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Boosting Political Trust with Direct Democracy? the Case of the Finnish Citizens’ Initiative Henrik Serup Christensen 173–186 Politics and Governance Open Access Journal | ISSN: 2183-2463 Volume 7, Issue 2 (2019) TheThe Politics,Politics, PromisePromise andand PerilPeril ofof DirectDirect DemocracyDemocracy Editor Todd Donovan Politics and Governance, 2019, Volume 7, Issue 2 The Politics, Promise and Peril of Direct Democracy Published by Cogitatio Press Rua Fialho de Almeida 14, 2º Esq., 1070-129 Lisbon Portugal Academic Editor Todd Donovan, Western Washington University, USA Available online at: www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance This issue is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License (CC BY). Articles may be reproduced provided that credit is given to the original andPolitics and Governance is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. Table of Contents The Promise and Perils of Direct Democracy: An Introduction Todd Donovan 169–172 Boosting Political Trust with Direct Democracy? The Case of the Finnish Citizens’ Initiative Henrik Serup Christensen 173–186 ‘Let the Citizens Fix This Mess!’ Podemos’ Claim for Participatory Democracy in Spain Carlos Rico Motos 187–197 Salient Ballot Measures and the Millennial Vote Scott J. LaCombe and Courtney Juelich 198–212 A Survey Experiment on Citizens’ Preferences for ‘Vote–Centric’ vs. ‘Talk–Centric’ Democratic Innovations with Advisory vs. Binding Outcomes Sebastien Rojon, Arieke J. Rijken and Bert Klandermans 213–226 Perceptions of Referendums and Democracy: The Referendum Disappointment Gap Shaun Bowler and Todd Donovan 227–241 Risks and Opportunities of Direct Democracy: The Effect of Information in Colombia’s Peace Referendum Juan Masullo and Davide Morisi 242–267 Legal Regulation of Campaign Deliberation: Lessons from Brexit James Organ 268–277 Losing in the Polls, Time Pressure, and the Decision to Go Negative in Referendum Campaigns Alessandro Nai and Ferran Martínez i Coma 278–296 Intra-Camp Coalitions in Direct Democracy: Evidence from Referendums on Asylum Laurent Bernhard 297–305 Economic Voting in Direct Democracy: A Case Study of the 2016 Italian Constitutional Referendum Arndt Leininger 306–333 Table of Contents Economic Voting in EU Referendums: Sociotropic versus Egocentric Voting in the Lisbon Treaty Plebiscites in Ireland Johan A. Elkink, Stephen Quinlan and Richard Sinnott 334–350 Public Support for Higher Taxes on the Wealthy: California’s Proposition 30 Caroline J. Tolbert, Christopher Witko and Cary Wolbers 351–364 It Depends...Different Direct Democratic Instruments and Equality in Europe from 1990 to 2015 Brigitte Geißel, Anna Krämling and Lars Paulus 365–379 American State Ballot Initiatives and Income Inequality Joshua J. Dyck, Wesley Hussey and Edward L. Lascher, Jr. 380–409 Explaining Foreigners’ Political Rights in the Context of Direct Democracy: A Fuzzy-Set QCA of Swiss Cantonal Popular Votes Francesco Veri 410–426 Politics and Governance (ISSN: 2183–2463) 2019, Volume 7, Issue 2, Pages 169–172 DOI: 10.17645/pag.v7i2.2267 Editorial The Promise and Perils of Direct Democracy: An Introduction Todd Donovan Political Science Department, Western Washington University, Bellingham, WA 98225, USA; E-Mail: [email protected] Submitted: 12 June 2019 | Published: 27 June 2019 Abstract Direct democracy promises politics that improve links between citizens and their representatives, and satisfies popular demand for increased engagement. In practice it may fall well short, given limited citizen capacity, poor information from campaigns, and ill-designed processes. The articles here represent the opportunities that direct democracy offers for the study of these promises and perils. Keywords comparative politics; deliberation; direct democracy; initiatives; referendums; representation; secondary effects Issue This editorial is part of the issue “The Politics, Promise and Peril of Direct Democracy”, edited by Todd Donovan (Western Washington University, USA). © 2019 by the author; licensee Cogitatio (Lisbon, Portugal). This article is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribu- tion 4.0 International License (CC BY). 