Reactionism: Resurrecting the Past Derrick F
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Reactionary Postmodernism? Neoliberalism, Multiculturalism, the Internet, and the Ideology of the New Far Right in Germany
University of Vermont ScholarWorks @ UVM UVM Honors College Senior Theses Undergraduate Theses 2018 Reactionary Postmodernism? Neoliberalism, Multiculturalism, the Internet, and the Ideology of the New Far Right in Germany William Peter Fitz University of Vermont Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.uvm.edu/hcoltheses Recommended Citation Fitz, William Peter, "Reactionary Postmodernism? Neoliberalism, Multiculturalism, the Internet, and the Ideology of the New Far Right in Germany" (2018). UVM Honors College Senior Theses. 275. https://scholarworks.uvm.edu/hcoltheses/275 This Honors College Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Undergraduate Theses at ScholarWorks @ UVM. It has been accepted for inclusion in UVM Honors College Senior Theses by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks @ UVM. For more information, please contact [email protected]. REACTIONARY POSTMODERNISM? NEOLIBERALISM, MULTICULTURALISM, THE INTERNET, AND THE IDEOLOGY OF THE NEW FAR RIGHT IN GERMANY A Thesis Presented by William Peter Fitz to The Faculty of the College of Arts and Sciences of The University of Vermont In Partial Fulfilment of the Requirements For the Degree of Bachelor of Arts In European Studies with Honors December 2018 Defense Date: December 4th, 2018 Thesis Committee: Alan E. Steinweis, Ph.D., Advisor Susanna Schrafstetter, Ph.D., Chairperson Adriana Borra, M.A. Table of Contents Introduction 1 Chapter One: Neoliberalism and Xenophobia 17 Chapter Two: Multiculturalism and Cultural Identity 52 Chapter Three: The Philosophy of the New Right 84 Chapter Four: The Internet and Meme Warfare 116 Conclusion 149 Bibliography 166 1 “Perhaps one will view the rise of the Alternative for Germany in the foreseeable future as inevitable, as a portent for major changes, one that is as necessary as it was predictable. -
OD 012 956 AUTHOR TITLE Strategies; Mass Control; *Social Vocational Education Ability to Adapt the Environment to His Appreciat
DOCUMENT RESUME ED 068 595 OD 012 956 AUTHOR Gordon, Edmund W. TITLE Broadening the Concept of CareerEducation. PUB DATE Sep 72 NOTE 15p. EDRS PRICE MF-$0.65 HC-$3.29 DESCRIPTORS *Career Education; Communications;*Cultural Factors; Educational Development; EducationalNeeds; *Educational Objectives; EducationalPhilosophy; Educational Planning; EducationalStrategies; Mass Media; Secondary Education; SelfControl; *Social Change; *Technological Advancement;Vocational Education ABSTRACT The advanced technology of moderncommunications has created a condition in which thecontradictions of complex social orders, the atrocities ofinterpersonal, intertribal, and international conflicts, theinequities inherent in practicallyall of our social systems, as well asthe richness of our culturaland technical accomplishments constantlybombard the human spirit with relentless assault and stimulation.Human beings, accustomed to far simpler social environments, havereacted to these inputs with habituation or adaptation. As theseinputs increase in complexity and intensity, the process of habituationis likely to accelerate and the processes of adaptationmust become more complex. Undersuch capacities the survival of man willincreasingly depend on his capacity to use his intellectual powerto adapt to his changing environment as well as on hisability to adapt the environment tohis special needs. Such capacities arelikely to be the product of learning experiences designed tocultivate the mind and spirit of man in ways which combine competencein the use of knowledge, compassionate and empatheticappreciation of values, and masteryof selected skills. It is then thesethree which must comprise the dimensions of career education --education which prepares for continued progress in the life of a person.(Author/3M) FILMED FROM BEST AVAILABLE COPY U.S. DEPARTMENT OF HEALTH, EDUCATION & WELFARE OFFICE OF EDUCATION THIS DOCUMENT HAS BEEN REPRO- OUCEO EXACTLY AS RECEIVED FROM THE PERSON OR ORGANIZATION ORIG- INATING IT. -
Islam and the Challenge of Democratic Commitment
