jar Ceramic 2 1 1 3 3

CR4 10 Necklace Mixed 2 3 3 3 3

CR4 11 Arrowhead Obsidian 2 2 2 1 3

CR6 1 Groundstone Basalt 2 1 1 2 1

318

Coded Values of burials artifacts from Qızqala burials. Continued.

Area ID# Object Type Material Quantity Material Origin Size Elaboration

CR6 2 Pin Bronze 2 2 2 1 1

CR6 3 Jar Ceramic 2 1 1 1 2

CR6 4 Jar Ceramic 2 1 1 1 1

CR6 5 Jar Ceramic 2 1 1 2 2

CR6 6 Jar Ceramic 2 1 1 3 2

CR6 7 Arrowhead Chert 2 2 2 1 3

CR6 8 Arrowhead Obsidian 2 2 2 1 3

CR6 9 Arrowhead Obsidian 2 2 2 1 3

CR6 10 Arrowhead Obsidian 2 2 2 1 3

CR6 11 Arrowhead Obsidian 2 2 2 1 3

CR6 12 Arrowhead Obsidian 2 2 2 1 3

CR6 13 Arrowhead Obsidian 2 2 2 1 3

CR6 14 Arrowhead Obsidian 2 2 2 1 3

CR6 15 Arrowhead Obsidian 2 2 2 1 3

CR6 16 Arrowhead Obsidian 2 2 2 1 3

CR6 17 Arrowhead Obsidian 2 2 2 1 3

CR6 18 Arrowhead Obsidian 2 2 2 1 3

CR6 19 Arrowhead Obsidian 2 2 2 1 3

CR6 20 Scraper Obsidian 2 2 2 3 2

CR6 21 Wet Stone Stone 2 1 1 1 2

319

Coded Values of burials artifacts from Qızqala burials. Continued.

Area ID# Object Type Material Quantity Material Origin Size Elaboration

CR7 1 Pin Bronze 2 2 2 1 1

CR7 2 Spearhead Bronze 2 2 2 2 2

CR7 3 Bowl Ceramic 2 1 1 2 2

CR7 4 Bowl Ceramic 2 1 1 2 2

CR7 5 Bowl Ceramic 2 1 1 2 2

CR7 6 Jar Ceramic 2 1 1 2 2

CR7 7 Jar Ceramic 2 1 1 1 2

CR7 8 Arrowhead Chert 2 2 2 1 3

CR7 9 Arrowhead Obsidian 2 2 2 1 3

CR7 10 Arrowhead Obsidian 2 2 2 1 3

CR7 11 Arrowhead Obsidian 2 2 2 1 3

CR7 12 Arrowhead Obsidian 2 2 2 1 3

CR7 13 Arrowhead Obsidian 2 2 2 1 3

CR7 14 Arrowhead Obsidian 2 2 2 1 3

CR7 15 Arrowhead Obsidian 2 2 2 1 3

CR8 1 Incense Basalt 1 1 1 2

Burner 3

CR8 2 Bowl Ceramic 3 1 1 2 2

CR8 3 Bowl Ceramic 3 1 1 2 2

CR8 4 Bowl Ceramic 3 1 1 3 2

320

Coded Values of burials artifacts from Qızqala burials. Continued.

Area ID# Object Type Material Quantity Material Origin Size Elaboration

CR8 5 Bowl Ceramic 3 1 1 2 2

CR8 6 Bowl Ceramic 3 1 1 2 2

CR8 7 Bowl Ceramic 3 1 1 2 2

CR8 8 Bowl Ceramic 3 1 1 2 2

CR8 9 Bowl Ceramic 3 1 1 2 2

CR8 10 Bowl Ceramic 3 1 1 2 2

CR8 11 Bowl Ceramic 3 1 1 2 2

CR8 12 Bowl Ceramic 3 1 1 2 2

CR8 13 Bowl Ceramic 3 1 1 2 2

CR8 14 Bowl Ceramic 3 1 1 2 2

CR8 15 Bowl Ceramic 3 1 1 2 2

CR8 16 Jar Ceramic 3 1 1 1 2

CR8 17 Jar Ceramic 3 1 1 3 2

CR8 18 Jar Ceramic 3 1 1 3 2

CR8 19 Jar Ceramic 3 1 1 1 2

CR8 20 Fixture Bronze 3 2 2 1 1

CR8 21 Fixture Bronze 3 2 2 1 1

CR8 22 Pin Bronze 3 2 2 1 2

CR8 23 Pin Bronze 3 2 2 1 2

CR8 24 Pin Bronze 3 2 2 1 2

321

Coded Values of burials artifacts from Qızqala burials. Continued.

