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Price 20 P CHIMUREWGA THE MONTHLY ZANU NEWSLETTER LET US FIGHT AND REBUILD Vol. 1, No.7 30 June,1976 Detente No. 2 There is no doubt that little good can come to Zimbabwe as a result of the recent meeting of the two arch enemies of Zimbabwean liberation, Henry Kissinger and John Vorster. Thre is no doubt that a plot was hatched there in Bavaria to embark on Southern African D t nte No. 2 now that Dgtente No. 1 has failed to achieve its main objectives, viz. to break up African unity by making some countries economic slaves and therefore allies of S. Africa (Zambia was S. Africa's main victim in this); to destroy the liberafion forces in Zimbabwe and Namibia; and to install a neo-colonialist black government in Zimbabwe as quickly as possible. The liberation forces received a temporary setback with the complete destruction of the external wing of ZANU, but when the liberation forces recouped from this blow, they eimerged stronger, more determined and more united than ever before. Kissinger and Vorater failed to install a neo-colonialist black government in Zimbabwe partly because of Smith's intransigence and partly because the guerrillas relentlessly maintained the momentum of the armed struggle despite being completely cut off from food, ammunition and medical supplies and from reinforcements from outside. Already the stage has been carefully prepared for Detente No. 2, and all efforts will be made by the imperialist powers of the United States, Britain and South Africa to ensure that Detente No. 2 succeeds. As in D~tente No. 1, these imperial'st forces mean to use 'peaceful" means such as financial pressure and ruthless diplomacy to achieve their victory. Once again the imperialists will try to us African countries neighbouring on Zimbabwe to achieve their sinister aims. It is only to be hoped that these neighbouring African countries will not allow themselves to be used again as the tools of imperialism but will stand firmly by the principles of African liberation. However, considering the painfully weair condition of the imperialist controlled economies of certain African countries, it is possible, even likely, that they will succumb once again. Possibly the same countries which played a leading role in Southern African Detente No. 1 will ploy an equally prominent role in D6terte No. 2, b~at their bEatryl of Africa w Il lead them into further dependence Qn the imperialistas, and eventually to their overthrow in time to come. Dtente No. 2 is likely to begin with the following moves: 1. Kissinger will persuade or implore Vorster to lean on Smith to renounce his U.D.I. 2. Promises will be made that property and interests will be protected in a free Zimbabwe with majority rule in one or two years, possibly the lesser. A few thousand CONTENTS Detente No. 2 P. 1 Mercenary Activity in Africa p. 2 News in Brief P. 5 Effect of ZANU Detentions and trials on Zambia P. 9 Ndabaningi Sithole Rejects ZANU p. 11 From Other Papers p. 13 STOP PRESSs ZANU Tial in Zambia on 2 Aug., 1976, p. 16 WE ARE OUR OWN LIBERATORS whites wIl be rla I" " T, of babs as a peace offei to. 4at Afria opinion, but~ a n g ,m i nre toai e nif Iiinterests (but they will claim to be helpin Zimbabwe). 3. Smith ma neno i ohcp U.EB.. and all,3w the British to come in, with aid from S. Africa, NATO and the U.S.A. Smith himself will resign. 4. A "transitional" government will be formed immediately headed by a "moderate" leader such asE Garfi.eld p-do,~unit of mdate whites and blacts. . The rw "transitional, government will decla-e a comilete and general n gnesty to all exed Zt'7dJoabweans_ politicians and tneir supporters. Ceg -aD cOBunt ies. such as Britain a4 some neigobouring African countries ay cooperate by "deporting" all Zinbabweans in their territory, includiag freedom fighters. 6. Negotiations witl take place under the auspices of Britain, the U.S.A., S. Africa, Zambia and possibly the U.N. to bring about a neo-colonialist &overmrrent under the banner of "TajoritY rule". 7. A Ceasefire will be imrosed as a "corllary to an Amnesty, arn' all freedom fighters will be allowed to ,return into the country. The liberation armi will be- "integrated" into the colonial army., 8. A general "alection,' will be held,supervised by S. Africa, Britain, the U.S.A., etc. This "election" is aimed at causing confusion and uisun-ty, and bobbing Zimbabweans of their victory, &s reactionary politicians such as Nkomo, Muzrewa, aitholu ard Chikerema ill be fnanced to the hilt is their "election" campaigns. They will Sling mud at each other, and the whole campaign will be a charade oranrised and controlled by outside financial interests. Whoever wins, these "elections" wll really be irrelevant, as whatever happens,the financia! intere stS will win aod the people of Ziniabwe will lose. In the meantime, the freedom fighters will be constrained, unable t o move whether they decide to cooperate or not. Once a Ceasefire has been impesed, they may be considered as outlaws if they continue fighting and attempts will be made to per- sdt lce to deser th r figh r the ppula I t he i ical awarene a weak then Zimbabwe is i reaso it is th~e repniltyoal .... i t and -volut Ziab to participat in rais p0ic awareness of he masss. 9. An attempt will be mde teo include some ZANU leaders in the transitional government and election campaign to give the deal credibility as it i.w.ll-km... that the freedom fighters operating in,, Zimbabwe are largely ZANLA forces. tRnegade Ndabaningi Sithole will be used by the imperialists to confuse the masses: he will claim to be the "legitimate" leader of ZANU and will denounce the fr6eedom fighters as "diaobedient children and rebels." D6tente No. 2 wAllput the freedom fighters and tne masses to the test. As in Ddtente No. 1, they will find themselves without a friend in the outside world willing to auppOrt tbWei cause oj4uly. As in D~tente No. 1, the pressures for compromise will be enormous and leaders who oppose Ddtente dot as WANe Haticnal Chairman Herbert htepo so fearlessly did, will be mercilessly murdered by the enemy. The struggle will become harder as there are no easy victories in the revolution. However, ZANI , as the vanguard cf the masses, has moved so far, and the people of Zimbabwe have been so highly politinized, that it is unlikely that they will collapse under tie onslaght D -te'le No. . anymore than they di under Dtnt No. 1 Tis high level of politicization and the uidaunted courage our people have shown over the years of resistance will mean that Zimbabweans will not'res-t until total liberation is won, whatever the machinations of the imperialigts and thg9r black agents. A Luta continua Pamberi ne Chimurenga' Based on the analysis of A.M. ,Chidoda, ZANU Representative in Canada. Mercenary Activity in Africa The public trial of 13 mertenaries (tan British, two American and one Irish) in Lvanda, Angola, has generated a lot of debate on mercenary activities in general and their heavy involvement in African conflicts in particular. Unfortunately far too much attention hgg been focused on whether the mercenaries were guilty or not. Bllicose noises have rung out through western capitals about the harshness o the sentences that have been passed, four of the-defendants, Georgiu, alias Callan, McKenzie, Baker and Geerhart, having been condemned to death by firing squad and the rest to prison terms ranging from 16 to 30 years. Britain and America have appealed for clemency but these appeals will remain hollow and meaningless unless they are accompanied by a firm commitment to ban mercenary recruitment, training and financing for wars in Africa and elsewhere. Algeria, Congo, Biafra and Sudan fight in Algeria under the hanner of the4_Preign Legion. Most of them were sadistic killers from former SS - soldiers who used to indulge in 'ratissages", exercises during which French officers would give the meraelharies orders to exterminate whole villages, whichvwere thought to harbo FN, cadres, inicrmlnael3y Geerpal Mass, who was in charge of the mercenaries once said, "To bring people to making a few confessions, it has been necessary to beat theme a bit. Naturally this may have '$d to some accidents". (Der Spiegel 47/1971). After Algeria the mercenary hoardes moved onto Zaire, then the Congo, where their life of looting, plundering, pillaging,,raping, mass murder, etc, reached a frightening peak in the years 1964- 65. These were the years of the notorious Congo Muller, Schramme and Major Hoare, who to this day is still active. Hoare, went to Nieria where he fought with the Biafran secessionist together with Wicks, Steiner and4 the Frenchman, General Fulgues, a former companion of Tshombe, Steiner later offe red his sevices to the Anya nya in puthgn Suan highlightened by the Luanda trial, mer enar7 WetInAicaf be aed aa long The mece naries who mught in the bove meptioned wa nsc contries sAgra h eg,(o TalreY. countrie -ee chaaceied b i rmia amb~~mt weeh~d b rnhipwllamt thkeves, sadistic murderers, safe breakers, experts on explosives, etc,, The effects of mercenaries have been arie,. In Algeria they not only delayed independence but they succeeded in eliminating most of the radical elements in the FNL hierarchy in the hope of promoting the emergence of a more moderate leadership hiich wouid be repared to make compromises .i7th the French colonisers. In the case of the Congo they were wholly responsible for first of all reversing the fortunes of the revolution and finally for stamning it out of xist nce. It must be remembhed that at the time

