Żaneta Krulikowska/ Jurnal Arbitrer - Vol. 7 No. 2 (2020)

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Article Phonological Sketch of Malay Language of Sarolangun, Żaneta Krulikowska1, Nadra2, Muhammad Yusdi3 1,2,3Lingustics Department, Faculty of Humanities, Andalas University, Padang

Submission Track A B S T R A C T Recieved: June 09, 2020 This research is a cross-sectional sample survey with a qualitative Final Revision: September 22, 2020 approach of Malay Jambi’s phonology in Sarolangun Regency. The data Available Online: October 25, 2020 was collected in the field using observation and interview methods. It has Keyword a form of notes, interview transcriptions, and audio and video recordings. Malay Jambi, Phoneme, Phonology, Sarolangun The data was analyzed using a phonetic articulator matching method with a diving-key-factors technique as a basis. The results are presented Correspondence based on the phonetic symbols of the IPA Chart (revised 2005). As found E-mail: [email protected] in the research, Malay Jambi of Sarolangun has six vowels and twenty consonants, one of which does not occur in native Malay Jambi words. Beyond the phonological system description, this paper discusses various features found in Sarolangun like nasalization and laxing of vowels, consonant and syllable deletion, or glide insertion.

I. INTRODUCTION Although there are many Malay dialects in Indonesia, this paper focuses on Malay Jambi Over the centuries, Malay was the most influential [ISO: jax] variety spoken in Sarolangun Regency. language in the Southeast Asian region. Its role was Malay Jambi belongs to , even compared to Latin in ancient and medieval more precisely Malayic sub-branch of Western Europe (Collins 2005: 32). According to Blust’s Malayo-Polynesian branch (Paauw 2008: 3). (1984 in Adelaar 2004: 4) and later also Adelaar’s The total number of its speakers is estimated at (1985 in Adelaar 2004: 4) theory, around 1,000,000 (Lewis 2009). Studies of Malay spread beyond its homeland in Southwest Borneo Jambi language among others include Husin et al. around 2000–2500 years ago. Since that time, its (1985), Harahap (2015), Kamarudin and Rustam spread resulted in dozens of variations in countries (2016), and Oktariza and Sufiyandi (2017), but such as , Indonesia, Singapore, Brunei, the only one took place in Sarolangun Regency the Philippines, Sri Lanka and Southern Thailand i.e. dialectological research of Malay language in (Adelaar and Himmelmann (eds.) 2005: 202). the Batanghari River valley by Anderbeck (2008). A large number of Malay variations can be found Anderbeck analyzed the Jambi people’s speech in Indonesia, the country known for its multi- in 16 locations, three of which were located in ethnicity. Even though Indonesia has a national Sarolangun Regency, namely Dusun Dalam, Aro language, Indonesian, this country is inhabited by Island, and Lubuk Kepayang. He classified Dusun hundreds of ethnic groups that use their languages. Dalam and Lubuk Kepayang isolect as Jambi Dialects and sub-dialects of Malay language are Ulu dialect of Malay language, while Pulau Aro spoken by approximately 17 million people in isolect, which is closely related to Minangkabau Indonesia from Aceh to Irian Jaya province (Lewis language, was classified as Penghulu dialect of 2009). Malay language (Anderbeck, 2008: 30). However, he only briefly discussed Malay Jambi language’s

