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Traditional land use practices, biodiversity and community wellbeing in a Mediterranean cultural landscape

A case study of the ,

Moroccan Biodiversity and Livelihoods Association & Global Diversity Foundation

February 2020

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Contents

CONTENTS ...... 2 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ...... 4 ACRONYMS AND NOTES ON TRANSCRIPTION ...... 5 LIST OF FIGURES AND MAPS ...... 6 LIST OF TABLES ...... 7 LIST OF BOXES ...... 7 I. INTRODUCTION ...... 8

I.1 HIGH ATLAS CULTURAL LANDSCAPES PROGRAMME ...... 9 I.2 STRUCTURE OF THE REPORT ...... 12 II. TRADITIONAL LAND USE PRACTICES IN MEDITERRANEAN CULTURAL LANDSCAPES: LITERATURE REVIEW 13 III. THE MOROCCAN HIGH ATLAS AS A CASE STUDY ...... 15

III.1 THE HIGH ATLAS OF MOROCCO ...... 15 III.2 CASE STUDY SITES ...... 18 IV. METHODOLOGY ...... 27

IV.1 RESEARCH ETHICS AND FREE, PRIOR AND INFORMED CONSENT (FPIC) ...... 27 IV.2 RESEARCH STAGES ...... 29 IV.3 DATA COLLECTION AND ANALYSIS METHODS ...... 31 V. AN INTRICATE TAPESTRY: TRADITIONAL LAND USE PRACTICES AND BIODIVERSITY IN THE HIGH ATLAS ... 35

V.1 TRADITIONAL LAND USE AND RESOURCE MANAGEMENT PRACTICES IN THE HIGH ATLAS ...... 35 V.2 HIGH ATLAS CULTURAL LANDSCAPES AS COMPLEX SOCIOECOLOGICAL SYSTEMS ...... 59 V.3 HIGH ATLAS BIODIVERSITY: IMPORTANCE, STATUS AND RELATIONSHIPS WITH TRADITIONAL PRACTICES ...... 62 V.4 THREE BEST PRACTICE TRADITIONAL LANDSCAPE MANAGEMENT STRATEGIES: AGDALS, TERRACED AGROECOSYSTEMS AND SUSTAINABLE PRODUCTION AND HARVEST OF ...... 70 BEST PRACTICE CASE STUDY 1: HIGH ATLAS TERRACED AGROECOSYSTEMS ...... 70 BEST PRACTICE CASE STUDY 2: THE PASTORAL AGDAL OF IGOURDANE ...... 75 BEST PRACTICE CASE STUDY: SUSTAINABLE PRODUCTION AND HARVEST OF PLANTS ...... 80 VI. DYNAMISM AND TRANSFORMATION: CHANGES TO TRADITIONAL PRACTICES, THEIR DRIVERS AND THEIR (POTENTIAL) CONSEQUENCES ...... 81 VII. COMMUNITY-BASED RECOMMENDATIONS, ACTION PLANS AND IMPLEMENTATION GUIDANCE ...... 102

VII.1 COMMUNITY-BASED RECOMMENDATIONS ...... 102 VII.2 HACL PROGRAMME ACTIVITIES AND COMMUNITY ACTION PLANS ...... 110 VII.3 LESSONS LEARNED: TRANSFORMING CHALLENGES INTO OPPORTUNITIES ...... 119 VII.4 IMPLEMENTATION GUIDANCE: KEYS TO SUCCESS IN MAINTAINING, RESTORING AND PROMOTING MEDITERRANEAN CULTURAL LANDSCAPES ...... 122 VIII. BALANCING TRADITION AND INNOVATION: HOW TO SUPPORT AND PROMOTE BEST PRACTICES FOR MAINTAINING HIGH ATLAS CULTURAL LANDSCAPES ...... 124

VIII.1 AGDALS ...... 124 VIII.2 TERRACED AGROECOSYSTEMS ...... 125 VIII.3 SUSTAINABLE PRODUCTION AND HARVEST OF PLANTS ...... 126 IX. CONCLUSION ...... 128 BIBLIOGRAPHY ...... 129

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APPENDIX: EXTENDED AMAZIGH--ENGLISH GLOSSARY OF TERMS RELATED WITH CPCS IN AIT M’HAMED, IMEGDAL AND OUKAÏMEDEN ...... 136 ANNEX LIST ...... 147

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Acknowledgements We would like to first of all thank all the community members and authorities of the communes of Ait M’hamed, Imegdal and Oukaïmeden for sharing their knowledge and perspectives with us and participating so actively in the research presented in this report. We also thank all of our local partners and the Department of Water and Forests, who supported and enabled this research. We also thank all of the MSc students whose theses contributed to this report, in particular Louisa Aarrass. Finally, we would like to thank MAVA Foundation and Open Society Foundations for so generously supporting the implementation of this research, and the Critical Partnership Fund for their support in bringing it together in this report.

This report is the result of the work carried out by all members of the Moroccan Biodiversity and Livelihoods Association - Global Diversity Foundation team between 2016 and 2019:

Abdellah Aghraz Rachid Ait Babahmad Hamid Ait Baskad Mohamed Ait Boujamaa Fadma Ait Iligh Touda Atyah Ahmed Bendella Emily Caruso Fatima Chaari Ugo D’Ambrosio Pommelien da Silva Cosme Pablo Dominguez Abdeddaim El Hajjam Mohamed El Haouzi Gary Martin Adel Merzoug Soufiane M’Sou Sifedine Ouahdani Hassan Ouchaha Mohamed Ouknine Said Ourhzif Hassan Rankou Omar Saadani Hassani Hajar Salamat Inanc Tekguc Irene Teixidor-Toneu Youssef Yakoubi

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Acronyms and notes on transcription AMH Rural commune of Ait M’hamed, province CAP Community Action Plan CPC Cultural Practices of Conservation (another term for Traditional Land Use Practices) DEAFAL European Delegation for Family Farming in Africa, and DREF Département des Eaux et Forets GDF Global Diversity Foundation ICARDA International Centre for Agriculture in the Dry Areas IMG Rural commune of Imegdal, INRA National Agricultural Research Institute IUCN International Union for Nature Conservation MBLA Moroccan Biodiversity and Livelihoods Association ORMVAH Office Régionale de la Mise en Valeur de Al Haouz OUK Rural commune of Oukaïmeden, Al Haouz province

Note on transcription: Some Amazigh/Arabic phonemes do not have a counterpart in Latin alphabets, thus additional characters are used to describe them. Especially for the Amazigh letter ⵄ (yaɛ), followed by ع /ayn or ɛayn), we have used Â/â and Ä/ä to designate ⵄ') ع corresponding to the Arabic .followed by a consonant ع /a vowel while Ê/ê is used to designate ⵄ

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List of figures and maps Figure 1: Moroccan High Atlas, , Anti Atlas, Mountains and Arganeraie region ...... 8 Figure 2: The four principal sites of the High Atlas Cultural Landscapes Programme: Imegdal, Ourika, Oukaïmeden and Ait M’hamed, represented relative to the city of Marrakech...... 10 Figure 3: Moroccan High Atlas landscapes (A: Agdal, B: Mounatin, C: Agroecosystem) ...... 16 Figure 4: Distribution map of Amazigh languages in Morocco ...... 17 Figure 5: Territory, road, waterways and villages of Imegdal commune. The douars where in-depth research was carried out are highlighted in yellow: Warti, Aguerd and Ameslane ...... 19 Figure 6: Landscape of Ighrm douar in Imegdal...... 20 Figure 7: Territory, roads, waterways and douars of Ait M’hamed. Highlighted in yellow are the three douars where in-depth research has been carried out: Bernat, Ait M’hamed centre (in the middle) and Wabzaza, ...... 22 Figure 8: Bernat Basin in Ait M’hamed ...... 23 Figure 9: The commune and important geographical features of Oukaïmeden...... 25 Figure 10: Agdal of Oukaïmeden ...... 26 Figure 11. Agricultural calendars for Ait M'hamed agdals (a) and crop production (b), and Imegdal's transhumance, l aêzib (c) and crop production (d)...... 60 Figure 12. Resource spaces and appropriation levels in the High Atlas adapted from Auclair et al. (2012)...... 61 Figure 13: Most diverse vascular families of the Igourdane Agdal ...... 64 Figure 14: Specific richness of Imegdal flora ...... 65 Figure 15: Summary of the number and IUCN Red List Assessments of the endemic High Atlas flora, by family...... 66 Figure 16: Flowchart illustrating our ecological monitoring methodology...... 68 Figure 17: The fertile valley terracing system where the majority of local agriculture is practiced, situated between Anamer and the neighboring village, Taourirt...... 71 Figure 18: Blue iris (Iris germanica) roots being harvested, typically for export sales...... 72 Figure 19: (left) Household food waste being given to livestock rather than being composted due to the nature of nutrient cycling in an agropastoralist community. (right) Ploughing a field using donkeys prior to applying manure and then resowing...... 73 Figure 20: (left) Cement targa being used to irrigate a nearby field. (right) Cement targa which was previously earthen, bordered by trees that were once watered by the process of infiltration through the permeable canal, and which now have died...... 74 Figure 21: Harvesting garnounch (Nasturtium officinale) near a clay targa ...... 74 Figure 22: Samples of the soil types recognized by Amazigh communities ...... 75 Figure 23: Position of Igourdane Agdal within Morocco Figure 24: The Igourdane Agdal in Ait M’hamed 76 Figure 25: (left) Landscape in the agdal and (right) Assif n Tamda creek inside the agdal ...... 77 Figure 26: (left) Agdal sector with caespitose and (right) Degraded forest inside the agdal (Ifskane) ...... 78 Figure 27: Timeline of changes in the Igourdane agdal (AMH) according to the Ait Atta, Ait Ali and Ait M’hamed tribal groups ...... 79 Figure 28: Change in CPCs mentioned by informants during structured interviews in Ait M’hamed. Only aspects of change with more than three citations have been represented. Blob sizes are proportional to the number and citations and colouring represents different axes of change: environmental (light green), farming (dark green), sociodemographic and cultural (yellow) and administrative/institutional (blue)...... 82

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Figure 29: Change in CPCs mentioned by informants during Phase 1 structured interviews in Imegdal. Only aspects of change with more than three citations have been represented. Blob sizes are proportional to the number and citations and colouring represents different axes of change: environmental (light green), farming (dark green), sociodemographic and cultural (yellow) and administrative/institutional (blue)...... 82 Figure 30: Timeline constructed by men in Ait M'hamed ...... 88 Figure 31: Timeline constructed by women in Ait M'hamed...... 89 Figure 32: Timeline constructed by men in Imegdal...... 90 Figure 33: Timeline constructed by women in Imegdal ...... 91 Figure 34: Timeline constructed by men in Oukaïmeden ...... 92 Figure 35: Timeline constructed by women in Oukaïmeden ...... 93 Figure 36:The metaphor of the Moroccan stool we use to visualize the CAPs.: ...... 110

List of tables Table 1: Summary of traditional land use practices in Ait M’hamed, Imegdal and Oukaïmeden ...... 36 Table 2: Summary of the Red List status of of the endemic High Atlas flora by threat category...... 66 Table 3: Changes to traditional practices as perceived by the men and women of AMH, IMG and OUK ...... 83 Table 4: Key drivers of change as perceived by the men and women of Ait M’hamed, Imegdal and Oukaïmeden ...... 94 Table 5: Community-based recommendations for maintaining and promoting traditional practices and community wellbeing, as reported by men and women in Ait M’hamed, Imegdal and Oukaïmeden ...... 103 Table 6: Community Action Plans: pillars and needs ...... 111

List of boxes

BOX 1: HIGH ATLAS CULTURAL LANDSCAPES PROGRAMME PARTNERS AND STAKEHOLDERS ...... 11 BOX 2: PRIMARY CHALLENGES AND RECOMMENDATIONS ...... 107 BOX 3: PILLAR 1 NEEDS AND ACTIONS (DETAILED PROGRAMME IN ANNEXES 10 AND 11)...... 113 BOX 4: PILLAR 2 NEEDS AND ACTIONS (DETAILED TIMELINE AVAILABLE IN ANNEXES 10 AND 11) ...... 114 BOX 5: PILLAR 3 NEEDS AND ACTIONS (DETAILED TIMETABLE AVAILABLE IN ANNEXES 10 AND 11) ...... 116 BOX 6: PILLAR 4 NEEDS AND ACTIVITIES (DETAILED TIMETABLE AVAILABLE IN ANNEXES 10 AND 11) ...... 118

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I. Introduction Mediterranean cultural landscapes, developed through human-environment interactions over the course of millennia, host important biodiversity and that are maintained through traditional land use practices. While this is known, and increasing attention and regional funds are directed towards the maintenance of traditional land use practices that benefit biodiversity, there is a lack of systematic, publicly-available evidence and analysis of the relationships between traditional land use practices and biodiversity and the changes they are undergoing. The present review is part of a regional initiative funded by the Critical Ecosystem Partnership Fund to gather and share available data, reflections and best practice recommendations on these relationships through the compilation of key case studies. The present review offers an in-depth case study of traditional land use practices in the South-to-East ark of the Moroccan High Atlas (See Figure 1) and the relationships between these practices and biodiversity and community wellbeing. Alongside three other regional case studies, carried out in , Tunisia and , it contributes to a regional overview of the topic, the aim of which is to inform future efforts to maintain, restore and support these traditional management systems.

Since 2013, the Moroccan Biodiversity and Livelihoods Association and our partner Global Diversity Foundation have implemented in-depth participatory action research in selected communes in the Moroccan High Atlas on the topic of traditional land use practices and their impacts on biodiversity as part of our High Atlas Cultural Landscapes programme. While focused on longitudinal research in these four communes, our research has required a broader exploration of the literature on traditional management systems throughout the High Atlas and Arganeraie region, through the Middle Atlas, to the Rif Mountains in the North (See Figure 1).

Figure 1: Moroccan High Atlas, Middle Atlas, Anti Atlas, Rif Mountains and Arganeraie region

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The objective of this review is threefold. We gather all available data and information on the relationships between traditional land use practices, biodiversity and community wellbeing in the Moroccan High Atlas. We examine, through participatory processes, how changes to these practices impact biodiversity and wellbeing and analyse what drives these changes. Finally, we propose examples of best practice and recommendations for maintaining, restoring and promoting traditional practices in accordance with community aspirations and positive environmental outcomes. As part of this, we examine the wider political, economic and social context necessary for these best practices to prevail. Our ultimate goal is that the review’s evidence, analysis and best practice recommendations are used to (a) sustain traditional land-use practices throughout Morocco and the broader region and (b) ensure local communities benefit from their ongoing careful stewardship of these landscapes. Brought into dialogue with the other three case studies, our review participates in the envisioning of a Mediterranean region in which local communities and the unique biodiversity they have maintained and enhanced over millennia continue to thrive in the impressive cultural landscapes they have sculpted in tandem. Prior to providing a full literature review on the topic of the review, we share some important contextual information on our High Atlas Cultural Landscapes programme.

I.1 High Atlas Cultural Landscapes Programme The landscapes of the High in Morocco have been shaped by millennial relationships between humans and nature. Rural communities still maintain ancient practices, including seasonal transhumance, traditional irrigation systems and communal management of pastures and plants, which sustain the unique biodiversity of these extraordinary cultural landscapes. However, rapidly changing climatic, economic and social realities increasingly threaten traditional knowledge and practices, alongside the landscapes they relate to. Increasingly severe droughts, decreasing monetary rewards from traditional agriculture and pastoralism, and massive rural exodus contribute to the erosion of cultural values and community cohesion. The difficulties of making a living in the harsh High Atlas environment contribute to unsustainable resource use, reduction of biodiversity and a loss of interest amount the younger generation in traditional knowledge and practices.

Through our High Atlas Cultural Landscapes programme, we collaborate with four communes in the High Atlas Mountains (see Figure 2) – Ait M’hamed in the and Imegdal, Ourika and Oukaïmeden in the province of El Haouz – and a wide range of local and national stakeholders (see Box 1) to achieve our vision of diverse, well-managed and community-governed High Atlas cultural landscapes.

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Figure 2: The four principal sites of the High Atlas Cultural Landscapes Programme: Imegdal, Ourika, Oukaïmeden and Ait M’hamed, represented relative to the city of Marrakech.

Our approach is founded on the principles of free, prior and informed consent, community ownership and participatory decision-making (see Chapter IV for further details). The following core strategies help us achieve our vision:

To implement these strategies, we organise our activities into six sub-programmes: Biodiversity Conservation, Cultural Practices, Governance and Policy, Agroecology, Biocultural Education and Youth, and Local Product Commercialisation.

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Box 1: High Atlas Cultural Landscapes Programme Partners and Stakeholders

Local and regional partners Local authorities from the communes of Ait M’hamed (AMH), Imegdal (IMG) and Oukaïmeden (OUK) Cooperatives: Imdoukal Znaga (IMG), Titbirine N’Imegdal (IMG), Agricultural cooperative of Bernat (AMH), Cooperative of Wabzaza, Agricultural cooperative of Oukaïmeden (OUK), Eljamaan women cooperative (OUK). Associations: Association for Beneficence and Development of the Ourika Basin, Ait Lkak Association (OUK), Aska Association (AMH), Development association of Igherm (IMG), CHU Friends association. Regional government of Azilal and AL Haouz Local Authorities of Imegdal, Ait M’hamed and Oukaïmeden Regional Department for Water and Forests (DREF) Office Régional de la Mise en Valeur Agricole du Haouz (ORMVAH) MARK Herbarium club and Friends of the Botanical Gardens

National partners Radiant Design Resing Cadi Ayyad University Zerynthia Consulting Institut Agronomique et Vétérinaire Hassan II Association Terre et Humanisme Association des Enseignants des Sciences de la Vie et de la Terre Ethnobotanica (social enterprise) Réseau des Initiatives Agroécologiques au Maroc National Institute for Agricultural Research (INRA) Federation for the Democratic League of Women’s Rights:

International partners DEAFAL (NGO) ICARDA (International Research Institution) Cagliari Botanical Gardens IUCN-Mediterranean Regional Cooperation Platform for Agrobiodiversity Research (BioVersity International) Slow Food International MAVA M6 Cultural Landscapes partnership organisations (Transhumancia y Naturaleza, Society for the Protection of Nature in Lebanon, Shouf Biosphere Reserve, WWF Spain, WWF Portugal, Mediterannean Institute for Nature and Anthropos) University of Kent University of Kassel Natural Sciences Museum Granollers

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The present case study draws on activities carried out under all of these sub-programmes and is rooted in the documentation of Amazigh ecological stewardship and communal management practices carried out as part of the Cultural Practices and Biodiversity Conservation components. As described in Chapter IV below, we co-designed the methodology with community members, leading to a collaborative process of data collection and analysis.

Through this process we documented how the multifaceted practices impact High Atlas cultural landscapes – and the biodiversity they harbour – in three important ways. First, we found they create mosaics of cultivated and grazing areas sustained by communally managed water supplies that shape the landscape, maintain specific topographic features and produce biodiversity distribution patterns. Second, we discovered that through intensive management and selective use of plant resources, they specifically influence floristic diversity. Third, we have learned that by embodying local values on access to lands and resources, they regulate interactions among people and with the local environment. Through an analysis of the relationships among diverse elements of local ethnoecological systems, we continue to explore cultural practices of conservation and its implications in maintaining Mediterranean biocultural landscapes of Amazigh communities in montane regions.

I.2 Structure of the report Chapter II provides a review of the literature on the relationships between traditional land use practices, biodiversity and cultural landscapes with a particular focus on the Mediterranean. Following this, in Chapter III, we describe contextual information on the case study, including on location, history, , socioeconomic status and demography. We share site descriptions for each of our case study sites – Ait M’hamed, Imegdal and Oukaïmeden. Chapter IV provides a thorough overview of our staged methodology and general approach to community-based research, paving the way for Chapter V wherein we describe and share the core data collected on traditional land use practices and their relationships with biodiversity. In Chapter VI we share the results of our research on changes to these practices and the drivers of these changes, as perceived by community members and in Chapter VII we outline the community-based recommendations to maintain, restore and promote these practices and community wellbeing that we collated, the Community Action Plans we co-created with community members to implement these recommendations. Finally, in Chapter VIII, we share the best practices we have distilled from our multiyear programme of work and suggested actions to maintain, support and promote them. Chapter IX provides a conclusion.

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II. Traditional land use practices in Mediterranean cultural landscapes: literature review Characteristic ecosystems in the Mediterranean have co-evolved with people, producing varied cultural landscapes that require active human management to sustain biodiversity (Blondel, 2006; Bugalho et al., 2011; Thompson, 2005). Biodiversity richness in the Mediterranean is often linked to ecological spatial heterogeneity, shaped by diverse climatic and geographical conditions as well as traditional agro-ecological practices, historical processes and other elements linked to local livelihoods (Atauri & de Lucio, 2001; Thompson, 2005). The idea that certain culture-specific practices may have a positive impact on biodiversity conservation is based on observed sustainable use and intimate knowledge of biodiversity by peoples who rely on natural resources for their livelihoods (Gadgil et al., 1993; Xu et al., 2009). This implicit understanding of interrelated ecological processes guides practices of environmental management. The contribution of local knowledge to the sustainable use of natural resources is widely acknowledged and has stimulated the development of less centralized models for biodiversity conservation (Berkes, 2003; Berkes et al., 2000; Fernandez-Gimenez, 2000; Jarvis & Hodgkin, 2000; Oba et al., 2000; Soleri & Smith, 1999; Wilkes, 1991). Socio-environmental and biocultural approaches are not new, yet have been inadequately represented in conservation programs (Wehi and Lord 2017) despite the growing amount of research pointing to the relevance of cultural practices to biodiversity conservation in Africa and beyond (Kideghesho 2009; Asante et al. 2017). Conservation managers and policy-makers still struggle to implement a socio-environmental approach despite the well documented and increasingly acknowledged role of indigenous ecological knowledge and traditional practices in sustaining resource use, conserving biodiversity and contributing to ecosystem resilience. This is especially true for , where predominantly top- down conservation and development policies have given little voice to local communities (Montanari & Bergh, 2014) and where human and environmental factors have been only slightly integrated in management plans and policies. This partly results from the lack of effective transdisciplinary action research (Dorward, 2014; Ostrom 2009), the focus on biodiversity studies as compared to ethnobiological ones, and the absence of engaged collaboration between various actors and stakeholders (Berkes, 2007, 2011; Ostrom, 2009).

Local ecological knowledge and culture-specific resource management have been a central focus of contemporary academic inquiry in Morocco, including studies on the argan agroforestry system (El Harousse et al. 2012; Simenel et al. 2009), Jebala cultural landscapes (Aumeeruddy et al. 2017), oasis agroecosystems and the agdal sylvo-pastoral resource management system (see, for example, Auclair and Alifriqui, 2012). Agdals, of particular importance in the High Atlas, are systems “of seasonal prohibitions that limit access to one or more agro-sylvo-pastoral resources in order to allow them to recover from direct or indirect human pressure during their most critical period of growth” (Domínguez et al., 2012: p.278). Only pastoral and forest agdals have been studied in depth (see for example, Auclair et al., 2012; Auclair & Alifriqui, 2012). Outside the agdal system, Baumann (2009) shows that transhumant grazing practices in southern Morocco are adapted to maintain the resilience of pasturelands and to maximize forage plant production. Southern Moroccan herdsmen adapt their mobility according to the amount of rainfall and the specific buffering capacity of each pasture type. This sustains both the ability of the vegetation to build up a surplus of standing biomass and maintains the vitality of perennial plants even under intensive seasonal grazing (Baumann, 2009). Other aspects of local livelihoods may have an impact on maintaining local habitats, ecological processes and biodiversity, including home gardens (Teixidor-Toneu, 2015), terraced agriculture (MCNC, 2013) and sacred groves (Deil et al., 2005).

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Our fieldwork in the High Atlas focused on describing cultural practices that impact environmental conservation in the rural communes of Ait M’hamed and Imegdal using a community-based participatory approach. As part of our research, we developed an operational definition of ‘cultural practices of conservation’ based on the definition proposed by the Mediterranean Consortium for Nature & Culture (2013): “all actions carried out by local peoples that foster and maintain biodiversity, sustainable land management and viable use of water”. Based on the seminal kosmos-corpus-praxis ethnoecological framework proposed by Toledo (1991) and the knowledge-practice-belief concept described by Berkes et al. (2000), our definition aims to contextualise cultural practices according to the local cosmology or belief system and ground them by taking into account the traditional ecological knowledge necessary for decision-making.

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III. The Moroccan High Atlas as a case study The High Atlas chain in Morocco is an excellent case study for the purpose of this review for a number of reasons. It contains a particularly high biological diversity (Médail & Quézel, 1997) within the Mediterranean biodiversity hotspot (Olson & Dinerstein, 1998) accompanied by rich historical, cultural and linguistic heterogeneity (Taibi et al., 2015; HCP, 2014). It is populated by Amazigh indigenous peoples, who have co-evolved with these dramatic landscapes, developing management systems that are intricately adapted to its demanding environment and utilise local resources with utmost efficiency. As this review will show, Amazigh traditional management systems have resulted in the maintenance of an extraordinary biological diversity in some of the most extreme Mediterranean environments. The resulting iconic cultural landscapes of the High Atlas are amongst the best preserved of the Mediterranean, as they have only recently begun to feel the impacts of globalisation and environmental change. They represent a treasure trove of important lessons and best practices that can be drawn on for the restoration and revitalisation of other important cultural landscapes throughout the Mediterranean.

III.1 The High Atlas of Morocco The High Atlas Mountains stretches along 560 kilometres through central Morocco, separating the heartland of Moroccan economic activity to the north from the Saharan influence to the south. They include the highest mountain peak in North Africa (, 4167 m). Precipitation is concentrated in the winter months, varying from about 400 mm in the foothills to 800 mm+ in the higher valleys, being dryer on the south-facing flanks. Much of the precipitation falls as snow between October and March and can produce a significant cover down from 1500masl upwards (Funnell & Parish, 1999). The region is also subject to intense, short duration rain during the summer that can be destructive and lead to loss of life, as in 1995 (Johnstone, 1997), as well as to recurrent drought periods characteristic of Mediterranean climates (Chbouki et al., 1995).

From about 700masl upwards, vegetation that was once Thuja woodland (Tetraclinis articulata; araar in Arabic) has long been replaced by extensive shrub communities alongside steppe-like grasslands similar to the garrigue of the Mediterranean. From 1200masl upwards, once the prime habitat of the holm oak that was prized for its use in house-building and furniture-making (Williams 1995), the vegetation morphs into a juniper (Juniperus sp.) scrub or stony pasture. The apparent emptiness of these pasturelands is misleading: some of the High Atlas’ unique flora is to be found here, maintained and sustained by the traditional practices of seasonal transhumance and managed grazing. These open, sparse grasslands become increasingly bare as one moves higher up the mountain sides, and eventually merge into a sort of grey and ochre moonscape, occasionally more brightly coloured with mineral rocks. This improbable landscape is punctuated by narrow, emerald valleys where Amazigh communities have created Eden-like refuges from the arid surroundings through careful stewardship of water, soil, plants and livestock. These traditional agroecosystems, structured around small walled terraces where crops and orchards are tended, may sometimes not cover more than 10ha in one valley and yet they are filled with birdsong and the hum of human and animal activity.

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A

B

C Figure 3: Moroccan High Atlas landscapes (A: Agdal, B: Mounatin, C: Agroecosystem)

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As a result of historical demographics, the High Atlas is densely populated by Amazigh-speaking communities. Arab populations first arrived into the in the 7th century AD and had a strong and widespread religious, military and economic impact on indigenous Amazigh populations. Settling mostly in the fertile plains, they maintained a similar lifestyle to that practised in the and Arabian Peninsula. Indigenous Amazigh, who are agropastoral peoples, concentrated in the mountains and more remote areas (Lacoste, 1995). Although Amazigh was recognised as an official language in Morocco in 2011, this recognition was enshrined in law only as recently as June 2019. Thus, Moroccan Arabic is the dominant language in Morocco today. Amazigh languages and dialects that are indigenous to the northwest of Africa (Múrcia & Zenia, 2016), are primary languages in all mountainous (Rif, Middle Altas, High Atlas and Anti Atlas) as well as down to the Atlantic coast southwest of Marrakech (See Figure 4). A significant proportion of Morocco’s urban population (21% according to the 2004 census) also speak Amazigh, primarily as a result of internal migration and marriage. Whilst an important portion of the older population in the High Atlas is monolingual in Tachelhit or Tamazight (the two primary Amazigh languages spoken in the High Atlas), younger generations are increasingly bilingual. Moroccan Arabic (Darija) and Classical Arabic are learned through television and in the local schools, as well as by participation in the market economy, where Darija is the primary communications vehicle.

Figure 4: Distribution map of Amazigh languages in Morocco

In Morocco’s rural areas, including the High Atlas, the smallest administrative divisions are the Rural Communes, which have come to replace the traditional tribal organisation even though they mostly do not overlap with historical tribal territories. Tribes are groups of several families, that may or may not share a common ancestor and are under the authority of a chief in a given territory. According to article 145 of the revised Constitution of 2011 the governor is appointed by the royal Dahir, he is the representative of the supreme authority at the local level. Its power therefore extends over all local

17 institutions. He oversees the application of the Dahir, law and regulations and the execution of government decisions and actions in the provincial prefecture. Referring to the same Constitution, the caid represents the Ministry of the Interior as an agent of authority. As the head of the circle or district, he ensures the execution of laws and regulations, the maintenance of order, security and public tranquillity. On the other hand, the Amazigh tribes in the Moroccan High Atlas are managed by customary law or Azerf (Laorf or customary law which coexists alongside the charaâ). The assembly of representatives, elderly and experienced people who know the inner workings of the tribe, constitutes "the jmaâ", which is the judicial benchmark of the Azerf. The Amazigh’s attachment to this institution is remarkable. Among certain tribes, it constitutes today the only known law, the only rule observed in the management of natural resources. Within the framework of the customary law specific to these traditional local communities, the assemblies "the jmaâ", instituted conservative practices of their territories and, have always taken care to transmit their knowledge and know-how in the matter to the following generations. These ancestral practices are the of long experience and of adaptation to the constraining natural and ecological conditions of the environment and to a socio-economic situation specific to the mountain populations of the High Atlas.

Morocco in general and the High Atlas, in particular, are heavily dependent on agriculture, which represents 19% of the country’s GDP. In the High Atlas, Bellaoui (1989) estimated that the agro- pastoral sector contributes 75% of the local income, a figure that has decreased over the last decades although the primary sector is still predominant (Taibi et al., 2015). As described below, the rural households at the heart of this study (and that are generally representative of rural households throughout Morocco) are sustained predominantly by agro-pastoral activities, supplemented by income from family members engaging in urban migration – temporary or permanent – and the sale of wild-harvested plants and roots.

The spread of state institutions, access to mass media, growing consumption of market commodities alongside migration and engagement wage labour economy are having a profound impact on the lives and livelihoods of the inhabitants of the High Atlas and other rural areas in Morocco (Crawford, 2008; Hoffman, 2002). These impacts are amplified by rapid and unprecedented environmental change. The increase in severity, duration and periodicity of droughts, accompanied by market-driven land use changes, results in increasing pressure on water resources and arable land (Freier et al., 2012)., posing significant risks to both biodiversity and traditional livelihoods in this fragile mountainous . According to climate models, precipitation in North Africa is likely to decrease by another 10-20 % by 2050 and temperatures likely to rise 2-3 °C (Paeth et al., 2009; Schilling et al., 2012), rendering the situation even more precarious. The changes rural communes in the High Atlas are undergoing, and the drivers of these changes, will be discussed at greater length in section VI below.

III.2 Case study sites The rural communes of Ait M’hamed (AMH; 31.87 N, 6.51 W), Imegdal (IME; 31.12 N, 8.14 W) and Oukaïmeden (OUK; 31.20N, 7.40W), where we collected the primary data for this review, are located in a southwest to northeast axis, following the curve of the Moroccan High Atlas (see Figure 2 above).

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Imegdal The rural commune of Imegdal (IME) is located approximately 75km south of Marrakech in the Al Haouz Province (-Safi region). With altitudes ranging from 900 to 2500m, the commune has an area of approximately 278 km2 housing a population of 5537 people in 1156 households distributed in 28 small villages (douars) according to the Moroccan 2014 census (Haut Commissariat au Plan, 2014). Population density is very low (20 inhabitants/km2) when compared to that of the province (79 inhabitants / km2) and is slowly decreasing at a rate of -0.02%. Imegdal is connected by road through a paved single carriageway that runs beside the N’Fiss river connecting Marrakech with the Sous valley south of the High Atlas. Dirt roads branch out from it here and there, reaching most – but not all – of the villages in the commune. The N’Fiss river divides the community: the eastern portion neighbours the National Park of Toubkal where North Africa’s highest peaks are located, and a western fraction sits in the lower-altitude Gurza mountains.