Area ID# Object Type Material Quantity Material Origin Size Elaboration

CR8 25 Pin Bronze 3 2 2 1 2

CR8 26 Pin Bronze 3 2 2 1 2

CR8 27 Pin Bronze 3 2 2 1 2

CR8 28 Pin Bronze 3 2 2 1 2

CR8 29 Pin Bronze 3 2 2 1 2

CR8 30 Pin Bronze 3 2 2 1 2

CR8 31 Pin Bronze 3 2 2 1 2

CR8 32 Pin Bronze 3 2 2 1 2

CR8 33 Pin Bronze 3 2 2 1 2

CR8 34 Pin Bronze 3 2 2 1 2

CR8 35 Pin Bronze 3 2 2 1 2

CR8 36 Pin Bronze 3 2 2 1 2

CR8 37 Pin Bronze 3 2 2 1 2

CR8 38 Spearhead Bronze 3 2 2 3 2

CR8 39 Necklace Mixed 3 3 3 3 3

CR8 40 Arrowhead Obsidian 3 2 2 1 3

CR8 41 Arrowhead Obsidian 3 2 2 1 3

CR9 1 Bowl Ceramic 2 1 1 2 2

CR9 2 Bowl Ceramic 2 1 1 2 2

CR9 3 Bowl Ceramic 2 1 1 2 2

322

Coded Values of burials artifacts from Qızqala burials. Continued.

Area ID# Object Type Material Quantity Material Origin Size Elaboration

CR9 4 Bowl Ceramic 2 1 1 2 2

CR9 5 Bowl Ceramic 2 1 1 2 2

CR9 6 Bowl Ceramic 2 1 1 2 2

CR11 1 Pin Bronze 1 2 1 1 2

CR11 2 Bowl Ceramic 1 1 1 1 2

CR11 3 Bowl Ceramic 1 1 1 1 2

CR11 4 Jar Ceramic 1 1 1 1 1

CR12 1 Ground Basalt 1 1 2 1

Stone 2

CR12 2 Necklace Carnelian 2 3 3 1 2

CR12 3 Bowl Ceramic 2 1 1 2 2

CR12 4 Bowl Ceramic 2 1 1 2 2

CR12 5 Cup Ceramic 2 1 1 1 2

CR12 6 Jar Ceramic 2 1 1 1 1

CR12 7 Jar Ceramic 2 1 1 1 1

CR13 1 Bead Carnelian 2 3 3 1 2

CR13 2 Bowl Ceramic 2 1 1 2 2

CR13 3 Bowl Ceramic 2 1 1 1 2

CR13 4 Bowl Ceramic 2 1 1 1 2

CR13 5 Jar Ceramic 2 1 1 1 3

323

Coded Values of burials artifacts from Qızqala burials. Continued.

Area ID# Object Type Material Quantity Material Origin Size Elaboration

CR13 6 Jar Ceramic 2 1 1 1 2

CR13 7 Jar Ceramic 2 1 1 1 1

CR13 8 Blade Obsidian 2 2 2 3 1

CC4 None None 1 0 0 0 0

324

APPENDIX B

ENVIRONMENTAL ISOTOPE DATA

325

δ18O values of Naxçıvan Autonomous Republic water sources. Sampled in June 2014. Shaded portions denotes samples excluded from analysis because they were determined to have been contaminated by anthropogenic pollution by observation in the field. Item Code Type Elevation Location δ18O Value

SNA14-106A Well 903 Naxcivan -9.187

SNA14-106B Well 878 Naxcivan -8.972

SNA14-108 Well 979 Highway -9.064

SNA14-112 Spring 934 Naxcivan Dam -9.487

SNA14-113 Spring 903 Highway -8.426

SNA14-114 Spring 1926 Batabat -11.621

SNA14-115 Spring 2122 Batabat -12.117

SNA14-119 Spring 2238 Batabat -11.825

SNA14-130 Spring 2101 Batabat -11.492

SNA14-131 River 1620 Batabat -10.267

SNA14-136 Spring 1133 Milakh -10.037

SNA14-144 River 1515 Milakh -9.976

SNA14-166 Spring 1343 Paraga -10.238

SNA14-176 Spring 1138 Paraga -9.775

SNA14-180 River 1464 Paraga -10.144

SNA14-181 Spring 1394 Paraga -10.407

SNA14-182 Spring 1394 Paraga -10.256

SNA14-194 Well 1275 Naxcivan -9.529

SNA14-202 Spring 1473 Ordubad -10.624

326

δ18O values of Naxçıvan Autonomous Republic water sources. Continued.

Item Code Type Elevation Location δ18O Value

SNA14-204 Spring 739 Ordubad -8.083

SNA14-206 Spring 763 Ordubad -8.201

SNA14-210 Spring 1400 Ordubad -9.639

SNA14-AAA Spring 1400 Qızqala -9.728

SNA14-048 River 883 Oguzkand -10.523

SNA14-053 River 1329 Tanaman -11.393

SNA14-069 Spring 1329 Tanaman -11.413

SNA14-079 Spring 1228 Ahura -11.234

SNA14-081 River 1159 Ahura -10.654

SNA14-084 Spring 1178 Ahura -10.973

SNA14-107 River 876 Naxcivan -11.222

SNA14-109 River 849 Highway -10.725

SNA14-126 Lake 2299 Batabat -8.807

SNA14-127 Lake 2108 Batabat -8.153

SNA14-135 River 1579 Naxcivan -9.215

SNA14-164 River 1583 Nehram -9.302

327

Strontium values of plants collect in the Naxçıvan Autonomous Republic.