DOI: https://doi.org/10.25077/ar.7.2.173-181.2020 Under Liscense of Creative Commons Attributioni-NonCommercial 4.0 International. 173 Żaneta Krulikowska/ Jurnal Arbitrer - Vol. 7 No. 2 (2020) phonological aspect relying on other books, such account that Sarolangun District is the economic as Husin et al. (1985 in Anderbeck, 2008: 27) and and cultural center of the entire regency, it can be Gani et al. (2000 in Anderbeck, 2008: 27) without considered as a model of the phonological system any verification. Therefore, none of the studies of of other districts and can be taken as the primary Malay Jambi language described phonology of that location for this research language in Sarolangun Regency. The data was collected using observation and Sarolangun Regency itself, with a total area of interview methods from three speakers who were 6,184 km2, is the third biggest regency in Jambi selected based on the requirements taken from Province. The population of Sarolangun reached Nadra and Reniwati (2009: 36–42). It took a form 315,469 people in 2017. The main religion of that of notes, interview transcriptions, and audio and region is Islam, which is the main religion of the video recordings. In a case of any doubts, data was Malay ethnic group (Prayogi, 2016: 14, Sunandar, consulted with an additional speaker and was also 2015: 60-61). The everyday language between the supplemented with daily dialogues of Sarolangun inhabitants is Malay Jambi of Sarolangun which is residents. The author used a vocabulary list by commonly called bahasa Sarolangun (Sarolangun Nadra and Reniwati (2009: 103) which was revised language), meanwhile the used and reduced according to the needs of this study i.e. in schools and offices is Indonesian. Bahasa from 864 words and sentences to 550 words. Sarolangun has been influenced by the other languages used in this regency i.e. Minangkabau, Then the data were analyzed using two methods Javanese, Kubu, Batin, and Penghulu (Anderbeck by Sudaryanto (2015: 25–35). The first one is a 2008: 30). One of the characteristics of Malay Jambi phonetic identity method used to identify speech spoken in this region is that originally speakers use sounds in Malay Jambi of Sarolangun and then uvular [ʁ] instead of trill [r] like it happens distinguish phonemes among recognized sounds. in Malay Jambi spoken around Jambi city (Husin Analytical procedures completed this method et al. 1985: 12–13) while trill [r] only appears in by Pike (1966: 57–122). The second one is a loan vocabulary. These differences indicate that distributional method that was used to analyze the bahasa Sarolangun is a recognizable mark of its syllables of the researched language. community that appears in the local language. III. RESULT

This paper provides a synchronic description This section describes phonemes found in Malay of the phonological system of the Malay Jambi Jambi in Sarolangun Regency and their distribution variety spoken in Sarolangun Regency. Due to in words and syllables. It also includes discussion the fact that do not distinguish about patterns of syllables, clusters and diphthongs, phonemic suprasegmental segments (Adelaar and free variations. and Himmelmann (eds.) 2005: 202), the research is limited to the description of segmental sounds 3.1 Description and Distribution of Consonants only analyzed phonetically, more precisely using and Vowels articulatory phonetics and phonemics. The description of phonemes in Malay Jambi in The purpose of this paper is 1) description and Sarolangun Regency divides phonemes into two classification of phonemes contained in Malay types, namely consonants and vowels. It explains Jambi of Sarolangun, 2) description of the a manner of articulation, the airstream mechanism, distribution of these phonemes, and 3) description and state of the glottis of found consonants as of Malay Jambi syllable pattern in Sarolangun. well as the size and shape of the space within the mouth while producing each vowel – the shape and II. METHODS position of tongue and jaw and the shape of lips. This research is a cross-sectional sample survey It also describes the loan consonant /r/ which was with a qualitative approach. The research covers found in the research. The results are summarized the whole area of Sarolangun Regency located in in tables. the western region of Jambi Province. Taking into

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Table 1. Consonant Chart of Malay Jambi of Sarolangun

