Protest Boycotts Under the Sherman
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Taking Action! of little importance to big corporations. Sarah Jones However, there is power in numbers and Every time a person makes decisions about the more people who boycott, the heavier how and where to spend money, s/he is the influence on the organization being exercising his/her power as a consumer. boycotted. Boycotting gives teens a way to There are several ways that teens can protest and state their beliefs. If they speak out against consumerism, raise boycott something, others may become awareness about consumerist media interested and take up the cause. messages, and make a difference in the way companies operate. Complaint Power Complaint power is another way in which Boycott Power consumers can influence companies to A boycott is the decision to abstain from change their practices. This method buying or dealing with a particular involves talking to a company directly, organization as a form of protest and/or either by phone, e-mail, or letter. Shari means of coercion. Teens may think that if Graydon suggests that writing a letter is the they boycott a particular product or best method of contacting a company company, their actions will make no because it is harder to throw away or difference because individually, each teen is ignore than an e-mail or phone message. A letter also takes more time than an email or phone call, indicating that the writer is serious about the message (Graydon 87). Again, there is always power in numbers, so the more letters a company receives; the more serious it will take the complaint. -
Jo Ann Gibson Robinson, the Montgomery Bus Boycott and The
National Humanities Center Resource Toolbox The Making of African American Identity: Vol. III, 1917-1968 Black Belt Press The ONTGOMERY BUS BOYCOTT M and the WOMEN WHO STARTED IT __________________________ The Memoir of Jo Ann Gibson Robinson __________________________ Mrs. Jo Ann Gibson Robinson Black women in Montgomery, Alabama, unlocked a remarkable spirit in their city in late 1955. Sick of segregated public transportation, these women decided to wield their financial power against the city bus system and, led by Jo Ann Gibson Robinson (1912-1992), convinced Montgomery's African Americans to stop using public transportation. Robinson was born in Georgia and attended the segregated schools of Macon. After graduating from Fort Valley State College, she taught school in Macon and eventually went on to earn an M.A. in English at Atlanta University. In 1949 she took a faculty position at Alabama State College in Mont- gomery. There she joined the Women's Political Council. When a Montgomery bus driver insulted her, she vowed to end racial seating on the city's buses. Using her position as president of the Council, she mounted a boycott. She remained active in the civil rights movement in Montgomery until she left that city in 1960. Her story illustrates how the desire on the part of individuals to resist oppression — once *it is organized, led, and aimed at a specific goal — can be transformed into a mass movement. Mrs. T. M. Glass Ch. 2: The Boycott Begins n Friday morning, December 2, 1955, a goodly number of Mont- gomery’s black clergymen happened to be meeting at the Hilliard O Chapel A. -
Antitrust Status of Farmer Cooperatives
USDA Antitrust Status of Farmer Cooperatives: United States Department of Agriculture The Story of the Capper- Rural Business- Volstead Act Cooperative Service Cooperative Information Report 59 Abstract The Capper-Volstead Act provides a limited exemption from antitrust liability for agricultural producers who market the products they produce on a cooperative basis. Without Capper-Volstead, farmers who agree among themselves on the pric es they'll accept for their products and other terms of trade would risk being held in violation of antitrust law. Even with the exemption, agricultural producers are not free to unduly enhance the prices they charge, consolidate with or collaborate in anticompetitive conduct with nonproducers, or engage in conduct with no legitimate business purpose that is intended to reduce competition. Keywords: cooperative, antitrust, Capper-Volstead Act, law ________________________________________ Antitrust Status of Farmer Cooperatives: The Story of the Capper-Volstead Act Donald A. Frederick Program Leader Law, Policy & Governance Rural Business-Cooperative Service U.S. Department of Agriculture