Figure 5: Territory, road, waterways and villages of Imegdal commune. The douars where in-depth research was carried out are highlighted in yellow: Warti, Aguerd and Ameslane

In-depth research and interviews for this review was carried out primarily in three douars in Imegdal: Warti (31.03 N, 08.12 W) and Aguerd (31.08 N, 08.10 W), both situated in the Eastern fraction of commune, and Amslane (31.03 N, 08.04 W), which is located in the western portion of the commune in the foothills of Mount Toubkal. Warti, located 1710masl, is 14km away from the main road that slices Imegdal in half, and has 120 inhabitants distributed in 26 households. Aguerd, located 12km from the Imegdal main road at 1600 masl, houses 600 inhabitants in 70 households. Ameslane, located at 16km from the Imegdal road, is the largest douar and houses 780 inhabitants in 130 households. Collective research activities such as ocus groups and workshops often welcomed inhabitants from

19 other douars, either in the abovementioned douars or in the centralized location of Ighrem, which is located right by the main road. Imegdal is characterised by an arid Mediterranean climate with an annual rainfall of around 300 mm and an average temperature of 28°C. Hot, dry summers, with average maximum temperature reaching 42°C, contrast with cold, wet winters during which average minimum temperatures can reach -2°C. The commune has a high density and diversity of vegetation, representative both of typical Mediterranean forests and scrub as well as the montane grasslands and scrubland (Olson et al., 2001). Evergreen oaks (Quercus ilex) are mixed with patches of Juniperus phoenicea and Juniperus thurifera with scrublands dominated by spiny xerophytes (Olson et al., 2001).

Figure 6: Landscape of Ighrm douar in Imegdal

Most of Imegdal’s inhabitants self-identify as Ishelhin (sing., Ashelhi), and speak Tashelhit, one of the Amazigh languages. Around one third of the male population speak darija (Moroccan Arabic), with most men having a basic understanding of yet, compared with only 20% of women being able to communicate at a basic level in the language (Haut Commissariat au Plan, 2014). According to the tribal map of Morocco, Imegdal’s inhabitants are part of the Goundafa, with origins in southern Morocco.1

Like most rural populations in the High Atlas hinterlands, the inhabitants of Imegdal base their livelihoods in subsistence agriculture and pastoralism, and have only recently begun to engage substantially in other economic activities (Crawford, 2008). Most households rear livestock, mainly cows, sheep and goats. Crops such as carob, apples, walnuts and other nuts and , as well as orris root (Iris germanica) and livestock are sold in local markets. Two medicinal plants collected from the wild are also sold, (mostly Thymus saturejoides) and lavender (mostly Lavandula dentata). Currently, outmigration of men into urban areas is an important source of local revenue, and specialized local occupations, including mining, also contribute to the local economy.

1 Please see tribusdumaroc.free.fr for an interactive map of Morocco’s tribes

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The first schools were established in Imegdal in the 1980s. Imegdal has 4 primary school groupings;2 to pursue high school, students must go to or , which are very distant from many of the more remote villages. In 2014, fewer than 15% of the homes had running water and electricity, the degree of schooling after primary school was extremely low (1.3% overall and 0.1% for women) and 25% of the homes lived under the relative poverty line (Haut Commissariat au Plan, 2014). The inhabitants of Imegdal also have limited access to public healthcare: there is one health centre in the commune with a fulltime nurse, but no permanent doctor. The closest health centre with a doctor is in the neighbouring commune of Ouirgane, which, for the most isolated douars of Imegdal, may be up to 3 hours away by car. The nearest hospital, located in Tahanoute, is a further half-hour away.

Ait M’hamed The Rural Commune of Ait M’hamed (AMH) lies approximately 180 km east of Marrakech in the Azilal province (Béni Mellal-Khénifra region). The community’s surface area is of around 560 km2, with altitudes ranging from 950 to 2600m, with the average lying at 1822m. According to the Moroccan 2014 census Ait M’hamed has a population of 23696 inhabitants in 3493 households dispersed in 45 douars (Haut Commissariat au Plan, 2014). Two paved roads run through Ait M’hamed connecting Azilal with the Ait Bouguemez valley and . Beyond them, dirt roads reach most – but not all – of the most isolated villages in the commune. Its administrative centre, Aït M’hamed, located at 1680 masl has an average yearly temperature of 12.1°C with a precipitation of 561 mm (Taibi et al., 2015).

2 Each primary school group is composed of a number of units, providing even very remote douars with primary schooling. Imegdal has 10 school units per group.

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Figure 7: Territory, roads, waterways and douars of Ait M’hamed. Highlighted in yellow are the three douars where in-depth research has been carried out: Bernat, Ait M’hamed centre (in the middle) and Wabzaza,

Ait M’hamed overlaps with the Oued Bernat watershed; Bernat is an affluent of Oued Lakdhar, which itself flows into the second largest river in Morocco, Oum Er Rabia. The region hosts two Sites of Biological and Ecological Interest (SIBE): Aqqa Wabzaza (terrestrial; priority 1) and Oued Lakhdar (, priority 2). At lower elevations, Ait M’hamed is characterised by a subhumid Mediterranean vegetation, with evergreen oaks (Q. ilex subsp. ballota) and patches of Juniperus phoenicea, Juniperus thurifera and Pinus halepensis. At higher elevations this transitions into stony scrublands dominated by spiny xerophytes (Emberger, 1939). dimorpha, a rare and endemic Ash found only in Morocco and , is relatively abundant in Ait M’hamed commune.

In-depth research and interviews for this review was carried out primarily in three locations in Ait M’hamed: the administrative centre, Bernat valley and Wabzaza valley. Centralised, collective activities were often carried out in the ‘urban centre’ of Ait M’hamed, also known as ‘the souk’ given that it hosts the weekly communal market every Saturday. Social research was concentrated in the Bernat valley (31.50 N, 6.31 W; Alt 1558), which is located about 5km from Ait M’hamed and 25km from the provincial capital of Azilal. This agricultural valley, traversed by the large Oued Bernat, houses a population of 490, distributed in 48 households (Haut Commissariat au Plan, 2004). The valley of Wabzaza (31.57N, 6.20 W; Alt 1600), which is only 6km from Ait M’hamed centre yet of difficult access by dirt road, hosts 1880 inhabitants in 308 households. It boasts a particularly well-preserved and delightful agropastoral landscape, including intact ancient Ighrems (fortified granaries) and is located very close to the large and well-managed agdal (collective highland pasture) of Igourdane.

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Figure 8: Bernat Basin in Ait M’hamed

Most Aït M’hamed inhabitants self-identify as Imazighen (sing. Amazigh) and speak Central High Atlas Tamazight, one of the Amazigh languages. In contrast to the more remote setting of Imegdal, in Ait M’hamed, approximately 50% of men are fluent in darija and most have basic communication skill in it. In contrast, only 20% of women are able to communicate in darija, nonetheless a significantly greater proportion than in Imegdal (Haut Commissariat au Plan, 2014). Ait M’hamed inhabitants are predominantly part of the Ait Messat tribe although neighbouring tribes – including the Ait Atta, Ait Bouguemez, Hansala, Ait Bouzid, Ait Attab, , Soukhmane and Anetifa tribes – are also present. The region where Ait M’hamed is located overlaps with the southwest-to-northeast transition from the Central High Atlas range to the Middle Atlas range, a transition that is mirrored in the linguistic shift from Tashelhit to Tamazight.

The livelihoods of Ait M’hamed households are based on subsistence agriculture and pastoralism, in combination with other economic activities, especially around its administrative centre and in douars located in the proximity of Azilal, the province’s capital. Most households rear livestock, mainly cows, sheep and goats and cultivate fruit and nut crops such as apples, walnuts and various Prunus spp., as well as cereals, alfalfa and onion amongst others. The main produce sold by Ait M’hamed farmers are apples, almonds, walnuts and the fruit of . Outmigration of men into urban areas such as Azilal or farther away is also an important source of local revenue, contributing to the local economy yet affecting local livelihoods.

Within the commune, rates of illiteracy are on average 60.2% (71.9% for women and 49.4% for men) (Haut Commissariat au Plan, 2014). The first schools were established here well before those in Imegdal – in 1957, and Ait M’hamed boasts a mixed high school as well as eight primary school groups (each regrouping 5 units; see footnote 2 above). A community health and maternity centre, staffed by a permanent doctor, two midwives and two nurses, is located in the urban centre of Ait M’hamed. The nearest hospital is located at 20km from the centre in the provincial capital of Azilal. Employment

23 patterns reflect Ait M’hamed’s proximity to an urban centre: the 2004 census showed that 75% of workers are in the primary sector, 15% in the secondary sector and 10% in the tertiary sector in 2004 (Haut Commissariat au Plan, 2004).

Oukaïmeden

The high-altitude rural commune of Oukaïmeden (W 7°540’, N 31°120’), which ranges in altitude from 1900masl to 3600masl, is located approximately 75 km south of Marrakech in the Al Haouz Province, Marrakesh-Safi Region. It has a surface area of approximately 51 km2. According to the 2014 census, it hosts 4,861 inhabitants in 782 households. The climate of Oukaïmeden is characterised by cold, hard winters, where average minimal temperatures reach 5.7 °C, and can include between 82 and 139 sub- zero days a year. Rainfall varies between 400 and 500 mm a year, with abundant snowfall between December and March. Oukaïmeden inhabitants self-identify as Ishelhin and speak local Tashelhit; only 30 % speak Darija (Moroccan Arabic). This study was carried out in the villages of Oukaïmeden, located in the central part of the High Atlas, mainly in Ait Lkak (31 ° 13'50.88 "N 7 ° 48'39.52" W), located at around 2000 m above sea level with 1266 inhabitants spread across 26 households. Workshops and focus groups took place with men and women from the following hamlets: Ibaraghn (31 ° 13'42.97 "N 7 ° 49'3.30 "W), Aghbalou (31 ° 13 '51 .97" N 7 ° 48'48.21 "W) Tekhfist (31.08 N, 08.10 W), Tachdirt (31 ° 9'20.73" N 7 ° 50'44.60 "W), Iguinane (31 ° 14'7.93 "N 7 ° 48'29.18" W). These douars contain several permanent water sources locally called by “Ighzran”, and are also located by rivers (Haroni et al 2009).

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Figure 9: The commune and important geographical features of Oukaïmeden.

The flora of Oukaïmeden’s highland pastures contain a total of 198 known species, organised in 122 genera and 38 families and boast significant richness in endemic species and plants of alpine and boreal origin (Haroni et al 2009). The flora comprises annual and perennial endemic vegetation as well a many varieties of trees. The most frequent trees are: Pinus halepensis (pin d'alep/ Tayda), Juniperus thurifera (Genévrier thurifère), Juglans regia (walnut/lgargaa), Malus domestica (apple/tffah), Pyrus communi (pear/boaouid). The region also hosts several herbaceous wild plants such as: Nasturtium officinale, Mentha suaveolens, Rubia tinctorum, Daphne gnidium, and Malva spp. The Oukaïmeden community nursery was established in 2019 in Ait Lkak and contains around 25 species of plants and trees selected using a participatory approach with community members according to two or more of the following criteria: endemism, economic value and endangered species.

Oukaïmeden has an extensive pastoral agdal, an ancient collective practice of seasonal grazing prohibition aimed at ensuring the vegetation regenerates during the growth and reproduction season (i.e. Spring-Summer; see Figure 10). In Oukaïmeden, local livelihoods are primarily dependent on subsistence agriculture and grazing, with most households breeding livestock, namely cattle, sheep

25 and goats. The principal crops cultivated are: Zea mays (corn), Hordeum vulgare (bnarley), Solanum tuberosum (potato), Pisum sativum peas and Brassica rapa (turnips) culture.

Figure 10: Agdal of Oukaïmeden

Oukaïmeden is a well-known tourism spot: it the closest ski station to Marrakech and the highest winter sports resort in Africa. Its first ski slope was built in 1948. The creation of a second ski slope in 1978 significantly boosted the local economy, bringing important revenues to local and urban businesses. Following the construction of slopes, the building of the roads to Ourika, Tahnaout, and Marrakech were the first landmark events in the region. Oukaïmeden has also gained fame thanks to its prehistoric rock carvings. The 1970s were marked by a construction of other basic infrastructure, including the installation of electricity and the construction of the first school in the commune. Subsequently, socioeconomic conditions were improved through the construction of a communal hospital centre in Oukaïmeden called tikhfist and the acquisition of the municipal ambulance (between 1990 and 2000). This resulted in a decrease in infant mortality and much- improved conditions for childbirth.

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IV. Methodology The research carried out on traditional land use practices and their relationships to biodiversity carried out by MBLA and GDF seeks to be as community-based and participatory as possible within financial, logistical and time constraints. It was developed using, principally, a collaborative and ethnographic framework. A team of researchers, including community researchers, Moroccan conservation and ethnobotany scholars and international consultants and researchers. The collaborative research process itself lent important insights into local perceptions of landscape and biodiversity management, and into the opportunities and challenges for a community-based and community- informed approach to biodiversity conservation and socioecological wellbeing.

The team that began the research in 2016 consisted of 3 academics and 4 community researchers from the two rural communes in which the research was launched: Ait M’hamed and Imegdal. The community-based research in the third commune of Oukaïmeden began in 2019 (see below). Community researchers (CRs) are key figures in this project as they both contributed substantially to research design and implemented a significant proportion of the data collection in the field. Two of them hold university degrees (in biology and geography), and two are highly involved in local leadership, as leaders of community associations and/or holding political or administrative positions in their community.

The development of this project has been a capacity building process for all participants. CRs were trained in ethnobotanical research methods, including ethical standards (prior informed consent, voluntary participation and privacy, anonymity and confidentiality), and field methods, and international researchers were educated in conducting research in culturally-appropriate ways. While most research in biodiversity conservation, including examples that take a community-based approach, is presented in a depersonalised way, here we argue that the specific team members are key to the production of valuable results that can inform biodiversity policy.

IV.1 Research ethics and Free, Prior and Informed Consent (FPIC) MBLA and GDF are committed to conducting ethical research and its members and collaborators closely follow international ethical guidelines for conducting research with local communities. An internal policy that covers ethics in fieldwork is currently being prepared. It highlights the guiding role of the International Society of Ethnobiology Code of Ethics (ISE 2006 and 2008), the American Anthropological Association Code of Ethics (AAA 2009), the Association of Social Anthropologists Ethical Guidelines (ASA 2009). Ethical guidelines have been included in key GDF-MBLA internal policies.3

GDF and MBLA seek to abide by international and national legislation relating to ethical relationships with communities, recognising that work is still needed to have an operational legal framework, particularly at the national level. Although Morocco signed the Nagoya Protocol in December 2011, the latter has not yet been ratified. As part of the HACL programme, GDF and MBLA carry out research on the implementation of international agreements that Morocco is a signatory to (CBD, GSPC, ITPGRFA), as well as national laws related to the use and protection of biodiversity (e.g. Law 29-05 on

3 Fieldwork and Community Engagement Policy, Intern Policy and Publications Policy, all avaiable upon request

27 the protection of wild flora and fauna species and the control of their commercialisation). We examine how this implementation can be improved and supported by programmes like ours.

A central part of GDF and MBLA’s ethical engagement with communities is to carry out research in collaboration with community members who participate, as much as possible, in the definition of research needs, design and implementation (Caruso et al. 2015). Selected community members are employees of MBLA and have full-time jobs in the organisation, carrying out various activities as researchers. They are the primary data collectors and participate in regular workshops where research aims are discussed and methodology is designed collaboratively. Capacity building activities are part of all GDF and MBLA projects and combine hands-on training with more formal methods, usually during workshops organised in the communities. Members of the team include community liaison officers, who may not be from the communities where active work is carried out, but who are Amazigh from the region, and who facilitate communication and coordination between the organisations and community members.

Free, Prior and Informed Consent (FPIC) is an important element of the research process. GDF views informed consent as an on-going process rather than a one-time event; continuous communication with the community members and local authorities is key to projects’ success. The approach to obtaining FPIC is multi-layered. It is sought from national and regional institutions through the development of appropriate permits and from local authorities and cooperatives through the participatory development of Memoranda of Understanding (MOUs), which define the scope of collaborations and what is expected of each party. Local authorities are informed in advance of who is involved in GDF and MBLA field research, of their dates of travel and of the content of their activities, including details such as the questions that will be asked. For video projects, an application for a filming permit is filed with the Moroccan Film Centre, and the agreed permit is shared with local authorities and participants as appropriate. Signed documents are essential when engaging with local authorities but are not used when seeking personal consent.

It is indispensable to obtain FPIC from individuals when they contribute with their knowledge and it is a mandatory prior step to conducting interviews. It is also important when botanical activities, such as plant collection, are conducted in private land or in community-managed areas (although in these cases, securing FPIC tends to be managed through local authorities through the medium of MOUs). Much of the middle-aged and elderly population living in the High Atlas is illiterate, and feels deeply uncomfortable signing documents. In these cases, oral agreement is sought. If no consent is granted, the proposed activity does not take place (whether it is an interview, or the collection of plants or seeds, for example).

When research results are published, the team will discuss this with the community ensuring that publication occurs only with the FPIC of the community, and follows the standards of If anonymity, privacy and confidentiality. Names may or may not be recorded and codes may be used instead. If information is confidential, it is not recorded or used. However, this is almost never the case since practices related to biodiversity and knowledge surrounding livelihoods are mostly communally owned, widespread and public. During the FPIC process, interviewees are also consulted about the production of possible tangible outputs of the research that could be of interest to the community for example booklets, flyers, posters and videos.

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IV.2 Research stages The team followed four main stages (or phases) to implement research on traditional land use practices, their relationships with biodiversity, changes occurring and best practices to support their maintenance and promotion. Each research phase followed several sub-phases or activities involving the direct participation of local inhabitants (Figure 11).

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Figure 11: Phases of implementation for our integrated research process on traditional land use practices.

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In a preliminary stage (Phase 0: 2016-17), we designed the research, established the research team and obtained the necessary permits in Ait M’hamed and Imegdal. Research Phase 1 (2017-18) concluded with a thorough and overarching documentation of traditional land use practices which were then explored in more detail in 6 douars to better describe local agricultural, pastoral and culinary practices during Phase 2. Simultaneously, we carried out a historical analysis of changes in traditional land use practices and drivers of these changes in order to provide recommendations for their strengthening or revitalisation (Phase 3). During this phase, the full process was launched in the commune of Oukaïmeden, with a number of research phases being condensed into one year’s work (2019), although some remains to be concluded. For Phases 1-3 we carried out semi-structured and structured interviews with community members, focus groups with specific local actors, participatory mapping processes and workshops. We complemented these methods with expert consultations.

Following the development of recommendations in Ait M’hamed and Imegdal, during Phase 4 we co- designed Community Action Plans for each commune, for which implementation began in late 2019. Chapter VII presents and describes these in depth. During this process, we characterised two of the three agdals in Ait M’hamed – Talmest and Igourdane (characterisations available upon request) – and the characterisation the Oukaïmeden Agdal will begin in 2020. Next steps include continue updating CAPs and implementing new needs and activities, including the Oukaïmeden commune.

Additional research, actions and materials complement this body of research: (i) detailed ethnobotanical studies (less advanced in Oukaïmeden), (ii) active support and promotion of governance networks especially in ICCAs, (iii) mapping of natural and cultural resources in the region, (iv) the elaboration of botanical studies, conservation assessments and ecological monitoring, (v) case studies of national and international policies and associated advocacy actions among local communities, (vi) socioeconomic studies and surveys (using the RHoMIS approach), (vii) farmer field schools, initiated in late 2019 to provide capacity building to local farmers, and finally (viii) a series of botanical species and cultural practices monographs. In the near future, we will publish an online database on the High Atlas that integrates all botanical, ecological, social and economic data collected over the years on more than 200 plant species.

IV.3 Data collection and analysis methods The process for data collection and analysis follows this element of the overall design:

MoUs The Memoranda of Understanding with community actors were established following a series of meetings with officials elected of the communes, local authorities (Caid), members of key associations and cooperatives in each site. The first meeting with the various actors concerns mainly the presentation of the association (MBLA) and the international NGO (GDF); it is essentially a question of clarifying the objectives, the fields of action and the future projects. The objective of the meeting is to create an atmosphere of trust with concerned actors. The following meetings include discussions on the terms of the MoUs. However, the eventual signing of agreements follows a very specific and ‘delicate’ procedure which follows the internal codes and procedures of local institutions, particularly

31 in the case of the commune municipalities. After its drafting and the negotiation of its modalities, the MoU must be discussed and validated during the ordinary assemblies of each commune before its signature. Finally, after validation of the agreement terms, and the signing takes place with the presence of the president of MBLA and the organization concerned. MoUs and permits available upon request.

Research design The documentation of traditional land use practices was launched in mid-2016 with a literature review followed by a workshop to design the methodology and protocol to begin analysing the practices. We implemented a pilot field study to test the proposed protocol and the methodology was revised by community researchers and members in the field in both communes leading to the development of a final questionnaire for the semi-structured interviews to be implemented in Phase 1. The team that developed the methodology was composed of community researchers, staff from GDF and MBLA and consultants. See Annex 1.

Research Phase 1: overall data collection on traditional land use practices We collected data from local inhabitants of the rural communes of Ait M’hamed and Imegdal principally through the structured interviews designed during the planning stage described above. We collected complimentary data, essential to contextualise and detail responses from structured interviews, through participant observation, open-ended, unstructured and informal interviews conducted by the international researchers during field visits, especially towards the end of the data collection stages.

The first structured questionnaire used included questions about what local practices are carried out to maintain the communities’ local landscapes. Questions were layered according to three levels of management and land ownership (household, community and inter-community). This layered classification of ‘traditional land use practices’ emerged from CRs during the process of methodology design. The questionnaire also included questions about change, perceived as differences between the past and the present, for practices occurring at each of the three levels. Final questions focused on botanical diversity including what plants are used, which are commercialised and what management strategies ensure their sustainable use (see Chapter V). In total, 19 men and 21 women were interviewed across 7 localities in Imegdal and 28 men, and 15 women were interviewed across 10 localities in Ait M’hamed.

The results from this initial stage of the research informed the revision of a second questionnaire focusing on the collection detailed information about specific, key practices. The team’s experience in collaborating and collecting data from sub-phase 1 was essential to define the selected practices for data collection in a second sub-phase. From the pool of practices mentioned during the first sub- phase, CRs proposed practices they thought as most relevant to their respective communities. Each CR chose 5 practices to inquire about in discussion with the rest of the team and taking into account personal interest in specific topics as well as gender issues.

This selection process resulted in a total of 9 practices documented in Imegdal and 7 in Ait M’hamed. For each selected practice we collected data on nature, location, schedule, key players and change. In total, 6 men and 5 women were interviewed across 10 localities in Imegdal and 25 men and 10 women were interviewed across 14 localities in Ait M’hamed about one or more practices each (5 or more

32 interviews were carried out for each practice). Once this dataset was collected, the international researchers conducted further focused interviews aimed at filling data gaps observed in preliminary data analysis that was on-going throughout the data collection process. Once all data was digitalized and interpreted, we produced the main report on ‘Cultural Practices of Conservation in the High Atlas’ (Annex 2).

One key lesson learned during this phase was that semi-structured interviews with individuals were not only very time-consuming and challenging, given the dispersed population and the tendency for large groups to form around the interviewee resulting in ‘group interviews’. We found that focus groups were much more informative, providing much more information in a more condensed time period. They also offered locally-valued spaces for collective reflection and discussion, which communities enjoyed given that in their everyday lives they do not get these opportunities often. Gender segregation in focus groups ensured that women’s perspectives were recorded equally to those of men and also that more women participated in the research process. The only drawback with the focus group approach was that in Imegdal the dispersal of douars and rough terrain made travel onerous for participants. We remedied this by shortening focus groups to a maximum of 5-6 hours and providing transport for participants.

Agdal characterisation and transhumance Following the initial documentation process and connected to our work on governance, we developed in-depth characterisations of the agdals of Ait M’hamed. We began in mid-2018 with the characterization of the Igourdane agdal, carrying out three focus groups with the three main agnatic groups (tribes) that use the pastures: the Ait M’hamed, the Ait Ali and the Ait Atta. A team composed of two videographers and one cartographer documented the 2019 spring transhumance of the Ait Atta to Igourdane agdal. This is currently being produced as a feature-length documentary for publication in 2020. In 2019 we also initiated the characterisation of Talmest Agdal by carrying out a focus group that merged the two agnatic groups with rights of usage: the Ait M’hamed and the Ait Abbas. Focus group topics ranged from the description of the agdal and its occupation in space and time, to historical changes and transformations. We also facilitated discussion on current conflicts, and how to solve them. A similar process of agdal characterisation will be followed in Oukaïmeden starting in 2020. See Annexes 3, 4, 5.

Research Phase 2: further documentation of specific practices During this phase we deepened our research on specific farming practices, breeding, pets and traditional cuisine and dishes (only with women), through interviews and participant observation with farmers and their families in selected douars. Fourty-eight informants (48 households) were interviewed (24 at each site). This process produced 28 (14 in each site) interviews on agriculture, 48 on domestic animals (24 in each site), 20 on pasture (10 in each site) and 20 on cooking (10 in each site). The time spent on each interview was approximately 2 hours, on average, depending on the wealth and knowledge acquired by the interviewees. The selected douars included Wabzaza, Bernat and Ait M'hamed centre (in Ait M’hamed commune) and Ouarti, Amslane and Agrd (in Imegdal commune). See Annex 6.

Research Phase 3: Changes, drivers and recommendations During this stage, changes in traditional land use practices were analysed with community members in a two-day workshop in each commune. We sought to describe their transformations multi-

33 dimensionally and discuss the underlying reasons of these transformations. First historical timelines were reconstructed with community members to describe the major changes in traditional land use practices over the past two decades as well as ancillary processes including changes in infrastructure and institutional organization. The descriptive relations between such changes was further analysed by looking at the explanatory models (perceived accounts) underlying these transformations. Once changes and their explanations had been discussed, we carried out focus group sessions to elicit recommendations for strengthening traditional land use practices. The results of these formed the basis of the Community Action Plans process. See Annexes 7, 8, 9.

Research Phase 4: Community Action Plans Based on the results of the research carried out in phases 1-3, including the recommendations provided by community members at the end of Phase 3, Community Action Plans were co-created by mid-late 2019, both in Ait M’hamed and Imegdal (see Annexes 10 and 11). These, and the process we implemented to achieve them, are described in detail in Chapter VII.

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V. An intricate tapestry: traditional land use practices and biodiversity in the High Atlas The terms biodiversity and cultural diversity have no close translation in Amazigh languages and ‘traditional land use practices’ do not constitute a cultural domain in rural Morocco. Thus, the notion of conservation of diversity is not easily understood and requires an open dialogue with local community members. The inhabitants of the High Atlas identify local practices and traditions that maintain their environment and are aware of change in their cultural landscapes and traditions. Community members identify concrete actions, often named, they carry out to maintain the environment as they know it. Practices identified as important by scholars, such as sacred groves or agricultural terraces (Deil et al., 2005; MCNC, 2013), may be so obvious to community members that they are not distinguished as distinct practices.

Practices that use, manage or maintain natural resources exist in a context of shared values, attitudes and ecological knowledge and result in specific livelihoods. With changing socioeconomic and environmental local conditions, some practices have been abandoned and others are adapted to new contexts. Over twenty named cultural practices of conservation were described by informants during this research; Table 1 below provides a summary of the most salient ones. Practices have been organised using an etic approach in broad, interconnected domains.

V.1 Traditional land use and resource management practices in the High Atlas The traditional land use and resource management practices presented in Table 1 are all interrelated directly or indirectly and represent key elements of a more complex agro-ethnoecological system. Enclosure practices, for example, shape and delimit the landscape while also serving as a soil management strategy; walls made with stones (aderass) or branches (afrague) protect fields and home gardens from grazing and erosion. Fences made with branches are renovated approximately once a year, and old wood is used as fuel. Fields can also have stone lines that stabilise the soil (imarine) and single trees can be protected by individual barriers around the trunk (astour) mostly made with stones, but also using branches. Enclosures made with branches can also retain livestock (tafergant). In turn, agricultural practices improve soil quality through the addition of manure (amazer) or removal of stones (taoudia). Agro-forestry practices include harvesting techniques for fruits and cereals (azzwui and tawala n anrar, respectively), cutting wood (oboy n okchoud) and building infrastructure for stocking agricultural production (ighrem), as well as coordinated livestock management strategies to ensure the protection of agricultural production (azzayin). Practices for managing livestock grazing patterns include seasonal transhumance to areas formally protected by customary law (agdal) or free of such restrictions (laêzib) and rotational grazing by the movement of branch enclosures (assemgonou).

Water is a key resource for both agriculture and pastoralism. Irrigation water is distributed in an egalitarian way among families and across cultivated areas during drought months (tawala n waman) and the canals are carefully maintained (arras n targa). Many of the plants growing in this managed landscape have a high cultural value as they are used in traditional recipes (isenwi abdeldi) or as medicines. Traditional dishes are prepared during celebrations that express local values (lemarouf) or mark key moments in the agricultural calendar (asseft). Community work is a key aspect of many of these practices. Tiwizi is the voluntary pooling of effort to conduct activities that benefit the whole community. Labour, just as limited and valuable as water, is organised collaboratively and in turns (tawala) to ensure agricultural production.

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Table 1: Summary of traditional land use practices in Ait M’hamed, Imegdal and Oukaïmeden

Domain Practice Sing; Plural Site Level Main function Description Perceived intergenerational changes Fencing & soil Aderass/asdar; AMH Household To protect Idersane protect the land and increase the agricultural This practice is relatively new. It management idersane fields and production. They are used to delimit irrigated fields and substitutes afrague to reduce home gardens home gardens, keeping them free of rocks. Built with pressure on trees and other Fencing wall made from animals larger rocks below and smaller above during plants. Some use cement to with rocks and erosion. agricultural cycles (seasonally/yearly). Built individually strengthen idersane. or by tiwizi by men when far from the house. Fencing & soil Imeri; imarine AMH Household To reduce Imarine are used to remove stones from the land, In the past, there were almost no management erosion and increase the agricultural production and protect it from delimitations on properties (but ta Lines of rocks, keep fields free grazing. Stones are put in lines or piles, to reduce oudea was practised). terraces of rocks, often erosion and delimitate the fields. Once various imarine used for are next to each other, an aderass can be built building individually or by tiwizi by men. In some cases, used to idersane. drive water to fields, especially there is a slope exists. Fencing & soil Afrague; Ifergane or AMH Household To protect Various types of ifergane are classified regarding their This practice is relatively old, but management Afrig IME fields, home main function. An afrague-astour is made with small as woody resources become OUK gardens and branches of spiny plants around the tree for protection. limited it is substituted by astour Fencing wall made single trees Once renewed, older branches are used as firewood by to protect single trees and aderass with branches from animals, women. Building these requires less effort than to protect fields. delimitation, aderass. Built individually or by tiwizi mostly by men. and erosion control. Fencing & soil Astour AMH Household To protect Circular or squared walls to protect usually single fruit Practice relatively new, management trees and home trees in home gardens or juniper, ash and oak saplings substituting afrague to reduce Fencing wall made gardens. in grazed areas to promote forestation. When pressure on trees and other with rocks Provide shade combined with afrague, rocks are covered with plants. and increase branches. As the plant grows, the wall is increased. This humidity. is done individually by either men or women.