Pae 4 The San Diego Tribune revealed the presence of a whole complex of enterprises which were all concerned with the training of mercenaries for Angola Zimbabwe and Israel. The "Allyah" is recruiting and training former American fighters for Israel while "Anubis Ltd., specialises in preparing mentally deficient mindless killers for service wL !the fascist forces in rhodesia. The rhodesian The rhodesian mercenary connection was further exposed at an international symbosium on mercenar .s organised by the MPLA government and attended by 44 socialists from 30 countries including lawyers and writers. Intercepted circulars from Bufkiln's "Mercenary Forces Group" give great details of how to get to the rhodeian fascist army apd fight for hard cash. Four service sections are listed, the army police, the army proper, Speciql Air Services (SAE) and Selous Scout. 1hphasis is laid on the notorious "Selous Scouts' and that only those memers of the SAS with a proven rthless killer mentality can join this 'elitist' group. Memsbers of the Seloile Scouts ", a crack tracker unit; paint themadilves black, speak the native language, and try to infiltrate into freedom fight ranks carrying out inte.ligence work. The mercenary supreme is Major Lamprecht, Army Headquarters, Salisbury. A numblr of rhodesian recruiting agents and middlemenn.operating in Britain have been uncovered when some of their recruits complained publicily about the appalling conditions in the rebel army's forces, the impounding of passports, refusal to repay airfares, the excessive kill ratio into encounters with the freedom fighters (contrary to the bogus' figmles that are daily concoted in Salisbury), etc., Smith has publicly admitted to these malpractices but has countered that they were only introduced after massive mercenary desertions. The British middlean have really become cheeky. Promwpted byteastonising profits 'in their' dirty profssion, they have emen beglm recruiting among serving British soldiers. The soldiers are offered ready cash to buy themselves out of the British Aray. Hardly has the duet settled on the Angola mercenary debacle, than Hoare's men are on their way to ZImbabwe, Banks nd Tonkins have started an even more grandiose scheme, "Anti-Communist Revolutionary Organisation" ACRO which was formed on the 2/7/1976 to replae the SAS and ISO, The ACRO has substantial financial backing from the SAS and ISO. The ACRO has substantial financial backing from the CIA (Banks calls it a secret source) and has been contracted to recruit as many mercenaries as possible by the fascist rhodesian illegal regime. WESTERN COMPLICITY Western reaction to the Luanda trial falls into two categories. On the one hand are the progressive people who have always supported the genuine struggle of the African people. Many of these supporters of; Liberation movements felt that these criminals should never have been offered,the justice that they refused to accord to their unfortunate victims but that they should simply have been sumnarily tried and then executed in the biblical sense of measure for measire. At the other end are the mercenaries' collaboratinists and collusionists (their paymasters and western governments) who have been very quick to challenge the legal authority of Luanda in trying the 13 hired killers. Why did the Luanda government act the way it did? In case the world has forgotten we would like to remind everyone that" the MPLA govermment was acting in a Parr-African sense. In 1967 119 mercenaries fncluding their leade', Jean Scbramme, were trapped in t di. The OAU undertook'to secure the release of swe paid murderers on condition tat the European *egmemnts from whence these dogs had come made specific .urotakings that they would not allow the recruiting ;§nd financing of mercenaries from their own countries. Te OAU has a charter which outlaws mercenaries from the'-frican continent. Nine European countries including Britain made pledges to ban merceaarism. The Luanda revelations have made hollow all these pledges. The outburst of the USA and European government was primarily intended to divert the world from Europes total failure to uplyod an international pledge by focusing attention on the rights and wrongs of trying the mercenaries. The mass media was carefully manipulated to highlight sadistic killers like Costas Georgiu, alias Callan, and generally to concentrate on outagn the public by shoing that the mercena ay tral on 'Angolans but thatofe umrJutcwartd to follow hireling s o say at alright to murder innocent Africans but to actually shot white paid fellow assassins is unpardonable. The Luanda trial has made a number of frightful facts very clear. Many of the British mercenaries went to Zaire without passports. This clearly implies complicity at a ven high level or bribery at the airport or most protb3ly, both. MSt of the money for the whole operation cams from te CIA. Long after ;he mercenary affair had become a well publicised international question the dogs of war continued to go tO Angola with the full knowledge of western governments. In a devastating indictment of the British Government Nammock told the trial in Luanda that a group of British recruits were arrested and sent to Fenchurch Police Station in London. After a short while the police smuggled them out through side doors to avoid the attention of waiting crowds. Derek Baker testified that he and a large number of his "mates" passed through the paso crols smpy cards wi~th Jlohn Banks' SecurityAdisr Services and a picture of the recruitee. Stuart McPherson said that he went to Zaire through Heathrow Airport without a passport. After escaping fro, Angola by swimming arohss the River Zaire he was met by two CIA agents who flew him to 1inshasa where the British Embassy obliged him with documents to fly home. Are there any possibilities that western government will honour their pledge to the OAU and legislate against mercenarism? After seeing two advertisements for mercenaries for rhodesiasin two British papers, 'The News of the World' and 'the People' Bob Hughes, a Labour M.P., tried to introduce a very mild bill in the house of Commons, prohibiting advertising for mercenaries. He was booed by the Conservatives and advised by his own governing party to drop the motion. Min. Eldon Griffith a w5el known right wing Conservative M.P. replying to iHghes defenda mercenarism very fehemently, !a mercenary was in a noble profession of arms and sells hi services for 7_T It is quite clear that the west in not prepared to ban me'tcenarism and that all the pledges made to the OAU have been empty and were made in the heat of time when the wet wated~ to~ aeI,thekins-, of the agents they sent out to Afria on a mission of plunder and distruction, Mr. Peter Warburton Jones one of the defence counsels put it squarely: "The USA and Britain are responsible for all this. On behalf of the many people Who feel as I do of the conduct of my country I apologise. It is a completely false arguement to say that it is a man's right to determine his own fate aod to have freedom of action, when men, women and children arie massacred and a country destroyed and alili for' the sake of money". CONCLUISION Marcena4es are not ju mindless ki