Cooperative Information Report 59 September 2002 RBS publications and information are available on the Internet. The RBS w eb site is: http://www.rurdev.usda.gov/rbs Preface Antitrust law poses a special challenge to agricultural marketing associations. Certain conduct by independent business people-- agreeing on prices, terms of sale, and whom to sell to--violates the Sherman Act and other antitrust statutes. And these are the very types of collaborative activities that agricultural producers conduct through their marketing cooperatives. Since 1922, the Capper-Volstead Act has provided a limited antitrust exemption for agricultural marketing associations. Producers, through qualifying associations, can agree on prices and other terms of sale, select the extent of their joint marketing activity, agree on common marketing practices with other cooperatives, and achieve substantial market share and influence. -
Deception, Disinformation, and Strategic Communications: How One Interagency Group Made a Major Difference by Fletcher Schoen and Christopher J
STRATEGIC PERSPECTIVES 11 Deception, Disinformation, and Strategic Communications: How One Interagency Group Made a Major Difference by Fletcher Schoen and Christopher J. Lamb Center for Strategic Research Institute for National Strategic Studies National Defense University Institute for National Strategic Studies National Defense University The Institute for National Strategic Studies (INSS) is National Defense University’s (NDU’s) dedicated research arm. INSS includes the Center for Strategic Research, Center for Complex Operations, Center for the Study of Chinese Military Affairs, Center for Technology and National Security Policy, Center for Transatlantic Security Studies, and Conflict Records Research Center. The military and civilian analysts and staff who comprise INSS and its subcomponents execute their mission by conducting research and analysis, publishing, and participating in conferences, policy support, and outreach. The mission of INSS is to conduct strategic studies for the Secretary of Defense, Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, and the Unified Combatant Commands in support of the academic programs at NDU and to perform outreach to other U.S. Government agencies and the broader national security community. Cover: Kathleen Bailey presents evidence of forgeries to the press corps. Credit: The Washington Times Deception, Disinformation, and Strategic Communications: How One Interagency Group Made a Major Difference Deception, Disinformation, and Strategic Communications: How One Interagency Group Made a Major Difference By Fletcher Schoen and Christopher J. Lamb Institute for National Strategic Studies Strategic Perspectives, No. 11 Series Editor: Nicholas Rostow National Defense University Press Washington, D.C. June 2012 Opinions, conclusions, and recommendations expressed or implied within are solely those of the contributors and do not necessarily represent the views of the Defense Department or any other agency of the Federal Government. -
The Perimetric Boycott: a Tool for Tobacco Control Advocacy N Offen, E a Smith, R E Malone
272 Tob Control: first published as 10.1136/tc.2005.011247 on 26 July 2005. Downloaded from RESEARCH PAPER The perimetric boycott: a tool for tobacco control advocacy N Offen, E A Smith, R E Malone ............................................................................................................................... Tobacco Control 2005;14:272–277. doi: 10.1136/tc.2005.011247 Objectives: To propose criteria to help advocates: (1) determine when tobacco related boycotts may be useful; (2) select appropriate targets; and (3) predict and measure boycott success. See end of article for Methods: Analysis of tobacco focused boycotts retrieved from internal tobacco industry documents authors’ affiliations websites and other scholarship on boycotts. ....................... Results: Tobacco related boycotts may be characterised by boycott target and reason undertaken. Most Correspondence to: boycotts targeted the industry itself and were called for political or economic reasons unrelated to tobacco Naphtali Offen, disease, often resulting in settlements that gave the industry marketing and public relations advantages. Department of Social and Even a lengthy health focused boycott of tobacco industry food subsidiaries accomplished little, making Behavioral Sciences Box demands the industry was unlikely to meet. In contrast, a