Fordham International Law Journal Volume 27, Issue 1 2003 Article 2 Islam and the Challenge of Democratic Commitment Dr. Khaled Abou El-Fadl∗ ∗ Copyright c 2003 by the authors. Fordham International Law Journal is produced by The Berke- ley Electronic Press (bepress). http://ir.lawnet.fordham.edu/ilj Islam and the Challenge of Democratic Commitment Dr. Khaled Abou El-Fadl Abstract The author questions whether concurrent and simultaneous moral and normative commit- ments to Islam and to a democratic form of government are reconcilable or mutually exclusive. The author will argue in this Article that it is indeed possible to reconcile Islam with a commitment in favor of democracy. The author will then present a systematic exploration of Islamic theology and law as it relates to a democratic system of government, and in this context, address the various elements within Islamic belief and practice that promote, challenge, or hinder the emergence of an ideological commitment in favor of democracy. In many ways, the basic and fundamental ob- jective of this Article is to investigate whether the Islamic faith is consistent or reconcilable with a democratic faith. As addressed below, both Islam and democracy represent a set of comprehensive and normative moral commitments and beliefs about, among other things, the worth and entitle- ments of human beings. The challenging issue is to understand the ways in which the Islamic and democratic systems of convictions and moral commitments could undermine, negate, or validate and support each other. ISLAM AND THE CHALLENGE OF DEMOCRATIC COMMITMENT Dr. Khaled Abou El Fadl* The question I deal with here is whether concurrent and simultaneous moral and normative commitments to Islam and to a democratic form of government are reconcilable or mutually exclusive. -
Ranke the Reactionary
Syracuse Scholar (1979-1991) Volume 9 Issue 1 Syracuse Scholar 1988 Article 5 1988 Ranke the reactionary Peter Burke Follow this and additional works at: https://surface.syr.edu/suscholar Part of the History Commons Recommended Citation Burke, Peter (1988) "Ranke the reactionary," Syracuse Scholar (1979-1991): Vol. 9 : Iss. 1 , Article 5. Available at: https://surface.syr.edu/suscholar/vol9/iss1/5 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by SURFACE. It has been accepted for inclusion in Syracuse Scholar (1979-1991) by an authorized editor of SURFACE. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Burke: Ranke the reactionary RANKE THE REACTIONARY PETER BURKE T IS NOT EASY to give a definition, or even an exact descrip tion, ofRanke's contribution to the discipline of history. Many past i definitions characterize his achievement in such a way that they do injustice to important developments in European historical writing in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. For this reason it may be useful to creep up on Ranke from behind, in other words, to see him from the perspective of his predecessors rather than his successors. For example, Ranke is some times claimed to be the originator of the important historiographical turn from the narrative "chronicle'' to the documentary "record." On the one side, his famous Zur Kritik neuer Geschichtschreiber is presented as the first serious criticism of narrative sources such as Giovio and Guicciardini. On the other, Ranke is described, as he was by Lord Acton in his inaugural lecture at Cam bridge, as "the real originator of the heroic study of records;' and great em phasis is placed on his use, for example, of the archives of Venice (for the reports of ambassadors) and Frankfurt (for the proceedings of the Reichstag 1. -
Why Is There No Reactionary International Theory? Authors
This is a pre-copyedited, author-produced version of an article accepted for publication in International Studies Quarterly following peer review. The version of record Joseph MacKay, Christopher David LaRoche, Why Is There No Reactionary International Theory?, International Studies Quarterly, Volume 62, Issue 2, June 2018, Pages 234–244, https://doi.org/10.1093/isq/ sqx083 https://academic.oup.com/journals/pages/access_purchase/rights_and_permissions/self_archiving_policy_f (Publisher journal website 15/5/2019) Why Is There No Reactionary International Theory? Authors: Joseph MacKay ([email protected]) Postdoctoral Research Fellow Harriman Institute Columbia University Christopher David LaRoche Doctoral Candidate Political Science University of Toronto Abstract: Why is there no reactionary international theory? International Relations has long drawn on a range of traditions in political thought. However, no current or recent major IR- theoretic school is expressly reactionary. This is surprising both because reaction was once common in IR, and is now common in world politics. We define reaction as a form of political nostalgia: a belief the past was better than the present and likely future, generally accompanied by a desire to recover that prior condition. The current lack of reactionary IR impacts the field’s capacity to make sense both of its own history and of reactionary practice in the world. In this exploratory account, we provide a definition of reaction, then show no current school of IR theory falls within it—but that it nonetheless once deeply shaped the field. We survey reactionary ideas in the history of political thought, finding a cogent and persistent tradition. We then explore the impact of reactionary ideas on the practice of world politics, identifying two distinct varieties of reactionary state and illustrating them empirically. -