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Domain Practice Sing; Plural Site Level Main function Description Perceived intergenerational changes Fencing & soil Tafergant/ AMH Household To keep These are built in the same way as ifergane but are No changes reported. management tiferganine animals in a designed specifically to keep animals. They are built delimited during agricultural cycles (seasonally/yearly) Enclosures made of space individually or by tiwizi by men. branches Fencing & soil Aghrroum OUK Household Stone fences to More or less high dry-stone walls used to delimit the Increasing, some plots are management demarcate the land delimited using cement wall land panels

Agriculture Ighrem; Igherman AMH Household, To store grains Stone and mud building constructed in places of Igherman are no longer in use in community (mostly barley difficult access with several rooms, close to water most cases; the buildings are Silos for grain and ) and sources (aghbalou) necessary to construct the building neglected and forgotten, many storage other and irrigate the fields around it, and of difficult access are in ruins, since security in agricultural (as a measure of protection). They are used as year- general has increased at the local produce (e.g., round storehouses for agricultural production, mainly and national level. Nowadays, butter called alfalfa, cereals, pulses and nut and fruit trees. Each most families keep their smn or oudi, family has a room within the storehouse, ascribed agricultural production in their oil). randomly. Each building is named after the tribe or houses. Only in very few cases are douar that owns it. Tigharmis are storehouses owned maintained, when fruiting trees by one big and wealthy families. Sometimes far from and cultivation fields (alfalfa) are the douar. The ighrem is managed by customary law. If growing in their immediate usage rules (use of space, payment to guard) are vicinity (e.g., Bernat and infringed, the right of usage is stopped. A person Wabzaza). (adouab) is in charge of watching the ighrem and taking care of its surroundings (trees, etc.). The adouab is paid in kind. Every year the owners (in some cases the douar association) meet to pay/change the guardian and do any arrangements necessary in the building. In AMH, many are built by the Assman river (tribe/douar Tassamert). Many ighrems built prior to the 19th

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Domain Practice Sing; Plural Site Level Main function Description Perceived intergenerational changes century were destroyed during the French colonization and some were rebuilt before Independence.

Agriculture Taoudea AMH Household To increase the Stones are removed and may be used to build stone No changes reported. Clearing soil from quality of walls around the fields. It is combined with astour, stones cultivation soil aderass, imeri. Agriculture Azzayinn, Azzayn IME Douar, To protect Azzayin is a restriction on grazing. It is applied Nowadays, azzayin is applied AMH community fields and trees temporarily on fields (during the ripening of fruits) and year-round on the fields, a fact Temporary OUK from grazing permanent in holy land (cemeteries and around that has also been interpreted by restriction on marabouts). If someone does not respect it a sanction informants as the loss of azzayin. grazing of tree is applied; the sum varies from one village to another. Passages to move the livestock cultivated areas One or more people are employed as guardians from the village to grazing areas (amchchardo), which will be paid in kind or cash. have been built to avoid the fields. Specific dates for the start of azzayin are decided Governance has shifted from mostly by men on a Friday. It precedes azzwui, the fruit customary law to the douar harvest. association. In many villages, the In Oukaïmeden, the guardians is called Andof, and a profession of amchchardo has fine of 200 dhs is established for any offense. been lost because the douar association enforces azzayin. Agriculture Tawala n anrar, IME Douar To thresh the Tawala n anrar is the management system for No changes reported. Andrar AMH cereals in turns threshing, once cereal has been harvested and dried on OUK through the rooftops. This activity requires various donkeys and Threshing turns collective work mules: people will organise in turns to collaborate with (tiwizi) the threshing of each other’s cereal production. Work is carried out by men in tiwizi. Women will prepare the food to feed the helpers. Agriculture Amazer/lghbar IME Household To increase the Use of animal manure as fertilisers for the fields. Nowadays, chemical fertilisers are AMH quality of also used and have to some extent Manure as fertiliser OUK cultivation soil replaced manure.

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Domain Practice Sing; Plural Site Level Main function Description Perceived intergenerational changes Agriculture Azzwui IME Household, To harvest Azzwui requires the trees and using long sticks Currently, douar associations set Ph1+Ph2 douar, fruits to reach the fruit and make it fall on the ground. The the dates for azzwui. Only one Fruit harvest community time for azzwui is coordinated at a village or community informant mentioned that the method level if fields are shared, to ensure an order in the way azzwui dates are no longer fruit harvest proceeds. Each owner has specific dates respected; most informants did for their harvest. Workers are paid mostly in kind. Part not report change. of the harvest is given away in charity. The olive harvest proceeds in two ways: fruits fallen to the ground are constantly being harvested and those left on the tree by January will be harvested by azzwui. It is preceded by azzayin. Agriculture Oboy n okchoud AMH Household, To collect wood Forest resources are very important to the community: Nowadays, gas is starting to (Sylvoculture) community as fuel and tasaft (Quercus ilex), imst (Fraxinus dimorpha) and xxxx replace wood as fuel. Wood harvest construction (Juniperus oxicedrus) are the three main wood plants. material Wood collection and harvest distinguishes dead wood that is collected from the ground from wood cut directly from the tree. Both activities are mainly carried out by women. Charcoal is prepared from tasaft trees owned privetly by families after obtention of a permit. When used for construction imst is of best quality than the other two species, but use may depend on disponibility.

Wood harvesting is mostly forbidden in Imegdal, where forest resources are highly degraded. Agriculture Toudma OUK Douar, To minimize Crop rotation between bour (rain-fed irrigation) and The practice Toudma ihas community water irrigated culture. The plots are divided into two: one decreased since the construction consumption section is rainfed (not irrigation) and the other one is of cement water channels (targa) irrigated. Habitually, cereal production is carried out in the rainfed section and vegetables are produced in the

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Domain Practice Sing; Plural Site Level Main function Description Perceived intergenerational changes irrigated section; the subsequent year the sections are rotated.

Agriculture Irihi OUK Douar, To maximize Wind-falled nuts are gathered before the nut harvest No change was reported Household nut harvest

Agriculture Assous OUK Douar, maximize nut Nuts are harvested during the months of September No change was reported Household harvest and October.

Agriculture Igrane= Lfddane= OUK Douar, Plots for Agricultural plots of the inhabitants of the region. They In OUK, Igran areas are Jnane in arabic IMG community growing are cultivated and irrigated. They form the agricultural continuously decreasing due to AMH vegetables terraces erosion and the construction of (onion, turnip, houses and hotels tomatoes, pepper, potato, peas), cereals and fruit trees. Agriculture Lbour OUK Douar, For cereal and Rainfed crop plots. These are mainly for cereals The Lbour area is continuously IMG community fruit and nut (particularly barley) and fruit trees (mainly nuts). decreasing due to erosion and the AMH cultivation. construction of houses and hotels. Also used for Moreover, the decrease in the animal pasture. cultivation of cereals is reducing the size and amount of bour areas. Agriculture Diraâ OUK Douar, Cereal growing These include barley and corn, It comes just after the Most informants did not report community season vegetables harvest, from July to November. any change

Agriculture Tandrar OUK Douar, Vegetable These include potato, onions, turnips, pepper and Most informants did not report community growing season tomatoes. The cultivation period is from November to any change July Agriculture Afaynou OUK Douar, Harvesting Uncultivated plots near the river. It only contains grass, Most informants did not report community fallow grass which is irrigated, harvested, dried (one to two weeks) any change and then stored until winter for use as fodder.

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Domain Practice Sing; Plural Site Level Main function Description Perceived intergenerational changes Agriculture Fihina OUK Household Terraces of The terraces, which are exposed to the sun, are used to Most informants did not report houses where dry nuts and corn, and are also known as asghar. any change crops are dried. Agriculture Igdlane OUK, IMG Douar, Irrigated plots No cultivation takes place in these plots, which are The surface of Igdlane is community near the rivers larger than Afaynou plots and may also contain trees. continuously decreasing due to to permit the They are also used for regulated pasture (grazing is erosion and land conversion harvest of halted for a while to permit regrowth). animal fodder Pastoralism Assemgonou AMH Household To fertilise the Ifergan are built to delimit a grazing area that will keep This is not practised anymore. (Agriculture) soil with the heard for four days, then the structure is relocated Spatial rotation of manure and covering a new pasture. This also results in the ifergan manage herds fertilisation of the soil. Pastoralism Agdal/Aoudal; AMH Inter- To provide Agdals are resource management practices that Most have become anarchic due Igdalen/Igdlan IME community animal fodder, regulate access to resources. Here, these mostly refer to conflicts between tribes. Bad (agd) OUK allowing for the to shared pasture lands chosen due to the presence of management and disrespect of regeneration of water year-round, the botanical richness and diversity agdal laws have increased, Collective grazing grazing plants (including species such as asnan, ifssi, olfoud, etc.). including building and cutting areas with during the Native trees such as tasaft, tikke, keso and tawelt may trees, privatising the land, and temporary spring (usually be present. These areas are shared by various douars disrespect towards opening days. restriction March to May- and communities and managed by customary law The celebration of the opening is June in AMH (laorf), which is passed down along family lineages. It is disappearing. Grazing plants have and from forbidden to build, plant or cut trees within the grazing diminished due to droughts and March to area. Igdalen are left about three or four months climatic changes. August in OUK) untouched in spring, during the time of maximum Igdalen were mentioned in IME as growth of forage resources. Involved communes having existed, but not any longer choose a adouab (old name) or aaessass (guardian, due to lack of water. Nonetheless, current name) to guard the lands while closed to some areas with restricted grazing pasture. The nayb/nouab or mqedem is also involved in schedules persist. the control of opening-closing dates and election of adouabs, and informs to the cayd. People are informed when the agdal opens, usually in the souk by the

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Domain Practice Sing; Plural Site Level Main function Description Perceived intergenerational changes aberrah, and the opening is celebrated. Not respecting the date of opening involves a fine. There are also private igdalen (usually protected by imarine) owned and used at a household level. Various communal igdalen are present in the AMH region (Igourdane, Talmest, Allouz), in OUK and none in IME. Pastoralism L aêzib n wulli IME Household To ensure good Two complementary locations are used for grazing big The practice is abandoned when OUK grazing for herds of goats (mostly) and sheep (ihray) in summer there are more attractive Seasonal AMH herds and winter: aêzib n udouar (by the village) and aêzib n alternatives. In one village, it was transhumance of udrar (in the mountain), also called aêzib n tguerst reported that up to 70% of the (mostly) goat herds (winter farm) and aêzib n sif (summer farm), families have abandoned respectively. Often, the winter location is by the village shepherding and goat/sheep at the warmer valley bottoms, and the summer husbandry. The size of herds has location is at higher altitudes that may be snowed in diminished because of both during winter. For villages at very high altitudes, the degradation of the environment two locations are inversed; herds are brought to lower (lack of fodder due to increased altitudes in winter. At each location, the herd sleeps at drought) and lack of labour a specific building (also called aêzib) that consists of a (outmigration of the young roofed area (igourar) and an open patio (asguen). generation). Coupling and delivery of kids (lkerouan, lkrou in sing.) takes place in aêzib, but kids are kept in the house when they are small. Shepherds of big herds are invariably men, but both men and women participate in farming by carrying out different activities. Access to summer grazing areas is regulated by customary law (e.g., azzyin is applied to regulate access to the grazing areas which are being closed from February to May in AMH and March to August in OUK). Pastoralism Lghabt or the forest OUK Household open grazing Mountain forest area where open (unregulated) The forest area is, overall, area grazing is allowed reducing as a result of wood harvesting (although this is

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Domain Practice Sing; Plural Site Level Main function Description Perceived intergenerational changes reducing substantially – see below) and for the creation of tourist sites (hotels, ski site, restaurants. ...) Pastoralism Tawala n ouelli OUK Household Collaboration Families take turns in overseeing the douar’s collective No change in OUK for cattle herd as they graze in the forest shepherding Pastoralism Tirhal OUK Household Transhumance Some families move with their cattle during the snow This tradition is still practiced but to looking for period to the surroundings of Marrakech and Rhamna the number of families has been forage reduced in recent years Pastoralism Lbhaym, lmal IME Household To produce All families keep domestic animals and these are key to Cattle and sheep local races are (Domestic AMH dairy, eggs and local livelihoods. Many families keep one to three cows, sometimes being replaced by animals) Domestic animals OUK meat products several chickens and may also own some rabbits. These commercial, more productive animals are kept in or near the household and tended races, which also demand higher by women, who are responsible to collect fodder as nourishment and are less sturdy. well as many of the products. Sacrificing is always a The number and diversity of male activity. animals per family is decreasing. Water Arras n targa IME AMH Douar, To maintain the The sediments deposited throughout the year at the The practice has not changed in OUK community water canals to bottom of the irrigation canals are cleaned once a year itself, but some irrigation canals Cleaning and ensure proper at the beginning of summer when water levels are low. are now built in cement, which reparation of water irrigation This will be repeated if necessary (e.g., after summer allows increasing the irrigated canals storms). It is considered a key activity due to the surface. Also, nowadays it is the importance of irrigation to local livelihoods and is douar association or the jmaa carried out by tiwizi. All available men participate, after (traditional communal authority) the date is set communally on a Friday (by men). If that sets the date, rather than the irrigation canals are shared between villages, there is a taqbilt. contribution to men and effort from each village to clean the common canals. Canals are cleaned before tawala starts.

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Domain Practice Sing; Plural Site Level Main function Description Perceived intergenerational changes Water Afraw OUK Household Water storage Traditional water basins, that feed the irrigation canals. Basins are now built out of cement Their use and management is collective, with families instead of clay, but each douar still coming together for their maintenance and for has one or two of them. organising their opening & closing (i.e. the amount and distribution of irrigation water). Water Tawala n waman IME Douar, To irrigate As water becomes scarce in the dry season, tawala n Following the trend of AMH community fields during wamen is used as a mechanism to distribute irrigation privatisation and management at Water turn OUK the drought water among the village families, avoiding conflict smaller units, water is now divided season, when water is scarce. The method will not be used if by small families, thus also use managing there is sufficient water. If a source is shared between times are shorter. The method water in turns villages, water is also used in turns by the different was originally measured by the amongst the villages. The number of hours or days that each volume decrease of tafrouts different household/village uses water depends on the surface (ponds, water reservoirs) with a families that needs to be irrigated. Mostly men participate in cane (aghalim) rather than with the decision-making process to set the tawala time. Aghbalou are becoming schedule; women may participate if they are the head scarce due to persistent drought. of the household (e.g., widows). In AMH and OUK, aghbalou or the wells are important water sources that are regulated and where the water quality needs to be maintained. Cooperation Tiwizi IME Household, To conduct Tiwizi is the old Amazigh tradition of joining efforts to Overall, there was a weakening or AMH douar, tasks that conduct labour-intensive activities. People contribute loss of tiwizi. Specifically, in IME Cooperative and OUK community require a lot of voluntarily to help one another or the community. It is men did not observe changes in solidarity, work and effort gender-specific: tiwizi is carried out either by women the activities carried out, whilst cooperative work more (weeding, weaving, harvesting, fodder collection, women mentioned interest in effectively shelling nuts etc.) or by men (threshing, cleaning paid work rather than through irrigation canals, building stone walls, shearing wool, collaborative work and the collaborative etc.). Men's tiwizi can be organised at household, douar practice of tiwizi for "modern" work or community level; women's tiwizi is always organised activities such as laundry or at the household level but can involve the whole village cleaning houses. In AMH, both

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Domain Practice Sing; Plural Site Level Main function Description Perceived intergenerational changes in the case of ceremonies. Traditional dishes are often genders observed a weakening of prepared during tiwizi and offered to the workers. collaborative work.

Food Azarg; Izergan AMH Household, To obtain flour Traditional water mill used to grind grains to obtain Those in Wabzaza, two of the only OUK douar from cereals flour, used at a household and douar levels. Seen in ones remaining in the Ait Mill Wabzaza, with two active mills. Families from M’hamed region. Traditional neighbouring households also bring their grains to the milling, very common in the area mill for grinding. in previous decades, has been replaced by industrial grinding outside the territory. Food Traditional recipes IME Household To eat, Traditional recipes are prepared by women and include Tagoulla is starting to be replaced AMH especially bread (tahmart, tahnayat, tannurt), dishes based on by , as traditional celebrations Various traditional OUK prepared flour (baddaz, seksou, tagoulla, askif, abrway) or linked to the agricultural calendar recipes during cooked salads with wild leafy vegetables: tibi (Malva are abandoned (due to their link celebration sp.), tajloujt (Portulaca oleracea), guernouch with pre-Islamic beliefs). New time or (Nasturtium officinale), wamssa (Foeniculum vulgare), recipes are being prepared: seasonally afrass (Brassica rapa), lfsst (Medicago sativa), enhanced transmission between tigeghsht (Silene vulgaris), tifoucht (spinach cf.). Bread the mountains (adrar) and the can be combined with other ingredients (lard, spices). plains (zagar), and mass media Baddaz and seksou (couscous) are prepared in a similar have popularised new recipes way but baddaz uses cornflour and has no meat, including other Moroccan recipes whereas seksou is prepared with barley and wheat such as rfissa or international ones flour and includes meat; this is accompanied with such as lasagne. Meat is more vegetables which can include local ingredients such as often cooked nowadays, for afrass, lfsst, wamsa, toukkirin (sun-dried turnips) and example, incorporated in baddaz. tinifin (peas) or takourayt (un-ripe figs) when in season. When prepared on their own, wild leafy vegetables are cut into small pieces and steamed, mixed with garlic, spices, preserved lemon and . They are served as a salad or with bread as a starter. Askif, abrway and tagulla are flour soups with or without butter or milk

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Domain Practice Sing; Plural Site Level Main function Description Perceived intergenerational changes (askif and tagulla are prepared with barley, abrway with wheat). Askif is eaten as the first food every day, and tagulla is prepared for a special occasion (often in relation to the agricultural calendar). Seksou and tagulla are often prepared during activities practised by tiwizi and during celebrations and ceremonies, including lemarouf. Exceptionally, men prepare specific meat dishes such as mishui (slow-cooked lamb brochettes) for special occasions. Food Toummite (zmeta in IME Household To eat as a Toummite is prepared with barley flour either using The hand mill is rarely used Moroccan Arabic) AMH traditional flour made from ripe and dried cereal (called simply nowadays and has been replaced OUK dessert (with toummite) or fresh and un-ripe grains (Toummite n by electric options. Toummite is Traditional dish medicinal use) azenbou). The grain is washed, dried, ground and mixed prepared less frequently due to based on barley with aromatic plants, which can include combinations the decrease of barley production. flour of timija (Mentha suaveolens), lqezbour (Coriandrum sativum), azoukni (Thymus saturejoides), lhelba (Trigonella foenum-graecum), azuka (Tetraclinis articulata), izouran (lit. “roots”, set of species used often medicinally), jnjlan (Sesamum indicum), fleyou (Mentha pulegium), and others. The dessert is believed to have medicinal properties due to the plants added to the flour. Variations of the dish use different flours at the same time or are based on carob flour (unusual). Ground flour and herbs are eaten on its own, with tea, whey or milk. Specific recipes are transmitted along female lineages.

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Domain Practice Sing; Plural Site Level Main function Description Perceived intergenerational changes Food Tagoulla OUK Household Traditional The corn is put in a traditional mill. The fine cornmeal is Tagoulla is still prepared during IMG corn-based removed leaving only the large seeds called dchicha, religious holidays, special AMH dish which are mixed with olive oil, milk and a little salt. occasions, during the maarouf Once the mixture is cooked, it is placed in a clay dish event, called tassadrt and eaten with whey and butter.

Food Baddaz OUK Household Corn couscous, The fine cornmeal is mixed with water and salt. It is This dish is still prepared IMG prepared prepared like couscous. We add vegetables and plants occasionally by the majority of AMH occasionally like: alfalfa, cabbage, turnip, carrot ... Oukaïmeden families

Food Arkoko-zmita in OUK Household Traditional dish The barley is dried by exposing it to the sun for a few This dish is still prepared Arabic IMG made from hours, then putting it in water overnight. The next day occasionally by the majority of AMH barley it is cooked in the oven mixed with aromatic plants; Oukaïmeden families Mint (timija), Oregano (zaatar) and olive oil and salt. Food Touslawine, Dry OUK Household Food storage The turnips are cut into four pieces,and strung up on a This tradition still practiced only turnips for turnips piece of wire and exposed to the sun, on the ground, by a few families because of the for two weeks. The turnips are then stored for winter, improvement in the standard of when vegetables are more scarce living. Ceremonies Lemarouf IME Household, To give charity, Lemarouf is a gathering that can be of friends and It is now mostly practised at a AMH douar, celebrate a family members, of all douar villagers or bring people household level. Old celebrations Gathering and OUK community festivity, from different villages together. Originally linked to of lemarouf involving the whole celebration linked commemorate moussems and marabouts, it is now practised as an douar or people from several to charity or prayer a saint or dead aspect of Muslim charity. Traditional food will be douars were linked to marabouts person prepared (with the collaboration of one or more and are not carried out anymore. families, who contribute with different ingredients and labour) and shared. It is now practised to commemorate dead family members, or as an act of charity once a year or twice a year, linked to the start of the harvesting (of cereal and nut trees).

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Domain Practice Sing; Plural Site Level Main function Description Perceived intergenerational changes Ceremonies Moussem OUK Household, Cultural and Ceremonies to pay tribute to holy families or to This tradition has disappeared in IMG douar, economic celebrate local events, namely the opening of the Agdal some part of the High Atlas AMH community exchange for or the start of the harvest period. It is an event of especially in the region of IMG, families cultural, social (weddings) and commercial exchange however, it is still practiced in the (for local products). This event can last an entire week OUK region with about 7 annual with daily music and performances. Moussem and the main moussem are: Sidi Ali Oufars, Sidi Fares and Oukaïmeden moussem. In AMH the annual moussem takes place in April to honour o Âmer Ceremonies Tagoulla OUK Household, Both a meal It is a celebration where cattle are sacrificed and The inhabitants of the douar and a Tagoulla (see above) is prepared to ask God to avoid Oukaïmeden still practice this ceremony for hailstorms. tradition at the end of January good weather every year Ceremonies Asseft/iffid IME Ph1 Douar To mark a shift Tagulla is prepared with barley flour away from the This has almost disappeared; in the village by both men and women after the aaser prayer. whilst it was practised Celebration linked agricultural Cows cannot be taken to graze until iffid, the first milk ubiquitously, to the best of our to the agricultural calendar after they graze outdoors has a special meaning. The knowledge it was only practised in calendar celebration can also mark the start of cereal harvesting. one village (in 2015) by children supervised by one adult (rather than by adults themselves) Domain Practice Sing; Plural Site, data Level Main function Description Perceived intergenerational source changes Fencing & soil Aderass/asdar; AMH Household To protect Idersane protect the land and increase the agricultural This practice is relatively new. It management idersane Ph1+Ph2 fields and production. They are used to delimit irrigated fields and substitutes afrague to reduce home gardens home gardens, keeping them free of rocks. Built with pressure on trees and other Fencing wall made from animals larger rocks below and smaller above during plants. Some use cement to with rocks and erosion. agricultural cycles (seasonally/yearly). Built individually strengthen idersane. or by tiwizi by men when far from the house.

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Domain Practice Sing; Plural Site Level Main function Description Perceived intergenerational changes Fencing & soil Imeri; imarine AMH Household To reduce Imarine are used to remove stones from the land, In the past, there were almost no management Ph1+Ph2 erosion and increase the agricultural production and protect it from delimitations on properties (but Lines of rocks, keep fields free grazing. Stones are put in lines or piles, to reduce taoudea was practised). terraces of rocks, often erosion and delimitate the fields. Once various imarine used for are next to each other, an aderass can be built building individually or by tiwizi by men. In some cases, used to idersane. drive water to fields, especially there is a slope exists. Fencing & soil Afrague; Ifergane AMH Household To protect Various types of ifergane are classified regarding their This practice is relatively old, but management Ph1+Ph2 fields, home main function. An afrague-astour is made with small as woody resources become Fencing wall made (+IME gardens and branches of spiny plants around the tree for protection. limited it is substituted by astour with branches Ph1) single trees Once renewed, older branches are used as firewood by to protect single trees and aderass from animals, women. Building these requires less effort than to protect fields. delimitation, aderass. Built individually or by tiwizi mostly by men. and erosion control. Fencing & soil Astour AMH Household To protect Circular or squared walls to protect usually single fruit Practice relatively new, management Ph1+Ph2 trees and home trees in home gardens or juniper, ash and oak saplings substituting afrague to reduce Fencing wall made gardens. in grazed areas to promote forestation. When pressure on trees and other with rocks Provide shade combined with afrague, rocks are covered with plants. and increase branches. As the plant grows, the wall is increased. This humidity. is done individually by either men or women. Fencing & soil Tafergant/ AMH Household To keep These are built in the same way as ifergane but are No changes reported. management tiferganine Ph1 animals in a designed specifically to keep animals. They are built delimited during agricultural cycles (seasonally/yearly) Enclosures made of space individually or by tiwizi by men. branches Agriculture Ighrem; Igherman AMH Household, To store grains Stone and mud building constructed in places of Igherman are no longer in use in Ph1+Ph2 community (mostly barley difficult access with several rooms, close to water most cases; the buildings are Silos for grain and wheat) and sources (aghbalou) necessary to construct the building neglected and forgotten, many storage other and irrigate the fields around it, and of difficult access are in ruins, since security in agricultural (as a measure of protection). They are used as year- general has increased at the local

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Domain Practice Sing; Plural Site Level Main function Description Perceived intergenerational changes produce (e.g., round storehouses for agricultural production, mainly and national level. Nowadays, butter called alfalfa, cereals, pulses and nut and fruit trees. Each most families keep their smn or oudi, family has a room within the storehouse, ascribed agricultural production in their olive oil). randomly. Each building is named after the tribe or houses. Only in very few cases are douar that owns it. Tigharmis are storehouses owned maintained, when fruiting trees by one big and wealthy families. Sometimes far from and cultivation fields (alfalfa) are the douar. The ighrem is managed by customary law. If growing in their immediate usage rules (use of space, payment to guard) are vicinity (e.g., Bernat and infringed, the right of usage is stopped. A person Wabzaza). (adouab) is in charge of watching the ighrem and taking care of its surroundings (trees, etc.). The adouab is paid in kind. Every year the owners (in some cases the douar association) meet to pay/change the guardian and do any arrangements necessary in the building. In AMH, many are built by the Assman river (tribe/douar Tassamert). Many ighrems built prior to the 19th century were destroyed during the French colonization and some were rebuilt before Independence. Agriculture Taoudea AMH Ph1 Household To increase the Stones are removed and may be used to build stone No changes reported. quality of walls around the fields. It is combined with astour, Clearing soil from cultivation soil aderass, imeri. stones

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Domain Practice Sing; Plural Site Level Main function Description Perceived intergenerational changes Agriculture Azzayin IME Douar, To protect Azzayin is a restriction on grazing. It is applied Nowadays, azzayin is applied Ph1+Ph2 community fields and trees temporarily on fields (during the ripening of fruits) and year-round on the fields, a fact Temporary (+AMH from grazing permanent in holy land (cemeteries and around that has also been interpreted by restriction on Ph1) marabouts). If someone does not respect it a sanction informants as the loss of azzayin. grazing of tree is applied; the sum varies from one village to another. Passages to move the livestock cultivated areas One or more people are employed as guardians from the village to grazing areas (amchchardo), which will be paid in kind or cash. have been built to avoid the fields. Specific dates for the start of azzayin are decided Governance has shifted from mostly by men on a Friday. It precedes azzwui, the fruit customary law to the douar harvest. association. In many villages, the profession of amchchardo has been lost because the douar association enforces azzayin. Agriculture Tawala n anrar IME + Douar To thresh the Tawala n anrar is the management system for No changes reported. AMH Ph1 cereals in turns threshing, once cereal has been harvested and dried on Threshing turns through the rooftops. This activity requires various donkeys and collective work mules: people will organise in turns to collaborate with (tiwizi) the threshing of each other’s cereal production. Work is carried out by men in tiwizi. Women will prepare the food to feed the helpers. Agriculture Amazer/lghbar IME + Household To increase the Use of animal manure as fertilisers for the fields. Nowadays, chemical fertilisers are AMH Ph1 quality of also used and have to some extent Manure as fertiliser cultivation soil replaced manure. Agriculture Azzwui IME Household, To harvest Azzwui requires climbing the trees and using long sticks Currently, douar associations set Ph1+Ph2 douar, fruits to reach the fruit and make it fall on the ground. The the dates for azzwui. Only one Fruit harvest community time for azzwui is coordinated at a village or community informant mentioned that the method level if fields are shared, to ensure an order in the way azzwui dates are no longer fruit harvest proceeds. Each owner has specific dates respected; most informants did for their harvest. Workers are paid mostly in kind. Part not report change. of the harvest is given away in charity. The olive harvest proceeds in two ways: fruits fallen to the ground are

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Domain Practice Sing; Plural Site Level Main function Description Perceived intergenerational changes constantly being harvested and those left on the tree by January will be harvested by azzwui. It is preceded by azzayin. Agriculture Oboy n okchoud AMH Household, To collect wood Forest resources are very important to the community: Nowadays, gas is starting to (Sylvoculture) community as fuel and tasaft (Quercus ilex), imst (Fraxinus dimorpha) and xxxx replace wood as fuel. Wood harvest Ph3 construction (Juniperus oxicedrus) are the three main wood plants. material Wood collection and harvest distinguishes dead wood that is collected from the ground from wood cut directly from the tree. Both activities are mainly carried out by women. Charcoal is prepared from tasaft trees owned privetly by families after obtention of a permit. When used for construction imst is of best quality than the other two species, but use may depend on disponibility.

Wood harvesting is mostly forbidden in Imegdal, where forest resources are highly degraded. Pastoralism Assemgonou AMH Ph1 Household To fertilise the Ifergan are built to delimit a grazing area that will keep This is not practised anymore. (Agriculture) soil with the heard for four days, then the structure is relocated Spatial rotation of manure and covering a new pasture. This also results in the ifergan manage herds fertilisation of the soil. Pastoralism Agdal/Aoudal; AMH Inter- To provide Agdals are resource management practices that Most have become anarchic due Igdalen/Igdlan Ph1+Ph2 community animal fodder, regulate access to resources. Here, these mostly refer to conflicts between tribes. Bad (agd) (+IME allowing for the to shared pasture lands chosen due to the presence of management and disrespect of Ph1) regeneration of water year-round, the botanical richness and diversity agdal laws have increased, Collective grazing grazing plants (including species such as asnan, ifssi, olfoud, etc.). including building and cutting areas with during the Native trees such as tasaft, tikke, keso and tawelt may trees, privatising the land, and temporary spring (usually be present. These areas are shared by various douars disrespect towards opening days. restriction March to May- and communities and managed by customary law The celebration of the opening is June) (laorf), which is passed down along family lineages. It is disappearing. Grazing plants have forbidden to build, plant or cut trees within the grazing

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Domain Practice Sing; Plural Site Level Main function Description Perceived intergenerational changes area. Igdalen are left about three or four months diminished due to droughts and untouched in spring, during the time of maximum climatic changes. growth of forage resources. Involved communes Igdalen were mentioned in IME as choose a adouab (old name) or aaessass (guardian, having existed, but not any longer current name) to guard the lands while closed to due to lack of water. Nonetheless, pasture. The nayb/nouab or mqedem is also involved in some areas with restricted grazing the control of opening-closing dates and election of schedules persist. adouabs, and informs to the cayd. People are informed when the agdal opens, usually in the souk by the aberrah, and the opening is celebrated. Not respecting the date of opening involves a fine. There are also private igdalen (usually protected by imarine) owned and used at a household level. Various communal igdalen are present in the AMH region (Igourdane, Talmest, Allouz), none in IME. Pastoralism L aêzib n wulli IME Household To ensure good Two complementary locations are used for grazing big The practice is abandoned when Ph1+Ph2 grazing for herds of goats (mostly) and sheep (ihray) in summer there are more attractive Seasonal herds and winter: aêzib n udouar (by the village) and aêzib n alternatives. In one village, it was transhumance of udrar (in the mountain), also called aêzib n tguerst reported that up to 70% of the (mostly) goat herds (winter farm) and aêzib n sif (summer farm), families have abandoned respectively. Often, the winter location is by the village shepherding and goat/sheep at the warmer valley bottoms, and the summer husbandry. The size of herds has location is at higher altitudes that may be snowed in diminished because of both during winter. For villages at very high altitudes, the degradation of the environment two locations are inversed; herds are brought to lower (lack of fodder due to increased altitudes in winter. At each location, the herd sleeps at drought) and lack of labour a specific building (also called aêzib) that consists of a (outmigration of the young roofed area (igourar) and an open patio (asguen). generation). Coupling and delivery of kids (lkerouan, lkrou in sing.) takes place in aêzib, but kids are kept in the house when they are small. Shepherds of big herds are

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Domain Practice Sing; Plural Site Level Main function Description Perceived intergenerational changes invariably men, but both men and women participate in farming by carrying out different activities. Access to summer grazing areas is regulated by customary law (e.g., azzyin is applied to regulate access to the grazing area of Tizi n Tiqi, this being closed from February to May). Pastoralism Lbhaym, lmal IME + Household To produce All families keep domestic animals and these are key to Cattle and sheep local races are (Domestic AMH dairy, eggs and local livelihoods. Many families keep one to three cows, sometimes being replaced by animals) Domestic animals Ph3 meat products several chickens and may also own some rabbits. These commercial, more productive animals are kept in or near the household and tended races, which also demand higher by women, who are responsible to collect fodder as nourishment and are less sturdy. well as many of the products. Sacrificing is always a The number and diversity of male activity. animals per family is decreasing. Water Arras n targa IME Douar, To maintain the The sediments deposited throughout the year at the The practice has not changed in Ph1+Ph2 community water canals to bottom of the irrigation canals are cleaned once a year itself, but some irrigation canals Cleaning and (+AMH ensure proper at the beginning of summer when water levels are low. are now built in cement, which reparation of water Ph1) irrigation This will be repeated if necessary (e.g., after summer allows increasing the irrigated canals storms). It is considered a key activity due to the surface. Also, nowadays it is the importance of irrigation to local livelihoods and is douar association who sets the carried out by tiwizi. All available men participate, after date, rather the taqbilt. the date is set communally on a Friday (by men). If irrigation canals are shared between villages, there is a contribution to men and effort from each village to clean the common canals. Canals are cleaned before tawala starts.