The distribution shows the position of a word and become [p̚ ], [t̚], [h̚ ] in syllable-final position, while a syllable each consonant and vowel can occur. phoneme /k/ becomes glottal [Ɂ] in that Positions of the word were divided into three position, examples are /a.sap/ [a.sap̚ ] ‘smoke’, groups, i.e. initial, middle, and final position, while /ə.pat/ [ə.pat̚] ‘four’, /i.luk/ [i.lʊɁ] ‘beautiful’, and / positions of the syllable consist of onset, syllabic su.buh/ [su.bʊh̚ ] ‘dawn’. nucleus, and coda. The phoneme /k/ and /ɡ/ are released as palatal [c] 3.1.1 Description and Distribution of Consonants and [ɟ] and phoneme /h/ as velar [x] if they occur before phoneme /i/, e.g. /bu.kit/ [bu.cɪt̚] ‘hill’, / As found in the research, there are 25 native pa.gi/ [pa.ɟi] ‘morning’, and /li.hi.ja/ [li.xi.ɪ̯ a] phonemes in Sarolangun, nineteen of which are ‘neck’. consonants, and six are vowels. In addition to the native consonants, one loan consonant was found Finally, the sibilant fricative uvular /ʁ/ occurs as in studies. a trill [r] at a final position of a word, as in /i.paʁ/ [i.par] ‘sister/brother-in-law’. Based on the analysis that has been done, it can be concluded that Malay Jambi of Sarolangun consists All consonant phonemes can be in the initial and of four nasals, seven , two sibilant , middle position of a word, except /Ɂ/ which does three sibilant , two , one not occur in the initial position of a word. However, lateral , and one trill which is the loan among discovered phonemes, few of them do not consonant. The consonants can be also divided into occur in the final position of the word, namely thirteen voiced consonants and seven voiceless phonemes /ɲ/, /b/, /d/, /ɡ/, /Ɂ/, /ʨ/, and /ʥ/. What consonants. Table 1. is a consonant chart based on is more, there are no consonants in Sarolangun that the classification of Handbook of the International can play a role of syllabic nucleus. Consonants Phonetic Association: A guide to the use of the which appear only in onset of syllables are /ʥ/, /ʨ/, International Phonetic Alphabet (The International /Ɂ/, /ɡ/, /d/, /b/, and /ɲ/, other consonants occur both Phonetic Association, 2007). Loan consonant is in onset and coda of syllables. written in brackets. Speakers of Sarolangun tend to insert the Some several phonological dependencies and approximant /j/ or /w/ to separate close vowels tendencies have been found in consonants of from other vowels in a two-vowel sequence. The Sarolangun language. This article provides a short close front unrounded vowel /i/ is separated with explanation of each of these phenomena. the voiced palatal approximant /j/ and the close back rounded vowel /u/ is separated with the voiced Phonemes /p/, /t/, and /h/ are unreleased and

175 Żaneta Krulikowska/ Jurnal Arbitrer - Vol. 7 No. 2 (2020) labio-velar approximant /w/, as in /ti.jaŋ/ ‘tiang’ Table 2. Vowel Chart of Malay Jambi of Sarolangun or /pa.ku.wa/ ‘hoe’. This phenomenon is usually front back central called approximant or glide insertion. Sometimes, not rounded rounded an approximant insertion occurs as a result of a close i u consonant loss, like in /pa.hit/ > /pa .jit/ ‘bitter’ close-mid e o where after the loss of the phoneme /h/ appeared the mid ə approximant /j/ to break the two-vowel sequence. open a