s4.x am they have been depicted in the imperialist h~eartlands. Mlindless killers they certainly are. But in' addition to this they a e ls a nd agents of capitalism and imperialism, This is the reason why the cap~its i world has been aiding and abezing mercenarism. It would simply be too much to expect the imperialists to legislate against the recruitment, training and financing of the dogs of war because western governments are themselves involved in this dirty business up to their necks. Because of this complicity western governments were the real defendants in Luanda and not just the individual soldiers of fortune. In 1967 Africa allowed the west to~their scum and muck out of our continent, under a pledge that no more scum would be allowed to pollute our continet. What is Africa expected to do when Europe refused to honour its international obligation and continues to shove its dirt- in to our midst? p.. K Pao5 With the Angola trial Africa has fired the second warnif shot. Let no one be deluded, Africa intends to stamp out the mercenary menace. Failure on the part of Western governments to head these very sincere warnings will result in grave consequences for which Africa should not be blamed. Dire consequences await e12 mercenaries who are currently serving with the fascist forces of Smith and any other criminal elements intending to join them at some future date. Africa's patiences has long run out. It is only a matter of time before we kick out the fascist, ITAZI illeeal regime of Smith. Woe to any scavenging dogs of war we will catch in our country. Ile will teach the mercenare, lesson that the world will never forget. News France Supplies Nuclear Power Stations to S. Africa 1 June, 1976. France has supplied S. Africa with a nuclear power statlon costing £570,000,000. This move shows France has once again sided with the white racist minority regimes in Southern Africa when it knows full well that this nuclear power may be used against Africans in S. Africa and in neighbouring countries. Impotent Muzorewa Attacks Frontline States 1 June, 1976. In an amazing attack on the Frontline states, an enraged Bishop Muzorewa showed that he sees his enemies as the freedom fighters and the frontline states. He attacked the 18-man Military High Command of the Zimbabwe People's Army as well as Botswana, Mozambique, Zambia and Tanzania for supporting the freedom fighters. These moves by Muzorewa and his counterrevole tionary small faction show how hollow are their claims to be the leaders of Zimbabwe. Smith Murders Hundreds of Zimbabweans 2 June, 1976. In an official communiqu6, the illegal regime boasted that it has murdered 23 freedom fighters in the past few days, bringing the number of freedom fighters murdered this year to 276. The regime admits that more than 1,300 freedom fighters are now operating inside the country. Regime Claims 1.2 More Freedom Fighters Killed in Last 24 Hours 3 June, 1976. In another communiqu4 the regime claims to have killed 12 more freedom fighters in the past 24 hours. According to the regime's spokesman, more than 100 guerrillas and 18 rhodesian troops were killed in May, 1976. There have also been heavy losses on both sides in June. Reagan Prepared to Send Troops to Help Smith 4 June, 1976. Ronald Reagan, Republican presidential candidate, pledged support for the Smith regime, intimating that if he was president he would send troops to help Smith. He later retracted this statement when it became clear that the American electorate would not brook another disaster like Vietnam. IlogaL Regime Appoints War Supplies Adviser 4 June, 1976. Smith's appointment of a local busineessman, Nick Cambitzis, as an adviser on war supplies, clearly showed that the country in Brief is now waging a full-scale war against freedom fighters. Cambitzis' "function will be to-ensure that the maximum use is made of local industrial and engineering resodrces and capability in meeting the needs of the armed forces," according to the regime. Vorst er's Thugs Invade Zambia 6 June, 1976. S. African backed and S. African trained Zambians have infiltrated: Zambia in order to create political chaos. This is all part of Vorster's poliby of "Detente" or blackmail to pressurize Zambia into doing his will. Whilst President Kaunda was busy negotiating with Vorster, Vorster was training and paying reactionary Zambian dissidents to overthrow Kaunda. This duplicity is typical of S. African "diplomacy" which has trapped the luckless President Kaunda. The S. African backed traitors are led by a Zambian called Adamson Bratson Mushala, and the group infiltrated Zambia in August, 1975, ironically at the very height of Dftente negotiations between Vorster and Kaunda at the Victoria Falls Bridge. The reactionary traitors have killed 2 paramilitary policemen and 4 civilians. They have burnt 6 villages to the ground and blown up an important road bridge. President Kaunda should have second thoughts now, if he didn't have them before, about his ill-conceived and hasty espousal of Vorster's "D6tente" policy. Undoubtedly Zambia is in an extremely dangerous and critical position. Both Smith and Vorster have reneatedly threatened to strike and destroy Zambia if freedom fighters attacked in rhodesia and S. Africa, and they have carried out these threats again and again, violating Zambian air space, bombing and shooting Zambian civilians, in iltreting agents into Zambia, and supporting dissident minority trial groups in attempted political coups. Smith and Vorster have again and again tried to create political and ecuncmio confusion and chaos in Zambia as a way of undermining the liberation struggle in Zimbabwe and Azania. By using these threats they actually succeeded in blackmailing President Kaunda to accept D6tente as an easy and neat "peaceful" solution to the problem, but in fact there are no ,easy" solutions. Some "easy" solutions lead to more confusion and troubl in the end, admirably fulfilling Smith ard Vorster's aim to create political and economic chaqe in neighbouring African countries. Garfield Todd Freed 6 June, 1976. Mr. Garfield Todd, a former Prime Minister and well-known supporter of Joshua Nkomo, was suddenly freed y-Fterday. The surprize move is believed to be un of the "concessions" Smith is prepared to make as a result of pressure from our freedom fighters. This move, with hi, much publicized desire to eliminate rcial, iscrimina- tion, is supposed to persuade world opinion that he and his regime are reasonable and "moderate" and prepared to'make "reasonable" connessions. British Foreign Office May Censor LonrhoReport 6 June, 1976. The publication of the British Department of Trade Report on Lonrho, the £300,000,000 multinational group headed by Tin- Rowland, may be shelved, it is believed after the Foreign Office intervened. Reports indicate that its publication may be damaging to Britain's relationship with African countries and with the Middle East. The investigation was ordered in 1973 after the Conservative Prime Minister, Edward Heath, denounced certain Lonrho activities as the "unpleasant and unacceptable faceOf capitalism.' The 1973 scandal revolved around a payment of £130,000 to Lonrho Chairman, Duncan Sandys, and the involvement of Rowland, his deputy Alan Ball and the (then) co-director, Angus Ogilvie, in a rhodesian copper mine financed by Lonrho. Lonrho has extensive investments in rhodesia. Of late Lonrho is reported to have made a number of bribes to certain prominent, corrupt and reactionary Zimbabwean politicians in another attempt to cause confusion and to buy influence. It was later revealed that the dossier had been handed over to Scotland Yard for further investigations, suggesting that criminal charges may be preferred. Three Smith Workers Killed 6 June, 1976. Two white men, John Downham and Daniel Jordaan, and an African schoolteacher, Shadreck Mutiza, were killed by freedom fighters. Downham and Jordaan were engineering contract workers building a "fortified village" (concentration camp) in the northeast. More War Casualties 7 June, 1976. A landmine explosion killed a white woman and her two daughters. The dead were Mrs. Elizabeth Botha and Marianne and Louberlie Harbing. Three other passengers were injured. The incident occurred in the Chipinga area. An enemy policeman, Constable Jemwa, was also killed by freedom fighters in the Chpinga area. One freedom fighter and three