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Domain Practice Sing; Plural Site Level Main function Description Perceived intergenerational changes Water Tawala n waman IME Douar, To irrigate As water becomes scarce in the dry season, tawala n Following the trend of Ph1+Ph2 community fields during wamen is used as a mechanism to distribute irrigation privatisation and management at Water turn (+AMH the drought water among the village families, avoiding conflict smaller units, water is now divided Ph1) season, when water is scarce. The method will not be used if by small families, thus also use managing there is sufficient water. If a source is shared between times are shorter. The method water in turns villages, water is also used in turns by the different was originally measured by the amongst the villages. The number of hours or days that each volume decrease of tafrouts different household/village uses water depends on the surface (ponds, water reservoirs) with a families that needs to be irrigated. Mostly men participate in cane (aghalim) rather than with the decision-making process to set the tawala time. Aghbalou are becoming schedule; women may participate if they are the head scarce due to persistent drought. of the household (e.g., widows). In AMH, aghbalou or the wells are important water sources that are regulated and where the water quality needs to be maintained. Cooperation Tiwizi IME Household, To conduct Tiwizi is the old Amazigh tradition of joining efforts to Overall, there was a weakening or Ph1+Ph2 douar, tasks that conduct labour-intensive activities. People contribute loss of tiwizi. Specifically, in IME Cooperative and (+AMH community require a lot of voluntarily to help one another or the community. It is men did not observe changes in solidarity, Ph1) work and effort gender-specific: tiwizi is carried out either by women the activities carried out, whilst cooperative work more (weeding, weaving, harvesting, fodder collection, women mentioned interest in effectively shelling nuts etc.) or by men (threshing, cleaning paid work rather than through irrigation canals, building stone walls, shearing wool, collaborative work and the collaborative etc.). Men's tiwizi can be organised at household, douar practice of tiwizi for "modern" work or community level; women's tiwizi is always organised activities such as laundry or at the household level but can involve the whole village cleaning houses. In AMH, both in the case of ceremonies. Traditional dishes are often genders observed a weakening of prepared during tiwizi and offered to the workers. collaborative work. Food Azarg; Izergan AMH Ph2 Household, To obtain flour Traditional water mill used to grind grains to obtain Those in Wabzaza, two of the only douar from cereals flour, used at a household and douar levels. Seen in ones remaining in the Ait Mill Wabzaza, with two active mills. Families from M’hamed region. Traditional milling, very common in the area

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Domain Practice Sing; Plural Site Level Main function Description Perceived intergenerational changes neighbouring households also bring their grains to the in previous decades, has been mill for grinding. replaced by industrial grinding outside the territory. Food Traditional recipes IME Household To eat, Traditional recipes are prepared by women and include Tagoulla is starting to be replaced Ph1+Ph2 especially bread (tahmart, tahnayat, tannurt), dishes based on by rice, as traditional celebrations Various traditional + AMH prepared flour (baddaz, seksou, tagoulla, askif, abrway) or linked to the agricultural calendar recipes Ph2 during cooked salads with wild leafy vegetables: tibi (Malva are abandoned (due to their link celebration sp.), tajloujt (Portulaca oleracea), guernouch with pre-Islamic beliefs). New time or (Nasturtium officinale), wamssa (Foeniculum vulgare), recipes are being prepared: seasonally afrass (Brassica rapa), lfsst (Medicago sativa), enhanced transmission between tigeghsht (Silene vulgaris), tifoucht (spinach cf.). Bread the mountains (adrar) and the can be combined with other ingredients (lard, spices). plains (zagar), and mass media Baddaz and seksou (couscous) are prepared in a similar have popularised new recipes way but baddaz uses cornflour and has no meat, including other Moroccan recipes whereas seksou is prepared with barley and wheat such as rfissa or international ones flour and includes meat; this is accompanied with such as lasagne. Meat is more vegetables which can include local ingredients such as often cooked nowadays, for afrass, lfsst, wamsa, toukkirin (sun-dried turnips) and example, incorporated in baddaz. tinifin (peas) or takourayt (un-ripe figs) when in season. When prepared on their own, wild leafy vegetables are cut into small pieces and steamed, mixed with garlic, spices, preserved lemon and olive oil. They are served as a salad or with bread as a starter. Askif, abrway and tagulla are flour soups with or without butter or milk (askif and tagulla are prepared with barley, abrway with wheat). Askif is eaten as the first food every day, and tagulla is prepared for a special occasion (often in relation to the agricultural calendar). Seksou and tagulla are often prepared during activities practised by tiwizi and during celebrations and ceremonies, including lemarouf.

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Domain Practice Sing; Plural Site Level Main function Description Perceived intergenerational changes Exceptionally, men prepare specific meat dishes such as mishui (slow-cooked lamb brochettes) for special occasions. Food Toummite (zmeta in IME Household To eat as a Toummite is prepared with barley flour either using The hand mill is rarely used Moroccan Arabic) AMH traditional flour made from ripe and dried cereal (called simply nowadays and has been replaced dessert (with toummite) or fresh and un-ripe grains (Toummite n by electric options. Toummite is Traditional dish medicinal use) azenbou). The grain is washed, dried, ground and mixed prepared less frequently due to based on barley with aromatic plants, which can include combinations the decrease of barley production. flour of timija (Mentha suaveolens), lqezbour (Coriandrum sativum), azoukni (Thymus saturejoides), lhelba (Trigonella foenum-graecum), azuka (Tetraclinis articulata), izouran (lit. “roots”, set of species used often medicinally), jnjlan (Sesamum indicum), fleyou (Mentha pulegium), and others. The dessert is believed to have medicinal properties due to the plants added to the flour. Variations of the dish use different flours at the same time or are based on carob flour (unusual). Ground flour and herbs are eaten on its own, with tea, whey or milk. Specific recipes are transmitted along female lineages. Ceremonies Lemarouf IME Household, To give charity, Lemarouf is a gathering that can be of friends and It is now mostly practised at a AMH douar, celebrate a family members, of all douar villagers or bring people household level. Old celebrations Gathering and community festivity, from different villages together. Originally linked to of lemarouf involving the whole celebration linked commemorate moussems and marabouts, it is now practised as an douar or people from several to charity or prayer a saint or dead aspect of Muslim charity. Traditional food will be douars were linked to marabouts person prepared (with the collaboration of one or more and are not carried out anymore. families, who contribute with different ingredients and labour) and shared. It is now practised to commemorate dead family members, or as an act of charity once a year or twice a year, linked to the start of the harvesting (of cereal and nut trees).

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Domain Practice Sing; Plural Site Level Main function Description Perceived intergenerational changes Ceremonies Asseft/iffid IME Douar To mark a shift Tagulla is prepared with barley flour away from the This has almost disappeared; in the village by both men and women after the aaser prayer. whilst it was practised Celebration linked agricultural Cows cannot be taken to graze until iffid, the first milk ubiquitously, to the best of our to the agricultural calendar after they graze outdoors has a special meaning. The knowledge it was only practised in calendar celebration can also mark the start of cereal harvesting. one village (in 2015) by children supervised by one adult (rather than by adults themselves)

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V.2 High Atlas cultural landscapes as complex socioecological systems The traditional land use practices listed above impact High Atlas biodiversity in three different ways. Some shape the landscape and maintain specific topographic features and biodiversity patterns by delimiting cultivation and grazing areas and managing their water supply (aderass, afrague, imarine, astour, tafergant, assemgonou, laêzib, azzayin, agdal). Others contribute to the rich knowledge and use of the local flora (isenwi abdeldi, oboy n okchoud). Yet others facilitate the embodiment of local values that regulate interactions among people and between them and the local environment (tiwizi, asseft, lemarouf).

Although documented as separate entities, these agro-ecological practices cannot be understood in isolation from each other. They all contribute to High Atlas biodiversity distribution patterns and to local livelihoods. For example, some of the practices named by informants are complementary and achieve multiple aims at the same time. Building stone walls creates important landscape features, clears stones from the soil, enhancing its arability, and are used to manage the mobility of livestock. Animal resources, such as manure, increase agricultural production and plants in turn are used for fodder and forage. Above all, water supply is necessary for all activities and celebrations and recipes are the foremost expression of local cultural and biological diversity. This material and immaterial connection between practices is manifested not only in the impact of the practices, but also in their temporal and spatial organisation.

Cultural landscapes in the High Atlas are structured by various levels of appropriation (Auclair et al., 2012), from areas and resources privately owned at a household level to those shared among families of one village (douar), among villages of the same rural commune (jamaa karawiya) and among people of different rural communes. The inhabitants of the High Atlas categorise their interaction with the environment according to these different levels, following principles of land management and ownership. In some cases, a single practice occurs at multiple levels: at a household level on private land, at village level, by collaboration of all families in the village, or through coordination of different villages. This is often the case for water management (tawala n wamen), as well as harvest restriction and practices (azzayin and azzwui). These communal practices can bring together people in neighbouring villages that share land or water resources, even if they do not necessarily belong to the same rural commune, which is a governmental administrative unit. Only the practice of agdal is in most cases intercommunal, requiring the coordination of people from more than one rural commune and often from different tribal origins. Some of these landscapes are not free from conflict between different tribal groups or between the local community and the national governmental institutions.

Most practices occur at specific times of the year. Following the four seasons—taguerst (winter), tadrar (spring), tambdout or sif (summer) and tamanzouyt or elkhrif (autumn)—these are generally linked to plant growth cycle and are dependent on one another. In winter (December to February), snow in the high mountains keeps the agdals and alpine pastures unused. While the last snow can fall in April; May is already hot and cereals are harvested. The extreme heat in the summer (July to mid- September) triggers the ripening of fruits and nuts and tawala n wamen (distribution of water in turns) is used to distribute the limited water after arras n targa (cleaning of irrigation canals). Fencing linked to taoudia (clearing the soil from stones) are carried out “during the season of working the land” (winter) and also after the cereal harvest (end of spring).

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Figure 12. Agricultural calendars for Ait M'hamed agdals (a) and crop production (b), and Imegdal's transhumance, l aêzib (c) and crop production (d).

Land ownership and management also shape spatial ecological diversity by enhancing agricultural and farming production in specific ways. Fields and grazing areas are distributed along altitudinal gradients, from the humid and irrigated valley bottoms, with seasonal or year-round streams, to dry mountain slopes. Terraced agriculture combined with an intricate irrigation system comprising aghbalous (springs), tergew (pl. of targa, irrigation canals) and tafrouts (water reservoirs), all contribute to shaping the landscape. Water is distributed from springs to irrigated fields through a dendritic system of canals in which reservoirs are strategically integrated. Vegetables can be grown in the margins of cereal and tree fields or separately in small adjacent fields. Planted tree cover and dry cereal cultivation can continue beyond the immediate areas around the village, in non-irrigated fields where mostly nut trees are planted. These trees can also be grown alongside mountain streams in privately owned and managed irrigated areas, referred to as tagdalt (lit. “little agdal”), that have an understory of weedy plants (touga) harvested as fodder at specific regulated times of the year.

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Figure 13. Resource spaces and appropriation levels in the High Atlas adapted from Auclair et al. (2012).

Moreover, enclosing is key in creating High Atlas vegetation mosaics in cultural landscapes. Enclosures contribute to terracing and the separation of fields of different owners and of areas where different types of agricultural activities are conducted. They delimit home gardens, sacred groves and livestock passages across cultivated areas from home enclosures to pasturelands. In Ait M'hamed, astour is used around fruit trees in gardens or to protect saplings of juniper (Juniperus spp.), ash (Fraxinus dimorpha) and oak (Quercus ilex) in non-irrigated lands. Herds are taken to graze beyond the cultivated areas toward mountain sites following seasonal transhumance, closer to villages in wintertime (when there is snow in the higher mountains) and upland in summertime, within or outside agdal areas.

Beyond particularities in space and time, these practices take place in a social context where labour and responsibility are highly gendered. Women and men have specific roles in each aspect of the agro- ecological system and practices are carried out by only one or the other sex, with very few exceptions. Decisions on specific dates for all major agricultural activities, including water management, celebrations linked to the agricultural calendar and appointment of guardians for azzayin, are taken on Fridays in the mosque primarily by men. Male representatives from different communities gather once a year to decide on the closing and opening dates of the agdal, and appoint one or more guardians. Women rarely participate in decision making regarding the agro-ecological calendar, unless they are the heads of the household (typically widows).

In contrast, women are in charge of keeping the household running: they are responsible for cooking, family health and domestic animals such as cows, chickens and rabbits. They are primarily in charge of food preparation for celebrations, or during both men’s and women’s tiwizi work. Non-daily routine tasks include weaving rugs, weeding, harvesting cereals, shelling nuts and collecting specific fodder plants in remote areas (e.g., auri, Stipa tenacissima). All these tasks are carried out in tiwizi. While men are in charge of the cultivation of cereals, vegetables and fruit and nut trees, women contribute by caring for young animals of the herds, harvesting cereals, carrying crops to rooftops for drying and shelling nuts, among other tasks. Men take care of ploughing, building aderas and imarine, planting

61 and threshing cereal, harvesting fruits and nuts, growing vegetables, shepherding (including transhumance to areas seasonally restricted or open year-round), maintaining irrigation infrastructure and doing most of the construction work. Both men and women build astour (protective walls around saplings and small trees) as needed, and may engage in commercial medicinal and aromatic plant collection.

In this layered management system, regular decisions are taken for the temporal coordination and implementation of many practices. Community decision-making bodies set rules for the use of biodiversity and water resources, including agreement on restrictions and sanctions. Of all customary laws relating to the management of the local environment, agdal grazing practices have received most scholarly attention (Auclair & Alifriqui, 2012). This is likely due to the size of the land involved, its economic importance and the social complexity of its sustainable management (Auclair et al., 2012; Auclair & Alifriqui, 2012; Domínguez et al., 2012). However, other agroecological practices at smaller scales are also regulated by customary law and involve restrictions on the use of resources (importantly, laêzib, tawala n wamen and azzayin). These can be just as economically important as pastoral and forestry agdals and also have a significant impact on High Atlas biodiversity. At village and household level, private family lands and those shared among a small number of households follow access rules comparable to those of the agdal, though simpler in implementation. Azzayin (temporal grazing restriction on cultivated areas) matches the description of agdal as a practice of temporary grazing restrictions on the use of specific resources within a delimited territory (Auclair et al., 2012). In Imegdal, although laêzib (transhumance) mostly involves grazing in common unregulated lands, access to some areas is restricted. The distribution of water by tawala n wamen is cautiously controlled in space and time.

Within the complex socioecological system that maintains High Atlas cultural landscapes lie three key overarching landscape management strategies: terraced agroecosystems, pastoral agdals and traditional plant management practices. Prior to describing these strategies in individual case studies in section V.4, we first share the results of data collection exercises that make traditional land use practices with biodiversity.

V.3 High Atlas biodiversity: importance, status and relationships with traditional practices The High Atlas mountain range, a major geographical feature of the , is one of the eleven areas designated as Mediterranean biodiversity hotspots by IUCN (Quézel, 1983; Quézel and Médail, 1995; Médail and Quézel 1999; Myers et al., 2000; Médail and Myers, 2004). The High Atlas is characterised by high habitat diversity and contains most of Morocco’s Important Plant Areas (IPAs) and Key Biodiversity Areas of Morocco (JBAs; Taleb and Fennane 2011; Rankou et al., 2018). It is home to more than half of the Moroccan flora, one of the richest in the Mediterranean regional biodiversity hotspots. It houses 1,913 species and subspecies of plants in 448 genera and 89 families, with a high level of endemism and threatened species (Fennane and Ibn Tattou 1998, 2012; Rankou et al., 2013). The region’s plant diversity anchors an impressively high overall biological diversity, including many species of birds and insects. In this section, we will provide an overview of the floristic diversity in Key Biodiversity Areas in the High Atlas and of the flora currently listed in the High Atlas Red List.

Interwoven with this rich biodiversity is a rich cultural heritage and of knowledge regarding biodiversity. It is important to carry out in-depth research into local knowledge about plant diversity

62 and management in order to better understand both local ecological processes and the conservation requirements of these complex socioecological systems. In effect, evidence has mounted over the past four decades that biodiversity conservation cannot be decoupled from local and traditional knowledge (e.g., Ahmed 2008; Huntington, 2011; Davidson-Hunt et al. 2012; Lepofsky, 2009). Much research now shows that traditional ecological knowledge contributes to improving livelihoods, sustaining biodiversity and ecosystems services, and building resilience in social-ecological systems (e.g., Gadgil et al. 1993; Folke 2004, Berkes & Davidson-Hunt 2006; Ceuterick et al. 2011; Gómez-Baggethun et al. 2012). In fact, local or traditional ecological knowledge and the practices it supports have been shown to enhance biodiversity (Nabhan et al. 1982; Nabhan 2000; Furusawa et al. 2014). This knowledge is at the heart of human modifications of the landscape that result, for example, in multifunctional, productive and diverse landscapes in the Mediterranean (Thompson 2005; Blondel 2006; Carvalho & Frazão-Moreira 2011). Indigenous and local communities across the world recognise, name and manage ecological interactions with native biodiversity and this knowledge offers alternative possibilities for biodiversity conservation (Berkes et al. 2000; Nabhan 2001; Carvalho & Frazão- Moreira 2011). They may have specialised knowledge about rare, threatened and endemic species that can guide the identification, management, protection, or recovery of habitats for these taxa (Nabhan 2001). However, the integration of this knowledge in conservation strategies is not straightforward (Gruber 2010; Brooks et al. 2013) and important regional cultural and environmental differences may hinder the formulation of global guidelines.

The IUCN red list database is internationally accepted as the most comprehensive of indices of global species extinction, and its primary data source used for conservation priority-setting and policy- making (Possingham et al. 2002; Trousdale & Gregory 2004; Hoffmann et al. 2008). Yet, as this section shows, it is important to examine the relationship of the red list with local perceptions of conservation status and threats. Following the overview of the High Atlas floristic diversity and Red List given below, we examine these relationships and provide some initial case studies of resource management plans for plants that are both locally valuable and of conservation importance.

Floristic and ethnobotanical studies in High Atlas Key Biodiversity Areas (KBAs): an overview To date, we have completed in-depth floristic studies in two High Atlas KBAs: Ait M’hamed KBA (specifically Igourdane agdal) and Imegdal KBA. We used a comprehensive approach to data collection involving (1) a complete review of the existing scientific literature to create an initial checklist, (2) examining all the main taxonomic databases and checklists, (3) herbarium studies to extract the associated data from the herbarium specimen labels at most of the major herbaria nationally and internationally, (4) plant collection expeditions and Rapid Botanical Surveys (RBS), to collect more data, fill the gaps and verify the checklist, and (5) the creation of botanical voucher specimens placed in local community herbaria and databased using the Botanical Research and Herbarium Management System, BRAHMS (Brahms, 2017). We are currently launching floristic studies for a third KBA – Oukaïmeden – meaning that all three of our principal field sites are officially recognised as key areas for the protection of biodiversity.

These KBAs were defined using the following elements: (1) Identification of the ‘trigger’ species for each KBA [Imegdal: Cupressus atlantica Gaussen; Ait M’hamed: Anacyclus pyrethrum (L.) Lag.; Oukaïmeden: Dactylorhiza atlantica Kreutz & Vlacih], (2) Site delimitation, using the commune boundaries in all three cases, (3) Scientific review and documentation of the floristic richness and composition of the management unit and (4) Submitting the KBA site to the IUCN KBA secretariat to

63 be reviewed and after that appear in the KBA database. The three KBAs were published in Valderrábano, M., Gil, T., Heywood, V., and de Montmollin, B. (eds.) (2018).

Igourdane agdal, with a surface area of a mere 4200ha, has a flora composed of 262 species, 178 genera and 56 families of vascular plants. Of the flora recorded, 80 % are herbaceous species, 10 % are , 8 % are shrubs and 2% are woody species. There are three large or common families that dominate the agdal’s flora, representing 60 % of the total taxa of the flora based on the number and species frequency (See Fig. 14).

Figure 14: Most diverse families of the Igourdane Agdal

Of the 262 species recorded, 48 are endemic, representing more than 18 % of the Igourdane agdal flora (See Annex 12 for a full list). The families with the highest rate of endemism are (10 spp., 21%), and Fabaceae (9 spp., 19 %), followed by (7 spp., 15%), Caprifoliaceae and Apiaceae (3 spp, 6%) and Scrophulariaceae, Brassicaceae, Convolvulaceae, Polygonaceae (2 spp, 4%). The most endemic-rich genera are Thymus, Eryngium, Bellis, Carlina, Convolvulus, Vicia, Rumex. We found a total of 32 genera containing a single endemic species in the Igourdane agdal and we identified 32 rare taxa.

The combined data recorded shows that the Igourdane agdal flora contains 86 taxa (68 genera and 32 families) of plants that have aromatic and medicinal uses, representing 33% of the KBA’s flora. Eight of these are endemic species, five of which feature in the list of most-used by local communities (Mentha suaveolens subsp. timija (Coss. ex .), Euphorbia resinifera O. Berg, Thymus pallidus Coss. ex Batt., Thymus saturejoides Coss., and Anacyclus pyrethrum (L.) Link). Most medicinal plants collected in Igourdane agdal are used to treat illnesses of the skin, the digestive tract, the endocrine system, the circulatory system, the respiratory system, the immune system, the buccodental system, the genito-urinary system and the nervous system.

Imegdal KBA, covering a surface area of 278km2, boasts a flora comprising 404 species of vascular plants belonging to 259 genera and 67 families. Imegdal is dominated by herbaceous species (87%). Trees occupied second position (5%) followed by shrubs (4.4%) and subshrubs (3.4%). In term of families, the richest and most diverse families of the Imegdal flora are the Asteraceae (74 spp., 47 genera, 18.3%), Fabaceae (38 spp., 21 genera, 9.4%), Poaceae (34 spp., 25 genera, 8.4%) and

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Lamiaceae (31 spp., 16 genera, 7.7%) (See Annex 13). Our analyses of Imegdal flora allowed us to identify 98 species with an endemism status, representing 24% of the total species recorded in Imegdal (See Annex 14).

The combined research and analyses of the Imegdal flora showed that the medicinal flora contains 125 taxa (99 genera and 44 families), representing 31% of the entire flora, of which 12 are strictly endemic to Morocco and seven are regionally endemic. The common endemic medicinal species used in Imegdal are Mentha gattefossei, Mentha suaveolens subsp. timija (Coss. ex Briq.), Thymus atlantica (Ball) Roussine and Lavandula maroccana Murb. The local communities use these plants to treat many categories of disease, such as digestive, respiratory, cardiovascular, immune, buccodental, genito- urinary and nervous systems, endocrine, haematological or homeothermic diseases, as well as in antimicrobial therapy (Bellakhdar 1997; Teixidor-Toneu et al., 2016). See also Annex 15 which provides detail on the use and management of plants of high cultural value in Ait M’hamed and Imegdal.

80 70 60 50 40 30 20 10 0 Rosaceae Fabaceae Araliaceae Lamiaceae Urticaceae Adoxaceae Solanaceae Cyperaceae Pteridaceae Dipsacaceae Geraniaceae Crassulaceae Polygalaceae Ephedraceae Brassicaceae Boraginaceae Ranunculaceae Convolvulaceae Campanulaceae Plumbaginaceae Caryophyllaceae Xanthorrhoeaceae

Number of Species Number of genera

Figure 15: Specific richness of Imegdal flora

Given the importance of plant use for local culture and community wellbeing, this floristic research is complemented by in-depth ethnobotanical research on how communities use and manage these plants (Teixidor-Toneu et al, 2016; Teixidor-Toneu et al in press; Teixidor-Toneu et al, submitted). This research was initially carried out between 2016 and 2018 in the sites of Ait M’hamed and Imegdal and produced 3630 Use Reports for 211 taxa belonging to 66 plant families. Given that the vascular flora of the High Atlas (excluding cultivated species) consists of approximately 1916 plant species according to the Flore Pratique du Maroc (Fennane et al. 1999, 2007, 2015), the useful flora reported in this data represents 10% of the total flora of the High Atlas. Of the 211 taxa reported as used, 59 plant taxa (four genera and 55 species) were identified as plants with high cultural value (See Annex 15), over half of which are commercialised. Of these, we identified 12 species that communities manage (either privately or collectively) for sustainability. Of these, only 3 are considered vulnerable or endangered by the IUCN Red list (Anacylcus pyrethrum, Fraxinus dimorpha and Stipa tenacissima), while most of the others are perceived locally as decreasing, principally due to climate change and overharvesting.

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In order to make the connection between biodiversity and traditional practices, we sought first to assess the conservation status of the High Atlas flora using IUCN criteria and categories. We then explored local perceptions of conservation status of species of high cultural value, describing also traditional management strategies that are used for particular species. We found important discrepancies between the High Atlas Red List database and local perceptions regarding plant conservation status and threats, indicating a lack of congruence between ‘mainstream’ conservation approaches and those engaged in locally.

The conservation status of High Atlas plant biodiversity: IUCN assessments and local perceptions Since 2013 we have assessed the conservation status of the endemic flora of the High Atlas by applying the IUCN Red List criteria and categories. We mainly calculated the metrics Area of Occupancy (AOO) and Extent of Occurrence (EOO). We also surveyed and analysed the population size, population trends, and threats to species in order to apply the quantitative Red List criteria. The red list criteria include five subcriteria related to extinction risk drivers (A, declining population; B, geographic range size; C, small population size; and D, very small population) to eventually classify a species in one of the IUCN Red List categories [Critically Endangered (CR), Endangered (EN), Vulnerable (VU), Near Threatened (NT), or Least Concern (LC)). Overall results are presented in Table 2 and Figure 16.

Table 2: Summary of the Red List status of the endemic High Atlas flora by threat category.

IUCN Red List Category Number of endemic species Critically Endangered (CR) 33 Endangered (EN) 62 Vulnerable (VU) 4 Near Threatened (NT) 1

Number of species 40

30 NT 20 VU 10 EN 0 CR

Figure 16: Summary of the number and IUCN Red List Assessments of the endemic High Atlas flora, by family.

Eighty-two species of the 100 that are currently on the High Atlas Red List are actively used by communities. However, as described below, not all of the species on the up-to-date High Atlas Red List database are perceived as endangered or decreasing by local communities. For example, Lavandula maroccana and Mentha suaveolens subsp. timija are not perceived as threatened by the inhabitants of Imegdal but they are both considered Vulnerable by their IUCN regional and global

66 assessments (Rankou et al. 2020a, 2020b). On the other hand, only a small proportion of species of high cultural value have been formally assessed and the Red List database includes fewer than half of them (see annex 15). As many as 17 species that are perceived locally as decreasing in the High Atlas are not assessed or considered of least conservation concern. These range from aromatic Thymus species, fruit and other trees such as Ficus carica or Quercus rotundifolia, to wild greens such as Nasturtium officinale. The latter is an interesting case in point: assessed as Least Concern by global and regional formal assessments, it is of high concern for local informants as its loss would have a direct impact on local food sovereignty and food security, and, as a plant used in traditional gastronomy, on local biocultural diversity.

The differences between the perspectives of community members and conservation actors regarding what constitutes a plant species that is “of interest” are most likely rooted in differences regarding the assignation of value to a species. Indigenous and local knowledge systems may value specific plants for the practical uses they make of them (for medicine, food, shelter, fuel, and so on), as well as for cultural, spiritual or symbolic reasons (Garibaldi & Turner 2004; Posey 1999). These species are often – although not always – relatively common, very possibly as a result of direct or indirect human management over the millennia (Thompson 2005; Voeks 2004). Effectively, many species that have a high cultural value among Amazigh communities are actively and collectively managed or protected either through seasonal grazing or harvesting limits, physical barriers, soil and water management practices, and other traditional land use practices described in Table 1. On the other hand, the IUCN red-list database, national red-listed species or other formal assessments tend to concentrate on endemic, rare and wild plant species as these are considered most indicative of ecosystem health in general.

Although this incongruence must be analysed more closely in order to develop conservation priorities that are relevant both for local communities and conservation practitioners, it is not the objective of this review and was done elsewhere (Teixidor-Toneu et al, submitted). Instead, for the purpose of this review, we take a closer look at 6 species we selected for in-depth research and sustainable management to support High Atlas biodiversity, ecosystems and livelihoods. These are reported in ‘best practice case study 3’ below. In the following section we provide an overview of the results of our longterm ecological monitoring in pastoral agdals and artificial enclosures.

Long-term ecological monitoring in pastoral agdals and artificial enclosures Another key component of our research, which explicitly examines the relationships between traditional land use practices and biodiversity, is our monitoring programme. We have carried out long-term ecological monitoring in pastoral agdals and artificial enclosures since 2015. In January 2020 we produced a comprehensive report on this 4-year process (Annex 16). In addition, in Spring 2019 we began ecological monitoring in enrichment planting areas and agricultural terraces. Our HACL Monitoring Protocol is available for review in the following documents: a narrative overview (Annex 17) and a data-gathering spreadsheet (Annex 18). In this section we provide key outcomes from the vegetation monitoring process in agdals and enclosures as it provides the most comprehensive data on the relationships between traditional practices and important biodiversity.

The vegetation monitoring process was carried out in the Key Biodiversity Areas of Ait M’hamed (Igourdane agdal), Imegdal (an artificial enclosure) and Oukaïmeden (the homonymous agdal).

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Sampling and data collection methods are described in detail in Annex 16, and presented visually in Figure 17.

Baseline data collection: Sampling strategy & study sites: - Habitat survey - Sampling strategy - Floristic checklist - Sites: - Species mapping and - Imegdal IUCN conservation - Boumagour assessments - Igourdane - - 1 2 METHODOLOGY 3 4

Ecological monitoring: Remote sensing: - Line Intercept Transect - Normalized Difference Vegetation - Quadrat Index (NDVI) - Biodiversity assessments - Fractional vegetation cover (FVC) - Biodiversity indices - Vegetation Biomass

Figure 17: Flowchart illustrating our ecological monitoring methodology.

The results of this process are provided in detail in Chapter V of Annex 16. For the two agdals, results are organized according to Floristic Richness; Frequency, Abundance and Density, and DAFOR assessment; Vegetation Cover; Biodiversity Indices and Remote Sensing (NDVI). The key take-homes from the 4-year ecological monitoring process in agdals are:

1. The specific richness measurement shows that the two agdals are twice as species rich as the control sites; 2. Essential biodiversity variables calculated show that the traditional management practice of seasonal closure of the agdals makes it possible for both vegetation cover and biodiversity to recover within the agdals from one year to the next; 3. The correlation found between biodiversity indices measured in the field and remotely sensed vegetation indices will allow us to extrapolate biodiversity indices across the entire agdals. 4. Specific measures: (i) Species Richness: o Agdals are richer in species than the control sites. We found an average of 140 families inside agdals, but only 70 families at the control sites. (ii) Frequency, Abundance, Density and DAFOR assessment: o Abundance, density and DAFOR assessment inside the agdals are all higher than the control sites.

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o Frequency diagrams show that the vegetation community structure is more heterogeneous inside agdals than at the control sites (iii) Vegetation Cover: o Vegetation cover is high in the agdals, with an average 75% coverage rate inside agdals, compared to just 54% at control sites. (iv) Biodiversity indices: o Values of the three biodiversity indices (Shannon, Simpson and Evenness) are also higher inside the agdals than the control sites, and show that agdals support high levels of plant species and habitat diversity. (v) Remote sensing measurements: o NDVI and FVC are higher inside the agdals than the control sites. o NDVI, maps and time series of NDVI allow us to track the spatio-temporal pattern of the vegetation. o FVC values correlate moderately well with field sampling data. o NDVI and Biodiversity indices: The linear correlation is quite low, offering little predictive value for some sites, but reached R²=0.58 for the NDVI-H relationship at Igourdane agdal.