The longest sequence of consonants in Sarolangun Generally, all of the vowels which occur after nasal is the two-consonant sequence. Speakers of Malay consonants tend to become nasal, e.g. /də.ŋan/ [də. Jambi in Sarolangun often remove one of the ŋãn] ‘with’ or ʁi.mo// [ʁi.mõ] ‘forest’. consonants that cause total disappearance of that sequence. In a sequence which consists of nasal and Moreover, vowels /u/, /e/, /i/, /o/ become lax, i.e. voiced plosive phonemes, the removed phoneme [ʊ], [ɛ], [ɪ], [ɔ], in final closed syllables, as in / is a voiced plosive, as in /səm.bi.lan/ > /sə.mi.lan/ pə.nek/ [pə.nɛ̃Ɂ] ‘short’. This tendency was also ‘nine’, while in the sequence of nasal and unvoiced discovered in descriptions of other phonologies of plosive phonemes, the nasal is reduced, e.g. /san. Malay dialects, i.e. Clynes and Deterding (2011: tan/ > /sa.tan/ ‘coconut milk’. In the sequence of 211), or Soderberg and Olson (2011: 211). nasal /n/ and /ʥ/, the reduced sound could become both phoneme /n/ and phoneme /ʥ/, as in At last, the mid- /ə/, known as schwa, /kə.ʁan.ʥaŋ/ > /kə.ʁa.ʥaŋ/ ‘basket’ or /an.ʥiŋ/ > might be deleted in the first syllable, which causes /a.niŋ/ ‘dog’. the appearance of clusters, for example,/kə.ʁi.tiŋ/ > /kØʁi.tiŋ/ ‘curly’. This tendency might also cause Loan consonant /r/ consists of two allophones, i.e. a reduction of syllables in words, as in /kə.ʁan. voiced trill alveolar [r] and voiceless alveolar tap/ ʥaŋ/ > /kØʁan.ʥaŋ/ ‘basket’ where three syllables flap [ɾ]. Sound [ɾ] only occurs in the intervocal become two. This tendency will be also explained position, while [r] in all positions other than that. in section §2.3 about clusters in Sarolangun. This phoneme occurs at the initial, middle, and final 3.2 Description of Syllables position of a word, both in onset and code position of syllable in a vocabulary that is considered In this section, the writer discusses the syllables in unusual/from outside by Sarolangun residents and Malay Jambi of Sarolangun. Descriptions of found as an influence from other languages. syllable patterns are divided into two, i.e. patterns 3.1.2 Description and Distribution of Vowels in native and in loan vocabulary. In addition, the author also analyzes the distribution of syllables Like most of Malay dialects and sub-dialects, the in words consisting of one, two, three, and four phoneme inventory of Malay Jambi in Sarolangun syllables because the longest words found in that consists of 6 vowels, as presented in Table 2. Two language consist of four syllables. of them are close vowels, two close-mid vowels, a middle vowel, and an . Moreover, Based on the collected data, the syllable patterns there is three front not rounded vowels, one central in Sarolangun consist of six patterns that occur in rounded vowel, and two back rounded vowels. the native vocabulary, namely N like [u] in [u.ʁaŋ], NC like [əm] in the word [əm.pə.du], ON as [ci] Regarding distribution in words, it can be concluded in [ci.daʊ̯ ], ONC like [lʊt̚] in the word [mũ.lʊt̚], that vowels /i/, /u/, /o/, and /a/ can occur in all OON as [ɡra] in [ɡra.ham], OONC like [kʁan] in positions of a word, except the vowel /e/ that has [kʁan.ʥaŋ], as well as four patterns found in the never been found in the initial position and vowel loan vocabulary, namely N as [u] in [u.sʊs], ON /ə/ that has never occurred in the final position of like [to] in [to.pi], ONC as [man] in the word [man. a word. Furthermore, all of the vowels in Malay dɔr] , OON as [sɪ̯ o] in [mã.nũ.sɪ̯ o]. The canonical Jambi of Sarolangun always play the role of a syllable structure is (O1)(O2)(N)(C1), with N syllabic nucleus in a syllable. as the simplest, e.g. /u/ in /u.sus/ ‘intestine’ and OONC as the most complex structure, e.g. /kʁik/ in