curfew breakers were shot dead by the minority regime's forces witlin the last 48 hours. The regime claims that only 39 members of its security forces have been killed this year for the loss of 289 freedom fighters. During the same period 128 civilians are said to have died, 10 of them whites. The rebel regime's statistics are rather suspect: the regime usually minimizes the number of its own forces killed and exaggerates the number of freedom fighters killed for propaganda purposes. It deliberately conceals the large number of African civilians killed in reprisals or shot dead after curfew hours. At the same time it claims that most of its agents, e.g. those Retively assisting in the building f #ocentration camps, are civilians, D W Fighters Capture Chief Mablka 8, Jud1', 1976 S Senator Chief Mabika one of the aet" well-known euporters of te,. rebel -settler regime 'of Ian Smith, has been captired by fraedfu flghters from a vi l1rg wi his home area of Biita, 200 miles south Of Salisbury. Chief Mabika has been an implacable enemy of freedom fighters and of African Nationalism. Chiefs are paid civil servants of the Stalth regime. In another incident freedom fighters placed an explosive device under an aircraft at Bumi Hills, a tourist resort on the shores of Lake Kariba. The explosion caused damage but no one was injured. Freedom fighters have been operating in north-west Zimbabwe for some years, although until recently they have been lying low. Mercenaries for Angola and rhoesia 8 June, 1976. An exhibition of materials found on mercenaries captured in Angola revealed that these mercenaries had been recruited by an organisation which was also recruiting mercenaries for the illegal Smith regime. A circular found on a captured American mercenary was headed "Mercenary Forces Group" and addressed from 15272 San Joaquin Street, Kennan, California. It urges mercenaries to join the rebel armed forces where they will be placed in the same rank as they had been in the American Army. The pay for a mercenary employed is $ 800 (about £460) a month. Reliable sources say that half of Smith's forces come from outside rhodesia. 3 Freedqm Fighters Killed by Rebels Regime 10 June, 1976. The rebel regime has announced the death of 3 freedom fighters. The latest figures published by the regime claim that 1,002 freedom fighters have been killed since December, 1972. This figure has obviously been exaggerated by the regime to cover the death of a large number of African civilians killed in cold- blood by Smith forces. If the figute were accurate it would mean that the number of ZANLA forces operating at any one time is far higher than Smith's estimate of 1,300. In the same period'the rebel regime claims that only I16 members of its security fOrces have died. This year, the regime claims, 294 freedom fighters have been killed for the loss of only 41 of their soldiers. Smith Wants British Help 10 June, 1976. In an interview with the BBC, Smith again repeated his suggestion that Britain should send a "commission of wise men" to Salisbury to solve the settlement problem. In the same breath Smith again unequivocally rejected black majority rule, asserting that Africans did not want this. Presumably he believes that Africans prefer being governed by their'' white masters for all eternity. This red herring was rejected by the British Government. Rebels Kill 11 Freedom Fighters 11 June, 1976. The regime claims to have killed 11 freedom fighters in the past 24 hours. They also admitted attacking Mozambique "in retaliation". Rebels Bomb Mozambique 12 June, 1976. Rebel Air Force Hunter jets bombarded Mozambique mortar positions with rockets and blew up an ammunition dump inside Mozambique., One Hawker i1*ter adr craft which took part in the raid into Mozambique crashed although the pilot apparently managed to parachute to safety. According to the regime, the crash oqcurred near the military airbase at Thornhill, Gwelo, suggesting that it may have been shot down by anti-aircraft fire from freedom fighters within the c untry as Gwelo is many hundreds of miles away from any borders in the Midlands. N~w Vorster LawMakes 250,000 Homeless 12 June, 1976. The architect of Southern African D~tente, Vorster, continues unabashed to oppress his own people. The latest example of oppression is a bill before parliament to make 250,000 people homeless. These are the squatters in the Cape Flats. These squatters have faced arrest'and constant harrassment including the demolition of their shanty homes. The homeless will be taken to "camps". Mercenaries on Trial in Luanda 13 June, 1976. The open trial of 13 mercenaries began in Luanda. What is becoming clear is that these mercenaries, the dregs of Western society, many with criminal records, were given tacit and at times open support from the British and American Governments. Without this support they would never have reached Angola. Large groups of British mercenaries were able to leave Britain without passports. Although their recruitment was widely publicized and they spent 6 drunken days in hotels near London airports, nothing was done to restrain them bythe British authorities. Instead the mercenaries reported that they were given VIP treatment by customs and immigration authorities at Heathrow Airport. Evidence also emerged that the whole project received substantial financial backing from the CIA. The British Government maintains that any British citizen can leave Britain without a passport. This is technically so, but in practice it has never been the case. Obviously this is a feeble excuse to cover up the Government's complicity in encouraging the dregs of the British Army to ehgage in foreign wars to promote British and American Imperialism. Railway Disrupted by Freedom Fighters 13 June, 1976. Freedom figers hit the railway line at Macheke, 60 miles south- east of Salisbury, en route to Vimtali. 0n the same day a bomb was detonated by a train on the Bulawayo-Mafeking line at Plumtree close to the Botswana border. Both lines were damaged and traffic stopped for repairs. Freedom fighters also attacked a sports club at Centenary in the north-east. The sports club was hit by rockets and mortar. 2 cars were destroyed. Whiles in the club fought a gun battle with freedom fighters. Enemy Soldier Killed i>June, 1976. An enemy soldier, Private Chako Emmanuel, 21, has been killed by freedom fighters according to an enemy communiqu6. The communiqus claims that 8 freedom fighters were killed. It also claimed that others were captured. Fascists Strike ZaMbia 13 June, 1976. In a well calculated move to intimidate the Zambians who had in the meantime promised support for the freedom fighters, the white minority regimes struck at Zambia. 2 explosions occurred in Lusaka itself. One shattered the windows of the main Lusaka Post Office, whilst the other blew up a stone statue of a lion outside the High Court. Since UDI in 1965, it has been the avowed policy of the Smith and Vorster regimes to strike at Zambia in retaliation fpr any blows on the regimes 34 T~ from.freedom fighters inside their countries. Saboteurs and agents had previously beeninfiltrated into Zambia specifically with the aim of creating chaos which wil benegit the minority regimes but will harm African liberation. The latest explosions are only two of a long series of explosions, air attacks, violations of Zambian air space, shootings of Zambian civilians and attempted coups perpetrated by Smith and Vorster and their agents in Zambia. Because of Zambia's critical geographical position it has been for long the target of settler and imperialist blackmail and threats. It was blackmail and pressure of this sort that forced President Kaunda into a confused espousal of Vorster's Ddtente policy. Dotente has now failed, although Zambia's contribution to D6tente has proved a tempbrary victory for the enemy and a temporary setback for the freedom fighters. It is only to be hoped that Zambia will not again succumb to blackmail and to Vorster's confusionist "diplomacy" aimed at dividing Africans against each other. These attacks may be the prelude to a second d~tente exercise. Smith and Vorster Confer 13 June, 1976. Smith paid a secret visit to Pretoria and conferred with Vorster. The alliqs often meet to discuss joint strategy. The latest discussions are believed to be about joint strategy when Vorster meets with Kissinger. The two are also reported