perimetric boycott (targeting institutions at the 0612, University of California, San Francisco, perimeter of the core target) of an organisation that was taking tobacco money mobilised its constituency CA 94143, USA; and convinced the organisation to end the practice. [email protected] Conclusions: Direct boycotts of the industry have rarely advanced tobacco control. Perimetric boycotts of Received 25 January 2005 industry allies offer advocates a promising tool for further marginalising the industry. Successful boycotts Accepted 13 April 2005 include a focus on the public health consequences of tobacco use; an accessible point of pressure; a mutual ...................... -
FAKE NEWS!”: President Trump’S Campaign Against the Media on @Realdonaldtrump and Reactions to It on Twitter
“FAKE NEWS!”: President Trump’s Campaign Against the Media on @realdonaldtrump and Reactions To It on Twitter A PEORIA Project White Paper Michael Cornfield GWU Graduate School of Political Management [email protected] April 10, 2019 This report was made possible by a generous grant from William Madway. SUMMARY: This white paper examines President Trump’s campaign to fan distrust of the news media (Fox News excepted) through his tweeting of the phrase “Fake News (Media).” The report identifies and illustrates eight delegitimation techniques found in the twenty-five most retweeted Trump tweets containing that phrase between January 1, 2017 and August 31, 2018. The report also looks at direct responses and public reactions to those tweets, as found respectively on the comment thread at @realdonaldtrump and in random samples (N = 2500) of US computer-based tweets containing the term on the days in that time period of his most retweeted “Fake News” tweets. Along with the high percentage of retweets built into this search, the sample exhibits techniques and patterns of response which are identified and illustrated. The main findings: ● The term “fake news” emerged in public usage in October 2016 to describe hoaxes, rumors, and false alarms, primarily in connection with the Trump-Clinton presidential contest and its electoral result. ● President-elect Trump adopted the term, intensified it into “Fake News,” and directed it at “Fake News Media” starting in December 2016-January 2017. 1 ● Subsequently, the term has been used on Twitter largely in relation to Trump tweets that deploy it. In other words, “Fake News” rarely appears on Twitter referring to something other than what Trump is tweeting about. -
Culture Jamming
Acknowledgements First and foremost, I would like to thank Vincent de Jong for introducing me to the intricacy of the easyCity action, and for taking the time to answer my questions along my exploration of the case. I also want to thank Robin van t’ Haar for his surprising, and unique, contribution to my investigations of the easyCity action. Rozalinda Borcila, the insights you have shared with me have been a crucial reminder of my own privilieged position – your reflections, I hope, also became a marker in what I have written. Also, I would like to thank others that somehow made my fieldwork possible, and influenced my ‘learning’ of activism and culture jamming. Of these I would especially like to thank Nina Haukeland for introducing me to the politics of activism, Kirsti Hyldmo for reminding me of the realities of exploitation, Åse Brandvold for a skilled introduction to the thoughts and tools of culture jamming, and Maria Astrup for showing me the pleasures and powers of aesthetics. Also, I would like to thank the Norwegian Adbusters Network, and the editorial groups of Vreng. To my main advisor Professor Kristian Stokke, I would like to thank you for the excellent support you have given me throughout my master studies. Your insights have been of grate value, and I cannot thank you enough for continually challenging me. Also, the feedback from Olve Krange, my second advisor, was crucial at the early stage of developing the thesis, to defining its object of inquiry, and finally when writing my conclusion. I would also like to express my appreciation to Professor Oddrun Sæther for an excellent introduction to the field of cultural studies, to Professor Matt Sparke at the University of Washington for demonstrating the intriguing complexities of political geography, and to PhD candidate Stephen Young, for proof reading and fruitful inputs at the final stage of writing. -
“What I'm Not Gonna Buy”: Algorithmic Culture Jamming And