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/ʥaŋ.kʁik/ ‘cicada’. In Malay Jambi of Sarolangun, In Sarolangun, the consonants /h/ or /ʁ/ which the syllable nucleus is always a vowel phoneme. occur in the word’s initial or final position tend to In contrast, in onset and coda positions, there are be omitted. Moreover, the consonant /h/ can also always consonant phonemes, so it can be assumed be omitted in onset of a second syllable, which that the nucleus (N) is equal to the vowel (V), might cause a reduction of syllables, an insertion while the onset (O) and coda (C) is the same as a of approximant, or an insertion of a glottal stop. consonant (K). All possible syllable variations can The examples can be seen in Table 4 below. be seen in table 3. Table 4. Deletion of /h/ and /ʁ/ Table 3. Description of Syllables example native vocabulary loan vocabulary /hi.duŋ/ > /Øi.duŋ/ ‘nose’, /ham.baʁ/ > initial position ON /Øam.ba/ ‘tasteless’ of a word monosyllabic ONC / u.mah/ > /Øu.mah/ ‘house’ ONC ʁ words OON OONC /ba.hu/ > /ba.wu/ ‘to smell’, /da.han/ > an onset of /da.Ɂan ~ dan/ ‘branch’, N.ON second syllable /ta.hu/ > /ta.wu/ ‘to know’ N.ONC NC.ONC /lebaʁ/ > /li.baØ/ ‘wide’, /la.paʁ/ > / ON.N N.ONC la.paØ/ ‘hungry’, ON.ON two-syllable ON.ON final position of /bə.naʁ/ > /bə.naØ/ ‘correct’ ON.ONC words ON.ONC ONC. a word /ba.sah/ > /ba.saØ/ ‘wet’, /sə.pu.luh/ > / ON.OONC ON ONC.ONC sə.pu.luØ/ ‘ten’, ONC.ON /tu.ʥuh/ > /tu.ʥuØ/ ‘seven’ ONC.ONC NC.OONC OON.ONC Another tendency found in Sarolangun is the deletion of the whole syllable. This tendency might N.ON.ON concern only the first and second syllables of a N.ON.ONC word. The first lost syllables are /ma/, /kə/, /pə/, NC.ON.ON N.ON.ON and /mə/, while the second lost syllables might be / ON.N.ONC ON.ON.ON ON.ON.ON hi/, /mu/, /ʁe/. All of the found examples are shown three-syllable ON.ON.ONC ON.ONC.ON in Table 5. words ON.ON.OON ON.ON.ONC ONC.ON.ON Table 5. Deletion of a Syllable ON.ONC.ONC OON.ON.ONC ONC.N.ON example ONC.ON.ON /ma.ʨam/ > /Ø.ʨam/ ‘kind/type’, /kə.pa.la/ > ONC.ON.ONC first /Ø.pa.la/ ‘head’, ON.ON.ON.ONC syllable /pə.li.pis/ > /Ø.li.pis/ ‘temple (part of the four-syllable ON.ONC.ON.ON ON.ON.ON.ON body)’, /məŋ.ɡa.tuŋ/ > /Ø.ŋɡa.tuŋ/ ‘to hang’ words ONC.ON.ON.ONC /li.hi.ja/ > /li.Ø.ja/ ‘neck’, /ni.mu.wa/ > / second ni.Ø.wa/ ‘coconut’, /ka.ʁe.no/ > /ka.Ø.no/ syllable Syllable patterns in Sarolangun change when ‘because’ considered from a phonemic or phonetic perspective, especially in derivative words. The derivative word 3.3 Clusters and Diphthongs is a word that is produced in the process of adding affixes, such as affixation, reduplication, or merging Three diphthongs were found in research in Malay (Kridalaksana, 2008: 111). Phonemic syllable Jambi of Sarolangun language, i.e. diphthongs /aw/ patterns in derivative words can be different when and /aj/, which occur frequently and diphthong / compared with the phonetic syllable patterns, for oj/, which only appears in the loan word /a.soj/ example, the phonetic pattern for the word ‘diikuti’ borrowed from . Therefore, only is ON.ON.ON.ON - /di.Ɂi.ku.ti/, while phonemic two diphthongs are native diphthongs, namely /aw/ one is ON.ON.ONC.N - /di.Ɂi.kut.i/. In the article, and /aj/. All found diphthongs are falling diphthongs the phonetic pattern is used. because the first vocal majority is higher than the second vocal majority.