to have discussed the deteriorating security situation in the country. The acceleration of guerrilla activity has made Smith and Vorster once again eager for "talks" as a much more effective strategy for destroying the liberation struggle. "Talks" with Smith, Vorster and feactionary imperialist and settler regimes can never bring total liberation to Zimbabwe. They can at best bring about a neo-colonialist black government. At worst they will lead to the sort of debacle that the DMtente talks brought between November, 1974, and December, 1975, a debacle which included the S. African conceived "Unity" and "Ceasefire" Agreements which Vorster, using Kaunda, tried to foist onto Zimbabweans; the murder of ZANU National Chairman, Herbert Chitepo; the arrest and detention of 1,550 ZANU freedom fighters in Zambia, leading to the break-up of the external wing of ZANU and to the cessation of supplies and reinforcements to guerrillas operating inside Zimbabwe; the discrediting of Zambia as a progressive country as it became more and more a pawn of Vorster, Smith and Imperialist forces; the murder of some 25 ZANU freedom fighters in Zambia. Vorster's D6tente succeeded admirably in what it was aimed at doing: discrediting and weakening Kaunda and making African fight African. Smith Wants Racial Discrimination "Removed" 14 June, 1976. Increased guerrilla successes have led Smith to statint that he wants to remove racial discrimination against Africans. In yet another "voice of reason" speech Smith conceded that the "bulk of the recommendations (of his Commission of Inquiry into Racial Discrimination) are logical and reasonable and will find general support." Smith's alacrity in trying to fool impatient Zimbabweans by pretending to be willing to make "cpncessions" does not fool anybody. Racial discrimination is only a superficial symptom of a much more serious disease, the fundamental inequality of people in the regime today, and removing a few of these minor symptoms will not stop the disease ravaging the people of Zimbabwe.

Pamge 8 1bome of the proposed "concessions" include the promotion of Africans in the Police and Army. It is proposed that the most'senior African policemen can now become "patrol officers" (the lowest rung of the European promotion ladder!) For the first time Africans can be commissioned to the Army, if the proposals are accepted. These "concessions" are aimed at confusing Zimbabweans who have never had any problem seing that Smith's Army and Police uphold the interests of the minority white fascists. Smith Threatens Kaunda 14 June, 1976. In an unveiled threat to Zambia, Smith warned that Zambia must accept the "consequences" of its much publicized decision to back freedom flghters. This threat follows closely on two bomb blasts in the Zambian capital of Lusaka which have been attributed to the Smith regime. A third bomb placed under a petrol tanker was defused on 22 June, 1976. Smith and Vorster's regimes have made no secret of their plans to make "pre- emptive" attacks on Zambia and other African countries if guerrilla activities increase in their own countries. Zambia's weak security and economic position have made her especially vulnerable to such ruthless attacks, and it would be necessary for Zambia's survival to tighten her security and strengthen her economy so that she does not again fall such an easy victim of the 'minority regimes in the future. Instead of spending his energies restraining, arresting 'and suppressing Zimbabwean freedom fighters with violence, moves which can only help Smith and Vorster and work to the disadvantage of Zambia and Africa in the short And long:run, President Kaunda should concentrate on strengthening Zambia's security and economy. White Farmer Killed 14 June, 1976.t A white fatmer, Mr. Frank Pitcher, was killed by freedom fighters near Malepatepa, 30 miles north of Bindura. Pitcher is the sixth white "civilian" to be killed by freedom fighters in the past nine days. It is to be noted that the conscription system makes every white man a conscripted soldier of some sort. America to Give Substantial Military Aid to Zdmbia and Zaire 15 June, 1976. Zambia and Zaire, two African countries which have, in the past few years, allowed themselves to be used as the pawns of the Imperialists, are to receive substantial military aid from the United States. In the 27 month period since July, 1975 (coinciding with Zar:bia's espousal of Vorster's Detente) Zambia is due to receive twice as uch American military assistance as it got in the 15 previous years. Zambia is deliberately being built up as a Western bastion in Central Africa. The imperialist powers and their agencies are giving Zambia especially generous treatment in her economic crisis. Zaire which took a pro-Imperialist line in the Angolan war, is also in line for a generous reward. S_ African Massacre of Soweto Children 16 June, 1976. Vorster's fascist police fired on crowds of school children demonstrating against the use of Afrikaans in schools. Later reports put the number of dead at more than 176 with more than 1139 injured. Chief Buthelezi claimed +hat the published figures are incorrect an that 700 people had been killed in The riots. Vorpter had issued instructions to his armed forces to use all means at their dispoal to protect lives and property. They were to act without regard to persons. This is a clear licence to his forces to kill as many Africans as they wish. The brutality of the S. African regime has always been more blatant and more vicious thanthat of the Smith and Caetano regimes. It is view of this all too obvious oppression and brutality against its own black citizens that we should look with scepticism and suspicion at S. Africa's moves to "force" the Smith regime to accept what Vorster and S. Africa would never accept for S. Africa itself. Is there any logic in the belief that Vorster is going to "liberate" Zimbabwe "peacefully" by forcing his close ally Smith to give in? Vorstet and Kissinger Meet 23 June, 1976. The fate of Zimbabwe was believed to be the main topic in the meeting between Vorster, leader of the minority fascist regime of S. Africa and Kissinger, who represents the interests of Imperialism. Kissinger is reported to be optimistic about a negotiated settlement which would safeguard Western investments in Southern Africa. They are also reported to have discussed plans for the repatriation of white rhodesians to S. Africa, Britain and other parts of the world. Vorster apparently took the position that although he saw no possibility of the white rhodesians winning the war, he also saw "little chance that S. Africa, or anybody else, could do anything to persuade the Smith regime to negotiate its way out of the present violent struggle," according to ,olin Legum of The Obsery e, Vorster indicated there was nothinghe could do at this stage, but assured Kissinger that he woili not provide any form of military assistance to the Smith regime. In later talks between Kissinger and British Prime Minister Callaghan, the main talks were how to safeguard the interests of the white settlers. Callaghan is reportedly not keen to see a large and quick exodus of whites from rhodesia, no doubt because the white settlers are the best protectors of British interests in the area, Va derByl Urged to Attawk Mozambique 25 June, 1976. Rebel "Minister" of Defence, Piet Van der Byl, was urged at a meeting called by town councillor, Ted Arnold, at Chipinga, to attack Mozambique. Arnold was loudly appauded by his white rhodesian audience when he urged the minister to make "retaliatory attacks" on Mozambique so that guerrilla "bases will be obliterated.", At the same time 2 British journalists, Mr. Nicholas Davies and Mr. Peter Stone, of the London Daily Mail were declared prohibited immigrants. The "Speaker" of the illegal parliament Colonel George Hartley, has banned the words "guerrilla" and "freedom figher" , He said the term "freedom fighter" was treasonable and seditious. Free speech has long been forbidden in the rebel regime. OAU to Organise Action against S, Africa 27 June, 1976. It is likely that the OAU meeting of foreign ministers will hammer out ways to isolate S. Afr ,ca economically and diplomatically. It is now felt that condemnation is not enough but OAU member states should work out a concerted plan of action including greater support for the Azania liberation movements.

