Russia´S Energy Policy
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"Waves" of the Russia's Presidential Reforms Break About Premier's "Energy-Rocks"
AFRICA REVIEW EURASIA REVIEW "Waves" of the Russia's Presidential Reforms Break About Premier's "Energy-Rocks" By Dr. Zurab Garakanidze* Story about the Russian President Dmitry Medvedev’s initiative to change the make-up of the boards of state-owned firms, especially energy companies. In late March of this year, Russian President Dmitry Medvedev demanded that high-ranking officials – namely, deputy prime ministers and cabinet-level ministers that co-ordinate state policy in the same sectors in which those companies are active – step down from their seats on the boards of state-run energy companies by July 1. He also said that October 1 would be the deadline for replacing these civil servants with independent directors. The deadline has now passed, but Medvedev‟s bid to diminish the government‟s influence in the energy sector has run into roadblocks. Most of the high-level government officials who have stepped down are being replaced not by independent managers, but by directors from other state companies in the same sector. Russia‟s state-owned oil and gas companies have not been quick to replace directors who also hold high-ranking government posts, despite or- ders from President Dmitry Medvedev. High-ranking Russian officials have made a show of following President Medvedev‟s order to leave the boards of state-run energy companies, but government influence over the sector remains strong. This indicates that the political will needed for the presidential administration to push eco- nomic reforms forward may be inadequate. 41 www.cesran.org/politicalreflection Political Reflection | September-October-November 2011 Russia's Presidential Reforms | By Dr. -
The Killing of William Browder
THE KILLING OF WILLIAM BROWDER THE KILLING OF WILLIAM BROWDER Bill Browder, the fa lse crusader for justice and human rights and the self - styled No. 1 enemy of Vladimir Putin has perpetrated a brazen and dangerous deception upon the Weste rn world. This book traces the anatomy of this deception, unmasking the powerful forces that are pushing the West ern world toward yet another great war with Russia. ALEX KRAINER EQUILIBRIUM MONACO First published in Monaco in 20 17 Copyright © 201 7 by Alex Krainer ISBN 978 - 2 - 9556923 - 2 - 5 Material contained in this book may be reproduced with permission from its author and/or publisher, except for attributed brief quotations Cover page design, content editing a nd copy editing by Alex Krainer. Set in Times New Roman, book title in Imprint MT shadow To the people of Russia and the United States wh o together, hold the keys to the future of humanity. Enlighten the people generally, and tyranny and oppressions of body and mind will vanish like the evil spirits at the dawn of day. Thomas Jefferson Table of Contents 1. Bill Browder and I ................................ ................................ ............... 1 Browder’s 2005 presentation in Monaco ................................ .............. 2 Harvard club presentation in 2010 ................................ ........................ 3 Ru ssophobia and Putin - bashing in the West ................................ ......... 4 Red notice ................................ ................................ ............................ 6 Reading -
Company News SECURITIES MARKET NEWS
SSEECCUURRIIITTIIIEESS MMAARRKKEETT NNEEWWSSLLEETTTTEERR weekly Presented by: VTB Bank, Custody April 5, 2018 Issue No. 2018/12 Company News Commercial Port of Vladivostok’s shares rise 0.5% on April 3, 2018 On April 3, 2018 shares of Commercial Port of Vladivostok, a unit of Far Eastern Shipping Company (FESCO) of Russian multi-industry holding Summa Group, rose 0.48% as of 10.12 a.m. Moscow time after a 21.72% slump on April 2. On March 31, the Tverskoi District Court of Moscow sanctioned arrest of brothers Ziyavudin and Magomed Magomedov, co-owners of Summa Group, on charges of RUB 2.5 bln embezzlement. It also arrested Artur Maksidov, CEO of Summa’s construction subsidiary Inteks, on charges of RUB 669 mln embezzlement. On April 2, shares of railway container operator TransContainer, in