Item Code Type Elevation Northing Westing 87Sr /86SrValue

NAPH-148 Plant 1071 505778 4385756 0.70765

NAPH-149 Plant 1017 505311 4385674 0.70741

NAPH-150 Plant 881 489885 4387540 0.70814

NAPH-151 Plant 803 494845 4374241 0.70673

NAPH-152 Plant 874 504434 4374520 0.70789

NAPH-153 Plant 1503 516085 4373977 0.70774

NAPH-154 Plant 1607 516236 4373839 0.70854

NAPH-155 Plant 1630 516313 4373839 0.70642

NAPH-156 Plant 1630 516215 4373132 0.70806

NAPH-157 Plant 1258 513407 4379836 0.70621

NAPH-158 Plant 1258 513239 4379851 0.70787

NAPH-159 Plant 1174 512555 4378531 0.70761

NAPH-160 Plant 886 506504 4384218 0.70784

NAPH-161 Plant 874 506980 4384750 0.70756

NAPH-162 Plant 1066 515819 4359895 0.70752

NAPH-163 Plant 1085 516112 4360151 0.70734

NAPH-164 Plant 1042 528666 4348032 0.70773

NAPH-165 Plant 1028 528682 4348054 0.70742

NAPH-166 Plant 2238 569083 4377449 0.70765

328

Strontium values of plants collect in the Naxçıvan Autonomous Republic. Continued.

Item Code Type Elevation Northing Westing 87Sr /86SrValue

NAPH-167 Plant 2309 568373 4378295 0.70612

NAPH-168 Plant 2510 567942 4379118 0.70697

NAPH-169 Plant 2147 567351 4376614 0.70802

NAPH-170 Plant 1579 506470 4371212 0.70639

NAPH-171 Plant 1424 559927 4367361 0.70581

NAPH-172 Plant 1515 565049 4347383 0.70716

NAPH-173 Plant 1504 565026 4347106 0.70647

NAPH-174 Plant 1650 569555 4348740 0.70657

NAPH-175 Plant 1403 559297 4339233 0.70685

NAPH-176 Plant 855 540117 4328135 0.70781

NAPH-177 Plant 845 539661 4328222 0.70779

NAPH-178 Plant 1138 571502 4324252 0.70608

NAPH-179 Plant 1847 578135 4326715 0.70641

NAPH-180 Plant 1065 570845 4322211 0.70547

NAPH-181 Plant 1021 570437 4320466 0.70531

NAPH-182 Plant 1021 570437 4320466 0.70779

NAPH-183 Plant 737 591719 4305497 0.70773

NAPH-184 Plant 724 591561 4305465 0.70758

329

APPENDIX C

HUMAN SKELETAL ISOTOPE DATA

330

Trace element results for evaluation of diagenesis. Values shaded in red represent samples with values indicative of diagenic alteration. Item Code Burial Code Element Ca/P Ca/U Ca/Sr

NAX - 1001 CR8 Bone 2.36 33,442 359

NAX - 1002 CR8 M1 2.20 162,716 810

NAX - 1003 CR8 M3 2.12 26,885 486

NAX – 1008 CR8 M3 Bulk 2.07 761,974 1341

NAX - 1009 CR7 Bone 2.34 13,465 219

NAX - 1010 CR7 M1 2.12 148,000 1132

NAX - 1011 CR7 M3 2.36 18,178 290

NAX - 1016 CR7 M3 Bulk 2.06 555,827 1579

NAX - 1017 CR2.Sk.1 Bone 2.38 9,972 140

NAX - 1018 CR2.Sk.1 M1 2.21 70,148 436

NAX - 1019 CR2.Sk.1 M3 2.20 41,393 299

NAX - 1024 CR2.Sk.1 M3 Bulk 5.00 78,067 272

NAX - 1025 CR3.Sk1 Bone 2.57 19,023 152

331

Trace element results for evaluation of diagenesis. Continued.

Item Code Burial Code Element Ca/P Ca/U Ca/Sr

NAX - 1026 CR3.Sk1 M1 2.13 1,562,395 1333

NAX - 1027 CR3.Sk1 M3 2.27 393,197 469

NAX - 1034 CR3.Sk2 Bone 2.38 30,510 357

NAX - 1035 CR3.Sk2 M1 2.13 1,696,157 1348

NAX - 1040 CR3.Sk2 M3 2.14 2,949,954 1495

NAX - 1041 CR3.Sk2 M3 Bulk 2.09 1,056,946 1481

NAX - 1042 PD68 Bone 2.35 558,719 495

NAX - 1043 PD68 Mandibular M1 2.05 503,963 879

NAX - 1048 PD68 Mandibular M3 2.12 2,352,236 1339

NAX - 1049 PD68 M3 Bulk 2.09 2,782,207 1215

NAX - 1050 PD69 Bone 2.60 59,927 100

NAX - 1051 PD69 Mandibular M1 2.01 2,000,181 1176

NAX - 1055 PD69 Mandibular M3 1.99 7,442,344 1317

NAX - 1057 PD69 M3 Bulk 2.13 2,819,458 587

332

Trace element results for evaluation of diagenesis. Continued.