Mercenaries Sentenced to death In Angola 28 June, 1976. Four white mercenaries were sentenced to death by firing squad. These were Costas Georgiou ("Colonel Callan"), John Derek Barker, Andrew MacKenzie and Daniel Gearhart. Three others, Kevin Marchant, Michael Wiseman and Gustavo Grillo (a self-confessed member of the mafia), were sentenced to 30 years' imprisonment. John Lawlor, Colin Evans and Cecil Fortuin, were sentenced to 24 years imprisonment, whilst Gary Acker Malcolm MacIntyre and John Nammock received 16 year sentences. The Angolan trials were marked by the fairness and reasonableness of the Angolans 'w gave the self-confessed mercenaries all the freedom to defend themselves in the eyes of the world. It is only to be hoped that Zambia will show the same fairness and reasonableness in allowing open trials for the ZANU political prisoners. The mercenaries, openly the enemies of African liberation, were given an open trial where justice was seen to be done. How much more so must Zimbabwe freedom fighters be given the right of an open trial by a brother African state. The sentences were marked by their mildness and justness. The 13 mercenaries are part of a paid force of killers who murdered thousands ofAngolans, raped women and destroyed property, just for the sake of money. They deserve the loudest possible condemnation. Page 9 Rebels Attack Mozambique 30 June, 1976. rhodesian artillery and infantry, backed by fighter bombers and helicopter-bourne troops, attacked Mozambique on June, 26, according to a Mozambique Government communiqun today. 16 civilians were killed at the village of Mapai, 55 miles inside the Mozambique border. 29 rhodesian troops, including 9 officers, were killed in an attack on Mozambican forces at Malvernia railway junction on the same day. 3 FRELIMO soldiers were killed. Troops used in the 2 attacks on Mozambique included a number of black mercenaries of different nationalities. It is suspected that some of them might have been white men painted black as this is reported by mercenaries to be the standard practice of the 6litist Selous Scouts. The 2 pre-emptive attacks on Mozambique are part of the illegal Smith regime's manoeuvres to get more overt military support from imperialist countries, especlly from a super-power such as the United States. The rebels want to provoke retaliatory attacks by Mozambique, after which they can accuse Mozambique of being the aggressor and the representative of Soviet ambitions in the area. By using the threat of Soviet imperialism the rebel regime hopes to get a commitment from the U.S.A. and other imperialist powers to salvage its position. However its transparent manoeuvres to terrorize Mozambique and to attract imperialist military support are too clear. Effect of ZANU Detentions and Trials on Zambia The ill-thought out and hasty decision by Zambia to arrest and detain 1,550 ZANU members and guerrillas on 23/24 March, 1975, with the aim of bringing about a "peaceful settlement" in Zimbabwe is bound to have serious and unfortunate repercussions on Zambia itself. The arrests, coupled with the murder of ZANU National Chairman, Herbert Chitepo on 13 March, 1976, were aimed at destroying the militant and radical wing of Zimbabwean nationalists, meanwhile handing over power to a conservative black government, which would owe its power in a large part to S. Africa and Zambia, and would therefore maintain its dependence on these 2 countries even after nominal "flag" Independence was granted. Vorster's role in the Southern African Detente exercise has been a very dishonest and slriater one. Whilst posing as the "bringer-of-peace", eager to concede majority rule to Zimbabwe and to assist in the "peaceful" "liberationt of Zimbabwe and Namibia, he was very cunningly inflicting a major set-back to the liberation of Zimbabwe by persuading President Kaunda to destroy completely the external wing of the only liberation movement seriously waging Armed Struggle in Zimbabwe. At the same time he was financing and giving military training to a number of reactiodary Zambians with a vie* to violently overthrowing President Kaunda, the very man Vorster was negotiating'with at the time to bring about "peaceful changes" in Southern Africa! These attempted coups, together with the economic crisis in part engineered by the Imperialists to weaken Zambia both because of its crucial role in CIPEC, the copper cartel, and because of its proximity to unliberated $ettler cblonies, had the desired effect ot bringing President-Kaunda to his knees. Yet the political confusion and economic crisis were directly caused by Vorster and the Imperialists, although the petty corruption and ineptitude of the Zabian ruling bourgeois clasp and the laek of self-reliance in theaonomy and administratioh all contributed to malWing Zambia extremely vulnerable. This iswhere the progressive forces in the world and the friends of Kaunda (it must bi remembered that President Kaunda has, in the, past, struggled to align himself Oith progressive forces) have failed him. It was quite obvious since Smith's illegal UPI in 1965, that Zambia was to be held to ransom by S. Africa and rhodesia. Yet whilst Smith and Verser and other eneaiea of Zambia were actively planning and workin to create chaos and destruction in Zambia . Zambia's nrogressive friends have beem complacent and passive, completely failing to give Zambia the support it needed. Even now when Zambia so desperately needs help, her progressive friends are silent and passive, whilst her enemies have a field day. President Kaunda's friends and supper tows have again and again refused to offer helpful criticism which might have prevented such tragic political errors as we have witnessed in the past 18 months since D~tente was initiated. The feeling amongst Kaunda's friends and supporters appears to be that criticism will weaken Kaunda, but in fact it is only truthful and painful criticism that can save Kaunda when he is so clearly heading for more and worse disasters. President Kaunda has been his own worst enemy in this respect, often g~ g4 AW10 treating well-meaning and helpful criticism as treachery and disloyalty, demoting those ministers who are not sychophantic and flattering. Yet the very sychophants and flatterers who surround him are known to have been plotting against him. President Xaunda's true. frienas appear to have withdrawn, leaving him to his fate. Economic collapse and D~tente have brought ZAmbia and Kaunda more and more into the imperialist camp so that it is no longer ; secret that Zambia is now regarded as the ma.n imperialist base in Central Africa. Imperialist powers are now pouring millions of dollars into Zambia, making Zambia more and more dependent on imperialism. President Kaunda has welcomed this as he clearly stated when he met Kissinger in Lusaka. President Kaunda made his mass arrest of ZANU guerrillas and members in the confident belief that Vorster was going to "force,, Smith to concede "Majority Rule", but this "gentlemen's agreement" between Vorster and Kaunda was never taken very seriously by Vorster, although Kaunda, in his naivety, faithfully kept his side of the bargain. Once the phoney negotiations between Smith and Nkomo broke down a year after they had begun, President Kaunda faced a dilemma as to what to do with the 1,550 detainees. His solution was to release 1,250 to Mozambique and to accuse the 57 still held in prison of the murder of their leader, Herbert Chitepo. He ordered his security forces to find evidence to prove these prisoners guilty of murder, and they duly obeyed, althoueh in order to do this they had to torture the prisoners and force them to sign prepared statements under pain of death. He ordered his Commission of Inquiry into the death of Chitepo to find the ZANU men guilty of murder, and it duly obeyed, although to do so it had to stretch the available evidence and to accept the forced "confessions." This neatly Tailored "evidence" based on forced confessions is all very well for secret trials, one of which was held