‘What I’m not gonna buy’: Algorithmic culture jamming and anti-consumer politics on YouTube Item Type Article Authors Wood, Rachel Citation Wood, R. (2020). ‘What I’m not gonna buy’: Algorithmic culture jamming and anti-consumer politics on YouTube. New Media & Society. Publisher Sage Journals Journal New Media and Society Download date 30/09/2021 04:58:05 Item License https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/ Link to Item http://hdl.handle.net/10034/623570 “What I’m not gonna buy”: algorithmic culture jamming and anti-consumer politics on YouTube ‘I feel like a lot of YouTubers hyperbolise all the time, they talk about how you need things, how important these products are for your life and all that stuff. So, I’m basically going to be talking about how much you don’t need things, and it’s the exact same thing that everyone else is doing, except I’m being extreme in the other way’. So states Kimberly Clark in her first ‘anti-haul’ video (2015), a YouTube vlog in which she lists beauty products that she is ‘not gonna buy’.i Since widely imitated by other beauty YouTube vloggers, the anti-haul vlog is a deliberate attempt to resist the celebration of beauty consumption in beauty ‘influencer’ social media culture. Anti- haul vloggers have much in common with other ethical or anti-consumer lifestyle experts (Meissner, 2019) and the growing ranks of online ‘environmental influencers’ (Heathman, 2019). These influencers play an important intermediary function, where complex ethical questions are broken down into manageable and rewarding tasks, projects or challenges (Haider, 2016: p.484; Joosse and Brydges, 2018: p.697). -
Constitutional Law - Freedom of Association and the Political Boycott Elaine Cohoon
Campbell Law Review Volume 5 Article 4 Issue 2 Spring 1983 January 1983 Constitutional Law - Freedom of Association and the Political Boycott Elaine Cohoon Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarship.law.campbell.edu/clr Part of the Constitutional Law Commons Recommended Citation Elaine Cohoon, Constitutional Law - Freedom of Association and the Political Boycott, 5 Campbell L. Rev. 359 (1983). This Note is brought to you for free and open access by Scholarly Repository @ Campbell University School of Law. It has been accepted for inclusion in Campbell Law Review by an authorized administrator of Scholarly Repository @ Campbell University School of Law. Cohoon: Constitutional Law - Freedom of Association and the Political Boy NOTES CONSTITUTIONAL LAW-FREEDOM OF ASSOCIATION AND THE POLITICAL BOYCOTT-N.A.A.C.P. v. CLAIBORNE HARDWARE CO., 102 S. Ct. 3409 (1982). INTRODUCTION When several people with a common goal join together to achieve that goal, are their actions conspiratal or constitutionally protected? When that concerted action leads to economic losses, is the action unfair anti-competition or merely effective political per- suasion? The courts have been troubled by this dichotomy for years, switching sides with confusing regularity. Civil or criminal conspiracy has been severely punished because of the greater threat offered by the concerted actions of a group.' On the other hand, "the practice of persons sharing common views banding to- gether to achieve a common end is deeply embedded in the Ameri- can political process.''2 Even when there is no question of criminal or civil conspiracy, concerted actions have been prohibited for other reasons. -
In the United States Court of Appeals for the Eleventh
Case: 15-14160 Date Filed: 03/04/2019 Page: 1 of 74 [PUBLISH] IN THE UNITED STATES COURT OF APPEALS FOR THE ELEVENTH CIRCUIT ________________________ No. 15-14160 ________________________ D.C. Docket Nos. 6:14-md-02557-GAP-TBS, 6:14-cv-06012-GAP-TBS QUALITY AUTO PAINTING CENTER OF ROSELLE, INC., Traded as Prestige Auto Body, Plaintiff-Appellant, versus STATE FARM INDEMNITY COMPANY, STATE FARM GUARANTY INSURANCE COMPANY, et al., Defendants-Appellees. ________________________ No. 15-14162 ________________________ D.C. Docket Nos. 6:14-md-02557-GAP-TBS, 6:14-cv-06013-GAP-TBS ULTIMATE COLLISION REPAIR, INC., Case: 15-14160 Date Filed: 03/04/2019 Page: 2 of 74 Plaintiff-Appellant, versus STATE FARM INDEMNITY COMPANY, STATE FARM GUARANTY INSURANCE COMPANY, et al., Defendants-Appellees. ________________________ No. 15-14178 ________________________ D.C. Docket Nos. 6:14-md-02557-GAP-TBS, 6:14-cv-06018-GAP-TBS CAMPBELL COUNTY AUTO BODY, INC., Plaintiff-Appellant, versus STATE FARM MUTUAL AUTOMOBILE INSURANCE