These results clearly show that the traditional practice of agdal seasonal enclosure in commonly managed pastureland has an important role to play in the maintenance and promotion of plant diversity as well as in the protection of a diverse habitat and ecosystem. This is further supported by a comparison of results with vegetation monitoring work carried out in and artificially-created enclosure in Imegdal (where there is no largescale pastoral agdal), used to collect evidence of what happens to biodiversity in areas of land that are not at all used by grazing animals. Prior to sharing that comparison, we provide the results of the monitoring within artificial enclosures and their control sites in Imegdal:

1. Specific richness measurements are greater inside enclosures than in control sites. 2. Essential biodiversity variables calculated increase inside enclosure over the time but stay stable outside enclosures. 3. Enclosures play a role in the maintenance of biodiversity richness and in halting the negative effect of overgrazing. 4. Overgrazing impacts biodiversity negatively in term of richness and species diversity but positively in terms of habitat diversity. 5. Specific measures: (i) Species Richness: o It is greater inside enclosure than outside. An average of 60 families and genera inside enclosures, but only 41 families outside. (ii) Frequency, Abundance, Density and DAFOR assessment: o Abundance, density and DAFOR assessment inside enclosure is higher than outside. o Frequency diagrams show that the structure of the vegetation community is homogeneous inside the enclosure, while community structure is heterogeneous outside the enclosure. (iii) Vegetation Cover:

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o Vegetation cover is very high inside enclosure: an average of 84 % of coverage, compared to only 34% outside. (iv) Biodiversity indices: o Values of the three biodiversity indices (Shannon, Simpson and Evenness) are higher inside enclosure. (v) Remotely sensed indices: o NDVI, FVC are higher inside enclosure. o FVC: FVC values correlate better with field sampling data than in agdal monitoring. o NDVI and biodiversity indices: The linear correlation between these values inside the enclosure is higher than outside the enclosure.

Our results show that both forms of enclosure (agdals and artificially created exclusion zones) clearly have positive impacts on plant biodiversity. However, the comparison between agdal measurements and artificial enclosure measurements reveal that agdals are more effective than artificial enclosures at protecting and maintaining diversity than exclusion zones. This is because seasonal grazing results in changes in floristic composition over time, avoiding monospecific dominance (both in terms of density and abundance) and promoting heterogeneity and habitat diversity. It is likely that the reasons for this are that grazing supports active seed dispersal, improves soil fertility through manure, supports germination and insect diversity through mechanical disturbance and increases habitat structure (e.g. Peco, Sanchéz and Martìn Azcàrate 2006), although further research would confirm these hypotheses.

By sustaining year-on-year ‘ecological restoration’ processes during the spring closing period, agdals actively promote diversity and resilience. They therefore represent a very important traditional practice for the long-term conservation of High Atlas montane meadow ecosystems. They are systems in peril of being lost, however, as a result of conflicts, reduced interest in transhumance on the part of the younger generation, and lack of recognition of their importance by the state. In section VII we explore approaches to supporting and promoting agdals to ensure they continue to maintain the important plant diversity of High Atlas Cultural Landscapes into the future.

V.4 Three best practice traditional landscape management strategies: agdals, terraced agroecosystems and sustainable production and harvest of plants During the course of our social and ecological research, we carried out in-depth case studies of ‘best practice’ management strategies that shape the High Atlas. In Imegdal rural commune, we characterised the iconic agroecosystem of the douar Anamer and in Ait M’hamed rural commune we carried out a case study of Igourdane agdal. In addition, we have carried out extensive ethnobotanical research on traditional knowledge and practices related to trees and medicinal and aromatic plants (MAPs), and thus have come up with another key best practice case study on plant management, which also includes innovative practices and actions.

BEST PRACTICE CASE STUDY 1: HIGH ATLAS TERRACED AGROECOSYSTEMS The partner community in this research, Anamer, belongs to the Imegdal commune of the Al Haouz province of the High Atlas Mountains of Morocco. The community is inhabited by Tashelhit speaking Amazigh people, who practice mixed farming - growing crops and raising livestock. Anamer is composed of 86 households, 15% of which were interviewed for the purposes of this research, that are situated at an altitude of 1587 meters, leading to relative isolation due to the difficulty associated with transporting goods and movement of people. Fields where crops are cultivated are at an

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approximate elevation of 1500 meters while the highest point of the douar reaches at an elevation of 1600 meters.

Despite their relative isolation, the people of Anamer are mobile regardless of non-existent public transportation in the area. Access to outside markets can be seen as one of the drivers of visible cultural shifts today. When viewed through the prisms of current food consumption and agricultural practices, the effects of globalization and modernization on Amazigh lives are evident. Changes to the previous traditional community structure have resulted in shifts in the resources, diets, perspectives and overall lived experience of people in the area. The traditional Berber dietary model was semiautarkic (or quasi self‐sufficient), dependent on an ecosystem that guarantees food security by linking humans to the environment (Belahsen, 2017). Dependency on the environment remains true regardless of urbanization or influence from nonlocal food sources.

Figure 18: The fertile valley terracing system where the majority of local agriculture is practiced, situated between Anamer and the neighboring village, Taourirt.

The domesticated crops grown in the Annamer agroecosystem are barley (Hordeum vulgare), potatoes (Solanum tuberosum), onions (Allium cepa), walnuts (Juglans regia), almonds (Prunus dulcis), maize (Zea mays), alfalfa (Medicago sativa), tomatoes (Solanum lycopersicum), eggplant (Solanum melongena), courgettes (Cucurbita pepo), carrots (Daucus carota subsp. sativus), fava beans (Vicia faba), turnips (Brassica rapa subsp. rapa), beetroot (Beta vulgaris), green beans (Phaseolus vulgaris), and blue iris (Iris germanica). All the farmers interviewed harvest edible wild plants from their plots as well as the domesticated crops cultivated.

There are four main edible wild plants harvested: wamsa (Foeniculum vulgare), garnounch (Nasturtium officinale), tibi (Malva sp.), takourayte (Ficus carica) and tajloujte (Portulaca oleracea). Wamsa is harvested by all (100 %) of interviewees. All edible wild plants are harvested for household consumption, typically added to a dish such as tajine or individually.

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Figure 19: Blue iris (Iris germanica) roots being harvested, typically for export sales.

Individual plots are generally clearly demarcated by the use of dry stone walls or tree lines. This form of managing individual property can be understood through the historical context of landownership in the community, all land being patrilineally inherited and ownership easily traced. Individual plot size and shape fluctuate in response to the diverse landscape of the village, using areas where soil fertility and water availability are highest. The resulting individual fields are in locations that are either mostly flat and located in the valley, at a moderate incline, or at a very steep incline on the side of the mountain that borders the valley. Thirteen percent of respondents define their fields as located on land that is of each of the three topographical characterizations although the majority of fields in cultivation are reported as flat in topography. The variance of total land owned by individual farmer’s ranges from just 0.005 hectares (50 m2) to 2 hectares, with an average amount of 0.5 hectares.

All farmers in Anamer sow their fields with seeds, either saved from their previous harvests or purchased, while one third of them also use seedlings for some crops. Plants that are started using seedlings are mostly walnut and almond trees. Other predominant crop species grown using seedlings include potato, and onion. Saving seeds from previous harvests is a widespread practice within the region, with over half of the farmers interviewed saving seed every season. Interviewees report occasions when seed saving is not used as either when the previous harvest was not of an appropriate quality or when it is not appropriate due to the growing requirements of the crop species. Within a yearlong growing period, farmers who cultivate potatoes regularly purchase seed for the first sowing and save seed to be used for the second planting. Seeds that are not saved are procured from the local market (souk), from a wholesale buyer within the community, or traded. All farmers state that they (also) buy seeds from the souk, making it the predominant seed source.

As agro-pastoralists, Anamer farmers have access to organic soil nutrient inputs consisting of animal manure and livestock bedding material rather than household consumption compost, which is used instead to supplement livestock diets. The use of inorganic fertilizers is also present but not adopted by all the farmers interviewed: while all used organic manure, less than two-thirds used inorganic fertilizers. These inputs are used typically twice a year, after harvest and before re-sowing.

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Figure 20: (left) Household food waste being given to livestock rather than being composted due to the nature of nutrient cycling in an agropastoralist community. (right) Ploughing a field using donkeys prior to applying manure and then resowing.

There are management practices used that are not experimental although sustainable, such as terracing systems. Integrated terrace agriculture has allowed the local population to continue to subsist on diversified rotation agricultures (Barrow and Hicham, 2000). Maintaining a level of diversity in fields has been important for production and ecosystem services, as shown by Smith (2008) increasing crop diversity in ecosystems can lead to significant increases in ecosystem functions related to crop production. With regard to the current local food system, it is highly contingent on land ownership. The traditional Berber dietary model, linked to the terroir – that is, the specific environmental characteristics and farming practices that affect crop phenotype – has ensured food security in Berber tribes, with women playing a crucial role (Belahsen, 2017). The amount of land owned dictates the percentage of food that must be acquired from outside of the household. Those with less land have less control over what they consume, resulting in a reduced food sovereignty.

Spatial organisation of fields involves rotation of crops and intercropping. Every farmer interviewed rotate their crops, although they only rotate in sections of their fields rather than all fields in cultivation. Intercropping was carried out in the fields of approximately half of the farmers interviewed. Examples of types of intercropping practiced include cultivating walnut tree seedlings in a field mostly cropped with barley, potatoes, or onions. The walnut seedlings grow until they are mature enough to be transplanted, and the arable crop is harvested afterwards. When walnut tree seedlings are not being cultivated, barley is also often intercropped with potatoes and onions.

Fields in Anamer are irrigated using a historical system of interlocking canals (targas) that distribute water using a gentle land gradient. Water originates from a source at a higher elevation which is then shared amongst agriculturists through a web of targas that can be opened and closed using stones or clay. Some targas are more modern and made of cement, while others remain earthen, which is the traditional form of canal construction. Water is shared between families and then among the extended family itself, using a schedule moderated by the Jma’a (traditional communal authority) of the village. 80 % of farmers receive water for irrigation in there parcels of land once every 15 days; the rest obtain water every 17 days. Not all plots are irrigated; the ability to irrigate all plots is contingent on water availability over the long and short term as well as on the distance of the plots with the central canals. This may result in the decision to leave some plots remaining uncultivated in drought years.

The introduction of cement targas made of cement was well received by farmers of the region; there is a strong preference for cement construction over earthen canals. The predominant preference for

73 cement targas is reportedly related to their speed and efficiency in comparison with earthen targas. They are said to be able to transport larger quantities of water for farther distances and to significantly reduce water loss. Particularly when water availability is low, small quantities can still be transported due to a smoother surface and infiltration is reduced compared to earthen canals. When discussing the benefits of using clay targas, the most favourable attribute of clay targas was the ability to support trees that grew along the borders. Often nut trees such as walnut trees, both purposely planted and spontaneous, bordered the canals and were supported by the water that filtered through the unsealed earthen structure. Once these canals were converted to cement the trees that relied on them for irrigation eventually died because they were otherwise unirrigated. In other instances, we have been told that wild edible plants also often grow on the borders of clay targas, and that the use of cement targas has resulted in the significant reduction of access to these culturally/important species.

Figure 21: (left) Cement targa being used to irrigate a nearby field. (right) Cement targa which was previously earthen, bordered by trees that were once watered by the process of infiltration through the permeable canal, and which now have died.

Figure 22: Harvesting garnounch (Nasturtium officinale) near a clay targa

Farmers differentiate between three different kinds of soils: (a) akal idlane – black soil, which is the most fertile and productive of soils, (b) akal hamri – red soil, which is productive but difficult to work because of its high clay content and (c) akal ahejri – white soil, which is poor and unproductive, being mostly sandy. These different soils are often located at different points of the agroecosystem and used for the production of different types of resources or crops. Ahejri is found on the mountain sides, it is a very shallow soil (less than 20cm in depth) and is very sandy and rocky. Communities may plant certain rustic types of medicinal and aromatic plants in these soils, or even barley or wheat for use as fodder if they are using rain-fed cultivation. Hamri is often found in the terraces and plots that are

74 closer to the river or streams, or where a water course previously existed. Different types of cultivation can be carried out here, depending on need. Non-cultivated riverine plots are also principally hamri, and some nut trees such as walnuts grow well in this clay-rich soil. The idlane soil type is the richest in organic matter and has a texture rather like compost. It is a fertile soil that is most often found in the oldest terraces and plots. This type of soil is actively maintained through the use of cover crops and intercropping to ensure it retains its moisture and organic content. Given its high return and high quality, idlane soil is used for the production of food crops, and particularly crops that may go to market.

Figure 23: Samples of the soil types recognized by Amazigh communities

The traditional interconnected systems of livestock keeping, terraced agriculture and canal-based water management, which in turn result in the production of high-quality soils, have created the iconic green mosaics of the High Atlas valley-bottom agroecosystems. They have also encouraged significant biodiversity – in particular plants, insects and birds – to flourish in landscapes that would otherwise be relatively bare (see Figure 23 above), although dedicated research has yet to be carried out to identify the specific relationships between these practices and key species.

BEST PRACTICE CASE STUDY 2: THE PASTORAL AGDAL OF IGOURDANE The agdal of Igourdane has a surface area of 4200ha and is located in the highlands, between 950 m and 2.600m above sea level. It is used by between 185 and 335 households every year, the numbers varying each year dependent on climactic conditions. The requirement for having the right to use the agdal is to pertain, patrilineally, to one of the three tribes that have right to pasture in the Igourdane agdal: Ait Atta, Ait M’hamed and Ait Ali (Ait Bouguemez).

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Figure 24: Position of Igourdane agdal within Morocco Figure 25: The Igourdane agdal in Ait M’hamed

For the great majority of agdal users, Igourdane represents a fundamental source of high-quality fodder and water. Most families come to Igourdane in search of summer fodder, which is very scarce during the dry season. Transhumance also permits the family to withdraw the herd from the village confines whilst other family members carry out the harvest. Another advantage of grazing in the agdal is the freedom it provides to pastoralists to graze without restrictions or the possibility of conflicts.

The agdal remains closed during the floristic season, between April/May and early June, in order to permit the agdal’s vegetation to regenerate prior to grazing. The specific dates of opening and closing are determined by communal decision-making in the early spring and depend on the climate conditions and their impact on the floristic season (a long hard winter will result in later closing and opening dates). The transhumance journey begins in May (the specific date depends on the point of

Agdal areas are shared by different communities and managed by customary law (laorf), which is passed down along family lineages. It is forbidden to build, plant or cut trees within the grazing area. The communes involved elect an adouab (the person in charge of the agdal) or aaessass (guardian, current name) to guard the lands while the agdal is closed. The nayb/nouab or mqedem (the person representing the Jmaa or local authority) is also involved in the control of opening-closing dates and election of adouabs, and reports to the cayd. The aaessass is paid by the users of the agdal during the first days of opening and the form of payment is different for each tribe: the Ait M’hamed pay 50cents/livestock head, the Ait Atta pay a total of MAD3000 (EUR300) divided by the number of livestock heads, whereas the Ait Ali pay a total of MAD 1500.

People are informed when the agdal opens, usually in the souk by the aberrah (troubadour). Those who do not respect the dates of closing and opening are required to pay a fine, which is calculated based on the heads of livestock owned (MAD10/head) and must be paid in the presence of the local authorities. The decision regarding the opening and closing of the agdal is taken in a meeting in Ait M’hamed centre by representatives of each community and the mqdem of the agdal. To date, the rules of Igourdane agdal are well-respected, and the agdal is well-guarded: those found flouting the rules are required to pay penalties and fines.

In terms of socio-demographics, 65 % of agdal users are men and 35 % women, with 15 % under 20 years, 80 % between 20 and 65 years and 5 % older than 65 years. The total number of cattle heads per year visiting the agdal is 80,000 on average (Sheep: 50,800; Goat: 29,020; Camel: 40; Cows: 62; Donkeys and mules: 78), with herds ranging from 60 to more than 1,000 heads per family.

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Tribe Number of Average # family Average distance covered during households members transhumance Ait M’hamed 150-300 5 10km Ait Atta 20 6 200km Ait Ali (Ait Bouguemez) 15 5 10km Total 185-335

The Ait Atta tribe has the longest distance to cover to reach the agdal, with families walking on average 200km with their herds. For this reason, they leave their homes at least 2 weeks before the agdal opens. Once they have arrived and settled, during the second week after the opening, the Ait Atta tribe organize the ceremony of lemârouf at Taghrout nigherda located on the summit of mount Azoughki. During the collection of funds for the guardian at the moment of agdal opening, cash is also collected to pay for the sheep that will be sacrificed for lemârouf. On the day, women prepare couscous and men and women join for ahidou (a traditional group dance, accompanied by chants) with the Ait Ali tribe during the ceremony. Following this initial lemârouf, five other lemârouf are organised by women of the Ait Atta tribe in 5 locations in the agdal: Aghbalou n Tamda, Tizi nterghest, Tizi nouasrement, Taourirt nissafarn et Aguerd n tamrulalt.

In Igourdane there is one creek ( Tamda, Assif n Tamda) and the source of the Harkt (Aghbalou n Harkt). The forest vegetation of Igourdane corresponds to a much degraded Mediterranean forest dominated by Juniperus thurifera L. However, only a few patches of forest vegetation persist due to the long history of human use. The most frequent species in the valley of the agdal are Ptilotrichum spinosum (L.) Boiss., Cladanthus scariosus (Ball) Oberpr. & Vogt, Astragalus ibrahimianus Maire, Thymus pallidus Coss. ex Batt., Convolvulus velentinus Cav., Salvia verbenaca L., Anacyclus and Malva spp. Local people distinguish between areas covered with annual vegetation (touga) and those with perennial vegetation (ifskane) including species such as asnan, ifssi and olfoud with native trees (Asghar) such as tasaft (holm oak) and tawelt (Juniper). In the following section, we present the results of our longitudinal ecological monitoring process in Igourdane agdal, which shows that traditional grazing management through the agdal system protects and enhances plant biodiversity in the High Atlas.

Figure 26: (left) Landscape in the agdal and (right) Assif n Tamda creek inside the agdal

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Figure 27: (left) Agdal sector with caespitose grasslands and (right) Degraded forest inside the agdal (Ifskane)

Use of the agdal is changing, and has been changing for a century (see Figure 28 below). The most significant recent change is the reduction of the number of users of Igourdane over the last 3 decades: whereas in the middle of the 1980s around 3250 people used Igourdane agdal, by 2019, only 1000 people were present in the agdal. Reasons given for this decrease by agdal users are that young people are no longer interested in animal rearing because of the tough living conditions and low economic returns. Instead, they are attracted to cities to participate in the wage economy. A number of other issues are raised by agdal users: conflicts have emerged as a result of some neighbouring douars not respecting the agdal borders, some tribes that do not have grazing rights have invaded border sections of the agdal and there is an increase in unregulated collection of stones for building riads and hotels which impacts local flora and fauna. More in-depth analyses regarding the changes to agdal usage and drivers of these changes are provided in section VI.

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Figure 28: Timeline of changes in the Igourdane agdal (AMH) according to the Ait Atta, Ait Ali and Ait M’hamed tribal groups

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BEST PRACTICE CASE STUDY: SUSTAINABLE PRODUCTION AND HARVEST OF PLANTS As described in section V.3, a significant proportion of the High Atlas flora is used with key species actively managed. Our research in Ait M’hamed and Imegdal revealed that 211 taxa are reported as used, and of these 59 were identified as plants with a high cultural value (see Annex 15). Following Garibaldi and Turner (2004), we call these ‘cultural keystone species’. Initial research shows that at least 12 of these species are actively managed (either privately or collectively) for sustainability. Of these, only 3 are considered vulnerable or endangered by the IUCN Red list (Anacylcus pyrethrum, Fraxinus dimorpha and Stipa tenacissima), while most of the others are perceived locally as decreasing, principally due to climate change and overharvesting. Many cultural keystone species are valuable not only valuable for the everyday use Amazigh people make of them for medicinal, culinary, fodder and other purposes – they are also commercialised, thus contributing to household socioeconomic wellbeing.

Therefore, in response to community requests for support, the HACL programme has worked, since its inception, on supporting communities to: (a) sustainably manage the populations of these plants and (b) design conservation actions to maintain, restore and enhance their populations whilst also providing households with direct access to the plants. Our third best practice case study presents our actions to enhance traditional plant management practices through specific actions, which principally are:

1. The establishment of community nurseries and seed banks where cultural keystone species are grown and conserved; 2. Annual distribution of nursery-grown plants to households, where they are planted out in semi- domesticated terraces and further reproduced, supporting HH economies; 3. The launch of enrichment planting actions (using nursery-grown plants) in designated conservation areas; 4. Support for maintaining traditional management practices that sustain these plant populations; 5. Support for the sustainable commercialisation of these plants.

The first step was the creation of community nurseries. We currently help communities to manage 4 community nurseries: one in each partner commune and an additional one at the Dar Taliba girls’ boarding house. On average 30-35 species are grown in these nurseries: all of these are endemic, endangered4 and economically valuable. Some of these species are more economically valuable than others, and therefore they have benefited from in-depth monographic research. In this section we provide a summary of this research for six cultural keystone species that we are compiling into monographs that cover , habitat, , distribution, conservation status, ethnobotanical information and uses, associated traditional management practices, chemical composition and effects, resource assessments and morphological characterisation, sustainable harvesting potential, commercialisation potential, including value-chains, market analyses and business plans. The six species are: Thymus satureioides (thyme), Mentha suaveolens subsp. Timija (mint), Ceratonia siliqua (carob), Quercus rotundifolia (oak), Fraxinus dimorpha Coss & Durieu (ash) and Hordeum vulgare varieties (barley). The monographs are currently in the process of finalisation (expected by 31 March 2020).

4 Either endangered according to the IUCN Red List database or perceived as decreasing by local communities. Of the 6 species chosen, those Vulnerable or Endangered according to the IUCN Red List are Mentha suaveolens subsp. Timija (VU), Thymus satureioides (VU), and Fraxinusm dimorpha Coss & Durieu (EN).

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VI. Dynamism and transformation: changes to traditional practices, their drivers and their (potential) consequences

Throughout human history, cultural practices of conservation have undergone dual processes of continuity and change. Such local ecological knowledge is subject to change by external constraints and opportunities (Ellen et al., 2000). All respondents to our participatory research on traditional land use practices pointed out that socioeconomic and environmental conditions in rural communities in the High Atlas are currently changing quickly and radically, with significant consequences. These changes result in the loss or adaptation of cultural practices of conservation: some aspects of traditional management practices are abandoned while new elements are incorporated. Changing aspects of traditional land use practices be grouped in five broad axes: environmental, sociodemographic and cultural, agricultural, administrative and economic. Changes and their drivers are enmeshed; many themes that emerged during interviews were at times considered a changing aspect of culture or the environment and the cause of other changes observed in traditional practices. Nonetheless, “root causes” were also mentioned. These boil down to environmental issues, especially climate change, and sociodemographic changes, in particular communities’ engagement with ‘modern’ or ‘global’ lifestyles. In this chapter we explore the specific and interwoven changes to traditional land use practices and livelihoods as experienced and perceived by partner communities, the drivers of these changes and their interconnections. We describe their possible impacts on biodiversity and community wellbeing.

In order to elucidate local perceptions of changes occurring and drivers of those changes, we carried out in-depth semi-structured interviews between 2016 and 2018 and dedicated participatory workshops carried out between 2018 and 2019 (see Annexes 7, 8 and 9 for workshop reports). In Figures 29 and 30 below, we visually represent the results of research on changes reported in our semi-structured interviews in Ait M’hamed and Imegdal. The semi-structured interviews revealed key overall themes of change for each community rather than specific moments or phases that have precipitated change. Semi-structured interviews were not implemented in Oukaïmeden as they would have required at least 1 year of dedicated staff time to complete and we only launched our programme in Oukaïmeden in early 2019. However, the perspectives of Oukaïmeden community members were gathered during a dedicated workshop on changes and drivers of change.

The workshops were divided by gender (men and women worked separately, providing surprisingly different reports) and organised into two main sections:

(1) description of significant changes over time (Table 3) with particular emphasis on key dates, which were inserted into community timelines (Figures 31-36);

(2) Elucidation of drivers of those changes (Table 4).

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Figure 29: Change in CPCs mentioned by informants during structured interviews in Ait M’hamed. Only aspects of change with more than three citations have been represented. Blob sizes are proportional to the number and citations and colouring represents different axes of change: environmental (light green), farming (dark green), sociodemographic and cultural (yellow) and administrative/institutional (blue).

Figure 30: Change in CPCs mentioned by informants during Phase 1 structured interviews in Imegdal. Only aspects of change with more than three citations have been represented. Blob sizes are proportional to the number and citations and colouring represents different axes of change: environmental (light green), farming (dark green), sociodemographic and cultural (yellow) and administrative/institutional (blue).

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Table 3: Changes to traditional practices as perceived by the men and women of AMH, IMG and OUK

Element Ait M’hamed Imegdal Oukaïmeden Women Men Women Men Women Men Soil protection In addition to the Use of gabion and trees Timarine, ifrgane, practices of idrssane against soil erosion in outtou are ancient (built of stone) and 1990. practices that are still afrag (built into preserved by the local branches of plants), population. The tree fences are construction of wire becoming more mesh fences and tree common, used as fences, are more windbreaks. recent. Conservation Disappearance of the Start of adjusting of Tiskalt (traditional Reduction in cereal practice of ighrem, each targa by using concrete. buildings to stock cereal culture results in one retains his own harvests) have been abandonment of harvests individually abandoned as a result of collective grain storage without resorting to this reduction in cereal facilities. practice and to a culture. Nowadays, guardian named adwat. people stock their cereals at the homestead. Agdals The use of agdals is Conflicts in agdal Although agdals are still Pastoral activity is decreasing. exploitation between traditionally managed the reducing : young people Ait Isha and Ait importance of pastoralism especially are M'hamed and changes has reduced: livestock abandoning this activity of the oral laws numbers per HH are in favour of agriculture managing the agdal. significantly reduced, and and tourism. Fewer every year fewer families families in the agdal undertake the every year. transhumance. Increased Some families are dependence on market- growing trees in the bought animal feed. agdal. New, introduced breeds require much greater costs to maintain.

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Element Ait M’hamed Imegdal Oukaïmeden Women Men Women Men Women Men Water Touala is still practiced Touala is still practiced Touala is still practiced to Water conflicts as a way to organize the as a way to organize the collectively organise appeared in the 90s as a irrigation between irrigation between irrigation ; however result of increase in fruit them. them. irrigation canals are now tree orchards, cement Tanoutfi (underground Tafraout are still made of cement rather seguias and many cisterns) are still ubiquitous except that than clay. successive drought ubiquitous except that they have undergone Drinking water was years. For this reason they have undergone changes in collected at springs Touala must be changes in construction. (aghbalou) but now practiced, but is construction. cement channels carry gradually replaced by drinking water to each toudma (rotation HH. between rain-fed and irrigated crops). In the 2000s, the construction of cement canals reduced the practice of toudma. Agricultural techniques Start of use of chemical Harvest is still done in Beginning of use of Traditionally manure was and practices fertilizers (the example the traditional way fertilizers and used to fertilize Chemical fertilisers of urea 46%), in the manually by lmnjal, phytosanitary products agricultureal lands. The appear in the 1980s 80’s. except for some in 2000. introduction of walnut alongside the increase exceptions close to the and apple orchards in apple and walnut road that use modern Diminution of the requires chemical orchards; pesticides are machines. aspects of cooperation fertilisers. This has introduced in the 1990s. like tiwizi and they resulted in significant The practice of tiwizi no proceed more and reduction in soil quality – longer exists in IME more by hand paid manure is much better for except for a minority of agricultural work the soil. social groupings, but with only a maximum of 4 to 5 women.

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Element Ait M’hamed Imegdal Oukaïmeden Women Men Women Men Women Men Forest / Pasture Cutting wood has 1987: beginning of Tagdalt have gradually Forest degradation Women were responsible Introduction of gas has increased and is intense deforestation of disappeared; the last between 1960 and for collecting fire wood replaced fueldwood; currently destined for the holm oak. one called tamayoust 1990. from afar. With the the use of wood is very sale for different uses: disappeared around introduction of gas for limited in Oukaïmeden. e.g. hammams, which 1998-1999. heating and cooking, and did not exist before. electricity for lighting, wood collection has significantly reduced. Agricultural Decrease in agricultural Cereals and vegetables Decrease in: Almond productivity productivity (up to 50%) are no longer very and walnut between and product quality in profitable. 1975 and 1995, honey the 80’s. since the 80’s, barley and maize since 1996 and since 2005. Decrease in agricultural Cereals still exist but Production areas of Cereals and vegetables Barley and maize from lands within smaller areas. peas and still exist but with 1996. decreased in the 70’s, smaller areas, except Extinction of oat with the disappearance for barley which is still a plantation since 1998, of a local variety. primordial crop in bour. and millet plantation since 2000. New plantations Introduction of Introduction of a new Introduction of: Apple Introduction of: Apple From the 1970s, Fruit tree culture, Pomegranate trees, Bulgarian variety of trees, plum trees, trees, plum trees and government- promoted introduced in 1978, is plum trees, and peach. walnut in 1976, and walnut and almond in peach in the 70’s. plantations of fruit trees gradually substituting watermelon and apple the 80’s. Plantation in almost all (apple and walnut) have cereal culture. in 1978. Introduction of Alfalfa. the villages in 1998. taken priority over cereal crops and horticulture. Animals Decrease in the number Decrease in the number Decrease in the number Decrease in the number Livestock numbers per HH of animals in individual of animals in individual of animals in individual of animals in individual are significantly reduced. herds. herds since the 80’s. herds since the 90’s. herds since the 80’s. Introduction of rabbit New improved goat’s New improved cattle farming since 2000. breed (Alpine in 2010). (2005) and goat (90’s) breeds.

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Element Ait M’hamed Imegdal Oukaïmeden Women Men Women Men Women Men Fodder/Veterinary Lack of fodder Purchase of compound Purchase of compound Lack of fodder availability, Lack of fodder availability. feeds since 2000. feeds since 2005. as a result of cereal availability, as a result of Use of veterinary culture reduction cereal culture reduction prescriptions since 2001. Infrastructure Construction of youth Digging wells by drilling Installation of faucets Electrification of the Since the 1990s, young At the end of the 1970s, entertainment centers and pumping water since 2016. last two remaining girls now have access to the first schools were since 2000. using motor pumps in villages in 2006. high school education, built, and literacy rates 2014. Drinking water and now illiterate women are in diminution. Roads -Electrification of resources (dug, seguias) are also receiving literacy connection almost all the villages in in 2007-2008. training. Oukaïmeden to 2010. Gradual construction of Road connections with Marrkaech were built roads from the 80’s to Marrakech are in since 1964. Electricity 2017. existence since the 1960s. arrived in 1976 and has First primary school and The whole commune has gradually covered the hospital in 1992 in electricity coverage since full commune. Imegdal the mid-2000s. Food Introduction of new After 1970: changes in The cooking is done by With the significant Reduction in cereal dishes. eating habits. gas apart for the bread, reduction in clay ovens cultures like corn has which is still prepared (replaced by gas ovens resulted in the on lqanoun (traditional since the 1990s), comes diminution of clay oven). the reduction in preparation of preparation of traditional traditional meals like – and culturally important barley couscous, – meals like barley tagoulla and arkoukou. couscous and tagoulla The introduction of gas, (made with barley, corn electricity and television and wheat). They are only has resulted in modern occasionally prepared material like pressure now. The introduction of cookers and modern pressure cookers has meals have replaced resulted in faster meals traditional ones. being prepared,

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Element Ait M’hamed Imegdal Oukaïmeden Women Men Women Men Women Men substituting traditional meals that take longer to prepare. Fries and salads have made an appearance. New spices are used. The traditional marriage meal based on barley couscous and meat has been replaced by roast chicken and meat. Climate Two remarkable Two remarkable Four remarkable Five remarkable Since the 1990s, the Unpredictable climate, drought periods (1970’s drought periods (1940’s droughts (80’s-1997- droughts in (1980-1993- climate is very with massive snows ad and 1990’s). and 1980’s). 2001-2016). 2001-2014-2017). unpredictable : significant very low temperatures, droughts and water followed by periods of scarcity are followed by intense drought, much heavier rains. followed by heavy rains and floods.