in December, 1975, ending in the death sentence for Chigowe, ZANLA Chief of Intelligence and Security. However in a public trial this "evidence" cannot bear close examination. It is for this reason that the ZANU detainees have constantly and loudly asked for open trials. All of them have demanded to be tried in an open court so that they can answer the charges President Kaunda has made against them. Obviously an open trial will be politically damaging for Kaunda and the Zambian Government as then there is no way in which they can hide their dubious role in torturing the ZANU political erispners, in fabricating evidence against them, in harrassing and intimidating the lawyers, etc., etc. Thus ZANU, in challenging Zambia to give our men an open trial, is stating that the prisoners have nothing to hide and are prepared to defend themselves before the world. It remains to be seen whether President Kaunda and the Zambian Government will grant them this basic right in all free and democratic countries or whether it will deny them an open public trial on some invented and farfetched pretext. The alternative is a secret trial. Obviously this is what President Kaunda and the Zambian Government would like to opt for as was shown in the secret trial of Chigowe. But secret trials followed by death sentences can only discredit Zambia finally and completely, confirming in the eyes of the world that it is a reactionary and fascist regime denying its prisoners their most basic human rights. For Zimbabweans further secret trials will not only alienate them further and increase the already strong hostility and suspicion felt by patriotic Zimbabweans against the present Zambian Government. Although all Zimbabweans recognize the very real sacrifices made by the masses of Zambia towards the liberation of Zimbabwe, there is a very strong suspicion in many, and absolute conviction amongst others, that President Kaunda and the present Zambian Government have sold out Zimbabweans to Smith and Vorster to salvage their own collapsing economy.. Secret trials will make heroes, martyrs and saints of the political prisoners, and confirm Zimbabweans' worse suspiion of Zambia's motives. Secret trials will only increase the political influence of the prisoners amongst Zimbabweans and radicals in other countries. Executions will seal the enmity between Zimbabweans and the present Zambian Government. Clearly what President Kaunda would like is secret trials without too ouch fuse followed by death sentences. The objective is to brand the ZANU leaders as "convicted" murderers and criminals, thus discrediting them and their Party. Once they have been discredited, President Kaunda can then afford to be "magnanimous"I and "merciful", and "grant" them reprieves. Yet such rigged secret trials and rigged clemency are completely farcical, and the Zambians' transparent plan to discredit the most radical Zimbabwean movement will become blatantly obvious. To play such tricks with the lives of the prisoners with such adverse effects on the liberation struggle can qny be described as callous, criminal and reactiOnary. Secret rigged trials will eventually harm Zambia's image both at home afd abroad, and give the lie to all Zambia's claims to be a prcgressive and democratic country. The third but entirely unlikely possibility is that President Kaunda will admit that he made a serious mistake in falling for Smith and Vorster's seductive D6tente and redress this mistake by releasing the political prisoners he has wrongfully detained for the past 15 months. He could then send them to Mozambique where they can usefully contribute to the Liberation Struggle for Zimbabwe. This is highly unlikely because President Kaunda has never been prepared to admit his mistakes, and he may consider such a step a serious loss of face for himself. Moreover such a gesture would reverse President Kaunda and Zambia's commitment to Southern African D6tente and its concomitant dependence on imperialist finance. Such a reversal is bound to bring with it even more reprisals asd bombings by Smith forces making prt-L& emptive strikes on Zambia, a common though little publicized tactic of the Smith and Vorster regimes over the past ll years. Already President Kaunda's statement that Zambia would support the liberation struggle has resulted in several recent bomb attacks. In the past President Kaunda has given in to these unscrupulous examples of intimidation and blackmail so typical of the fascist minority regimes. However the liberation of Mozambique and Aagola has changed the political situation in the area drastically, and may persuade President Kaunda that he should do better to form closer ties with the liberated black countries to the north andeaset rather than with the white regimes to the south and with imperialist powers. But if the past history of President Kaunda's political career is anything to judge by, such a reversal of policy is all too un-

Ilikely. Over the past 11 years President Kaunda's Government has consistently drifted more and more to the right. Although it has not yet reached the stage where the degree' of exploitation and repression is indistinguishable from that in the Smith and Vorster regimes, it is fast moving in that direction. Unfortunately the pressure of events has forced Zambia to move away from its formerly principled stand against the white settler minority regimes. A return to these early principles may be difficult at this stage. The Zambian Government has been well aware of the hostility felt by Zimbabweans. This can be seen in its recent attempt to form a committee to lqprove relations between the Zambian Government and Zimbabweans. Ironically, prominent on this committee are Mark Chona, Zambia's chief proponant of D~tente, and Nathan Shamuy$rims, former ZANU Central Committee andr DARE member. Somehow President Kaunda appears insenslive to the fact that the fundamental reason Zimbabweans have becomr hostile towards President Kaunda and the Zambian Governmeat is Zambia's espousal of Dtente. Once President Kaunda divorcehimself completely not only in words but also in action from Vorster's Dtente,'he will see a miraculous improvement in the relations between the Zambian Governient and Zimbabweans. ev ,Ndabaningi Sithole Rejects ZANU In a long letter dated 10 May, 1976, the March to December, 1975, learnt the princiRev. Ndabaningi Sithole clearly'states his ples and tactics of self- reliance, an invatotal rejection of ZANU. His denunciation luable asset to ZANU and ZANLA, and a lesson of ZANU marks the final and irreconciliable which will serve the Zimbabwe struggle well break between the former leader and the Party, in the difficult months ahead of us with the a break which became apparent as early as prospect of a second Dgtente exercise April, 1975, but only came out into the open looming over us. in September, 1975, with the freedom fighters' publication of the Mgagao Declaration out- It was ZANU's mistake to build up the lining their grievances against 'the leadership Rev. Sithole as the President of ZANU and of Ndabaningi Sithole and his ilk. Sithole's Commander-in- Chief of ZANLA, a mistake letter is a petulant and rather impotent attributable. to the stage of political outburst against this criticism. It appears development of the Party. He betrayed this that having spent the intervening months trust in him again and again, turning against since Sept., 1975 trying to cajole, woo, beg, the very people who had built him up. This bribe and threaten the freedom fighters to re- betrayal of his comrades was treacherous. accept him as their leader, and having been It was also stupid, as, blinded and confused given the cold shoulder, Sithole is now out by Ddtente, Sithole attempted to destroy to destroy the liberation struggle at what- his own political base. Yet without this ever cost. Such is Sithole's commitment to. solid political support from the freedom the liberation of Zimbabwe that he does not fighters and the masses of Zimbabwe, the want Zimbabwe to be liberated unless