Item Code Burial Code Element Ca/P Ca/U Ca/Sr

NAX - 1058 CC4-S4 Femur 2.34 17,242 484

NAX - 1059 CC4-S4 Bone 2.22 155,753 762

NAX - 1062 CC4-S4 C 2.08 270,580 927

NAX - 1063 CR6 Bone 2.55 32,297 820

NAX - 1064 PD70 Bone 2.85 16,867 279

NAX - 1065 PD70 M1 2.32 145,934 290

NAX - 1066 PD70 M2 2.32 290,694 390

NAX - 1071 PD70 M3 Bulk 2.08 3,389,079 877

NAX - 1072 PD70 Bone 2.58 44,443 380

NAX - 1073 PD70 M1 2.35 52,946 276

NAX - 1076 PD70 M2 2.31 32,843 246

333

Trace element results for evaluation of diagenesis. Continued.

Item Code Burial Code Element Ca/P Ca/U Ca/Sr

NAX - 1080 PD74 Bone 2.40 99,365 218

NAX - 1084 PD74 M1 2.15 5,974,232 1646

NAX - 1087 PD74 M3 Bulk 2.14 1,702,171 621

NAX - 1088 PD77 Bone 2.62 121,051 183

NAX - 1089 PD77 M1 2.42 638,573 197

NAX - 1094 PD77 M3 2.13 2,368,120 3193

NAX - 1095 PD77 M3 Bulk 2.11 3,613,131 1558

NAX - 1096 PD80 Bone 2.31 61,769 138

NAX - 1097 PD80 M1 2.02 2,036,044 1607

NAX - 1098 PD80 M2 2.05 1,418,668 540

NAX - 1103 PD80 M3 Bulk 2.08 5,037,894 2174

NAX - 1104 PD37 Bone 2.86 68,582 560

NAX - 1107 PD37 M3 2.04 3,137,725 723

334

Trace element results for evaluation of diagenesis. Continued.

Item Code Burial Code Element Ca/P Ca/U Ca/Sr

NAX - 1113 PD76 M1 2.18 227,503 397

NAX - 1118 PD76 M3 2.27 570,017 505

NAX - 1119 PD76 M3 Bulk 2.10 3,435,691 1156

NAX - 1120 CR2.Sk2 Bone 2.65 10,695 124

NAX - 1121 CR2.Sk2 M1 2.26 127,828 576

NAX - 1127 CR2.Sk2 M3 Bulk 2.08 3,737,436 1510

NAX - 1128 CR12 Bone 9.49 20,130 268

NAX - 1129 CR12 M1 2.40 27,098 355

NAX - 1134 CR12 M3 2.26 46,760 558

NAX - 1135 CR12 M3 Bulk 2.07 5,353,291 2404

NAX - 1136 CR3.Sk3 Bone 2.23 16,680 115

NAX - 1137 CR3.Sk3 M1 2.57 16,086 176

NAX - 1138 CR3.Sk3 M1 2.08 121,762 386

335

Trace element results for evaluation of diagenesis. Continued.

Item Code Burial Code Element Ca/P Ca/U Ca/Sr

NAX - 1145 CR3.Sk3 M3 Bulk 2.08 1,073,996 1259

NAX - 1146 PD1 Bone 2.53 61,590 715

NAX - 1147 PD1 Mandibular M1 2.19 758,469 1908

NAX - 1149 PD1 Mandibular M3 2.01 1,321,387 1909

NAX - 1152 PD1 M3 Bulk 2.08 2,653,228 2264

NAX - 1155 PD2 M3 1.98 1,128,022 933

NAX - 1159 PD2 M3 Bulk 2.09 3,364,120 1581

336

Carbon and oxygen stable isotope analysis of carbonates results.

Item Code Burial Code Element Series # O Value C Value

NAX - 1001 CR8 Bone 1 -9.445 -9.48

NAX - 1002 CR8 M1 1 -4.570 -12.627

NAX - 1003 CR8 M3 1 -5.036 -11.332

NAX - 1004 CR8 M3 2 -4.572 -10.551

NAX - 1005 CR8 M3 3 -8.332 -12.227

NAX - 1006 CR8 M3 4 -10.762 -12.694

NAX - 1007 CR8 M3 5 -10.781 -12.934

NAX - 1009 CR7 Bone 1 -4.249 -9.55

NAX - 1010 CR7 M1 1 -12.199 -12.212

NAX - 1011 CR7 M3 1 -8.194 -11.122

NAX - 1012 CR7 M3 2 -6.622 -11.626

NAX - 1013 CR7 M3 3 -7.826 -11.840

NAX - 1014 CR7 M3 4 -10.271 -11.881

NAX - 1015 CR7 M3 5 -11.460 -12.363

NAX - 1016 CR7 M3 Bulk 1

337

Carbon and oxygen stable isotope analysis of carbonates results. Continued. Item Code Burial Code Element Series # O Value C Value

NAX - 1017 CR2.Sk.1 Bone 1 -4.847 -9.03

NAX - 1018 CR2.Sk.1 M1 1 -9.225 -10.12

NAX - 1019 CR2.Sk.1 M3 1 -14.848 -12.780

NAX - 1020 CR2.Sk.1 M3 2 -10.570 -11.610

NAX - 1021 CR2.Sk.1 M3 3 -8.109 -12.180

NAX - 1022 CR2.Sk.1 M3 4 -11.376 -12.360

NAX - 1023 CR2.Sk.1 M3 5 -9.684 -12.930

NAX - 1025 CR3.Sk1 Bone 1 -6.296 -8.53

NAX - 1026 CR3.Sk1 M1 1 -8.331 -12.185

NAX - 1027 CR3.Sk1 M3 1 -6.896 -10.963

NAX - 1028 CR3.Sk1 M3 2 -5.543 -11.059

NAX - 1029 CR3.Sk1 M3 3 -2.523 -11.031

NAX - 1030 CR3.Sk1 M3 4 -6.815 -13.198

NAX - 1031 CR3.Sk1 M3 5 -7.153 -13.011

NAX - 1032 CR3.Sk1 M3 1 -8.029 -13.189

338

Carbon and oxygen stable isotope analysis of carbonates results. Continued.