which FESCO owns 25.07%, fell 0.4%, and shares of Novorossiysk Commercial Sea Port (NCSP), in which Summa and oil pipeline monopoly Transneft own 50.1% on a parity basis, lost 1.61%. Cherkizovo plans common share SPO, to change dividends policy On April 3, 2018 it was reported that meat producer Cherkizovo Group would hold a secondary public offering (SPO) of common shares on the Moscow Exchange to raise USD 150 mln and change the dividend policy to pay 50% of net profit under International Financial Reporting Standards. The shares grew 1.67% to RUB 1,220 as of 10:25 a.m., Moscow time, on the Moscow Exchange. Under the proposal, the current shareholders, including company MB Capital Europe Ltd, whose beneficiaries are members of the Mikhailov- Babayev family (co-founders of the group), will sell shares. -
Biogas Production in the Russian Federation: Current Status, Potential, and Barriers
energies Article Biogas Production in the Russian Federation: Current Status, Potential, and Barriers Tatiana Nevzorova Industrial Economics and Management, KTH Royal Institute of Technology, Lindstedtsvägen 30, 114 28 Stockholm, Sweden; [email protected] Received: 4 June 2020; Accepted: 9 July 2020; Published: 14 July 2020 Abstract: Russia has signed the Paris Agreement and recently approved its ratification. However, the Russian Government does not consider abandoning the production and use of hydrocarbons to reduce greenhouse gas emissions. To meet the goals of the Agreement, Russia must find new innovative solutions. This study demonstrates that biogas is one of the most necessary renewable sources in Russia. Despite this, the deployment of biogas technologies is currently extremely slow. In this regard, to assess their subsequent impact on the Russian energy sector as a whole, it is important to identify the factors that hinder the wider implementation of biogas technologies. Based on the findings, the most critical barriers were identified and discussed in detail. In the light of the results, some policy-related recommendations are also proposed. Keywords: biogas; biomethane; barrier identification; Russia; renewable energy policy 1. Introduction The Paris Agreement, which was enacted in November 2016, aims to replace the Kyoto Protocol, has set the objective to reduce greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions, and keep the global average temperature rise below 2 ◦C compared to the pre-industrial level [1]. The document was signed by representatives of more than 170 countries, including Russia. However, Russia did not ratify it until recently. In September 2019, official news emerged that the Prime Minister of Russia, Dmitry Medvedev, has approved the ratification of the Paris Agreement [2,3]. -
Russian M&A Review 2017
Russian M&A review 2017 March 2018 KPMG in Russia and the CIS kpmg.ru 2 Russian M&A review 2017 Contents page 3 page 6 page 10 page 13 page 28 page 29 KEY M&A 2017 OUTLOOK DRIVERS OVERVIEW IN REVIEW FOR 2018 IN 2017 METHODOLOGY APPENDICES — Oil and gas — Macro trends and medium-term — Financing – forecasts sanctions-related implications — Appetite and capacity for M&A — Debt sales market — Cross-border M&A highlights — Sector highlights © 2018 KPMG. All rights reserved. Russian M&A review 2017 3 Overview Although deal activity increased by 13% in 2017, the value of Russian M&A Deal was 12% lower than the previous activity 13% year, at USD66.9 billion, mainly due to an absence of larger deals. This was in particular reflected in the oil and gas sector, which in 2016 was characterised by three large deals with a combined value exceeding USD28 billion. The good news is that investors have adjusted to the realities of sanctions and lower oil prices, and sought opportunities brought by both the economic recovery and governmental efforts to create a new industrial strategy. 2017 saw a significant rise in the number and value of deals outside the Deal more traditional extractive industries value 37% and utility sectors, which have historically driven Russian M&A. Oil and gas sector is excluded If the oil and gas sector is excluded, then the value of deals rose by 37%, from USD35.5 billion in 2016 to USD48.5 billion in 2017. USD48.5bln USD35.5bln 2016 2017 © 2018 KPMG. -