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In general, clusters do not appear in Sarolangun IV. DISCUSSION language. However, the author found several examples of clusters resulting from the weakening Based on the results of the analysis, it can be of the phonemes or syllables. The found clusters concluded that the phonological system of are /ɡr/ for example, in /ɡra.ham/ ‘molars’, /kʁ/ Malay Jambi in Sarolangun Regency consists of in /kʁan.ʥaŋ/ ‘basket’, /pʁ/ in /pʁa.buŋ/ ‘join’, twenty consonants and six vowels. Those twenty /ng/ in word /ŋɡa.tuŋ/ ‘hang’, and /mw/ in / consonants are as follows – nineteen native ones: ni.mwa/ ‘coconut’. These clusters are in the first /m/, /n/, /ɲ/, /ŋ/, /p/ consisting of allophones [p syllable of words, except /ni.mwa/ which is in the ~ p̚ ], /b/, /t/ with allophones [t ~ t̚], /d/, /k/ with second syllable. Phonemes and syllable in which allophones [k ~ c ~ Ɂ], /ɡ/ with allophones [ɟ ~ ɡ], weakening occurred are /ə/, /u/, and /mə/. Examples /Ɂ/, /ʨ/, /ʥ/, /s/, /ʁ/ with allophones [ʁ ~ r], /h/ with ̚ of these types of weakening can be seen in Table 6. allophones [h ~ x ~ h], /w/, /j/, and /l/, and one loan consonant, /r/ with allophones [r~ ɾ]. Meanwhile Table 6. Clusters six vowels are /i/ with allophones [i ~ i ̃ ~ ɪ ~ ɪ],̃ /u/ examples with allophones [u ~ ũ ~ ʊ ~ ʊ̃], /e/ with allophones [e ~ ẽ ~ ɛ ~ ɛ], /o/ with allophones [o ~ õ ~ ɔ ~ ɔ], /ɡra.ham ~ gə.ra.ham/, /kʁi.tiŋ ~ kə.ʁi.tiŋ/, ̃ ̃ /ə/ > /Ø/ /pʁa.buŋ ~ pə.ʁa.buŋ/, dll. /ə/ with allophones [ə ~ ə̃], and /a/ with phonemes [a ~ ã]. /u/ > /Ø/ /ni.mwa ~ ni.mu.wa/

/mə/ > /Ø/ /ŋɡa.tuŋ ~ məŋ.ɡa.tuŋ/ The analysis of the ’s phonological system in Sarolangun shows that there are both 3.4 Free Variations similarities and differences between Sarolangun and other Jambi Malay isolects that have been Besides the few phonological tendencies, which studied previously well as with Standard Malay. were found in Malay Jambi in Sarolangun, free It can be concluded that although the number of variations can also be observed in this language. consonants is the same as their number in Husin et Free variation occurs in the same environment, for al. (1985), several phonemes are different. Husin et example, in words whose meanings are the same, al. (1985) do not differentiate loan phonemes and but pronunciation is different (Kridalaksana, 2008: they describe the archives /P/ and /T/ as phonemes 254). It might apply both to consonants and vowels. that appear in the final position only, whereas in this All of the found examples are presented in Table 7 study, the closed sounds [p̚ ] and [t̚] are considered below. as allophones of consonants /p/ and /t/.

Table 7. Free Variation Comparing consonants in Sarolangun to Standard Variation Example Malay consonants, differences can also be found. /ma.nan.tu/ and /mə.nan.tu/ ‘daughter/son- Usually, Malay consonants consist of 19 original in-law’, /ka.ʁak/ and /kə.ʁak/ ‘eggshell’, / /a/ and /ə/ phonemes, except Adelaar (1992) and Clynes and ma.tah/ and /mə.tah/ ‘raw’, /la.mak/ and / Deterding (2011), which do not distinguish the lə.mak/ ‘tasty’ glottal stop /Ɂ/ as a separate phoneme. In contrast /tu.pul/ and /to.pol/ ‘blunt’, /ɲja.kol/ and / to other authors, in this study no palato-alveolar /o/ and /u/ nja.kul/ ‘to hoe’ affricates /ʧ/ and /ʤ/ (Clynes and Deterding, 2011 and Sari and Syapturi, 2019) or palatal plosives /sə.min/ and /sə.men/ ‘cement’, /sə.nin/ /i/ and /e/ and /sə.nen/ ‘Monday’ /c/ and /ɟ/ are found, but what is observed are alveo-palatal sibilant affricates /ʨ/ and /ʥ/. The /in/, /it/, and /ʨə.ʁe.win/, /ʨə.ʁe.wit/, and /ʨə.ʁe.wet/ loan phonemes found in Standard Malay are also /et/ ‘miser’ different from the loan phonemes in Sarolangun /d/ and /b/ /ʨe.dok/ and /ʨe.bok/ ‘scoop’ which have only one loan phoneme, namely /r/. In /r/ and /h/ /kə.le.la.war/ and /kə.le.la.wah/ ‘bat’ Standard Malay, Hassan (1972) found consonants /f/, /v/, /θ/, /ð/, /z/, /ʃ/, /ʑ/, /x/, /ɣ/, Omar (1993) - /ku.tu/ and /ɡu.tu/ ‘flea’, /kə.lak/and / /k/ and /ɡ/ /f/, /v/, /ş/, /z/, /x/, /ʁ/, while Clynes and Deterding ɡə.lak/ ‘later’ (2011) - /f/, /v/, /z/, /ʃ/, /x/, /Ɂ/.