Item Code Burial Code Element Series # O Value C Value

NAX - 1034 CR3.Sk2 Bone 1 -8.275 -10.25

NAX - 1035 CR3.Sk2 M1 1 -6.710 -12.123

NAX - 1036 CR3.Sk2 M3 1 -7.228 -12.576

NAX - 1037 CR3.Sk2 M3 2 -6.641 -12.482

NAX - 1038 CR3.Sk2 M3 3 -7.556 -12.560

NAX - 1039 CR3.Sk2 M3 4 -7.674 -12.667

NAX - 1040 CR3.Sk2 M3 5 -8.426 -13.367

NAX - 1042 PD68 Bone 1 -10.622 -10.49

NAX - 1043 PD68 M1 1 -4.760 -11.491

NAX - 1044 PD68 M3 1 -7.388 -11.948

NAX - 1045 PD68 M3 2 -2.263 -12.192

NAX - 1046 PD68 M3 3 -5.566 -12.713

NAX - 1047 PD68 M3 4 -8.556 -13.038

NAX - 1048 PD68 M3 5 -8.216 -12.339

NAX - 1050 PD69 Bone 1 -13.190 -11.45

339

Carbon and oxygen stable isotope analysis of carbonates results. Continued.

Item Code Burial Code Element Series # O Value C Value

NAX - 1051 PD69 M1 1 -4.780 -12.838

NAX - 1052 PD69 M3 1 -6.539 -12.374

NAX - 1053 PD69 M3 2 -9.651 -12.671

NAX - 1054 PD69 M3 3 -5.150 -12.658

NAX - 1055 PD69 M3 4 -7.128 -12.917

NAX - 1056 PD69 M3 5 -10.190 -12.422

NAX - 1058 CC4-S4 Femur 1 -10.834 -6.989

NAX - 1059 CC4-S4 Bone 1 -8.259 -11.70

NAX - 1060 CC4-S4 I1 1 -8.916 -11.38

NAX - 1061 CC4-S4 I2 1 -7.899 -11.99

NAX - 1062 CC4-S4 C 1 -8.299 -11.99

NAX - 1063 CR6 Bone 1 -11.941 -7.49

NAX - 1064 PD70 Bone 1 -9.531 -5.90

NAX - 1065 PD70 M1 1 -8.467 -8.30

340

Carbon and oxygen stable isotope analysis of carbonates results. Continued.

Item Code Burial Code Element Series # O Value C Value

NAX - 1066 PD70 M3 1 -11.941 -7.49

NAX - 1067 PD70 M3 2 -10.261 -5.20

NAX - 1068 PD70 M3 3 -8.022 -8.23

NAX - 1069 PD70 M3 4 -7.512 -9.19

NAX - 1070 PD70 M3 5 -7.892 -8.21

NAX - 1072 PD70 Bone 1 -9.825 -5.40

NAX - 1073 PD70 M1 1 -7.477 -7.81

NAX - 1074 PD70 M3 1 -16.344 -12.31

NAX - 1075 PD70 M3 2 -9.318 -5.99

NAX - 1076 PD70 M3 3 -9.620 -6.07

NAX - 1077 PD70 M3 4 -9.321 -7.00

NAX - 1078 PD70 M3 5 -9.483 -5.48

NAX - 1080 PD74 Bone 1 -7.628 -12.06

NAX - 1081 PD74 M1 1 -7.667 -11.93

NAX - 1082 PD74 M3 1 -9.909 -4.75

NAX - 1083 PD74 M3 2 -8.758 -9.87

341

Carbon and oxygen stable isotope analysis of carbonates results. Continued.

Item Code Burial Code Element Series # O Value C Value

NAX - 1084 PD74 M3 3 -9.174 -12.20

NAX - 1085 PD74 M3 4 -9.254 -12.18

NAX - 1086 PD74 M3 5 -9.916 -12.23

NAX - 1088 PD77 Bone 1 -8.921 -13.32

NAX - 1089 PD77 M1 1 -7.222 -10.99

NAX - 1090 PD77 M3 1 -7.558 -7.69

NAX - 1091 PD77 M3 2 -6.726 -12.44

NAX - 1092 PD77 M3 3 -6.166 -12.61

NAX - 1093 PD77 M3 4 -6.946 -12.30

NAX - 1094 PD77 M3 5 -8.116 -13.24

NAX - 1096 PD80 Bone 1 -7.752 -13.13

NAX - 1097 PD80 M1 1 -9.532 -12.22

NAX - 1098 PD80 M3 1 -7.670 -5.12

NAX - 1099 PD80 M3 2 -8.546 -11.68

NAX - 1100 PD80 M3 3 -9.373 -12.40

NAX - 1101 PD80 M3 4 -9.348 -12.09

342

Carbon and oxygen stable isotope analysis of carbonates results. Continued.