The Russia You Never Met
The Russia You Never Met MATT BIVENS AND JONAS BERNSTEIN fter staggering to reelection in summer 1996, President Boris Yeltsin A announced what had long been obvious: that he had a bad heart and needed surgery. Then he disappeared from view, leaving his prime minister, Viktor Cher- nomyrdin, and his chief of staff, Anatoly Chubais, to mind the Kremlin. For the next few months, Russians would tune in the morning news to learn if the presi- dent was still alive. Evenings they would tune in Chubais and Chernomyrdin to hear about a national emergency—no one was paying their taxes. Summer turned to autumn, but as Yeltsin’s by-pass operation approached, strange things began to happen. Chubais and Chernomyrdin suddenly announced the creation of a new body, the Cheka, to help the government collect taxes. In Lenin’s day, the Cheka was the secret police force—the forerunner of the KGB— that, among other things, forcibly wrested food and money from the peasantry and drove some of them into collective farms or concentration camps. Chubais made no apologies, saying that he had chosen such a historically weighted name to communicate the seriousness of the tax emergency.1 Western governments nod- ded their collective heads in solemn agreement. The International Monetary Fund and the World Bank both confirmed that Russia was experiencing a tax collec- tion emergency and insisted that serious steps be taken.2 Never mind that the Russian government had been granting enormous tax breaks to the politically connected, including billions to Chernomyrdin’s favorite, Gazprom, the natural gas monopoly,3 and around $1 billion to Chubais’s favorite, Uneximbank,4 never mind the horrendous corruption that had been bleeding the treasury dry for years, or the nihilistic and pointless (and expensive) destruction of Chechnya. -
Russia's 2020 Strategic Economic Goals and the Role of International
Russia’s 2020 Strategic Economic Goals and the Role of International Integration 1800 K Street NW | Washington, DC 20006 Tel: (202) 887-0200 | Fax: (202) 775-3199 E-mail: [email protected] | Web: www.csis.org authors Andrew C. Kuchins Amy Beavin Anna Bryndza project codirectors Andrew C. Kuchins Thomas Gomart july 2008 europe, russia, and the united states ISBN 978-0-89206-547-9 finding a new balance Ë|xHSKITCy065479zv*:+:!:+:! CENTER FOR STRATEGIC & CSIS INTERNATIONAL STUDIES Russia’s 2020 Strategic Economic Goals and the Role of International Integration authors Andrew C. Kuchins Amy Beavin Anna Bryndza project codirectors Andrew C. Kuchins Thomas Gomart july 2008 About CSIS In an era of ever-changing global opportunities and challenges, the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) provides strategic insights and practical policy solutions to decisionmakers. CSIS conducts research and analysis and develops policy initiatives that look into the future and anticipate change. Founded by David M. Abshire and Admiral Arleigh Burke at the height of the Cold War, CSIS was dedicated to the simple but urgent goal of finding ways for America to survive as a nation and prosper as a people. Since 1962, CSIS has grown to become one of the world’s preeminent public policy institutions. Today, CSIS is a bipartisan, nonprofit organization headquartered in Washington, DC. More than 220 full- time staff and a large network of affiliated scholars focus their expertise on defense and security; on the world’s regions and the unique challenges inherent to them; and on the issues that know no boundary in an increasingly connected world. -
Energy and Theatre Methodika 2001
SKRIFTSERIE ★ NR1/2OO3 METHODIKA 2OO1 ENERGY AND THEATRE Report by Martha Vestin and Grete Sneltvedt Enheten för Konstnärligt Utvecklingsarbete METHODIKA 2nd International Festival of Methods in Theatre Training 21–27 juli 2001 Gripsholms folkhögskola COOPERATIVE PARTNERS DRAMATISKA INSTITUTET MÄLARDALEN HÖGSKOLA AKT-ZENT INTERNATIONAL THEATRE CENTRE BERLIN PROTEI PROGETTI TEATRALI INTERNAZIONALI, ROME SCUT SKANDINAVISKT CENTRUM FOR UTFORSKNING AV TEATER, STOCKHOLM/OSLO EUROPEAN ASSOCIATION FOR THEATRE CU ASSOCIATED PARTNERS ITI, SWEDEN TEATERALLIANSEN, STOCKHOLM THE PROJECT RECEIVED SUPPORT FROM STATENS KULTURRÅD KONSTNÄRSNÄMNDEN NORDISKA KULTURFONDEN TEATER OG DANS I NORDEN DRAMATISKA INSTITUTET GRIPSHOLM FOLKHÖGSKOLA MÄLARDALENS HÖGSKOLA ANSVARIG UTGIVARE: PER LYSANDER ENHETEN FÖR KONSTNÄRLIGT UTVECKLINGSARBETE DRAMATISKA INSTITUTET 2003 ENERGY AND THEATRE Welcome speech Jurich Alschitz . 