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Figure 31: Timeline constructed by men in Ait M'hamed

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Figure 32: Timeline constructed by women in Ait M'hamed

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Figure 33: Timeline constructed by men in Imegdal

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Figure 34: Timeline constructed by women in Imegdal

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Figure 35: Timeline constructed by men in Oukaïmeden

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Figure 36: Timeline constructed by women in Oukaïmeden

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Table 4: Key drivers of change as perceived by the men and women of Ait M’hamed, Imegdal and Oukaïmeden

Element Ait M’hamed Imegdal Oukaïmeden Women Men Women Men Women Men Agriculture Government and NGO Climatic conditions are The changes in IME's The introduction of new Successive years of intense The introduction of walnut agricultural advisory the main cause of the cropping systems can be fruit species such as drought are the reason for and apple plantations is the campaigns (on best- disappearance of some explained by the high apple, plum and peach, the conversion of rain-fed main reason for the adapted crops to soil local varieties. profitability of fruit was because of the cereal culture to irrigated conversion of cereal culture. typology and drought The appearance of trees, the relocation of profitability of the horticulture and orchards. Horticulture is also gradually resistance) phytosanitary problems the inhabitants of the latter. Indeed, the However, over the past 20 diminishing for the same encouraged farmers (pests, fungal diseases area near the river for ultimate goal of farmers years the prices for reason. to convert to these ...) was the main cause the construction of the is to increase their agricultural products have crops. of the introduction of dam of Ouirgane to income. gone down in favour of Increased security (reduction Decrease in chemical pesticides. other parts of the apple and walnut in inter-tribal raids) is the agricultural Farmers seek precocity commune. The appearance of commercialisaiton. main reason for the productivity due to and rusticity in varieties chemical fertilisers has abandonment of grain scarcity of water to take advantage of increased productivity The abandonment of storage facilities. resources. high prices in the local locally produced crops. collective grain stores market. (tiskalt) is the result of the Drought and the reduction of cereal culture. increase of the population. Food Modernization of Modernization of Modernization of the Opening up to the world Opening out to the ‘outside Opening towards the outside certain dishes due to certain dishes due to dishes because of the and city life through world’ – through better world and arrival of TV has the arrival of the arrival of television access to the outside television is one of the road connections, television caused the modernization of television and the and the increase of and the arrival of major causes of changes and telephones - is the gastronomy, with the use of increase of urban- urban-rural relations. televisions. in eating habits. reason behind the changes modern instruments and gas rural relations. in cooking means (i.e. gas) in the kitchen. and ingredients (i.e. spices, white wheat flour) Migration Poverty, drought and Poverty, the absence of lack of infrastructure. infrastructure, lack of medical equipment and ambulances, absences and / or poor state of

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Element Ait M’hamed Imegdal Oukaïmeden Women Men Women Men Women Men the schools for some douars, poor condition of the tracks and douars enclaved during the winter, etc. Economy, Due to the harsh The practice of tiwizi is The construction of Dar Tachelhit is still the official community and climatic conditions, the almost totally Taliba Ourika played an communication language. communications population has begun to abandoned because it is important role in enabling Darija was introduced later abandon agriculture expensive. In the old high school education for with the arrival of schools and livestock to move days, people shared girls. and tourism, television and towards trade, simple and symbolic increased connectivity with carpentry, ironwork, things, whereas The ski station resulted in Marrakech through the beekeeping and nowadays it is necessary women selling bread and roads. building constructions. to present so many snacks on the roadside for Since the 2000s, telephones dishes and gifts to tourists. have become an important people to accept to means of communication. participate in the tiwizi. Customary exchange and Building of the road that sharing practices continue leads to the agdal and of two The installation of to exist. For example, the dirt roads in the agdal has drinking water taps was community still practices opened the inhabitants of made following the Ighlla (‘the harvest’), the commune up to the mobilization of women. whereby those who have a town. Arrival of schools and They were frustrated by poor harvested receive new communications the long journeys they products from those who technologies has resulted in traveled to bring back have had a better harvest. changes in ‘mentality’, once water. Since the 2000s, telephones based on sharing and have become an important agriculture, now focused on means of communication. individualism where everyone is looking out for themselves and wants to change their way of life. Agdals, livestock Lack of availability of Division of inheritance Gradual disappearance The introduction of Droughts and conversion Young people are no longer and pastures fodder and the over family members, of tagdalt following improved new breeds of away from cereal culture to interested in pastoralism ;

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Element Ait M’hamed Imegdal Oukaïmeden Women Men Women Men Women Men increase of its prices drought and the multiple water erosions cattle has been made fruit & nut culture are to many work in the winter because of drought. migration of farmers. by innumerable igguig for the genetic blame for the reduction in tourism sector and others Livestock no longer The schooling of ("Floods") that improvement of local availability of fodder (hence migrate to urban centres to guarantees adequate children has reduced destroyed the plant breeds and to increase fodder needing to be work or study. income for herders, the availability of family heritage of grazing productivity thereafter bought), which in turn is Climate changes, marked by which explains the labor. lands. Their regrowth (milk and meat) considered a major driver longer and longer drought lack of interest and did not succeed because for the abandonment of periods + reforestation in the reduction in the of the drought. pastoralism. forest domains have resulted number of herds. Lack of necessity for labour in reduced availability of Easier travel to urban The climatic hazards animals (donkeys and fodder and the hike in its centres resulted in marked by the mules) – due to road market price. Historical snow changes in attitudes, succession of periods of construction, availability of and low temperatures kills in particular a shift drought have caused transport, abandonment of livestock, and the revenues from a focus on the the degradation of the largescale cereal culture - from livestock grow ever- collective, to a focus vegetal cover, which have reduced their number. lower – resulting in on the individual; explains the lack of High costs of livestock decreased interest in each one seeks its availability of the wild management have led pastoralism and in reduction own interest. plants used by the herds people to reduce herd in herb numbers and Rural exodus to ensure their feeding, heads. Modernisation of reduction of families using thus causing the homes, homesteads and the agdal. increase of the prices of livelihoods is also the fodder sold to the mentioned as a reason for markets. reducing livestock. The random and abusive use of forests has also contributed to the lack of availability of spontaneous animal feed in nature. Timber and non- The change in laws The main causes of The use of medicinal The main cause of Fuelwood is no longer The use of gas for cooking timber forest has caused the deforestation are plants has reduced deforestation is the collected and used as has reduced the use of products current overgrazing and the because the inhabitants supply of dry wood for before (replaced by gas). firewood. In addition have realized their sale (by private modern housing does not

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Element Ait M’hamed Imegdal Oukaïmeden Women Men Women Men Women Men overexploitation of weak oversight of the harmful consequences companies or The new generation of require wood for its wood. government institution. if they overuse them, individuals). women do not want to walk construction. Walnut wood apart from the use of for kms in the mountains to sale continues but is limited. aromatic plants. fetch firewood – they enjoy the modern alternatives because it makes their life much easier. Medicine Frequent passages of Nowadays, women do In the past women gave The building of the road to mobile medical not have enough breath birth at home supported by Marrakech, the availability of caravans. to give birth at home; an aabla (midwife). Birth ambulances and easy access their food system is no now takes place to hospitals, as well as the longer healthy as Healing with medicinal appearance of pharmacies in before. The emergence plants is no longer very Ourika explains the new of new diseases that did common with a few confidence people have in not exist or only rarely exceptions. People tend to medicines and doctors. existed in the past, such consult doctors in the Women give birth in as diabetes and medical centres and are hospital. cholesterol, forced increasingly using residents to seek out pharmaceuticals. This all explains the doctors' consultations The construction of the reduction of use of medicinal and treat them with communal hospital centre plants and the increase in pharmaceuticals. and the acquisition of an use of conventional ambulance means that the pharmaceuticals. community is increasingly hospitalised. Infant During the 70s, a number of mortality has reduced, fatal diseases came to the birthing conditions have region and caused a lot of improved, vaccination has deaths. arrived. This also explains why the younger generation of women prefer allopathic medicine.

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Element Ait M’hamed Imegdal Oukaïmeden Women Men Women Men Women Men Rituals and The practice of Religious beliefs are the Beliefs and practices linked The moussem and the beliefs Moussem maarouf is in clear main cause of the to the marabout of Sidi in marabout rites is disappearance for disappearance of Fares are being lost. Young disappearing for cultural cultural reasons with certain festivities and people don’t really believe it reasons. Appearance of the appearance of Moussem anymore. ‘islamic’ groups that inform some "Islamic" people that these beliefs are groups, which ‘supersitutious’. sensitize people Beliefs and practices linked against these beliefs to Sidi Fares are of superstition. disappearning. Young people are more educated and are no longer interested in these beliefs. A number of moussems are no longer organized: Moussem n tfquirin and moussem n Sidi Belkas

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Key drivers of changes that emerge both from the interviews and the workshops are:

(1) climate change and the loss of agricultural productivity; (2) increase in privatisation and individualism; (3) changes in attitude, especially among the youth, with reduced willingness to work with land and livestock (the desire for an easier life); (4) government agricultural policies (particularly promotion of cash crops and inputs); (5) a massive increase in rural-urban migration.

Outmigration of young people, especially men, was one of the most relevant changes in the local social fabric. Integration into the global market economy not only drains the mountains from its young labour force but puts added pressure on those who remain to shift from subsistence to cash crops; mostly from cereals to fruit trees, especially apples and walnuts. These new cash crops have also actively been promoted by the government since the 1970s, as part of policies aimed at modernisation and poverty alleviation. These crops have not only gradually replaced traditional agrobiodiversity (cf: cereal cultivation being replaced by apples and walnuts in all three communities), but also require significant chemical fertilisers and pesticides, and much more water than indigenous crops, to be productive. This has a negative impact on the biodiversity of the tree crop understory and surrounding waters, depletes the soil of essential micronutrients and microorganisms, feeding a cycle of dependency on inputs that previously did not exist and absorbs increasing amounts of family funds.

The increased relationship with outside markets has led to farmers buying seeds from the souk (local weekly market), reducing self-sufficiency in favour of market-dependency, which in turn influences the varieties selected for cultivation. The souk also informs what people in the community eat, more broadly. Every household sources a portion of their food from the souk, making it a clear influencing factor dictating the diets of those living in Anamer, only made possible by the increase in mobility. Forty-seven percent of food eaten in households of Anamer is food grown in their fields, meaning more than half of what is eaten in homes of the community is dictated by outside markets. The food system of Anamer has seen shifts, such as the decline in traditional food preparation methods, but not necessarily the decline in preparation and consumption of traditional dishes. There are now shifts in ingredient choice as a response to the cheap market price of industrially produced food outweighing the labour of growing and processing regional crops. One of the most apparent instances is wheat flour as a substitute for barley flour. The reduction of barley production is not only the consequence of the availability of cheap white wheat flour from the souk, but also the result of water scarcity and the introduction of new crops that require significant management and time.

According to many informants, agricultural yield itself has diminished since the 90s (less fodder, less fruit and cereal production, often on the same land and surface area). In Semgourd, Hamid said “my grandfather would harvest 90 abra (traditional measuring corresponding to approximately 13kg) from his fields. Since the 2010s he only harvests 20-30 abra in good years” (Teixidor-Toneu field notes, IME, July 2017). Various reasons are given for this, most important being climate change, with water availability being at the heart of the issue. Reduced rainfall and longer-than-usual droughts, increasingly irregular precipitation with sporadic heavy rainfall and floods that can wash fertile topsoil away, and reduced water availability from sources that feed into irrigation canals all are having significant impacts on rural communities’ ability to maintain traditional agricultural practices. Climate change has compounded the reduction in cereal cultivation: fields located far from the source and

99 network of canals rely on rain for irrigation (locally known as lbour/bour cultivation). These fields, traditionally used for cereal production, are being abandoned as cultivating them is high-risk. As precipitation in Morocco is expected to reduce by 5 % in mountainous areas and 30 % in the southern regions of the country for the period between 2011 and 2050, water as a prime commodity will be greatly affected by climactic changes (Montanari, 2013). Most farmers report making active changes to management practices in response to climate change. The management shifts from those who made changes are as follows: ● Reduced amount of crops cultivated and land area used for cultivation, and abandonment of fields; ● Only fields located close to water sources are cultivated (i.e. gradual abandonment of cereal cultivation in lbour/bour); ● Reduced cultivation of specific crops that require high levels of irrigation for production.

In addition to these largescale environmental changes, farmers also noted that they now have to contend with the growing population of wild boar – believed to be the consequence of the extinction of natural competitors (monkeys) and predators (foxes, High Atlas lion) – which can cause widespread devastation of crops, fields and margins.

Impoverished agriculture leads to livestock management changes. For example, in Imegdal, grazing livestock used to be permitted among cultivated areas at specific times of the year, but access to fields was restricted by azzayin from spring until late summer. Now, this is enforced year-round – resulting in the loss of the practice of azzayin – in order to maximise agricultural productivity, and forcing the herds to continuously graze non-cultivated areas. This has a significant impact on biodiversity and habitat health of the cultivated areas, as they no longer benefit from the biodiversity-promoting aspects of grazing (mechanical disturbance, habitat structure, manure, seed dispersal – c.f. above) as well as on those areas that are now continuously grazed without respite. In another example from Oukaïmeden, the reduction of cereal cultivation – resulting principally from the introduction of cash crops according to community members – has led to the reduction of self-sufficiency in animal fodder, meaning that livestock feed must now be purchased at significant cost at the souk. This in turn has resulted in the reduction of livestock heads per family herds and, in turn again, in the reduced use of the agdal – with potential negative impacts for plant diversity and habitat structure related to the loss of grazing impact as mentioned above. In Oukaïmeden, the gradual reduction of livestock-keeping as a traditional means of subsistence has been met by the increased interaction young people with the tourism economy, made possible by widespread education, the ease of travel and the spread of new means of communication.

Changes in livelihoods are closely linked to changes in administration and management of people’s work and natural resources. Traditional decision-making bodies are either overridden or absorbed by the formal governmental administration, leading to the deterioration of the fabric of local governance and customary law. If formal governmental administration directly incorporates customary laws, for example through the creation of a douar association to replace the local Jma’a, it can also subtly change it. Decisions such as the date for arras n targa, azzayin, and the opening of agdals were taken by the taqbilt (tribe) before and are nowadays a competence of the douar association (or higher administration levels in the case of agdals). Combined, the changes in agricultural production and administration resulted in the loss of traditional professions such as those of guardian of fields or

100 pasture lands (amchchardou, adouab). The weakening of customary institutions goes hand in hand with a weakening of collective work (tiwizi) and increased conflict – especially regarding collectively regulated resources such as agdals.

Conflicts over use of resources between neighbouring villages or even tribes are increasingly common, in particular concerning the use of water and access to pasture lands, in particular agdals. Conflicts arise principally as a result of perceived non-compliance with customary laws that regulate access to resources. The Allouz agdal is known for its recurrent violent conflicts that have occurred since prior to Moroccan independence between the Ait M’hamed and Ait Isha tribes. The conflict first began in 1937, after which the tribes agreed to divide the agdal between the two tribes. The Ait M’hamed tribe maintained their portion as an agdal, whereas the Ait Isha decided to build houses on theirs. Following many years of population growth and expansion, as well as climate change impacts, the Ait Isha required more access to water sources and pastures, and they began using the area allocated to the Ait M’hamed. In 2013, and again in 2017, the Ait Isha have entered into the Ait M’hamed portion of the agdal, resulting in violent conflicts during which a number of people were hurt. State police and local and regional authorities were obliged to intervene, but to date no resolution to the problem has been found and the Allouz agdal remains closed.

In Talmest, the conflict began in 1991, when the Ait Abbas tribe failed to open the pasture, claiming it had been damaged by snow, and the Ait M’hamed did not agree. In 1995 the conflict was reignited when the Ait Abbas requested that the agdal not be closed as a result of the drought they had suffered that year, and once again the Ait M’hamed did not agree to this. That year, local authorities established a guard composed of members of the Ait M’hamed tribe as well as the agdal guardian to ensure compliance with the period of seasonal closure. However, the Ait Abbass refused to comply with this requirement and the use of the agdal became unregulated.

Finally, enhanced religious education is shifting local beliefs, which are at the heart of key traditional land use practices. Religious education is now taking place through primary and secondary schooling, higher education of fkihs and imams and mass media (TV programs aimed at educating the population were mentioned as the most important cause). This religious education is more conservative than the traditional syncretic practices of rural Amazigh communities, and strictly forbids the adoration pf saints, with significant consequences of key practices that are dependent on the saints (e.g. agdal opening and closing dates and ceremonies). This has a significant impact on customary institutions as well as traditional celebrations, which are adapted to new paradigms or abandoned. Aspects of culture and practices in relation to Marabout beliefs and agurram (igurramen in the plural, holy people or families) are quickly dropped. This has a double negative impact on traditional land use practices. First, places where agurram were supposed to be buried, the marabouts, are no longer protected from grazing. Second, igurramen played an important role in customary law institutions and these lineages are no longer respected. In the case of agdals, this has led to serious conflict between tribes and degradation of the pasture lands. Agdal opening ceremonies are often lost, and so are marabout celebrations that would traditionally gather people from several villages, and celebrations linked to special dates of the agricultural calendar when they clearly integrate pre-Islamic beliefs (e.g. asseft). Some are maintained and adapted to follow Islamic precepts (e.g., lemarouf).

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VII. Community-based Recommendations, Action Plans and Implementation Guidance As changes increase apace, and communities recognise the potential negative impacts and the chain of consequences resulting from the loss of traditional practices, they seek to find ways of both maintaining their traditional practices and transmitting them to upcoming generations whilst also improving their livelihoods and wellbeing. Given the complex interconnections and interwoven consequences of changes and their drivers, including ones that are not within the power of communities or NGOs such as MBLA and GDF to change, we needed to come with an approach to solution-seeking that was realistic in the circumstances. Moreover, experience and development research has shown repeatedly that for solutions to work they must be widely approved and fully appropriated by communities. In addition, community ownership and meaningful participation lies at the root of the ethical approach adopted by GDF and MBLA, which is based on the International Society for Ethnobiology’s exacting principles. ‘Best practices’ are necessarily rooted in an approach that is at once ethical, realistic and based on empirical results.

Since early 2019, we have collaborated closely with communities to define and refine their collective aspirations, using participatory approaches to generate community-based recommendations for the future of our activities. By mid- 2019, we began a process of systematic creation of Community Action Plans, which are based on community-based recommendations and complemented by dedicated a series of focus groups during which community members defined their priorities and identified detailed approaches to resolving key problems. This process has enabled us to prepare, from the ground up, our HACL Programme Phase 2, which runs from 2020 to 2023.

In this section, we first share the detailed results from the workshops during which we developed community-based recommendations, following which we share how our HACL programme activities and Community Action Plans engage with these recommendations, providing details on key actions implemented and planned. In the final section we distil lessons learned and best practices that can be shared more widely among groups and communities seeking to maintain, restore and promote traditional land use practices across the Mediterranean region.

VII.1 Community-based recommendations Community-based recommendations were developed using a simple interactive discussion method during the same (gender-segregated) workshops as those organised to identify changes and drivers of change (see Annexes 7, 8 and 9 for the full workshop reports). Solutions began to emerge during the discussions on change and drivers of change, but were not clearly defined until later on in the day. Table 5 presents the specific recommendations organised by gender and community. Box 2 presents the recommendations as developed collaboratively by the MBLA team and community researchers based on the results of the workshops. It is organised according to specific challenges, providing targeted indications for each community.

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Table 5: Community-based recommendations for maintaining and promoting traditional practices and community wellbeing, as reported by men and women in Ait M’hamed, Imegdal and Oukaïmeden

Element Ait M’hamed Imegdal Oukaïmeden Women Men Women Men Women Men Agriculture and Choice of species and Intensify the plantations of Sensitizing the local Stop using chemical State subsidies for plant collection varieties that are most tikida (Ceratonia siliqua), population to collect fertilisers and pesticides; agriculture would be adapted to local zeet (Olea europaea), louz aromatic and medicinal return to traditional necessary pedoclimatic conditions (Prunus dulcis), and plants and help farmers methods. and which meet the lguerga’(Juglans regia). increase production. Proposals for crops that requirements of the They are more profitable Renewal of older fruit Diversification of can be grown during the market. according to the women. plantations. cultures: we need new cold period Diagnosis of the state of Increase and diversify crops and new varieties

crops in terms of local agricultural (details to be developed phytosanitary problems production. in upcoming focus group) and the establishment of

an integrated pest management program. Ighrems Revival/restoration of (granaries) Ighrems.

Actions to halt water Maintenance of irrigation erosion that is affecting canals parcels and terraces Improving water quality – both for drinking water and irrigation. Resolve the problem of archaic communal washers.

Change the household drains.

Forest lands Planting the following Facilitate administrative trees: tikida, tasaft, and financial procedures louz. for the exploitation of forestlands in agriculture

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Element Ait M’hamed Imegdal Oukaïmeden Women Men Women Men Women Men (bours) and especially for cereals. Agdals Resolving agdals- Resolving conflicts Restore/improve the related conflicts between agdals rights state of housing in the holders as quickly as aâzib possible through the legal system and local authorities.

Legalization of Aarafs ("Mores") which organize the exploitation of agdals to solve the problems and to establish a legal framework for the future Livestock Encourage animal Increase heads of cattle vaccination caravans and and sheep, but rsolve the medicines subsidy. issue of high costs of Subsidize livestock feed maintenance and to cope with lean availability of fodder and moments. food.

Veterinary caravans Promotion of Exhibitions to market Strengthening the Provide exhibitions and Aromatic and medicinal Improved local products local products marketing of local distribution points and fixed plants development and commercialisation of products (crafts, sales of handicrafts marketing of these agricultural products and agricultural products, throughout the year to products. encourage cultivation of etc.). avoid seasonal sales and Funding of festivals to MAPs. guarantee a minimum preserve these income. traditions. Develop the craft world at IME by creating learning clubs for example.

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Element Ait M’hamed Imegdal Oukaïmeden Women Men Women Men Women Men Food Reinforcement of uses of local dishes in ceremonies and traditional and religious festivals (eid, marriage, moussem ...). Cooperatives Creation of aromatic Trainings and technical Ensure the construction of Women would like to Support and build and training and medicinal plants support for farmers. cooperative annexes in have their own capacities of local cooperatives and distant douars. associations and local cooperatives and trainings. Diverse trainings of women training centres: MAP associations. Creation of honey to flourish and strengthen cooperatives, weaving, cooperatives. their capacity in terms of bakeries, and more. management and sustainability of their cooperatives. Literacy and Literacy of women. Literacy of women to better Awareness-raising for education value their ancestral young people and practices. And provide intergenerational hospital annexes to distant transfer of knowledge douars. and practices. Promote high school boarding houses to reduce dropout rates especially for girls since it is far to Asni. Creation of clubs and dar chabab for young people. Income- Promote tourism. Creating sources of income Encouraging income- generating and job opportunities, generating activities and activities and women say they want to get job creation in Imegdal. employment out of their lifestyle limited to cooking, childcare, etc.

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Element Ait M’hamed Imegdal Oukaïmeden Women Men Women Men Women Men Public services Improvement of the Build small dams close to Improvement of the state of Build small dams close to Medical caravans with Strengthening the and state of the public the douars. These dams roads and trails. the douars. These dams medical specialists, and barrage in Oukaïmeden. infrastructures services (hospitals...). will be used both for the Construction of nurseries. will be used both to distributions of Construction of irrigation of plots and Organise more medical combat floods, to irrigate Ensuring Medical medicine. bridges and small orchards and for the caravans. plots and orchards and to Caravans. dams. supply of douars with supply douars with

drinking water. drinking water.

Restoration of old canals and construction of new canals. Energy sources Find other sources of energy than dry wood.

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Summary of recommendations to maintain, restore and promote traditional land use practices Based on the data collected above, the GDF and MBLA team collaborated with community researchers in the three communes to distil key recommendations according to primary and secondary challenges identified during the workshops.

Box 2: Primary challenges and recommendations Challenge 1. Loss of forest and woodlands and their associated habitats, resources and cultural practices

Recommendation 1.1

In AMH, increase the plantations with tikida (Ceratonia siliqua), tasaft (Quercus rotundifolia), louz (Prunus dulcis) and imts (Fraxinus dimorpha)

We should continue with the production of these species in the nurseries and their distribution to community members, as well as mediating between local authorities & the ministry of environment. A program with schools to promote reforestation could be envisioned.

Recommendation 1.2

In IME, increase the plantations of tikida (Ceratonia siliqua), zeet (Olea europaea), louz (Prunus dulcis), and lguera' (Juglans regia)

We should continue with the production of these species in the nurseries and their distribution to community members, as well as mediating between local authorities and the ministry of environment. A program with schools to promote reforestation could be envisioned.

Recommendation 1.3

In both AMH and IME, carry on raising people's awareness of best practices of collection and sustainable harvesting according to the species selected.

This is included within our capacity building strategy.

Challenge 2. Supporting a sustainable agricultural production combining tradition and innovation

Recommendation 2.1

In both communes, diversify agricultural products and build capacity.

This will be mostly achieved by our agroecology and water programs, along with our capacity building strategy. Work on commercialisation will also feed into this element of our efforts.

Recommendation 2.2

In both communes, promote the production of honey and other bee derivatives by traditional and sustainable means.

An initial ethnographic study on beekeeping and honey production has been carried out by Youssef Yakoubi. With complementary information from Sifedine Ouahdani’s study of local product commercialisation, it will form the foundation of a strategy to enhance this practice.

Recommendation 2.3

In AMH, especially the Wabzaza valley, analyse the feasibility of promoting the revival/restoration of ighrems/agadirs (granaries) through an improved understanding their current situation and future possibilities.

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This could be partly achieved through the agroecology program, along with the capacity building strategy. A future MSc student focusing on this topic could be relevant. Contacting local architect and restorer Salima Naji anew could be interesting too.

Challenge 3. Conflicts in communal to regional governance land systems

Recommendation 3.1

In AMH, resolving conflicts between agdal rights holders as quickly as possible through the legal system and local authorities. Legalization of Aarafs ("mores") which organize the exploitation of agdals to solve the problems and to establish a legal framework for the future.

Continue our efforts to promote dialogue spaces between different family members and tribes along with local authorities and the Ministry of the Environment, according to the different agdals, while strengthening local governance structures. Use the legal review carried out by Ahmed Bendella to complement these efforts.

Recommendation 3.2

In IME, facilitate administrative and financial procedures for the use of lands claimed by the Forest Department that were traditionally used for rainfed agriculture (bours), in particular for cereals.

Promote dialogue spaces between community members along with local authorities and the Ministry of the Environment, to facilitate such procedures, if found to be sustainable. A future MSc student focusing on this topic could be relevant.

Challenge 4. Benefiting from medicinal and aromatic plants (MAPs) while sustaining their wild populations

Recommendation 4.1

In both communes, maintain our support for the sustainable production and commercialisation of MAPs whilst enhancing our knowledge, through transdisciplinary research, about the multiple species used.

Continue our work in nurseries, sustainable harvesting action plans and characterisations of additional species, and their commercialisation aspects in close collaboration with local authorities & relevant government agencies.

Recommendation 4.2

In both communes, raising people's awareness of best practices of collection and sustainable harvesting of plant species.

This is included in our capacity building strategy.

Challenge 5. Maintain local products and traditions

Recommendation 5.1

In both AMH and IME, collaborate in the promotion of local products and traditions and improve our knowledge on agro-pastoralist livelihoods.

This can be achieved with the ethnography on beekeeping, our commercialization program, the diverse biocultural diversity fairs and community exchanges planned, and the close collaboration of local cooperatives, government organizations, intermediaries and retailers.

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Challenge 6. Limited capacity building/social capital

Recommendation 6.1

In both communes, promote capacity-building in various relevant topics, including alphabetisation to increase social capital.

This is being achieved with a combination of our agroecology, ethnobiology, conservation, commercialisation, monitoring and community exchanges program.

Recommendation 6.2

Promote adequate job creation.

This is being facilitated to community researchers with a salary and can be improved with the commercialisation program, amongst others.

Secondary challenges and recommendations

Challenge 7. Erosion and loss of other cultural practices

Recommendation 7.1

In both AMH and IME, promote traditions around dry stone construction, traditional foods and crafts.

Recommendation 7.2

Supporting collaborative research, community-based innovation, capacity building, local awareness-raising and community leadership to sustain and strengthen cultural practices

Challenge 8. Sustaining our activities and scaling up/expanding to other areas

Recommendation 8.1

Program with schools in AMH, IME, OUK and beyond, including environmental and biocultural education along with participatory monitoring.

Recommendation 8.2

In both AMH and IME facilitate the diffusion of CPCs and their importance to different audiences and scales, from local to national (focus groups, meetings, conferences, social media, radio & TV, etc.).

Challenge 9. Limited compliance with existing & new policy and treaties regarding the rights of indigenous peoples

Recommendation 9.1

Affirming Morocco’s central commitment to TEK (traditional livelihoods, intergenerational transmission of TEK, Amazigh languages and institutions, …) by supporting existing and new policies and/or legislation that recognize Amazigh populations and the conservation of biocultural diversity (ILO 169, UNDRIP, Nagoya Protocol, etc.).

Recommendation 9.2

Co-developing guidelines for strengthening CPCs and TEK for different stakeholders.

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VII.2 HACL programme activities and Community Action Plans The HACL programme was designed to respond to the evolving needs of partner communities as they seek to enhance their livelihoods while maintaining their cultural landscapes and biodiversity. Our HACL programme areas (see Introduction) continue to evolve over time to accommodate new needs, adaptations and innovations. In mid-2019 we began a process of developing Community Action Plans to ensure that our work fully responds to the needs, aspirations and recommendations of our partner communities. In this section, we share our experience responding to these needs and recommendations as part of our programme areas and especially the Community Action Plan process.

Community Action Plans (CAP) are roadmaps for implementing community socioenvironmental solutions in the communities GDF and MBLA collaborate with as part of the High Atlas Cultural Landscapes programme. Based on a series of workshops and focus groups, the CAP process has identified and defined the key pillars, needs and actions for implementation in HACL Phase 2 (2020- 2023). The CAPs provide a framework for implementing the activities logically and systematically, and benefit from their own monitoring and evaluation plan. Currently the CAP process is being piloted in Ait M’hamed and Imegdal communities; the lessons learned here will allow us to refine the process when we launch it in Oukaïmeden in late 2020. Based on an initial needs assessment, we collaboratively defined four broad pillars for the CAPs: Pastoralism, Agriculture, Commercialisation and Youth. We use the metaphor of the Moroccan stool to help describe the CAPs: each pillar is a leg of the stool, and over time the actions in each will come together to form a stable structure, capable of sustaining community livelihoods and biodiversity over time (See Figure 37).

Figure 37: The metaphor of the Moroccan stool we use to visualize the CAPs.

Through a series of workshops and focus groups in each community, we developed 2-3 needs per pillar, coming to a total of 11 needs across all pillars (see Table 6 for an overview of the needs expressed by both communities). These needs then translated into 39 specific activities that can be adjusted in space and time using an adaptive management approach. Once completed, the CAPs were reviewed, finalised and validated by community members in participatory workshops. We defined key actions in great detail and according to a monthly timetable between 2020 and 2021, with key team

110 leaders responsible for each action. The specific steps and timetables for each CAP are provided in Annexes 17 and 18. Some activities already began in 2019 at the request of communities, and were included in the timetable if relevant. These Action plans are considered living, dynamic processes, and we expect to monitor and revise them regularly to ensure they continue to respond to the intended needs and aspirations of community members.

Developing Community Action Plans has allowed us to hone in on very specific actions that will help communities to restore, maintain and promote their traditional land use practices whilst also maintaining biodiversity and supporting community livelihoods. The Moroccan stool metaphor makes clear that these pillars are all mutually interdependent and must be addressed simultaneously for the outcome to achieve the results expected. In sum, all of the solutions and ‘best practices’ described here are inherently important for cultural landscapes to be maintained; they ought to be implemented in concert and one cannot be promoted or prioritized above another.

Table 6: Community Action Plans: pillars and needs

Pillar 1- Livestock, Pillar 2- Wild and Pillar 3- Pillar 4- Youth and governance and ICCAs domesticated Commercialization biocultural education plants

Identify 2-3 key products Identify actors, key needs Reducing conflicts over Improving tree crop and actors (individuals & priorities, selecting 2-3 pastoral resources (local) cultivation and groups) needs

Analyzing legal frameworks and Promoting Support sustainable and Socioenvironmental promoting governance agroecological equitable value chains program in schools over communal lands and interventions for 1-2 products resources (regional, Nat’l)

Support local cooperatives and Development program for Improving wellbeing of Improving medicinal sustainable value chains young unemployed livestock plants collection via institutional women and men strengthening

Although the recently defined Community Action Plans happen to be structured around these four pillars, our HACL programme had already moved towards focusing on these exact themes since well before the CAPs process, principally as a result of our commitment to respecting community needs and aspirations. Moreover, our HACL programme does not solely focus on the work planned as part of the CAP pillars, but has a much broader mandate that includes research, capacity-building, dissemination and policy-making activities that may not be of immediate interest to communities but are nevertheless essential for the programme to be successful and our ‘best practices’ to function.