Item Code Burial Code Element Series # O Value C Value

NAX - 1102 PD80 M3 5 -10.355 -12.38

NAX - 1104 PD37 Bone 1 -6.850 -10.94

NAX - 1105 PD37 M1 1 -7.652 -11.89

NAX - 1106 PD37 M3 1 -7.448 -12.43

NAX - 1107 PD37 M3 2 -6.898 -11.72

NAX - 1108 PD37 M3 3 -7.334 -11.63

NAX - 1109 PD37 M3 4 -7.043 -11.42

NAX - 1110 PD37 M3 5 -7.068 -11.59

NAX - 1112 PD76 Bone 1 -6.090 -8.93

NAX - 1113 PD76 M1 1 -8.552 -10.87

NAX - 1114 PD76 M3 1 -8.757 -8.98

NAX - 1115 PD76 M3 2 -8.717 -10.65

NAX - 1116 PD76 M3 3 -8.110 -10.80

NAX - 1117 PD76 M3 4 -8.931 -10.49

NAX - 1118 PD76 M3 5 -8.773 -10.75

343

Carbon and oxygen stable isotope analysis of carbonates results. Continued.

Item Code Burial Code Element Series # O Value C Value

NAX - 1120 CR2.Sk2 Bone 1 -9.225 -10.12

NAX - 1121 CR2.Sk2 M1 1 -8.829 -10.58

NAX - 1122 CR2.Sk2 M3 1 -4.849 -9.411

NAX - 1123 CR2.Sk2 M3 2 -7.546 -12.558

NAX - 1124 CR2.Sk2 M3 3 -5.039 -9.404

NAX - 1125 CR2.Sk2 M3 4 -7.211 -10.551

NAX - 1126 CR2.Sk2 M3 5 -8.460 -10.896

NAX - 1127 CR2.Sk2 M3 Bulk 1

NAX - 1128 CR12 Bone 1 -11.588 -12.31

NAX - 1129 CR12 M1 1 -11.474 -13.34

NAX - 1130 CR12 M3 1 -10.506 -3.38

NAX - 1131 CR12 M3 2 -10.506 -12.27

NAX - 1132 CR12 M3 3 -11.478 -11.39

NAX - 1133 CR12 M3 4 -10.826 -12.17

NAX - 1134 CR12 M3 5 -11.649 -12.09

344

Carbon and oxygen stable isotope analysis of carbonates results. Continued.

Item Code Burial Code Element Series # O Value C Value

NAX - 1136 CR3.Sk3 Bone 1 -8.829 -10.58

NAX - 1137 CR3.Sk3 M1 1 -10.075 -6.232

NAX - 1138 CR3.Sk3 M1 1 -9.571 -11.78

NAX - 1139 CR3.Sk3 M3 1 -8.423 -14.952

NAX - 1140 CR3.Sk3 M3 2 -9.456 -7.577

NAX - 1141 CR3.Sk3 M3 3 -14.111 -11.361

NAX - 1142 CR3.Sk3 M3 4 -12.783 -10.651

NAX - 1143 CR3.Sk3 M3 5 -10.215 -10.331

NAX - 1144 CR3.Sk3 M3 6 -7.203 -8.780

NAX - 1146 K1 Bone 1 -14.746 -10.54

NAX - 1147 K1 M1 1 -9.509 -9.239

NAX - 1148 K1 M3 1 -6.155 -9.728

NAX - 1149 K1 M3 2 -2.780 -10.915

NAX - 1150 K1 M3 3 -7.986 -11.636

NAX - 1151 K1 M3 4 -9.279 -11.438

NAX - 1153 K2 M1 1 -7.049 -5.507

345

Carbon and oxygen stable isotope analysis of carbonates results. Continued.

Item Code Burial Code Element Series # O Value C Value

NAX - 1154 K2 M3 1 -13.225 -12.51

NAX - 1155 K2 M3 1 -12.923 -12.34

NAX - 1156 K2 M3 2 -13.780 -12.91

NAX - 1157 K2 M3 3 -13.076 -12.94

NAX - 1158 K2 M3 4 -11.622 -12.91

NAX - 1159 K2 M3 Bulk 5

NAX - 1160 K3 M1 1 -13.595 -8.193

NAX - 1161 K3 M3 1 -6.155 -9.728

NAX - 1162 K3 M3 2 -2.780 -10.915

NAX - 1163 K3 M3 3 -7.986 -11.636

NAX – 1164 K3 M3 4 -9.279 -11.438

346

Radiogenic strontium isotope analysis results. Item Code Burial Code Element Series # Sr Value