5 Methodika, organisation Grete Sneltvedt . 9 Points of departure . .13 Martha Vestin The work of the four teachers Anne-Lise Gabold . .15 Gregory Hlady . .37 Gabriele Vacis . .60 Anatoly Vasiliev . .79 Each section divided in: a. Short description of the workshop by Martha Vestin b. Presentation of the teacher c. The work, a list of exercises d. Selection of the teachers comments and instructions e. Comments by participants and observers Evening programmes . .99 The Energy of Theatry Space . .111 by Jurij Alschitz General comments by participants . .119 Conclusion by Martha Vestin . .125 Credlist . .133 Jurij Alschitz WELCOME SPEECH JURIJ ALSCHITZ artistic director of Methodica Dear friends, I would like to welcome and thank you for coming to our festi- val. It shows that theatre pedagogues are still interested in meeting each other. It makes me happy because usually people in our profession are solitaries. That is why it is so useful and important for our souls to get together. -
Russian Analytical Digest No 72
No. 72 9 February 2010 russian analytical digest www.res.ethz.ch www.laender-analysen.de HISTORY WRITING AND NATIONAL MYTH-MAKING IN RUSSIA ■ The Politics of the Past in Russia 2 By Alexey Miller, Moscow ■■OpiniOn Poll Russian Opinions on History Textbooks 5 ■ The Victory Myth and Russia’s Identity 6 By Ivo Mijnssen, Basel ■■OpiniOn Poll Russian Attitudes towards Stalin 10 Russians on the Disintegration of the USSR 15 ■ Overcoming the Totalitarian Past: Foreign Experience and Russian Problems 16 By Galina Mikhaleva, Moscow German Association for Research Centre for East Center for Security Institute of History DGO East European Studies European Studies, Bremen Studies, ETH Zurich University of Basel russian analytical russian analytical digest 72/10 digest The■politics■of■the■past■in■Russia* By Alexey Miller, Moscow Abstract Active political intervention in the politics of memory and the professional historian’s sphere began no later than in 2006 in Russia. Today all the basic elements of the politics of the past are present: attempts to in- culcate in school a single, centrally-defined, politicized history textbook; the creation of special, politically- committed structures, which combine the tasks of organizing historical research and controlling the activ- ities of archives and publishers; attempts to legislatively regulate historical interpretations; and, as is typical in such cases, efforts to legitimize and ideologically justify all of these practices. The■Origin■of■History■politics■in■the■post- In a society claiming to be democratic, all these Communist■Space mechanisms evolve. In contrast to the previous In 2004 a group of Polish historians announced that Communist party-state system, the group or party Poland needed to develop and propagate its own politics which holds power at a given time is no longer the of the past or history politics. -
Russia Intelligence
N°70 - January 31 2008 Published every two weeks / International Edition CONTENTS SPOTLIGHT P. 1-3 Politics & Government c Medvedev’s Last Battle Before Kremlin Debut SPOTLIGHT c Medvedev’s Last Battle The arrest of Semyon Mogilevich in Moscow on Jan. 23 is a considerable development on Russia’s cur- Before Kremlin Debut rent political landscape. His profile is altogether singular: linked to a crime gang known as “solntsevo” and PRESIDENTIAL ELECTIONS sought in the United States for money-laundering and fraud, Mogilevich lived an apparently peaceful exis- c Final Stretch for tence in Moscow in the renowned Rublyovka road residential neighborhood in which government figures « Operation Succession » and businessmen rub shoulders. In truth, however, he was involved in at least two types of business. One c Kirillov, Shestakov, was the sale of perfume and cosmetic goods through the firm Arbat Prestige, whose manager and leading Potekhin: the New St. “official” shareholder is Vladimir Nekrasov who was arrested at the same time as Mogilevich as the two left Petersburg Crew in Moscow a restaurant at which