Supporting agdal governance and conflict-resolution and enhancing livestock management (Pillar 1) Activities that focus on maintaining and enhancing the important traditional land use practice of the agdal involve engaging with the HACL programme areas of Cultural Practices, Governance & Policy and Agroecology. Working on the agdal involves supporting communities to enhance their livestock

111 management and reduce the costs and strain of maintaining livestock. It also requires supporting local conflict-resolution and governance-strengthening processes; while we do not propose to facilitate these processes, communities have expressed their desire for us to engage in these processes by providing ideas, resources and means for their community-based implementation. To carry out these actions effectively, we must also continue our action research on agdal management practices and ecological monitoring. In Box 3, we provide an overview of the actions planned as part of Pillar I.

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Box 3: Pillar 1 needs and actions (Detailed programme in Annexes 10 and 11) (1) Revitalization of customs and support the resolution of pastoral conflicts and promotion of traditional governance systems over communal lands and resources. This issue presents itself differently in Ait M’hamed and Imegdal. In Imegdal, the aim of our contribution is to help solve the problem around the bour lands by facilitating the dialogue spaces between local communities and the other institutions. This process will be carried out by our GDF-MBLA team through three main actions: (1) Community focus groups will be organized with local associations’ representatives of each douar of Imegdal gathered to deeply discuss the problem and the ways to resolve it; (2) GDF-MBLA will help open the dialogue with institutional stakeholders concerned by this problem, which are: local authorities, the elected members of the commune and the regional direction of Eaux & Forets; (3) A local restitution workshop will be held with the different stakeholders and the local community to exhibit the results of the various meetings and focus groups previously carried out and to discuss the next steps. In Ait M’hamed, the aim is to solve the problem around the Allouz and Talmest agdals, by opening spaces of dialogue between local communities and the other institutions. The three main activities are: (1) Community focus groups will be organized with representatives of each of the three tribes involved in the conflict surrounding both agdals (Ait isha, Ait Abbas and Ait M’hamed), each community separately will have in-depth discussions regarding problems and possible solutions; (2) We will help open spaces for dialogue with institutional stakeholders concerned by this problem, which are: the governor, local authorities, the elected members of each commune, and the regional direction of Eaux & Forets; (3) A regional restitution workshop will be held with the different stakeholders and the local community to exhibit the results of the various meetings and focus groups previously carried out and to discuss the next steps. (2) Analyzing legal frameworks and promoting governance over communal lands and resources. A review of Morocco’s legal and policy framework regarding governance of communal lands and resources and Indigenous Peoples and Local Communities Conserved Areas and Territories (ICCAs) was published in 2019 (see Annex 20) and shared in two national workshops (see Annexes 20a and 20b for reports). In late 2019, MBLA became the co-coordinator of a national-level process to create a National ICCA Committee, which will be formally launched on 11 and 12 March 2020 at the ‘Carrefour des APACs’, an important event gathering all representatives of Moroccan ICCAs at which a national strategy for promotion, recognition and networking of ICCAs will be developed. (3) Improving the wellbeing of livestock. The aim is to design a process to enhance livestock health. This process will be carried out by our GDF-MBLA team through four main activities: (1) Baseline data will be gathered by collating and classifying existing data related to: livestock health status, farming treatment practices, state of the stables and nutriment storages; (2) An annual veterinary caravan in each community will be organized to diagnose and monitor diseases in situ. The team will also monitor the current state of household’s stables and forage storages every two months; (3) training to improve the livestock health will be held as part of “Livestock Health Module” of Farmer Field School in October 2020. The principal themes of the training will be: diagnosis of main diseases, farming treatments, animal health in stables, forage stock, balanced diet. (4) from 2021, the team would undertake actions to improve the status of stables and elaborate a diet programme to ensure balance and health for all livestock. Field agronomist Omar Saadani Hassani and partner organisation DEAFAL would collaborate to supervise this process. This programme will be piloted in 15-20 households of Anamer in Imegdal and 15-20 households of Bernat in Ait M’hamed.

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Improving livelihoods through agroecology and vegetation management (Pillar 2) Activities focusing on maintaining and enhancing traditional agroecosystems and sustainable harvesting practices involve engaging with the HACL programme areas of Cultural Practices, Biodiversity Conservation and Agroecology. A fundamental component of healthy traditional agroecosystems is agrobiodiversity, which, as the results in Chapter VI show is currently being eroded in favour of new varieties and cash crops. A significant component of HACL Phase 2 will focus on assessing, characterising, restoring and conserving local agrobiodiversity whilst also supporting communities to carry out in-field selection processes to develop new, locally-adapted varieties that are better adapted to the rapid climate change these areas are experiencing. Furthermore, while

Box 4: Pillar 2 needs and actions (detailed timeline available in Annexes 10 and 11) (1) Improvement of tree and MAP production in community territories to increase communities’ standards of living. The species selected and procedures will be slightly different in Imegdal and Ait M’hamed. In Imegdal, in collaboration with local farmers in Anamer, 1500 carob and walnut trees will be planted in an area called tawloult. Lavander and thymus will be intercropped with those trees. GDF- MBLA will take charge of irrigation during the first six months following plantation and local farmers will take responsibility for it afterwards. In Ait M’hamed, in collaboration with farmers from the douars of Zamt, Assaman, Bernat and Wabzaza, thousands of seeds of imts (Fraxinus dimorpha), tasaft (Quercus rotundifolia), and louz (Prunus dulcis) will be planted. Seedlings of Tazoukanit (Thymus satureioides), irgel (Cistus monspeliensis), and kabbar (Capparis spinosa) will be intercropped with the trees plantations to further support livelihoods improvements and, in the case of Thymus satureioides, conservation of this endangered species. Once again, GDF-MBLA will take charge of irrigation in the first 6 months, after which the farmers will take over. In both communities seed harvesting for tree plantation will begin in July 2020 and seedling production in October 2020 to be ready for the transplantation in the field by the end of February 2021. (2) Agroecological interventions. The principal aim of this component of the CAP is to enhance soil management in the agroecosystems of both communes, given that soil management is at the heart of productivity and ecosystem health. Four main activities are planned: (1) Baseline data will be gathered by collating and classifying data related to: soil physicochemical characterization, actual situation on water management, and characterization of local agricultural practices; (2) Detailed soil monitoring will be carried out in 3 agricultural terraces in Anamer and Bernat, including: diagnosis and productivity, irrigation, and pest control; (3) Training on water management and ecological monitoring was held during the capacity-building week held in December 2019. I; (4) Farmer Field Schools will be organized twice every year and the following modules will be implemented to enhance soil management practices: o Plant nutrition and Soil and its fertility: diagnosis, productivity, importance of organic matter, mineral nutrition. o Plant nutrition and health: plant physiology, natural stimulants, organic pesticides, mineral availability. o Local resources to control water, improving traditional systems, cement Vs earth, application water saving irrigation systems. o Orchard plantation, intercropping, pests and diseases management, importance of pruning, balanced fertilization, sylvo-pastural systems. o Improvement actions of the soil fertilization technics will be carried out in Anamer, and also the optimization of water management and the use of natural organic pesticides.

MBLA Field Agronomist Omar Saadani Hassani and partner organization DEAFAL will supervise the implementation of point 2. Baseline data will be gathered between January and June 2020, with monitoring actions running between February and April 2020.

114 traditional agricultural practices are clearly supportive of biodiversity and ecosystem function, they require some innovations and adaptations in order to address new challenges and community needs for agriculture to generate more income. We have invited regenerative agriculture experts DEAFAL to define a plan of action for innovative approaches to soil, water and pest management that is respectful of traditional management systems. DEAFAL also lead Farmer Field Schools to train farmers in new methods. These actions will enhance crop productivity and local livelihoods, possibly encouraging young people to remain at home and participate in traditional livelihoods for longer. Finally, traditional agroecosystems in the High Atlas also rely on the presence of key tree and medicinal and aromatic plant (MAP) species. The HACL programme has engaged in production, conservation and enrichment planting of important plant and tree species since its inception in 2013 with the creation and continuous improvement of community nurseries and seed banks. The Community Action Plans focus, in the first instance, on the elements related more directly to livelihoods improvement: enhanced, climate-adapted agroecological practices and the production of culturally-important trees and MAPs.

Sustainable commercialization of local products (Pillar 3) Activities focusing on maintaining and enhancing traditional agroecosystems and sustainable harvesting practices engage principally with the HACL programme area of Local Product Commercialisation. They are also fundamentally rooted in our transversal capacity-building programme, given the importance of training, strengthening and information for community cooperatives to become competitive and generate sustainable incomes for their members. To implement this element of the programme, from 2018 we have carried out participatory ethnographic research across all actors and sectors involved in the value chains of High Atlas products. We have developed actor maps and value chains for 6 principal products that have a high potential for commercialisation: almond, walnut, carob, saffron, honeycomb products and 4 MAPS (Lavandula dentata, Thymus satureioides, Mentha suaveolens subsp. timija and Anacyclus pyrethrum – the latter three being endangered species). Please see Annex 19 for a full protocol and report on the status of local product commercialisation in the High Atlas. Based on this in-depth research, in 2020 we will develop market analyses and business plans for these products. We will also engage with Marrakech- based traders, retailers, chefs and hoteliers to open niche markets for High Atlas cultural landscape products. Our collaboration with the Marrakech-based social enterprise Ethnobotanica launched this process in mid-2019 when it began actively trading in produce from High Atlas cooperatives at fair prices while also building up a network of buyers and restaurateurs interested in these products.

There are several recent and emerging initiatives in Morocco that seek to provide market and policy incentives for maintaining traditional land use practices. As part of the second pillar of the Green Morocco Plan (a renewed agricultural and rural development strategy launched in 2008), the Ministry of Agriculture, Fisheries, Rural Development, Water and Forests is promoting “produits de terroir” (local products from a specific region), which it characterizes as “a promising alternative for the local, viable and sustainable development of remote or difficult to access areas”. Through the Agency for Agricultural Development (ADA), it is implementing a development strategy for the marketing of these products. This initiative has recently focused on integrating local products in the most prominent supermarkets like Carrefour Market, Green village, Ayaso, Marjane and Aswak Assalam, where markets dedicate specific shelves and areas to “produits du terroir”. These are increasingly attractive to consumers as a result of being local, organic and perceived as healthy and ‘authentic’.

These efforts are supported by a specific law passed in 2008 that sets a framework for recognizing the origin and quality of agricultural and fisheries products through designations such as “Protected

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Geographic Indications”, “Protected Origin Appellations” and “Agricultural Labels”. Another law, #112-12 on cooperatives, provides opportunities for small groups of producers to commercialise local products through new legal structures that have simplified financial, governance and membership requirements. In addition, law #29-05 on the Protection of Wild Species of Flora and Fauna and their Trade, which has the goal of protecting and conserving animal and plants species through control of commercial exploitation, provides clear procedures for marketing wild-harvested products that are sustainably harvested, even if its main focus is on reducing unsustainable harvest of commercially valuable species in conformity with principles set out in multilateral environmental agreements.

Box 5: Pillar 3 needs and actions (detailed timetable available in Annexes 10 and 11) (1) Identify 2-3 key products and actors. Focus groups at the end of October 2019 with 3 partner cooperatives in Imegdal identified dried thyme (Thymus satureioides) and dried lavender (Lavandula dentata) as key products they would like to commercialise. In Ait M’hamed 3 partner cooperatives identified saffron (Crocus sativus), walnut (Juglans regia) and honey as key cultural products they would like to commercialsiation. From April to June 2020, we will complete a study to define all the actors directly and indirectly involved in the value chains of these products from upstream (production) to downstream (commercialization). Jan- May 2020, we will implement a study of the socioeconomic impact of these products, including the assessment of three factors: the income earned from each product, the rate of job creation by each product, the direct impact on local development of each product. Most preliminary data for these reports has already been collected and analysed (see Annex 19 – Commercialisation Report).

(2) Support the value chains of the 5 products. From May to July 2020, a deeper analysis of the relationships between the value chain actors of each of these 5 products will be carried out, their different sales points, and the multiple parameters that influence these value chains. This study will be held in the level of community souks, local souks and markets, and national level markets. From August to September 2020, we will complete a market analyses of each of these 5 products including: cost structure of the value chain, analysis of marketing costs and margins, opportunities and constraints for local product development (SWOT), from which we will extrapolate the strengths and weaknesses of these products and make strategic proposals for their development. Finally, In October 2020, Local Product Commercialisation Coordinator Mohamed Ouknin will produce a study of the market needs of the five selected products (competition with other products, price influence parameters, consumption parameters).

(3) Institutional strengthening of local cooperatives to enhance sustainable value chains. Three main activities will be implemented: (1) Support for local cooperatives from November to December 2020 through : defining their marketing problems, calculate the cost price and profit margin of each product, study of the market requirements and quality standards: preconditions for market access; (2) Identification of the constraints and motivations of a sustainable value chain of each product (Jan-Mar 2021) in order to produce an assessment of the market situation and formulate a sustainable strategy for the development of these products; (3) in April 2021 launch research on the by-products with high added value by implementing a study of the possibility of producing by-products by local cooperatives, market analysis for the sale of by-products and actions required to take advantage of these markets.

In parallel with these government initiatives, civil society is mobilising to create opportunities for improved marketing of local products, including those derived through traditional land use practices. For example, the Réseau des Initiatives Agro-écologiques au Maroc is seeking to create a participatory system of guarantee that certifies producers based on of trust, social networks and knowledge

116 exchange. In collaboration with the Crédit Agricole Foundation, National Office for Health Security of Food Products (ONSSA) and other institutions, the Mohammed V Foundation for Solidarity created the first Solidarity Market in in 2017, and is planning to replicate it elsewhere in Morocco. It promotes the commercialisation of nearly 7000 local cosmetics, craft and culinary products from more than 300 cooperatives from all the regions of Morocco. Visited by nearly 600,000 consumers annually, it is a unique distribution channel that contributes to the enhancement of local know-how, creation of new economic opportunities for cooperatives and improvement in the livelihoods of women in particular. There exist now also new initiatives like The Anou (www.theanou.com) which provides direct connections between producers (craftspeople in this case) and consumers, also supporting the former with technology, training, marketing, orders and political advocacy. This vibrant national scenario of market and policy incentives for commercialisation of local products – especially those derived from traditional land use practices – will be more fully described in our final report.

A focus on youth and biocultural education (Pillar 4) One of the challenges most underscored by community members in the changes and recommendations workshops (see Tables 3 and 4) is related to youth and education. On the one hand, communities are grateful for the educational opportunities now available to their children, and on the other they recognise that the ‘change in attitudes’ among youth and their lack of desire to pursue the livelihoods activities of their parents and grandparents is a significant factor in the erosion of traditional land use practices and High Atlas iconic cultural landscapes. Many would like young people to have more opportunities for ‘betterment’ without nevertheless sacrificing their identity and cultural practices. Furthermore, the HACL programme external evaluator noted in her 2019 evaluation the importance of including youth – in particular the 16-24 age bracket – in our HACL programme work, not only by giving them opportunities within our programme but actively devising programme actions for their benefit. This particular age bracket is somewhat lost between the generation above them that is engaged in more-or-less traditional livelihoods activities (or has moved to an urban centre for work) and the younger generation who are still in school. They often don’t have much direction, nor do they have opportunities available to build their careers. In the current context of the High Atlas, this invisible generation could be harnessed to the work of restoring and promoting traditional practices, if these are made accessible and inviting through livelihoods opportunities.

In addition to the youth component of this pillar, we also build on our successful Dar Taliba Ourika training programme to engage with school-aged children, inviting them to be more active participants in traditional land use practices. Our current training programme focuses on permaculture, seed- saving and traditional plant uses, and we are now expanding this biocultural education component to include intergenerational knowledge transmission workshops in which elders will share their wisdom and practices with school-aged children with the aim of capturing the interest of children in maintaining these practices as they grow up.

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Box 6: Pillar 4 needs and activities (detailed timetable available in Annexes 10 and 11) (1) Schools biocultural & environmental program. It is related to bio cultural activities with primary schools and includes three main activities:

• Biocultural trips & socio-environmental activities: including three sessions of learning about the main local flora and fauna, learning about local cultural practices (agricultural and pastoral) linked to livelihoods, and basics of photography and short videos.

• Intergenerational Knowledge transfer workshops: Elders share histories about food and recipes, explaining how food ways have changed in recent decades and how life was when they were young, how the landscape has changed and what they would like to see in the future. Another session of the uses of nature: dying with plants is also part of the program. Each session will take long maximum two hours.

• Cleaning & Recycling activities: The idea is to collect waste around the schools and beyond. Identifying where most waste accumulates to make a plan for future actions. This will be followed by a session of crafts with waste and another one of crafts with natural objects. A sub-activity of gardening starting with water-resistant plants is also programed for the year of 2020.

In Imegdal the primary group school is the target beneficiary of these activities. It is composed of three primary schools with a total of 135 students. In Ait M’hamed The Zamt primary group school is the target beneficiary of these activities. It is composed of five primary schools with a total of 540 students. The idea is to program one sub-activity per month, with a total of 10 sub-activities from February to June and from September to December 2020.

(2) Programme for youth up to 18 years old. In Imegdal, our actions would focus first on girls (16-18 years old), with the development of a training program for carpet-making (a traditional Amazigh draft) with recycled clothes and fabrics based on the expertise of a local woman from the female Cooperative (Coopérative feminine d’Imegdal). Actions would also include facilitating their commercialization, if feasible, in regional urban centers. In AIt M’hamed, by request of the youth in question as well as community authorities, our actions will focus on an ecotourism program. It is composed of three main themes:

• Biology program: Learning about local flora and fauna, landscapes and their changes through time. Community researchers will facilitate this part of the program and will share their local knowledge with these future “faux guides”.

• Cultural program: Learning about the local history, and about local cultural practices linked to livelihood. GDF-MBLA team will facilitate these sessions based on the outputs of the several previous documentation studies done within the HACL program.

• Linguistic program: Basic French, English and translation of the technical vocabulary courses. GDF- MBLA team will facilitate these sessions.

Engaging in policy-making and partnership-building As we engage in the above actions principally at community level, we also recognize the importance of engaging in broader, higher scale processes to ensure the sustainability and longterm success of our work. The two areas we currently focus on are policy-making and partnership-building. With regards to policy-making, Global Diversity Foundation as a foreign NGO does not engage directly in it. Instead, with GDF’s support, MBLA is leading this programme area by focusing on four key actions:

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(1) Research. To date we have carried out comprehensive reviews on the Moroccan legal and policy frameworks related to (a) communal governance of lands and resources (Annex 20) and (b) agriculture and seeds (Annex 21). This research forms the basis for strategic decision- making regarding the modalities by which communities and their civil society supporters can interact with policy-makers to enhance these frameworks for their benefit and for the maintenance and promotion of traditional land use practices. (2) Capacity-building. We engage in capacity-building surrounding policy-making, through community-based and regional workshops with the aim of empowering communities, local authorities and civil society in Morocco to lead in incipient processes of policy-making from the ground-up. (3) Dissemination. Besides the legal reviews, which we disseminate among our partners and networks, we are also developing policy briefs, case studies and peer-reviewed articles on Morocco policies and their connections with High Atlas cultural landscapes and sustainable land use practices. These are for wider dissemination, with the intention of impacting Moroccan policy-making for the benefit of traditional land use practices. (4) Policy-making. Based on our legal reviews, case studies and policy briefs, we seek to support Moroccan civil society as they inform and support national policies that benefit cultural landscapes, the commons, and traditional land use practices and systems.

In order to support the delicate work of policy-making – and indeed all of the other aspects of our programme – robust and productive local, regional, national and international partnerships are essential (see Box 1 on p. 11 above). We have focused a great deal of time and resources on developing these partnerships to ensure the sustainability, longevity and success of our programme, including through active fundraising to support partners and events to bring them together.

VII.3 Lessons learned: transforming challenges into opportunities Over the 5 years of work carried out to support High Atlas cultural landscapes in Morocco, our team has faced many challenges and learned many lessons. One overarching lesson has been to transform challenges into opportunities, using an adaptive management approach (see Best Practices section). In this section we distil them to 5 key challenges and lessons learned:

Challenge: the epistemological gap between the natural and social sciences Our aim in the HACL programme has always been to seek to be as interdisciplinary as possible, and to bridge the inevitable gaps between the natural and social sciences. The epistemological gap between the two remains a challenge we continue to contend with today, and it is one with deep roots (that were exposed during the 1980’s and 1990’s ‘science wars’) that is still expressed in the way academia is structured with such neat distinctions between positivist science and constructivist humanism. The clearest expression of this challenge in terms of our programme is the complexity of obtaining scientifically valid evidence of the interconnections between traditional land use practices and biodiversity, given that both themes require such different methodological approaches for their study. While we feel we are achieving incipient connections through our ecological monitoring programme as well as through our targeted work on individual species by way of the comprehensive species monographs, we still feel that these fall short of generating the kind of outcome that truly expresses the integrated nature of traditional land use practices and biodiversity.

 Lessons learned and opportunities: One of the main lessons learned is that we cannot address traditional land use practices and biodiversity through separate research approaches and

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methodologies. We have now integrated our once distinct ‘biodiversity conservation’ and ‘ethnobiology’ programmes into one unique biocultural diversity conservation programme that addresses both elements in conjunction through integrated research methods. This also requires ensuring that the team understands this integration fully, even if individuals have invariably been trained in one or the other epistemological approach. Capacity-building and continuous striving for a holistic and integrated approach are our principal allies and opportunities.

Challenge: working productively with institutions Another challenge we have encountered is the difficulty, occasionally, of working with institutions – at all scales. Locally, we have had to contend with an increasing bureaucratization and supervision of the local authorities which has required us to comply with onerous administrative rules and regulations. Obtaining permits for collaborating with communities is a case in point: our collaboration with the commune of Oukaïmeden was stalled for around 1 year because internal issues related to management of ski tourism within the local administration resulted in bureaucratic processes halting and our permit not being issued until early 2019. In addition, we have noted the challenge of the short cycles of political leadership, meaning that our work to build partnerships and develop good working relationships with key individuals must always be renewed. This temporal challenge is paralleled at another scale: that of donor funding cycles. The average 2- to 3-year funding cycle is simply not sufficient to achieve the kinds of outcomes donors often expect, and indeed to ensure that those outcomes that are achieved are sustainable over time.

 Lessons learned and opportunities: Regarding our relationships with local institutions, our principal lesson learned has been to develop excellent working relationships with key individuals throughout the community, commune and province, ensuring redundancy and sustainability when leadership at the communal or provincial level changes. The significant time and resources (both human and financial) invested in partnership-building has proven absolutely vital to the longevity and success of our programme. Regarding the short funding cycles of donors, we have firstly been lucky to benefit from two consecutive cycles of MAVA Foundation funding, but also we have to invest significant time and human resources into achieving a broad funding base in order to ensure the continuity of the programme. In these uncertain financial climes, this remains a challenge that we contend with on a daily basis.

Challenge: working with gender in traditional communities In the conservative societies of High Atlas Amazigh communities, we rapidly learned that if we were to have access to the knowledge and contributions of women – whether in interviews, focus groups or workshops – we must operate on the basis of gender segregation. Even when we do segregate genders, a gender balance is always challenging to achieve as women tend to not travel away from their homes or may not be permitted to participate in certain activities.

 Lessons learned and opportunities: Including women at all levels of the team is essential: women community researchers can ensure that women are interviewed and included in all fieldwork data collection exercises; women on the local MBLA team ensure that women-only workshops are facilitated appropriately; women on the management team ensure that all of our team are aware of the importance of a gendered approach. Sensitivity is required at all times by all members of the team; GDF and MBLA are in the final phases of developing a

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gender policy to ensure that all staff have access to the knowledge and tools they need to implement a gender-sensitive approach. In addition to these management tools, we also focus on women in general in our work in order to promote their empowerment and participation. We support women’s cooperatives and initiatives in communities, have a long-term productive partnership to support young Amazigh girls to complete their high school education through the Dar Taliba Ourika boarding house, and are about to pilot a series of ‘gender caravans’ in the High Atlas to raise awareness and empower communities to support women and women’s issues.

Challenge: a multilingual, multidisciplinary and multicultural team Our ambitious programme requires us to address and manage the issue of working in a multicultural, multidisciplinary and multilingual team. We were challenged to find new ways of bridging competing interests, misunderstandings and cultural differences. Furthermore, translating across three, sometimes four, languages resulted in elements ‘lost in translation’. Nevertheless, these differences remain one of our greatest strengths.

 Lessons learned and opportunities: One lesson learned is to accept that there will be certain limitations that are unavoidable, and that the key is to maintain open and amicable dialogue with a view to finding innovative and collaborative approaches to managing difference. We also invest time and resources into ensuring appropriate translation and linguistic support. We take all the time - and invest the human and financial resources - required to check and recheck that all team and community members approve the results of the research and the ways in which these are presented. We listen to the voices of those that are slower to speak up, and we ‘check-in’ with team and communities constantly to ensure that we are all still working in concert and that everyone is satisfied with their role and relationships. We are proactive in dealing with issues when they arise for the benefit of the whole team. Challenge: drivers of change that are out of our control A clear and overarching challenge to the work of maintaining, restoring and promoting traditional land use practices that benefit biodiversity are the sheer scale, potency and reach of those drivers of change that are out of the control of programmes such as ours, in particular global environmental change and socioeconomic change (‘modernisation’). While we have noted that all drivers and changes are interconnected and not possibly distilled into neat, discrete elements, these two drivers lie without a doubt at the heart of all aspects of change recorded by communities and observed by outsiders that are impacting traditional land use practices in the High Atlas.

 Lessons learned and opportunities: Given that we cannot ‘do anything’ about these drivers of change in the context of our programme, our approach is to work adaptively with them. This involves welcoming select innovations that can support traditional land use systems to adapt, holistically, to changes that are much more rapid than they ever were. For example, in our agroecology programme we provide, at the request of our partner communities, training in innovative, organic soil, water and pest management approaches that can enhance the resilience of these traditional systems as they face increasing climactic challenges. Supporting a sustainable, equitable and participatory opening of these rather ‘closed’ systems to the outside world through commercialization of cultural products is another approach to engaging with these vast drivers of change in a way that respects traditions and biodiversity.

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VII.4 Implementation Guidance: keys to success in maintaining, restoring and promoting Mediterranean cultural landscapes Based on the lessons we have learned, we have developed a set of best practices that we believe are key to supporting, promoting and restoring cultural landscapes in the Mediterranean region:

Participation, collaboration and capacity-building One overarching best practice that our experience can distil is the deeply participatory and collaborative methodology we employ. From defining the vision and scope of the programme, through designing and implementing the methodology, to devising key actions: every step of the way has involved deep and recursive dialogue with partner communities, either directly or through the community researchers. The Community Action Plan process is a key example of how we have achieved a deep rooting in community needs and aspirations that also responds to the broader twin requirements for maintaining traditional land use practices and biodiversity.

One key example of this reflects the argument made above regarding the importance of including local perspectives in our assessments of conservation status, and more importantly in the conservation actions we implement. Conventional conservation relies rather exclusively on the IUCN Red list to make decisions about species and ecosystems that must be prioritised. We choose to listen carefully to local perspectives regarding the importance and status of key species and use this information, in tandem with that obtained through the official Red list, to develop our conservation actions. This has been particularly relevant for the selection of species we grow in community nurseries and distribute for enrichment planting.

Such a community-based process requires significant time, resources and adaptability; it requires all levels of the team to be fully conversant and deeply personally in tune with participatory approaches. For this reason, we invest significantly in capacity-building, both through individual coaching and mentoring and group training, at all levels of the team. In addition, key members of our Moroccan field team (including 4 out of 5 of our team’s PhDs) hail from Amazigh communities. This ensures not only the smooth and complete translation of key concepts and ideas, but also a deep understanding of the local culture, which grounds and ground-truths both the programme’s approach and results.

A holistic and adaptable approach to studying traditional land use systems Another key best practice emerging from our work is that of treating traditional land use practices and associated biodiversity as part of integrated human-nature-landscape systems. We cannot ‘extract’ priority species or targeted practices from the complex socioecological webs in which they co-emerge and co-exist. Instead we must pay attention to the whole system and at how, in its integrity, it maintains and supports both biodiversity and human wellbeing. When addressing these systems holistically, we learn that attempting to extrapolate results and actions by focusing only on the conservation individual species or only on specific aspects of socioeconomic development is not as likely to result in success as working on all aspects of the system simultaneously. In one specific example, seeing the system as a whole has resulted in us focusing our attention as much on biodiversity as on agrobiodiversity, given the complex and as yet vastly unknown interconnections and gradations between domesticated and ‘wild’ biodiversity in production landscapes

For this reason, as our programme has evolved, it has become increasingly complex and integrated. It is also for this reason that we have moved from a programme that mobilises the natural and the social sciences in parallel with a view to integrating results post-hoc to one that integrates the two approaches from the outset. Moreover, by using innovative and syncretic approaches, and focusing on community ownership, we develop pathways, actions and further research that are actively sought by communities to enhance an integrated social-ecological-economic wellbeing, for example

122 regenerative agriculture practices, new conflict resolution mechanisms, local product commercialisation, community nurseries, and youth-oriented programmes. Adaptive management and respect for local rhythms Any programme seeking to work at the frontier of change must be highly adaptable, not only to the inevitable intrinsic and extrinsic changes that characterise socio-ecological systems, but also to the emergent learnings and needs of partner communities. We built adaptability into our approach by staging the process into distinct phases and sub-phases, allowing us to reflect on what ought to be kept and what ought to change and how. This staged approach also allowed us to build our process in respect for local rhythms, which are always slower and less linear than expected or hoped for. It is also for this reason that we recognise the need for donor funding and project cycles to reflect the longterm, not always linear nature of this work.

Partnership-building, network-building and scaling up As already mentioned in the lessons learned section, a final best practice that is a sine qua non of sustaining cultural landscapes in the Mediterranean is focusing on partnership-building and network- building. Our participatory approach to programme development and dissemination includes a wide array of stakeholders and actors, from local authorities (at multiple administrative levels), to cooperatives, to NGOs, regional and national research institutions government agencies and international organisations. In a country like Morocco we would not have achieved our current programme results without the support of this ever-growing and -evolving partnership. The partnership-building process has also increased the influence of MBLA, a small youth-led NGO that is now recognised as a key player in any event or initiative regarding rural communities, biodiversity and traditional practices. One key example of this recognition is the role given to MBLA in the establishment, public launch and facilitation of the first national committee on ICCAs. Partnership- building is also at the heart of our team’s ability to scale up our holistic and adaptable programme to reach other communities and other regions outside of the High Atlas.

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VIII. Balancing Tradition and Innovation: how to support and promote best practices for maintaining High Atlas cultural landscapes In this final section we distil recommendations, actions and guidance for each of three core Best Practices that we propose must be supported in the High Atlas in order to maintain, promote and restore High Atlas cultural landscapes. These are: (1) pastoral agdals, (2) terraced agroecosystems and (3) sustainable production and harvesting of medicinal and aromatic plants (MAPs) which have all been described in detail in the ‘Best Practice Case Studies’ in Chapter V. All three of these systems are composed of many intertwined practices; in fact, all three are connected to each other. Nevertheless, as is clear from community recommendations and associated action plans, in the context of an integrated programme, it is possible to distil specific and targeted actions to sustain each of these best practices.

In this section we report the key actions we are planning and implementing for each of these Best Practices. Some of these are extracted directly from the Community Action Plans and others are additional actions planned as part of our integrated programme. The latter additional actions were also developed in collaboration with communities and carefully designed on the basis of 6 years of action research in the High Atlas. VIII.1 Agdals To support agdals, a broad portfolio of actions is required at national scale as well as at the scale of individual agdals, which each have their own challenges to contend with. Some of these ‘individual agdal’ actions can be implemented at a regional scale (e.g. livestock health and management), while others are to be implemented on a case-by-case basis.

1. National scale. At the national scale, ICCAs in Morocco – of which many agdals – are currently coming together in a National ICCA Committee (Carrefour des APACs), a process that is being co-coordinated by MBLA. The overarching aims of building this national network are to (1) learn from each other – and from other ICCAs in the broader region – regarding strengthening governance systems and maintaining customary practices, (2) to enhance and promote active advocacy for national recognition and support for ICCAs and (3) to co-develop strategies and plans of action to enhance ICCAs across Morocco. This work connects to the ongoing necessity for policy-making research and actions, already begun by MBLA through the production of a legal review on Morocco’s framework concerning communal territorial management published in 2019. In addition to these elements, dissemination and awareness-raising efforts at the national and international scales are essential.