Challenging the Status Quo: the Rise and Consequences Of
CHALLENGING THE STATUS QUO: THE RISE AND CONSEQUENCES OF ANTI-ESTABLISHMENT PARTIES IN WESTERN EUROPE A Dissertation by JASON MATTHEW SMITH Submitted to the Office of Graduate Studies of Texas A&M University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY May 2009 Major Subject: Political Science CHALLENGING THE STATUS QUO: THE RISE AND CONSEQUENCES OF ANTI-ESTABLISHMENT PARTIES IN WESTERN EUROPE A Dissertation by JASON MATTHEW SMITH Submitted to the Office of Graduate Studies of Texas A&M University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Approved by: Chair of Committee, Robert Harmel Committee Members, Alexander Pacek Michael T. Koch Harland Prechel Head of Department, James Rogers May 2009 Major Subject: Political Science iii ABSTRACT Challenging the Status Quo: The Rise and Consequences of Anti-Establishment Parties in Western Europe. (May 2009) Jason Matthew Smith, B.A., University of North Texas; M.A., University of North Texas Chair of Advisory Committee: Dr. Robert Harmel This dissertation examines two interconnected research questions: What conditions give rise and lead to the electoral success of anti-establishment parties and what are the consequences of this electoral success? Literature concerning anti- establishment parties fails to investigate this phenomenon in its entirety by focusing disproportionately on the electoral success of these parties neglecting the consequences of this electoral success. Although the electoral success of anti-establishment parties and the subsequent consequences have different theoretical underpinnings, the effects that anti-establishment parties have on individual parties and the party system are dependent upon the electoral success of these of parties. -
Pandemic Populism”: the COVID-19 Crisis and Anti-Hygienic Mobilisation of the Far-Right
social sciences $€ £ ¥ Article The “New Normal” and “Pandemic Populism”: The COVID-19 Crisis and Anti-Hygienic Mobilisation of the Far-Right Ulrike M. Vieten School of Social Sciences, Education and Social Work, Queen’s University Belfast, Belfast BT7 1NN, UK; [email protected] Received: 30 June 2020; Accepted: 15 September 2020; Published: 22 September 2020 Abstract: The paper is meant as a timely intervention into current debates on the impact of the global pandemic on the rise of global far-right populism and contributes to scholarly thinking about the normalisation of the global far-right. While approaching the tension between national political elites and (far-right) populist narratives of representing “the people”, the paper focuses on the populist effects of the “new normal” in spatial national governance. Though some aspects of public normality of our 21st century urban, cosmopolitan and consumer lifestyle have been disrupted with the pandemic curfew, the underlying gendered, racialised and classed structural inequalities and violence have been kept in place: they are not contested by the so-called “hygienic demonstrations”. A digital pandemic populism during lockdown might have pushed further the mobilisation of the far right, also on the streets. Keywords: far-right populism; structural violence; national elites; normalisation; COVID-19; “anti-hygienic” demonstrations in Germany 1. Introduction1 In 1953, Hannah Arendt argued that the subject of a totalitarian state is the individual, who cannot distinguish between fact and fiction and, in consequence, the totalitarian threat could be witnessed to the degree to which the individuals’ capacity of differentiating true from false information is undermined (Arendt 1953). -
The Political Ontology of Islamic Democracy: an Ontological Narrative of Contemporary Muslim Political Thought