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In addition, in Sarolangun, the phoneme /ʁ/ is the Melawi dialect has only one monosyllabic pattern native sound in Sarolangun, while the phoneme which is KVK whereas Sarolangun has four – KV, /r/ occurs only in the loan vocabulary. This is a KVK, KKV and KKVK. What is more, in two- and difference with the consonant phonemes by Husin three-syllabic words of Sarolangun language, more et al. (1985: 12) and Adelaar (1992) because in patterns can be found than in Melawi dialect, and their analysis, the sound [ʁ] was not found at all only three Melawi patterns were not discovered in either as a separate phoneme or as an allophone Malay Jambi of Sarolangun, i.e. KV.KV, KV.KVV, from a phoneme /r/. In contrast to other writers, the KV.KVKV. Patterns that were not found in Melawi author also found that phonemes /p/, /t/, and /h/ and but were found in Sarolangun are VK.KVK, KV.V, phoneme /k/ is pronounced as /Ɂ/ are pronounced KV.KKVK, VK.KKVK, KKV.KVK for two- in the closed syllable position of the last syllable, syllabic words and V.KV.KV, V.KV.KVK, VK.KV. this phenomenon was only described by Clynes KV, KV.V.KVK, KV.KVK.KV and KVK.V.KV for and Deterding (2011). The author also found that three-syllabic words. Four-syllabic words were not the phoneme /h/ can be pronounced as [x], /k/ as found in Melawi dialect. [c], and /ɡ/ as [ɟ] when occur before phoneme /i/. This phenomenon was not discussed in previous Jambi Malay language in Sarolangun has three studies. diphthongs, namely /aj/, /aw/, and /oj/ in which it is similar to Malay Jambi (Husin, et al., 1985: 32) and The vowels found in Sarolangun are the same as Standard Malay language (Clynes and Deterding, those described by Husin et al. (1985) in Malay 2011). However, diphthong /oj/, which in other Jambi. Studies of Standard Malay, such as Hassan studies was an original diphthong, in this study was (1972), Omar (1993), and Adelaar (1992) as found as a loan diphthong because it only occurred well as studies of various dialects of Malay, for in one word from the Betawi language. The example, Soderberg (2014a), also found the same presence of clusters is a result of the weakening six vowels. However, the discovered allophones of the phonemes or syllables. Discovered clusters were different from allophones in previous studies. are /gr/, /kʁ/, /pʁ/, /ng/, and /mw/. The study of Usually, previous studies did not discuss aspect clusters was not found in previous studies of Malay of allophones in vowels (Hassan, 1972, Omar, language. 1993, and Adelaar, 1992), except for Clynes and Deterding (2011), which showed low sounds and In addition to the phonological system of Malay free variations as allophones of vowels in Standard Jambi in Sarolangun, the author also discusses Malay. Meanwhile, in the Jambi Malay language, several phonological tendencies that were found. Harahap (2015: 3-5) found the same allophones as For vowels, described tendencies are vowel in Sarolangun, i.e. [ʊ], [ɛ], [ɪ], [ɔ], however with a nasalization after , vowels /u/, different pattern of occurrence, while Husin, et al. /e/, /i/, /o/ become lax in final closed syllables, an (1985: 28) only mentioned that the vowel /i/ and /u/ insertion of approximant /j/ or /w/ to separate close could irregularly be pronounced longer. vowels from other vowels in a two-vowel sequence, and a weakening of /ə/. Meanwhile, for consonants, Syllable patterns in Sarolangun can have six forms, the observed phenomena include a weakening of i.e. N, NC, ON, ONC, OON, OONC. The syllable /r/ and /h/ at the onset of a first syllable and at the nucleus is always a vowel, whereas in the onset end of a word, weakening of /h/ at the onset of a and coda position is always the consonant. All second syllable, and weakening of consonant in a consonants can occur at the onset of a syllable. two-consonant sequence. Weakening of /r/ and /h/ The phonemes that are not in the coda are /b, d, in initial and medial position as well as deletion g, ʨ, ʥ, Ɂ/. The longest found word consists of syllable, especially /kə/, /ma/, and /pə/, in of four syllables. Although the discussion of initial position was also found in Malay language syllable patterns in other articles of Malay Jambi’s variation in Pulau Rengas region in Bangko Barat phonology was not observed, analysis of the syllable subdistrict in Jambi province (Aditiawarman and pattern of Melawi dialect of Malay language can be Hilda, 2018: 38-43). Deletion of /h/ and /r/ in final found (Noviani et al., 2020: 6-7). Comparison of position of a word was also found in Riau Malay Sarolangun’s syllables with Melawi’s shows that subdialect Kepulauan in Batam (Ambalegin and