NAX - 1001 CR8 Bone 1 0.70767

NAX - 1002 CR8 M1 1 0.70756

NAX - 1003 CR8 M3 1 0.70760

NAX - 1004 CR8 M3 2 0.70759

NAX - 1005 CR8 M3 3 0.70756

NAX - 1006 CR8 M3 4 0.70756

NAX - 1007 CR8 M3 5 0.70753

NAX - 1008 CR8 M3 Bulk 1 0.70741

NAX - 1009 CR7 Bone 1 0.70762

NAX - 1010 CR7 M1 1 0.70742

NAX - 1011 CR7 M3 1 0.70762

NAX - 1012 CR7 M3 2 0.70759

NAX - 1013 CR7 M3 3 0.70753

NAX - 1014 CR7 M3 4 0.70749

NAX - 1015 CR7 M3 5 0.70765

NAX – 1016 CR7 M3 Bulk 1 0.70729

347

Radiogenic strontium isotope analysis results. Continued. Item Code Burial Code Element Series # Sr Value

NAX - 1017 CR2.Sk.1 Rib 1 0.70749

NAX - 1018 CR2.Sk.1 M1 1 0.70747

NAX - 1019 CR2.Sk.1 M3 1 0.70749

NAX - 1020 CR2.Sk.1 M3 2 0.70750

NAX - 1021 CR2.Sk.1 M3 3 0.70749

NAX - 1022 CR2.Sk.1 M3 4 0.70748

NAX - 1023 CR2.Sk.1 M3 5 0.70747

NAX – 1024 CR2.Sk.1 M3 Bulk 1 0.70731

NAX - 1025 CR3.Sk1 Bone 1 0.70760

NAX - 1026 CR3.Sk1 M1 1 0.70737

NAX - 1027 CR3.Sk1 M3 1 0.70748

NAX - 1028 CR3.Sk1 M3 2 0.70742

NAX - 1029 CR3.Sk1 M3 3 0.70732

NAX - 1030 CR3.Sk1 M3 4 0.70728

NAX - 1031 CR3.Sk1 M3 5 0.70721

NAX - 1032 CR3.Sk1 M3 6

348

Radiogenic strontium isotope analysis results. Continued.

Item Code Burial Code Element Series # Sr Value

NAX - 1034 CR3.Sk2 Bone 1 0.70756

NAX - 1035 CR3.Sk2 M1 1 0.70735

NAX - 1036 CR3.Sk2 M3 1 0.70729

NAX - 1037 CR3.Sk2 M3 2 0.70734

NAX - 1038 CR3.Sk2 M3 3 0.70730

NAX - 1039 CR3.Sk2 M3 4 0.70730

NAX - 1040 CR3.Sk2 M3 5 0.70732

NAX – 1041 CR3.Sk2 M3 Bulk 1 0.70730

NAX - 1042 PD68 Bone 1 0.70713

NAX - 1043 PD68 M1 1 0.70756

NAX - 1044 PD68 M3 1 0.70763

NAX - 1045 PD68 M3 2 0.70764

NAX - 1046 PD68 M3 3 0.70760

NAX - 1047 PD68 M3 4 0.70765

349

Radiogenic strontium isotope analysis results. Continued.

Item Code Burial Code Element Series # Sr Value

NAX - 1048 PD68 M3 5 0.70717

NAX – 1049 PD68 M3 Bulk 1 0.70758

NAX - 1050 PD69 Bone 1 0.70754

NAX - 1051 PD69 M1 1 0.70761

NAX - 1052 PD69 M3 1 0.70750

NAX - 1053 PD69 M3 2 0.70743

NAX - 1054 PD69 M3 3 0.70731

NAX - 1055 PD69 M3 4 0.70717

NAX - 1056 PD69 M3 5 0.70755

NAX – 1057 PD69 M3 Bulk 1 0.70747

NAX - 1058 CC4-S4 Femur 1 0.70660

NAX - 1059 CC4-S4 Bone 1 0.70679

NAX - 1060 CC4-S4 I1 1 0.70678

NAX - 1061 CC4-S4 I2 1 0.70675

NAX – 1062 CC4-S4 C 1 0.70667

350

Radiogenic strontium isotope analysis results. Continued.

Item Code Burial Code Element Series # Sr Value

NAX – 1063 CR6 Bone 1 0.70763

NAX - 1064 PD70 Bone 1 0.70779

NAX - 1065 PD70 M1 1 0.70772

NAX - 1066 PD70 M3 1 0.70771

NAX - 1067 PD70 M3 2 0.70766

NAX - 1068 PD70 M3 3 0.70765

NAX - 1069 PD70 M3 4 0.70761

NAX - 1070 PD70 M3 5 0.70769

NAX – 1071 PD70 M3 Bulk 1 0.70729

NAX - 1072 PD70 Bone 1 0.70772

NAX - 1073 PD70 M1 1 0.70769

NAX - 1074 PD70 M3 1 0.70765

NAX - 1075 PD70 M3 2 0.70767

NAX - 1076 PD70 M3 3 0.70770

351

Radiogenic strontium isotope analysis results. Continued.