2. Individual agdals. In individual agdals, different areas of action are necessary.

a. More action research is necessary to (a) characterise agdals and gain a deeper understanding of the ways in which this practice is connected to biodiversity and ecosystem health and (b) continue to monitor biodiversity (vegetation, soil and insects) to both contribute to point (a) and also assess how socioecological – and particular climactic – changes are impacting agdal biodiversity and resilience. GDF- MBLA proposes to carry out an extensive mapping of the flora and human occupation of Igourdane agdal as part of this process, aiming to gain a multi-layered understanding of how agdals function in the cultural landscape.

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b. Support for enhanced livestock health and management is essential if people are to continue using the agdals (c.f Chapters VI and VII for an in-depth description of how changes to livestock management practices are fundamentally impacting the practice of transhumance). To launch this process, baseline data on the status of livestock is necessary, veterinary caravans will follow, and training in sustainable livestock health management will be provided as part of CAP Pillar 2. In addition, in connection with the best practice of Terraced Agroecosystems, we will also support the improved production of key cereal varieties which will support the production of fodder for animals, thus reducing dependency on bought fodder and revitalizing the practice of transhumance. c. As conflicts in agdals intensify in the context of socioecological change, the development of adapted conflict resolution mechanisms is essential. GDF and MBLA are piloting support for conflict resolution through a process described under CAP Pillar 1: community-based solution-seeking focus groups, facilitated dialogue with all stakeholders, and a regional workshop. d. In the Igourdane agdal, community members also recommended support for the direct improvement of resource management in agdals, including support to restore water reserves and springs in the agdal and reforestation of key areas with native species. These recommendations will be addressed in the second cycle of the CAP process. They also requested capacity-building and support to encourage youth to return to the transhumant way of life, an element we are partly addressing through CAP Pillar 4.

VIII.2 Terraced agroecosystems To support the maintenance of High Atlas terraced agroecosystems, a multi-pronged approach is also necessary:

1. Action research on agroecosystems, agrobiodiversity and local seed systems. This includes assessing the conservation status of local varieties of key crops and implementing action plans for their maintenance. It also requires further documentation of traditional seed systems and networks, and revitalization of these through regional and local seed fairs. This action is to be associated with support for continued and enhanced management of community seed banks, including the collection and conservation of traditional, local and under-used varieties. This work should be associated with a concerted documentation of the status of traditional granaries (Ighrems) and a feasibility study for how they could be effectively used by communities to support their agroecosystems. In addition, support for participatory varietal selection processes is essential, as communities request new crop varieties that are (a) more resilient to ecological shocks and (b) more marketable. It is essential that such processes are respective of local cultures and practices, and that they draw upon local agrobiodiversity, thus also contributing to the conservation of traditional genetic material. Characterisation and promotion of traditional livestock breeds is essential, as these are locally-adapted to the environment and ecology of the High Atlas, and alongside this documentation of ethnoveterinary practices. Documentation, characterization and monitoring of key pollinator species are fundamental, as specific conservation action plans for these must be rapidly developed in the face of potential decline.

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2. Innovative approaches to enhance productivity and sustainability of terraces. GDF and MBLA have already begun a process of engaging with communities to complement sustainable traditional management practices with innovations from the field of regenerative agriculture, organic agriculture and permaculture. A baseline assessment was carried out in selected douars in 2019, providing data for community-based action plans for innovative soil, water and pest management that use endogenous resources, traditional knowledge and local crop varieties in innovative ‘varietal portfolios’ as their primary tools. GDF-MBLA is now seeking funding to implement these action plans and associated Farmer Field Schools (see CAP Pillar 2). Soil monitoring and water management innovations are key elements of these actions.

3. In order to encourage communities to maintain their traditional terraced agroecosystems, it is essential to support equitable and sustainable commercialization and value chains for agricultural produce, both traditional agrobiodiversity and products (including honey and walnuts) and new products such as saffron. Actions in this respect include product selection, analyses of value chains and markets, and development of business plans with cooperatives. Our focus to date has been on product selection for MAPs and tree species, but in Phase 2 we plan to develop this work for agricultural produce, in particular selected cereal and legume crops. We focus specifically on high value niche markets in Marrakech, including restaurants, hotels and specialty retailers. We continue to actively grow the social enterprise Ethnobotanica, which is associated with GDF-MBLA’s work in the High Atlas, developing its capacity to attract buyers and retailers. This is part of a broader strategy to encourage the creation of a High Atlas Cultural Landscapes product market through the organization of gastronomy events, engaging in food innovation initiatives with urban chefs, building direct cooperative-buyer relationships, exploring the potential for engaging in initiatives such as participatory guarantee and the Slow Food Ark of Taste, and so on. To support this work, we continue to provide targeted capacity-building and network-building for local cooperatives, and to build entrepreneurial muscle among communities, particularly among Youth (CAP Pillar 4). VIII.3 Sustainable production and harvest of plants Our final best practice concerns the sustainable management of High Atlas plant populations, in particular cultural keystone species of trees and medicinal and aromatic plans (MAPs). To achieve this, we implement a set of diverse and interconnected activities, which are being deepened and enhanced in HACL Phase 2 (2020-2023):

1. Enhanced management of community nurseries and seed banks where cultural keystone species are grown and conserved. We currently help communities to manage 4 community nurseries: one in each partner commune and an additional one at the Dar Taliba girls’ boarding house. On average 30-35 species are grown in these nurseries: all of these are endemic, endangered5 and economically valuable. These nurseries represent a real success for the HACL programme, as communities are actively involved in their management and regularly inform us of the great use they derive from them. We are currently collaborating with our partner DEAFAL to improve the ecological management of these nurseries, in particular through the implementation of innovative nursery-specific soil, water and pest management practices. The community nurseries sponsor the annual distribution of nursery-grown plants to

5 Either endangered according to the IUCN Red List database or perceived as decreasing by local communities. Of the 6 species chosen, those Vulnerable or Endangered according to the IUCN Red List are Mentha suaveolens subsp. Timija (VU), Thymus satureioides (VU), and Fraxinusm dimorpha Coss & Durieu (EN).

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households, where they are planted out in cultivated and semi-cultivated private terraces for domestic use, reproduction and sale. This not only enhances wild populations of these species but also helps improve local livelihoods. The community nurseries are also the source of plants for the continuation of our successful enrichment planting actions in designated conservation areas. Monitoring to date shows that these actions are positively impacting vegetation in these areas (see Annex 16).

2. As part of the Community Action Plans (Pillar 2), communities have requested actions to enhance and maintain traditional management practices for key tree and MAP species: Fraxinus dimorpha, Quercus rotundifolia and Prunus dulcis in Ait M’hamed and Ceratonia siliqua, Junglas regia, Lavandula dentata and Thymus satureioides in Imegdal. These will be planted (with MAPs and trees intercropped in Imegdal) on private and communally managed terraces, in areas that are still used traditionally.

3. In tandem with the marketing and commercialisation work to be implemented as part of the Terraced Agriculture best practice, similar efforts will be made for the equitable and sustainable commercialisation of medicinal and aromatic plants. Actions in this respect include product selection, analyses of value chains and markets, analysis of socioeconomic impact and development of business plans with cooperatives (see CAP Pillar 3). The pilot species for this process are Thymus satureioides and Lavandula dentata which are sold by the Imegdal cooperatives (and will be grown as part of point 2).

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IX. Conclusion This review has documented in detail the traditional land use practices in the High Atlas Mountains that have an impact on maintaining cultural and biological diversity beyond the well-known pastoral agdals. Yet natural and social environments in the High Atlas are rapidly changing, and local cosmologies and livelihoods are shifting to adapt to a globalised world (Domínguez, 2017). We documented how key practices we describe are disappearing or drastically changing, providing insights into how and due to what those changes are occurring. It is clear that actions and policies are required to ensure community wellbeing and the maintenance of these iconic cultural landscapes and their associated biodiversity.

A unifying theme to this research is that the socioecological systems that shape High Atlas cultural landscapes and the drivers of change that are impacting them are complex and wholly interconnected. Any attempt at maintaining, restoring and promoting these living systems cannot rely on the extraction and ‘treatment’ of individual components, and must instead address the issue holistically and systemically. This means, first of all, recognising the dynamic nature of these systems and avoiding a desire to halt change – both social and ecological – in order to conserve them. Traditional land management systems are inherently resilient, meaning that they have the capacity to transform and adapt to withstand substantial shocks. Recognising the inherent creative and adaptive capacities of these systems, communities can team up with diverse partners and supporters to develop actions and approaches that respect social and cultural practices while engaging with positive and sustainable innovations.

Our review demonstrates that to do this successfully, it is fundamental to work in a participatory manner with communities from the outset. Approaches that favour collaboration, community ownership, free, prior and informed consent and an understanding that local perceptions of the natural environment are as valid as the results of ‘western’ scientific research will undoubtedly be the most durable. Moreover, respecting local rhythms, rules and customs must be at the heart of any such programme. Significant time and human resources are also necessary when working on partnership- building – recognised as another essential ingredient for success.

Integrated programmes such as the one presented here must be at the heart of strategies to maintain, restore and promote cultural landscapes on a regional scale. Fortunately, in recent years, governmental institutions, NGOs and donor organisations are beginning to include in their strategic mission, vision and values the need to engage actively with local communities to better understand the role of traditional practices in the conservation of natural resources and strengthen best practices and knowledge (McIvor et al. 2008, CEPF 2017). This transition, although still being relatively under recognised on the ground (Wehi and Lord 2017) will be key to ensure long-term sustainability and governance in bioculturally rich regions such as the Mediterranean.

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Appendix: Extended Amazigh-Arabic-English glossary of terms related with CPCs in Ait M’hamed, Imegdal and Oukaïmeden

Tamazight name Moroccan Arabic Tamazight name (sing.) Description Main area/s (pl.) name

Measuring system, 1 aabra is approximately between 10 and 13 kg and an abra also equals Aabra Laabrat Aabra 4 handfuls. It is also the quantity of fruits given by each family to pay the guardian Agriculture (Amchardo) during the azzwi. Abadir, abdar Khubz A type of bread. Food Abrid Iberdane Triq Road. Others Addoâ Tadweâ Tanqiyat al ard Recollection of stones in fields. Agriculture This is the first milk that the people pick from goats or cows, at least in rainy years, fodder Adekhs, adghts Animals, pastoralism is abundance. It is collected for 4-5 days and then cooked and given to the neighbors. Aderass Idersane - Linear walls made with stones. Agriculture Adouab Guardian of ighrem. Each taghsumt has an adouab. Adrar Idraren Jbel Mountain. Topography Afaynu Ifaynoutn - Harvesting fallow grass Agriculture Afard Aferdey Ferd The individual is nothing without the tribe. People Hedges of spiny branches (azugar, igg, azmour) to prevent from grazing animals and Afrag, Afrig Ifergan Hajez Agriculture, fencing children and to make borders of private properties. Afraw Traditional water basin Water Afus Ifassen Yed Traditional measuring method, that means “hand” and correspond to 10 walnuts. Agriculture, tool Semitic root g-d-r (fortified structure, wall, collective granary, attic) frequent in the Souss Iguidar Hitt Others region. Agdals are areas of restricted access for grazing that don’t exist anymore in Imegdal because Agdal Igdlan Agdal Pastoralism of lack of water, especially in summer. Aghbalou Ighboula Äin Water source. Water Aghoulid Ighouleden Hejra kbira Cliff or rock. Topography Aghroum nounkhdam Batbout Moroccan golden bread eaten during breakfast with butter and honey Food

Aghroum n timzin Khubz cha’ir Barley bread Food

Agrour Igrouren Construction of stones (to build L aêzib). Pastoralism

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Tamazight name Moroccan Arabic Tamazight name (sing.) Description Main area/s (pl.) name

shrif Agurram Igurramen Members of holy lineages (descendants of prophet). Religion (~Sharif/Shurfa) Ahbouche= Astour Ihbache Synonym of astour. Agriculture Ihchouchen, Ahchuch, agurbi The small room, built in stone and tree branches, where the shepherd lives in l aêzib. Pastoralism igurban Ahidous Genre of singing and dancing emblematic of Tamazight-speaking . Others Ait People of, sons of. People Agriculture, pastoralism, Ajara n touga Fodder collection. domestic animals Ajmu’ Ajmuä'n Jjtimaâ Reunion. Others Akessab Ikessaben Lkessaba Breeders People, pastoralism Akfaf Sqef Roofs tops. Place This is an Islamic religious practice where every tenth basket is set aside to give as charity Alachour Alachour Religion to poor families. It’s equal to 1/10 of things Alghoum Ilghoman Jmel Dromedary. Animals Allass Allassen lcascrout Snack in the evening (usually tea, coffee). Food Almou Bhira Meadow. Topography Person in charge of targa for each taqbilt. Also known as amghar n’waman, n’truguine Amazal Imazzalen Mol lma Water, agriculture (leader elected for irrigation management). There are several imazzalen. Animal, pastoralism, Amazer, lghbar L mazer Use of manure (natural fertilizer). agriculture Amazouz Animals born in March. Animal Amazouz Designation applied to all late crops Agriculture

Guardian of the almond and walnut trees during the harvest season (Azzayn), who is Amcharfo, amchardo, Imchorda Läessass People, agriculture selected by the people of the douar and who’s paid with a portion of harvest products.

Amenzou Imenza Precocious birth time of animals (from November to January). Animal Amenzou Designation applied to all early crops Agriculture Amghar Imgharen Cheikh Lay tribal chief in various douars, delegated by the local authority (caidat). Local authority

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Tamazight name Moroccan Arabic Tamazight name (sing.) Description Main area/s (pl.) name

Amghar n’ssuq Imgharen Cheikh Leader elected for markets (linked to the Ministry of the Interior, under the caid). Local authority

Amkssa Imkssaon Serrah Shepherd. People, pastoralism Amsiyief Amsiefen Animals born during summer, rare. Animal Andaf Indofn laassass the guardian of Agdal Pastoralism Anou Ona Beir Well. Water

Anrar Inraren Open, flat surfaces in or close to the villages where cereals are dried after the collection Place, agriculture

Anzar Inzaren Chta Rain. General Igoudlan, Aoudal, agdal Marâa Space reserved for pasture. Pastoralism Ioudalan Herding site, a place for grazing common to the people of the village which is closed during Aouloul Topography the winter and open from April onwards. Place in the mountain where shepherds go. Iourern Tal Hill. Topography Aoutthou Ioutta Stone walls or piles of stones that delimit the field’s borders. Topography Aqqa Aqqaten Oued ? Deeply embanked torrent, big valley. Topography Araras Igharassen Triq Road. Others Arghsis, arkhsis Betbout Moroccan bread stuffed with onions, grease and spices eaten at breakfast time Food

Cleaning of the sediments deposited in the irrigation canals as well as weeding the plants Arras n targa Water that may have grown in them, mostly done from April to June. Place where the division of water to go to different the fields and turns of irrigation happens, Asdar Water, topography part of the water management system. Asggas Amenzou Early rains. General Asghar Imzzin Isgharn mzenin Chjer sgher Saplings (small trees) to replace old trees. Agriculture Space where the herds are kept, it can be enclosed with stones, a combination of stones Asgun, asguen Place, pastoralism and strong branches, or just branches. Ashgar Asgharen Chjer Trees. General, agriculture Soup prepared with half-roasted barley or corn flour and these are cooked in water (more Askif Harira Food than tagoulla) and then olive oil, butter and/or honey are added.

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Tamazight name Moroccan Arabic Tamazight name (sing.) Description Main area/s (pl.) name

Famous Moroccan soup, which is offered especially in the holy month of Ramadan. Askif ismoumoun Lhrira lhamda Generally ccontains lentils, , cut meat, onions, tomatoes, and cabbage, amongst Food other ingredients. It is usually accompanied with dates and shabakia (type of sweet).

Celebration where each 1st march people meet in a place far away from the village and Assefdd [v], ifidd [n] women prepare traditional dish (tagoulla) from barley flour. Before ifidd women can’t deal Food, celebration with cows in an open space, they collected the first butter, but is the men who pick it up. Assemdi Issemday Sagya Water channels directly irrigating cultivation parcels. Agriculture, water Assemgounou Ismougouna - Mobile pastoralism, to fertilize the soil. Agriculture, pastoralism Asserdoun Isserdane Bghel Mules. Animals Asserwat Drass Thrashing of the harvest. Agriculture Assif Issaffen Oued River. Topography Assmser Animals coupling. Animal, pastoralism Assounfo Letting the land rest (not cultivate it for a while). Agriculture Assous Picking fruits, nuts, olives, almonds… Agriculture Astay n taqqayen Shelling nuts. Agriculture Astour/ Ahbouch Istran/ Ihbach - Stony wall around trees. Agriculture Astta Nsej Weaving rugs. General Aydi Idane Kelb Dog. Animals Ayyur Ayyuren Qamar Moon. General, Mythology Azaghar Izagharen Sohoul Plateau. Topography Azarg Izergan Rha Mill. Others

Azerf/Izirf (‘urf) Ierfan Haqq Customary law (now mostly passed into sharia structure). Others

Azergue Izergane Rha Hand mill. General, agriculture Azergue n waman Izergan n waman Rha del ma Water mill. General, agriculture Azib läzban Azib Transhumance. Pastoralism Ancient tradition, managed nowadays by the associations, used by communities to protect Azzayn Agriculture their fields, crops and trees, and to avoid animals grazing in the fields. Dates for starting

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Tamazight name Moroccan Arabic Tamazight name (sing.) Description Main area/s (pl.) name

harvesting are chosen in the mosque by old people or important families. Normally it happens between April and October. Collection of fruits (walnuts, almonds, carobs and apples) from trees in a specific period, Azzwi Agriculture mostly between middle August until middle of September. Azzwi n louz Almond harvest. Agriculture Azzwi n taqqayin, aswikn Walnut harvest. Agriculture Azzwi n tekeda Carob harvest. Agriculture Olive harvest (from tree, by shacking branches, rather than collecting them from the Azzwi n zeet Agriculture ground). Traditional dish, considered “cold” and eaten in summer with agho (whey). It’s a type of Baddaz Baddaz Food Moroccan couscous prepared at home using corn flour. It is a Moroccan dish prepared with Malva , onion, olive oil and lime juice. It is Balfch (lkhbiza) lkhbiza Food prepared in spring and served as salad

Barroc / lemärouf - Lemärouf Meeting at the mosque (timsguida) or in the zaoueya. Religion One of the preferred Moroccan dishes in the holy month of Ramadan. It is a kind of pies Bghrir Al-Baghair Food prepared and served at breakfasts. It is served with butter and honey.

Bour Bour Non-irrigated land (cereals). Agriculture Boyllibi ( agdal) A small family agdal in Zamt, it disappeared because they built the mosque in its place. Pastoralism Synonym of toummit: mixture prepared with barley flour, timijja and fliou and drunk with Brommi Zemmeta Food milk. Caid Representative of the Ministry of the Interior within the commune. Dates Communal decision-making to decide when to start harvesting. General Diraâ Cereal growing season, often from July to November Agriculture Fihina Stah Terraces of houses where crops are dried Agriculture Ftor Ftor Ftor Breakfast (usually bread, olive oil, coffee). Food Tradition during the celebration of Eid l Kbir, where men wear the goat skins of the animals Herma Celebration that have been sacrificed for Eid. Ibbissou Terda Bread and medicinal plants like tifidas, chanouj, heb rchad Food

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Tamazight name Moroccan Arabic Tamazight name (sing.) Description Main area/s (pl.) name

Dish prepared from raw barley, which is cooked on steam, dried and crushed in the form of Ibrin nouzanbou Food couscous

Ibrin ntoumzin Dchicha Dish prepared with barley after being grinded and turned into coarse grains Food

Ifri Ifrane lghar Cave. Agriculture Ifski n’oudrar Ifskan n’oudrar Aachoub jbel Plants from the mountains like azzouknni and amzzourri. General Ighbar Irrigation. Water Ighil Ighaleen lquimma Mountain peak. Agriculture Ighrem Igherman Quel3at lkhzin Silo, granary. Agriculture, food Ighs Ighsan Ädem Lineages to which households belong (especially in pastoral nomadism). Social organization Ighzer, talat, taghia Ighzran/ talatin Ravine, gorge, small valley. Topography

Igourar Sheltered spaces in the l aêzib where goats can sleep when it is cold or it rains. Place, pastoralism

Igran n’wamen Jnan del ma Irrigated fields. Agriculture Igran, igueran Jnan Fields. Agriculture Iguer igran Jnan Cultivation lands (urten+bour). Others Ihray Nâaj Sheep. Animal This is a method of payment during the azzwi where the laborers will share the harvest with Ikhoms lkhoms Agriculture the owner, where they keep a fifth and the farmer will sell the other four fifths. Imensi Imensewn Âcha Dinner (usually soup, couscous, spaghetti…). Food Imeri Imarine - Circular walls made with stones. Agriculture Imgraw Imgraw Fruit harvesters that are usually women, during the azzwi. People, agriculture Imkli Imklewn Ghda Lunch (usually tajin, couscous). Food Imrkidane Harbar Wheat soup Food

Imlil Imilal Terraces built in steep places to increase the cultivated surface and avoid soil erosion. Agriculture

Imsserarn People who are doing the trashing. People, agriculture

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Tamazight name Moroccan Arabic Tamazight name (sing.) Description Main area/s (pl.) name

Labourers. People who do azzwi. Generally, they are men, who will shake the tree so the Imzway People, agriculture fruits tall.

Irihi First harvest of fruits: those that have fallen from trees because of the wind before maturity. Agriculture

Issouka Place where people plant walnut trees. Agriculture, topography Izaâzi Izaza Laâwad Branches. Agriculture group of persons who takes decisions about the dates of moussem, tawala, tiwizi n’targa, Jamâiya no douar Jamâiya and the harvest time of fruit trees, and resolved conflicts among people in the douar. It Practice azzayn replaced the in many villages. Jemaa Jma3a Local administrative institution. General Khams The division of members of a community into five groups according to lineage. Social organization Seasonal animal shed, built by the shepherd with stones or tree branches to keep the Laêzib Pastoralism animals in. Laêzib n douar Seasonal herd shed near the village. Pastoralism Laêzib n sif Seasonal summer shed, often near the mountain top. Pastoralism Laêzib n tguerst Seasonal winter shed, in warmer places. Pastoralism Laêzib n udrar Seasonal herd shed in the mountains. Pastoralism Leader elected for collective lands (related to the local authorities; is the representative of Social organization, local Lemqdem n’igudlan Lemqdmen Lemqdem the caid in the agdal). Analogous to Amghar n’tugha, n’irrahhalen, n’ugdal (leader elected authority for grazing movements).

Lghabt, Tagant Lghaba Mountain forest area where grazing is not prohibited Pastoralism

Person in charge to communicate to the village decisions made in the mosque, especially related to starting dates for harvesting main crops (azzwi). Person who spreads information Librah, lbreh, aberah People, agriculture about when azzayn is starting, from the mosque where the people meet to decide the dates of collection, to the douar. Lingri Lingri Chemical fertilizer Agriculture Lksibt, lbhaym Lksiba livestock Animal

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Tamazight name Moroccan Arabic Tamazight name (sing.) Description Main area/s (pl.) name

Ancient religious tradition, linked to holy places like mosques or marabouts, who takes place Lmaroof, lemarouf Lemärouf before the azzwi of fruit trees, where women of the village prepare traditional couscous for Religion everyone in the village, especially for children. Melk Lmelk Private property. General, topography Moussem n’Ait M’hamed Gathering and celebration in Ait M’hamed in April each year. Very famous in the region. Religion Gathering and celebration in the zauiya of Warti once a year. It lasts three days and people Moussem n’Warti Religion prepared couscous dishes and give almonds to visitors who are hosted in the douar. Mqdem Representative of the caid in each douar. Local authority Neqsh Neqsh Weeding. Agriculture Olli Lbhaym Animals including ovine et caprine. Animal Quiyadat Quiyada Local authorities. General Rua, Andrar Drass Threshing of cereals (mostly between June and July). Agriculture Sarij Cement collective water basin Water Also called couscous. This is an Amazigh dish prepared all over Morocco made of hard wheat Seksou Kseksou Food semolina, normally bought from the market. Seksou n irden Kselsou t lgmeh Wheat couscous Food

Seksou n timzin Kseksou t cha’ir Barley couscous Food

Recipe prepared with roasted wheat flour mixed with fry and ground medicinal plants and Sfoufe Sfoufe or Slilo Food mixed with olive oil.

Taberknna Small ceremony with 7-8 women, where there are prepared traditional dishes. Celebration

Tadla n’toumzine Lhazma Barley crop storage technique in the form of bunches Agriculture

Tafergant Tiferganine Zriba Hedge to protect animals (Beasts). Pastoralism Tafrout Lhaod Water basin. Topography, water Small private area where fruit trees are planted and the land is irrigated, hence, weed grow Agriculture, pastoralism, Tagdalt Tigdlin and it is collected as fodder during the summer. The tagdalts areas are very vulnerable to domestic animals flooding. Taghat Tighatten Lemâz Goats. Animals

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Tamazight name Moroccan Arabic Tamazight name (sing.) Description Main area/s (pl.) name

Taghbalout Tighboua Äouina Small water source. Water Taghsumt Patrilineal sublineage. Several teghsmin form an Ighs (lineage) Social organization Traditional dish made of corn flour prepared as breakfast for the people who works in the Tagoulla Lâssida fields. Traditional paste or soup prepared with corn or half-roasted barley flour, cooked in Celebration, food water and olive oil, butter and/or honey are added. Tagoulla n aouern Lâssida Traditional dish (as before) prepared during Taberkna. Celebration, food Tahmmart khubz A kind of bread is cooked under the ashes Food

Tahnanayt Tahnanayt lkhebz Kind of bread is cooked on stone Food The tajine is a dish widely spread in Morocco which is realized in a dish that bears the same Tajine Twajen Tajine name. It is a spicy dish, accompanied by vegetables and berries ... tajine is cooked in various Food ways with chicken, lamb, beef, fish…

Talossi n ihray Sheering wool from sheep. Animal, pastoralism Tamda Temdouen Bohayra Lake. Water

Wedding, normally it happens on the same season when the cereal is harvest and threshed. Tamghra Timghreo L3ers Agriculture Also, the logistic of preparing a wedding is done in twizi.

Tamgra Lhssad Harvesting of cereals, mostly during the month of May. Agriculture Tamgra n toumzin Harvest of barley. Agriculture Tamugait timougayen Lbgra Cow. Animal Tandrar Vegetable growing season, often from November to July Agriculture Tanourt Iswan Terda Kind of bread and medicinal plants like tifidas, chanouj, heb rchad Food

Tribe, tribal assembly, council (village/tribe), elects the amghar, now weakened. Each douar Taqbilt Tiqbilin Jama’a, Lqbila Social organization has one, constituted by elderly men. Targa Tergueo Sagya Irrigation water canals Agriculture, water Present given to the groom by people invited to the wedding, normally in traditional bags Tarragte Lhdeya Celebration (tryalt) containing barley, corn or sugar.

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Tamazight name Moroccan Arabic Tamazight name (sing.) Description Main area/s (pl.) name

Traditional dish made of corn flour prepared as breakfast for the people who works in the Tarwayt Lâssida fields. Traditional paste or soup prepared with corn or half-roasted barley flour, cooked in Celebration, food water and olive oil, butter and/or honey are added. Tarwayt n tmzine Ä'ssida t châ'ir Barley’s flour puree. Food Tarzout Tighuza Bhira Cultivation terraces. Agriculture Tawala Tewalewen Nouba Role play of water. Water Equitable water management method in time of scarcity to avoid conflicts (distribution of Tawala n waman Nouba del ma Water irrigation days among families according to the arable land that each family possesses).

Tayoga Lhart Plowing the land using donkeys or mules Agriculture

Tayssa raay Pasture Pasturalism

Tradition linked to the mosque, to give the butter to the imam in the first three Friday of Tejamet Religion April (Ighrm) or May (Amslane). Tekat, Takat Takaten Kanoun Household/family (especially in pastoral nomadism). Social organization Tradition linked to the mosque, where children chant and sing around the village to each Tigga/ ashora house on the birthday of , and collecting food that will get to someone to cook Religion it for them. Tiglay d oudi Lbid b smen Boiled eggs with melted butter (smen) Food

Tili Oulli Nâaj Sheep. Animals Timdi Traditional measure method, that correspond to 100 walnuts. General, agriculture Timirite Timaryine Lhodoud Agriculture Timswit Jerda Divided property. Pastoralism Specific place in the mountains close to Aggrd where cultivation was practiced and specific Tirardin Topography plants are harvested. Tirkemt Tirkmen Left Turnip Agriculture, food

Tirzi n louz Thrass louz Shelling almonds. Agriculture Tradition (in Ighrm), done when a calf is born, of keeping the milk for 7 days, and to make Tisiuina butter each day separately and the last day all of them where melted together and eaten, Food, celebration, animal mostly by children.

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Tamazight name Moroccan Arabic Tamazight name (sing.) Description Main area/s (pl.) name

Tislit n Anzar (Tislit n Tislaten n anzar Qaousso qozah Mythological God of rain and water (Rainbow). Mythology eguenwan) Solidarity and cooperation among people when there are tasks to do that demand a big effort and time, like the work in the fields or clean the irrigation canals. Collective work Tiwizi General carried out for agricultural and other tasks requiring multiple people. Currently in recession in Ait M’hamed. Tiwizi n Irgazen Solidarity among men to build houses, work in the fields, etc. General Tiwizi n tadout Tiwizi to do activities in relation to wool, such as cleaning it. General, pastoralism Solidarity among women in many activities like weaving rugs, shelling almond and walnuts, Tiwizi n temgharin General collection of fodder. Tizi (-n-) Faj Pass. Topography Tizi n’tiqqi Specific place in the mountain where cultivation was practiced. Topography Tmakarra Unidentified plant eaten by people during dry periods Plant Toudma Crop rotation in bour and irrigate culture Agriculture Toukkerda Stealing fruits. General Recipe made by barley flour adding some medicinal plants like timijja, chih or fliyou and Toummite Zemmeta Food eaten with tea or water. Toummite n azenbou Toummite prepared with fresh, unripe grains. Food Toummite n tikida Toummite prepared using carob flour. Food Toummite n toumzin Toummite prepared using dry barley grains. Food Toummite noussengar Toummite prepared from locally grown corn. Food Touslawine Dry turnips Food Urti Urtan Jnan Irrigated land. Agriculture Zbeer Zbeer Grafting branches to trees. Agriculture

Abbreviations: [n]=Noun; [v]=Verb; sing.=singular; pl.=plural.

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Annex List Full annexes are available on the following Dropbox folder.

Annex 1: Cultural Practices of Conservation in the Moroccan High Atlas (Dec 2017) Annex 2: Development of an interdisciplinary and interactive methodology for documenting cultural practices of conservation Annex 3: ICCA Characterisation Table Annex 4: Ait Atta migration report Annex 5: Internal occupation report Annex 6: CPCs Phase 2 Report (2018) Annex 7: Changes, drivers and recommendations for Imegdal Annex 8: Changes, drivers and recommendations for Ait M’hamed Annex 9: CPCs Recommendations Report (overall) Annex 10: Community Action Plan for Ait M’hamed Annex 11: Community Action Plan for Imegdal Annex 12: Igourdane Agdal (Ait M’hamed KBA) Flora List Annex 13: Imegdal KBA Flora List Annex 14: Endemism in Imegdal Annex 15: Table: Ethnobotanical, botanical, management and conservation assessment documentation for plants of high cultural value Annex 16: High Atlas Cultural Landscapes programme Ecological Monitoring Report 2015-2019. Jan 2020. Annex 17: High Atlas Cultural Landscapes Programmme Monitoring Protocol – Narrative Annex 18: High Atlas Cultural Landscapes Programme Monitoring Protocol – Data spreadsheet Annex 19: HACL Protocol of Commercialisation of local products (Jan 2020 version) Annex 20: Rapport sur l’analyse juridique de l’impact des lois, politiques et institutions surles aires et territoires du patrimoine communautaire au Maroc (Sept 2019) Annex 20a: Workshop report: ICCA National Legal Review Morocco Annex 20b: Worksop report: National Multi-stakeholder Committee of ICCA Network Annex 21: Revue des textes juridiques et des politiques publiques en matière agricole et de semenes au Maroc (Feb 2020 draft)

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