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Arianto, 2020: 170-171). In syllables a tendency probably the first analysis of syllables, diphthongs was noticed, namely a compression of the whole and clusters, and phonological tendencies that syllable. This tendency might concern only the occur in Malay Jambi language. first or second syllable of a word. Finally, the free variations found are /a/ and /ə/, /o/ and /u/, /i/ and Although, this discussion can provide a fairly /e/, /in/, /it/, and /et/, /d/ and /b/, /r/ and /h/, and /k/ detailed picture of the phoneme system, syllable patterns, and phenomena found in Sarolangun, and /ɡ/. there are still many linguistic aspects that need to V. CONCLUSION be investigated in Malay Jambi language as well as that language as spoken in Sarolangun Regency. This study is a synchronic sketch of a phonological This paper aims to become a basis for further system of Malay Jambi as spoken in Sarolangun studies in morphology, syntax, and dialectology of Regency in Indonesia. It is the first phonological Malay Jambi both in Sarolangun and generally. research in that region of Jambi province and

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BIOGRAPHY Żaneta Krulikowska was born on July 13, 1994 in Lowicz, Poland. In 2016, she graduated from the undergraduate program in Indonesian and Malay Philology at Adam Mickiewicz University in Poznan, Poland. In 2017, she received Unggulan Scholarship from Ministry of Education and Culture of Indonesia which provided her with the opportunity to take postgraduate course in Linguistics at Andalas University in Padang, Indonesia. In 2019, she defended her MA thesis on Phonology of the Malay Jambi of Sarolangun.

Nadra has been a permanent lecturer at the Faculty of Cultural Sciences at Andalas University since 2002, who obtained a Bachelor of Literature (Dra.) in 1986 from the Faculty of Literature at Andalas University, a Masters in Linguistics (M.S.) in 1992 and a Doctor (Dr.) also in Linguistics in 1997 at Gadjah Mada University. She attended the “Short-Term Research Fellowship” program at Johann Wolfgang Goethe- Universität in Frankfurt am Main, Germany in 1993 with a scholarship from DAAD. Academic awards obtained include the Unand Award for research and its application.

Muhammad Yusdi has been a permanent lecturer at the Faculty of Cultural Sciences at Andalas University since 1982, who obtained a Bachelor degree (Drs.) at the same year from the Faculty of Literature at North Sumatra University, a Master in Linguistics (M.Hum.) in 1997 at Gadjah Mada University and a Doctor (Dr.) in Linguistics in 2008 at Udayana University in Denpasar, Bali. He attended the “Short- Term Research Fellowship” program at Johann Wolfgang Goethe-Universität in Frankfurt am Main, Germany in 1986.

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