Item Code Burial Code Element Series # Sr Value

NAX - 1077 PD70 M3 4 0.70770

NAX - 1078 PD70 M3 5 0.70769

NAX – 1079 PD70 M3 Bulk 1 0.70769

NAX - 1080 PD74 Bone 1 0.70814

NAX - 1081 PD74 M1 1 0.70778

NAX - 1082 PD74 M3 1 0.70775

NAX - 1083 PD74 M3 2 0.70750

NAX - 1084 PD74 M3 3 0.70749

NAX - 1085 PD74 M3 4 0.70746

NAX - 1086 PD74 M3 5 0.70769

NAX – 1087 PD74 M3 Bulk 1 0.70785

NAX - 1088 PD77 Bone 1 0.70774

NAX - 1089 PD77 M1 1 0.70760

NAX - 1090 PD77 M3 1 0.70757

NAX - 1091 PD77 M3 2 0.70759

352

Radiogenic strontium isotope analysis results. Continued.

Item Code Burial Code Element Series # Sr Value

NAX - 1092 PD77 M3 3 0.70762

NAX - 1093 PD77 M3 4 0.70757

NAX - 1094 PD77 M3 5 0.70754

NAX – 1095 PD77 M3 Bulk 1 0.70779

NAX - 1096 PD80 Bone 1 0.70772

NAX - 1097 PD80 M1 1 0.70753

NAX - 1098 PD80 M3 1 0.70748

NAX - 1099 PD80 M3 2 0.70737

NAX - 1100 PD80 M3 3 0.70739

NAX - 1101 PD80 M3 4 0.70732

NAX - 1102 PD80 M3 5 0.70739

NAX – 1103 PD80 M3 Bulk 1 0.70763

NAX - 1104 PD37 Bone 1 0.70771

NAX - 1105 PD37 M1 1 0.70764

NAX - 1106 PD37 M3 1 0.70765

353

Radiogenic strontium isotope analysis results. Continued.

Item Code Burial Code Element Series # Sr Value

NAX - 1107 PD37 M3 2 0.70767

NAX - 1108 PD37 M3 3 0.70760

NAX - 1109 PD37 M3 4 0.70767

NAX - 1110 PD37 M3 5 0.70766

NAX – 1111 PD37 M3 Bulk 1 0.70761

NAX - 1112 PD76 Bone 1 0.70767

NAX - 1113 PD76 M1 1 0.70748

NAX - 1114 PD76 M3 1 0.70750

NAX - 1115 PD76 M3 2 0.70743

NAX - 1116 PD76 M3 3 0.70744

NAX - 1117 PD76 M3 4 0.70739

NAX - 1118 PD76 M3 5 0.70737

NAX – 1119 PD76 M3 Bulk 1 0.70720

NAX - 1120 CR2.Sk2 Bone 1 0.70753

NAX - 1121 CR2.Sk2 M1 1 0.70751

NAX - 1122 CR2.Sk2 M3 1

354

Radiogenic strontium isotope analysis results. Continued.

Item Code Burial Code Element Series # Sr Value

NAX - 1123 CR2.Sk2 M3 2

NAX - 1124 CR2.Sk2 M3 3

NAX - 1125 CR2.Sk2 M3 4

NAX - 1126 CR2.Sk2 M3 5

NAX – 1127 CR2.Sk2 M3 Bulk 1 0.70748

NAX - 1128 CR12 Bone 1 0.70766

NAX - 1129 CR12 M1 1 0.70758

NAX - 1130 CR12 M3 1 0.70756

NAX - 1131 CR12 M3 2 0.70756

NAX - 1132 CR12 M3 3 0.70752

NAX - 1133 CR12 M3 4 0.70745

NAX - 1134 CR12 M3 5 0.70755

NAX – 1135 CR12 M3 Bulk 1 0.70707

NAX - 1136 CR3.Sk3 Bone 1 0.70760

NAX - 1137 CR3.Sk3 M1 1 0.70755

355

Radiogenic strontium isotope analysis results. Continued.

Item Code Burial Code Element Series # Sr Value

NAX - 1138 CR3.Sk3 M2 1 0.70750

NAX - 1139 CR3.Sk1 M3 1

NAX - 1140 CR3.Sk1 M3 2

NAX - 1141 CR3.Sk1 M3 3

NAX - 1142 CR3.Sk1 M3 4

NAX - 1143 CR3.Sk1 M3 5

NAX - 1144 CR3.Sk1 M3 6

NAX – 1145 CR3.Sk3 M3 Bulk 1 0.70727

NAX - 1146 PD1 Bone 1 0.70696

NAX - 1147 PD1 M1 1 0.70690

NAX - 1148 PD1 M3 1 0.70695

NAX - 1149 PD1 M3 2 0.70680

NAX - 1150 PD1 M3 3 0.70672

NAX - 1151 PD1 M3 4 0.70672

NAX – 1152 PD1 M3 Bulk 1 0.70677

NAX - 1153 PD2 M1 1 0.70746

356

Radiogenic strontium isotope analysis results. Continued.

Item Code Burial Code Element Series # Sr Value

NAX - 1154 PD2 M3 1 0.70680

NAX - 1155 PD2 M3 1 0.70774

NAX - 1156 PD2 M3 2 0.70763

NAX - 1157 PD2 M3 3 0.70768

NAX - 1158 PD2 M3 4 0.70773

NAX – 1159 PD2 M3 Bulk 5 0.70692

NAX - 1160 PD3 M1 1 0.70716

NAX - 1161 PD3 M3 1

NAX - 1162 PD3 M3 2

NAX - 1163 PD3 M3 3

NAX – 1164 PD3 M3 4

357