The Political Ontology of Islamic Democracy: An Ontological Narrative of Contemporary Muslim Political Thought Halil Ibrahim Yenigun Istanbul, Turkey Master of Arts, Texas Tech University, 2003 Bachelor of Arts, Boğaziçi University, 2000 A Dissertation presented to the Graduate Faculty of the University of Virginia in Candidacy for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy Department of Politics University of Virginia August, 2013 ABSTRACT The primary focus of my dissertation is the trajectory of the democratic discourse in the post-Afghani era of Muslim political thought, in particular among the reformist (islahi) current. Toward this end, I situate my comparative political theory within the emerging genre of “political ontology,” which I deploy as an analytical device. More specifically, I seek to demonstrate that the shifting attitudes toward democracy over time among contemporary Muslim thinkers can be better grasped by approaching each of the selected thinkers’ political theories as a constellation of ontological, ethical, and political dimensions. Accordingly, the first part presents several new themes that have received substantial interest in recent political theory. I dedicate each chapter to a specific genre of political ontology, political theology, and radical democracy. Having laid the ground for my ontological narrative, the second part analyzes the political theories of Jamaladdin Afghani (d. 1897), Sayyid Qutb (d. 1966), Fazlur Rahman (d. 1985), and such current liberal Muslim thinkers as Abdelwahab El-Affendi, Khaled Abou El Fadl, Nader Hashemi, and Abdullahi An-Na‘im. While I analyze their political theories as ontopolitical constellations, I seek to show that each one’s approach to democracy or self- government is prefigured by his conception of God as well as how they conceive of the relationship between the Muslim self and the “other,” the rest of creation, and the revealed text (viz., the Qur’an). -
Remapping the American Left: a History of Radical Discontinuity
Remapping the American Left: A History of Radical Discontinuity James N. Gregory Is the American Left reemerging as a political force? Suddenly there are socialists in Congress, socialists on city councils, socialists in the Democratic Party, and much of the media has taken up the question of whether the Democratic Party is swinging to the left. If we are indeed seeing a new surge to the left and new phase of Ameri- can radicalism, it would not be the first time. This is something that has happened repeatedly in the past century. The particulars are new, but the cycles of movement reinvention appear to be a feature of American politics, one that historians have not adequately explored. American radicalism has been a vexing subject for many years. It was not long ago that historians could do little more than grieve, framing the subject as a story of failures and asking why- not questions. Why was there no revolution? Why wasn’t the US Left more like the European Left or the Canadian Left? Why did the Socialist Party fall apart? Why did the New Left fade?1 No longer. Books by Paul Buhle, Richard Flacks, Michael Kazin, Doug Rossinow, Howard Brick, Christopher Phelps, Rhodri Jeffrey- Jones, and Dawson Barrett have changed the tone, examining accomplishments as well as limitations, arguing that the Left has initiated significant transformations, especially involving the rights of previously excluded populations, while a century of radical action has also changed the dimensions of the civic sphere and democratic practice by fostering a culture of activism. The newer books do so in This article began as my presidential address at the Labor and Working- Class History Association banquet at the 2018 Organization of American Historians conference in Sacramento. -
Revolutionary Versus Reactionary: Contrasting Portuguese And
Revolutionary versus reactionary: contrasting Portuguese and Spanish civil-military relations during democratisation LSE Research Online URL for this paper: http://eprints.lse.ac.uk/100892/ Version: Accepted Version Article: Olivas Osuna, José Javier (2019) Revolutionary versus reactionary: contrasting Portuguese and Spanish civil-military relations during democratisation. War & Society, 38 (3). pp. 225-248. ISSN 0729-2473 https://doi.org/10.1080/07292473.2019.1617663 Reuse Items deposited in LSE Research Online are protected by copyright, with all rights reserved unless indicated otherwise. They may be downloaded and/or printed for private study, or other acts as permitted by national copyright laws. The publisher or other rights holders may allow further reproduction and re-use of the full text version. This is indicated by the licence information on the LSE Research Online record for the item. [email protected] https://eprints.lse.ac.uk/ Revolutionary versus Reactionary: Contrasting Portuguese and Spanish Civil-Military Relations during Democratization Abstract The military is an important factor for the success or failure of democratization processes. Portugal and Spain provide two