COMPANY, STATE FARM FIRE & CASUALTY COMPANY, et al., Defendants-Appellees. ________________________ No. 15-14179 ________________________ D.C. Docket Nos. 6:14-md-02557-GAP-TBS, 2 Case: 15-14160 Date Filed: 03/04/2019 Page: 3 of 74 6:14-cv-06019-GAP-TBS LEE PAPPAS BODY SHOP, INC., DAVID C. BROSIUS, d.b.a. Martins Auto Body Works, Inc., ART WALKER AUTO SERVICES, INC., WHITEFORD COLLISION AND REFINISHING, INC., Plaintiffs-Appellants, versus STATE FARM MUTUAL AUTOMOBILE INSURANCE COMPANY, STATE FARM FIRE & CASUALTY COMPANY, et al, Defendants-Appellees. ________________________ No. 15-14180 ________________________ D.C. Docket Nos. 6:14-md-02557-GAP-TBS, 6:15-cv-06022-GAP-TBS CONCORD AUTO BODY, INC., Plaintiff-Appellant, versus STATE FARM MUTUAL AUTOMOBILE INSURANCE COMPANY, STATE FARM FIRE & CASUALTY COMPANY, et al, 3 Case: 15-14160 Date Filed: 03/04/2019 Page: 4 of 74 Defendants-Appellees. -
301-309. Consumer Activism for Social Change A
Lightfoot, E. B. (2019). Consumer Activism for Social Change. Social Work, 64(4), 301-309. Consumer Activism for Social Change Abstract Consumer activism, or activism through participating in the market such as through boycotts or ethical shopping, is the most common form of political action in the United States aside from voting. While consumer activism was a popular macro practice social work intervention by social work pioneers and has been an important part of many social change movements, it is rarely discussed formally in the field of social work today. This article provides an overview of consumer activism as a social work intervention, describes historical and twenty-first century examples of consumer activism, discusses the effectiveness of consumer activism, and discusses the strengths and challenges of consumer activism for social workers who engage in it either professionally or personally. This is the unedited Author’s Copy. The published article is: Lightfoot, E. B. (2019). Consumer Activism for Social Change. Social Work, 64(4), 301-309. Lightfoot, E. B. (2019). Consumer Activism for Social Change. Social Work, 64(4), 301-309. Consumer activism is activism taken by consumers through participating in the market. This can involve activities such as choosing to shop for only fair-trade products or boycotting a company because of its labor practices. Consumer activism has a long history in the United States (US), and more than half of US citizens have participated in a form of consumer activism in their lives, with more than a third participating in the past year (Keeter, Zukin, Zndolina & Jenkins, 2002). Aside from voting, consumer activism is the most common way that citizens engage in political participation and is far more common than other types of political engagement, such as contacting legislators, fundraising for charity, taking part in a protest or volunteering for a candidate. -
The Stamp Act and Methods of Protest
Page 33 Chapter 8 The Stamp Act and Methods of Protest espite the many arguments made against it, the Stamp Act was passed and scheduled to be enforced on November 1, 1765. The colonists found ever more vigorous and violent ways to D protest the Act. In Virginia, a tall backwoods lawyer, Patrick Henry, made a fiery speech and pushed five resolutions through the Virginia Assembly. In Boston, an angry mob inspired by Sam Adams and the Sons of Liberty destroyed property belonging to a man rumored to be a Stamp agent and to Lt. Governor Thomas Hutchinson. In New York, delegates from nine colonies, sitting as the Stamp Act Congress, petitioned the King and Parliament for repeal. In Philadelphia, New York, and other seaport towns, merchants pledged not to buy or sell British goods until the hated stamp tax was repealed. This storm of resistance and protest eventually had the desired effect. Stamp sgents hastily resigned their Commissions and not a single stamp was ever sold in the colonies. Meanwhile, British merchants petitioned Parliament to repeal the Stamp Act. In 1766, the law was repealed but replaced with the Declaratory Act, which stated that Parliament had the right to make laws binding on the colonies "in all cases whatsoever." The methods used to protest the Stamp Act raised issues concerning the use of illegal and violent protest, which are considered in this chapter. May: Patrick Henry and the Virginia Resolutions Patrick Henry had been a member of Virginia's House of Burgess (Assembly) for exactly nine days as the May session was drawing to a close.