1. Introduction democracy has also increased. Why more use and atten- tion? Qvortrup (2018, p. 11) suggests that as people de- This issue of Politics and Governance includes a collec- manded more referendums, parties in government re- tion of articles examining direct democracy. The volume sponded. Whatever the case, democratic practice and demonstrates the broad but by no means exhaustive popular expectations changed. Several newer eastern range of topics and questions associated with referen- European democracies use referendums regularly, and dums, initiatives and public deliberation. Many of the provisions for use of direct democracy expanded in questions asked here—about voting, campaigns, inequal- Europe since 2000 (Colin, 2019). Groups outside of gov- ity, minority rights, trust, and participation—may apply ernment have long championed the use of initiatives and generally to the study of elections and representation. referendums while established parties were less keen The context of direct democracy, however, provides a (Bowler, Donovan, & Karp, 2006). But established par- unique lens through which we might view these mat- ties are less dominant, with newer parties on the left ters, as direct democracy brings with it a set of promises (Podemos), right (UKIP, AfD), and Five Star Movement and perils distinct from representative democracy. The embracing direct democracy. The 2016 Brexit referen- promise may be a politics that satisfies growing popu- dum is an example of the changed context—a polariz- lar interest in politics (Tierney, 2012), or increases cit- ing vote on an issue divinding established parties inter- izen engagement (Smith & Tolbert, 2004), or provides nally, driven by a fringe party having scant representa- better links between citizens and their representatives tion in Parliament. That was much different than the (Altman, 2010). Perils include limited citizen capacity, 1975 UK vote on the Common Market, and certain to re- poor information, and ill-designed processes that may ceive more academic attention. fall well short of filling these promises. Where studies of direct democracy were mostly lim- Not long ago direct democracy was seldom consid- ited to the American states and Switzerland, articles in ered in the social sciences as the practice of direct this volume demonstrate that although Switzerland and democracy was less common. With increased use since the US continue to provide fertile ground for study, the the 1970s (Qvortrup, 2018), scholarly attention to direct scope here extends to Columbia, Ireland, Italy, Finland, Politics and Governance, 2019, Volume 7, Issue 2, Pages 169–172 169 Spain, the UK, and beyond. A number of these articles have nuanced understandings of participating in pub- provide cross-national analysis, and most have a focus lic meetings versus binding or non-binding referendums beyond Switzerland and the US. In addition to geographic and initiatives. Americans appeared less interested in breadth, several of these contributions can be seen as public meetings than referendums and initiatives, and part of a third wave of social science literature on di- people in states with binding referendums and initia- rect democracy. Some of the more influential early stud- tives were less supportive of those than people living ies (e.g., Butler & Ranney, 1978; Magelby, 1984) were in states without binding votes. Advisory votes, more- broad in considering the promise and perils of direct over, may allay some public concerns about some of democracy, offering numerous avenues of future study the perils of public incompetence. Bowler and Donovan yet with such scope, there was limited empirical analy- (2019) consider public attitudes about direct democracy sis of discrete questions. A second wave built on this, in Europe in terms what people might expect from ref- with more narrowly focused questions, and greater em- erendums, and how people perceive that referendums pirical rigor. These studies expanded our understandings are actually used in their country. Perceptions of actu- of voter competence, voter decision-making, threats to ally having a say via referendum democracy fall short minority rights, the role of organized interests, the policy of expectations about democracy—a form of democratic consequences of direct democracy, and much more. The disappointment—in countries with greater corruption ‘secondary effects’ literature has also expanded since the and inequality, and among right-populist voters and early 2000s, with empirical studies testing if use of di- those who distrust politicians. rect democracy could increase political interest, knowl- edge, trust, participation, and political efficacy (see Dyck 4. Voting and Campaigns & Lascher, 2019, for a review). A third wave of research has been reexamining the assumptions, methods, and Several articles in this volume expand our understanding conclusions of earlier research on direct democracy. the potential perils of referendum campaigns, and vot- ing on referendums. Morsi and Masullo (2019) and Or- 2. Secondary Effects of Direct Democracy gan (2019) examine the role of campaign information in two high stakes cases. Morsi and Masullo’s (2019) study Three articles in this volume reexamine the promise of of Columbia’s peace referendum suggest one way to secondary, or ‘educative’ effects of direct democracy. generate support for such proposals would be highlight- Some of the more frequently cited results from the sec- ing opportunities,
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