paradigmatic cases. Despite their socio-economic, political and cultural similarities, these countries developed very different civil-military relations which significantly impacted their transitions. After having handed power over to a civilian dictator, Salazar, the Portuguese military eventually caused the downfall of his authoritarian Estado Novo regime and steered the transition to democracy. In contrast the Spanish military, which had helped Franco defeat the Second Republic, remained loyal to the dictator’s principles and, after his death, obstructed the democratization process. Drawing on primary and secondary sources, this interdisciplinary article contrasts the challenges posed by the military and the policies implemented by the Iberian governments to depoliticize and control it. -
John Rawls, the Conception of a Liberal Self, and the Communitarian Critique
Portland State University PDXScholar Dissertations and Theses Dissertations and Theses 1990 John Rawls, the conception of a liberal self, and the communitarian critique Johnathan Edward Mansfield Portland State University Follow this and additional works at: https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds Part of the Philosophy Commons, and the Political Science Commons Let us know how access to this document benefits ou.y Recommended Citation Mansfield, Johnathan dwarE d, "John Rawls, the conception of a liberal self, and the communitarian critique" (1990). Dissertations and Theses. Paper 4142. https://doi.org/10.15760/etd.6026 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access. It has been accepted for inclusion in Dissertations and Theses by an authorized administrator of PDXScholar. Please contact us if we can make this document more accessible: [email protected]. AN ABSTRACT OF THE THESIS OF Johnathan Edward Mansfield for the Master of Science in Political Science presented July 3, 1990. Title: John Rawls, the Conception of a Liberal Self, and the Communitarian Critique. APPROVED BY THE MEMBERS OF THE THESIS COMMITTEE: craie L ¢-arr, cri1 :ii I '- Gary L. Scott Byron L. Haines John Rawls's A Theory of Justice stands as the single most important work in the Anglo-American liberal tradition after World War II. In A Theory of Justice, Rawls revives the social contract doctrine in order to determine principles of justice that would be 2 chosen by persons who are free and equal moral individuals. Since Rawls believes that no single conception of the good can establish justice in a pluralistic society, he posits a set of principles of right which are prior to any particular good. -
Traditional Or Reactionary Conservatism: Exploring the Far-Right of the 1960S
Traditional or Reactionary Conservatism: Exploring the Far-Right of the 1960s Christopher C. Towler University of Washington Abstract: The emergence of the Tea Party movement is a reminder that the Far Right can be a powerful political force in America. Yet, scholarship on the Far Right pales in comparison to work on left-wing social movements. This paper examines the Far Right by revisiting the 1960s, a critical time because of the ideological realignment that shapes America today. Scholars explain that far-right movements are motivated by a commitment to retain social prestige, and unlike traditional conservatives, sympathizers with the Far Right are reactionary conservatives who resists social change at all costs. However, work on the Far Right and reactionary conservatism, especially work focused on the 1960s, fails to place the movement in its appropriate historical context, theorize and subsequently test the theory. Through a comparison of Far Right literature to mainstream conservative thought in the 1960s, the Far Right’s anxiety toward social change stands out. I find that anxiety toward social change – manifested as far right conspiracy - is an important explanation for reactionary conservatism. (Please do not cite without author’s permission) Traditional or Reactionary Conservatism: Exploring the Far-Right of the 1960s In March of 2009, America was starting to realize the growing strength of the Tea Party movement. The Tea Party had just identified the song titled, “American Tea Party” as its movement anthem.1 The song, directed at newly elected President Obama, begins: Mr. President! Your stimulus is sure to bust It’s just a socialist scheme The only thing it will do Is kill the American Dream The song goes on to criticize President Obama for “taking from achievers” and redistributing to folks who “won’t get out of their easy chair.” In true Tea Party fashion, the real American patriots should “boot” anyone who tramples the constitution out of the country.