they had lunched. The charge that led to their incarceration was evading taxes worth DIPLOMACY around 1.5 million euros and involving companies linked to Arbat Prestige. c Balkans : Putin’s Gets His Revenge The other business to which Mogilevich’s name has been linked since at least 2003 concerns trading in P. 4-7 Business & Networks gas. As Russia Intelligence regularly reported in previous issues, Mogilevich was reportedly the driving force behind the creation of two commercial entities that played a leading role in gas relations between Russia, BEHIND THE SCENE Turkmenistan and Ukraine: EuralTransGaz first and then RosUkrEnergo later. -
Russia's Hostile Measures in Europe
Russia’s Hostile Measures in Europe Understanding the Threat Raphael S. Cohen, Andrew Radin C O R P O R A T I O N For more information on this publication, visit www.rand.org/t/RR1793 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data is available for this publication. ISBN: 978-1-9774-0077-2 Published by the RAND Corporation, Santa Monica, Calif. © Copyright 2019 RAND Corporation R® is a registered trademark. Limited Print and Electronic Distribution Rights This document and trademark(s) contained herein are protected by law. This representation of RAND intellectual property is provided for noncommercial use only. Unauthorized posting of this publication online is prohibited. Permission is given to duplicate this document for personal use only, as long as it is unaltered and complete. Permission is required from RAND to reproduce, or reuse in another form, any of its research documents for commercial use. For information on reprint and linking permissions, please visit www.rand.org/pubs/permissions. The RAND Corporation is a research organization that develops solutions to public policy challenges to help make communities throughout the world safer and more secure, healthier and more prosperous. RAND is nonprofit, nonpartisan, and committed to the public interest. RAND’s publications do not necessarily reflect the opinions of its research clients and sponsors. Support RAND Make a tax-deductible charitable contribution at www.rand.org/giving/contribute www.rand.org Preface This report is the collaborative and equal effort of the coauthors, who are listed in alphabetical order. The report documents research and analysis conducted through 2017 as part of a project entitled Russia, European Security, and “Measures Short of War,” sponsored by the Office of the Deputy Chief of Staff, G-3/5/7, U.S. -
Power and Plunder in Putin's Russia Miriam Lanskoy, Dylan Myles-Primakoff
Power and Plunder in Putin's Russia Miriam Lanskoy, Dylan Myles-Primakoff Journal of Democracy, Volume 29, Number 1, January 2018, pp. 76-85 (Article) Published by Johns Hopkins University Press DOI: https://doi.org/10.1353/jod.2018.0006 For additional information about this article https://muse.jhu.edu/article/683637 Access provided by your local institution (13 Mar 2018 16:12 GMT) PRE created by BK on 11/20/17. The Rise of Kleptocracy POWER AND PLUNDER IN PUTIN’S RUSSIA Miriam Lanskoy and Dylan Myles-Primakoff Miriam Lanskoy is senior director for Russia and Eurasia at the National Endowment for Democracy (NED). She is the author, with Ilyas Akhmadov, of The Chechen Struggle: Independence Won and Lost (2010). Dylan Myles-Primakoff is senior program officer for Russia and Eurasia at the NED. Since Vladimir Putin rose to power in 1999, the quest to restore the might of the Russian state at home and abroad has been a hallmark of his rule. Yet another such hallmark has been rampant looting by the country’s leaders. Thus Russia has figured prominently in recent schol- arly discussions about kleptocracies—regimes distinguished by a will- ingness to prioritize defending their leaders’ mechanisms of personal enrichment over other goals of statecraft. In a kleptocracy, then, cor- ruption plays an outsized role in determining policy. But how have the state-building and great-power ambitions of the new Russian elite coex- isted with its scramble for self-enrichment? Putin’s Russia offers a vivid illustration of how kleptocratic plunder can become not only an end in itself, but also a tool for both consolidating domestic political control and projecting power abroad.