he is Rev. Sithole is a nobody. Now that he has the one and only head of the liberation rejected the freedom fighters and the masses forces. The logical step, which he has now of Zimbabwe, his position, for what it is taken, is to join the enemies of the people worth, depends solely on the financial of Zimbabwe and throw his weight against the backing of the Imperialists and of imperialist freedom fighters. This reactionary, egotis- agencies who are prepared to finance him to tical, and surprisingly childish attitude, cause confusion and disruption in the liberareveals the political backwardness of tion movement. He has now undertaken this Ndabarningi Sithole, and shows that his only job for them and is fulfilling it to the interest in ZANU was to use it as a best of his ability. stepping stone towards becoming a tyrant. In his unsolicited and vicious attack on The problems ZANU hag faced in the past ZANU, Ndabaningi Sithole says ZANU does few years, in particular since the Vorster not exist. Instead he chooses to call the initiated Southern African Dtente exercise movement ZATU (Zimbabwe African Tribal began, have highlighted the weaknesses Union) or ZARU (Zimbabwe African Regional as well as the strong points of our leaders. Union). Fully supporting the Zambian Under this harsh scrutiny leaders like thesis that ZANU consists only, of a Karaaga Ndabaningi Sithole have again and again clique, he goes further to attack tho revealed their reactionary and often traito- United Zimbabwe People's Army High Command. rous politics. We in ZANU are grateful He asserts that it is entirely incorrect to Mr. Vorster and President Kaunda for for freedom fighters to be leaders of Le giving us this unique opportunity to put liberation struggle because this shows ndour leaders to the test. Vorster andd Kaunda's DItente has helped to ensure that therence to the Pwrong-headed doctrine that the Zimbabwean leaders who take power will the gun leads the Party instead of tne arey be truly revolutionary ones, as all those leading the gun." He adds: "National leaders who have been seduced -into Dtente leadership through the barrel of the gun have ended up being unequivocally rejected is anathema to the people of Zimbabwe." by the freedom fighters and by the masses. Ndabaningi Sithole's objeccion to freedo-. Ironically enough Vorster and Kaunda will fighters leading the struggle is a fundaren al end up achieving the opposite of what they one. His strange assertion that freedom had aimed to achieve. Their victory in fighters have no politics and are therefore destroying the external organisation of not fit to lead the Party reveals hi; own ZANU and cutting off supplies and reinforce- political backwardness. Whilst it is true ments for the freedom fighters inside the that a colonial army consists of soldiers country hasbeen a temporary and mislead- who blindly carry out the orders of politiing one. The destruction of the external cians, in a liberation army the situation organisation was a temporary disruption is entirely different. The nature of and setback. By the time it was overcome guerrilla warfare means that freedom fighters in December, 1975a the new guerrilla leaders become highly politicized. They are no who emerged turne out to be far to the left. longer moronic killers and thugs who un,of the old ZANU leadership, Atthe same questioningly follow the Orders of their time the hundreds of freedom fighters in- masters. Indeed those who have had any sidethe eoUtry who were out off from all dealings with our ZANIA fighters have beIf external supplies and reinforcements from impressed by their high degree of polittci- PapeA-

'sxun and their clear analysis of the Vlitical situation in Zimbabwe and in the world. It has been Ndabaningi Sithole's mistake all along to treat ZANLA as if it is a bunch of moronic thugs and mercenaries ready to carry out his every whim, and it is this that has led to his downfall. He tried to use to army to enhance his own political position whilst entirely ignoring their democratic rights. Instead of allowing the freedom fighters to elect their own leaders as has been the rule since ZANLA was formed, he chose to impose his favourites on them without consultation. When thy mildly objected dnd reminded him of 2ANLA rule for the election of leaders, he reacted by penalizing them, confascating their funds (thereby cutting off food and medical supplies to ZANLA forces), and even attempting to eliminate them physically. These high-handed actions made reconciliation difficult. Pres1mably he thought he could starve and terrorize them into submission. The freedom fighters objected to his choice of all the rebels as the new leaders of the armed forces. Not only was the new ZLC composed only of Manyikas and a handful of Zezurus, but it contained known murderers who had caused the death of ZANLA freedom fighters. These culprits were Noel Mukono, Simpson Mutambanengwe, Felix Santana and others. Instead of paying heed to the freedom fighters' complaints, Sithole ignored them and insisted on retaining the composition of the ZLC as it stood, presumably because most of its members came from his own tribe, and he himself always insisted on seeing all conflicts in purely tribal terms. Despite Sithole's unfounded accusation that ZANU consists only of Karanga "tribesmen", the facts are plain for any objective investigation'to see. ZANU has members of every "tribe" in Zimbabwe including Sithole's own "tribe". ZANLA has soldiers from every region of Zimbabwe, including thousands of Sithole's fellow "tribesmen". ZANU members and ANLA freedom fighters see themselves as belonging to a national movement. If it were true that ZANU consists only of a Karanga clique, then o would expect it to consist only of Kartanga "tribesmen". Instead Karangas comprise only a small section of ZANU. The leadership which Sithole dishonestly tries to prove is Karanga dominated was elected by rank and file at bienniel elections. Sithole dishonestly chooses to ignore a number of wellknown historical facts which would explain the so-called "tribal" composition of the DARE and High Command. These well-known historical facts are as follows: 1. ZANLA military leaders are elected by rank,and file freedom fighters. The High Command now imprisoned in Zambia was electee when ZANLA was mainly operating in the north and north-east of Zimbabwe. This meant that the rank and file who came predominantly from the north and north-east, and consisted lagely of Kore Kore "tribesmen", chose to elect leaders who were not of the same tribe as themselves. It is ridiculous to believe that the Kore Kores wished to ensure a predominance of Karangas by electing a number of Karangas into powerful positions. 2. The DARE was elected by a full Party Congress held in Zambia in August, 1973. The elections removed a Manyika, Mutambaengwe, ,for corruption. Another Manyika, Mataure, .game to power at the same elections. In i ihing to re- instate Mutambanengwe despite ko well-proven cases of corruption: the 1kaling of money contributed to the Party an& the stealing of maize contributed by Mumbwd-easant farmers to the Party, Sithole is treading on very shaky and 'dangerous ground. He appears to be saying that however corrupt an officer is, he cannot be removed by rank and file members. 3. Sithole chooses to ignore the fact that the so-called "tribal balance" of the DARE was shaken by the voluntary withdrawal of certain leaders. In 1971 certain members of ZAPU belonging to the Zezuru tribe chose to break away from ZAPU to form FROLIZI. Simultaneously reactionary Zezurus left ZANU and joined Frolizi. The withdrawal of reactionary Zezurus in 1971 meant that only new and relatively unknown Zezurue were now left in tue Party. A number of Zezurus rose to prominence after the 1971 voluntary withdrawal of Zezuru reactionaries. Prominent Zezurus in the post-1971 leadership include Kumbipai Kangai (DARE Secretary for Welfare and Education), Robson Manyika (ZANLA Camp Commander), Rex Nhongo (formerly ZANLA Provincial Commander and at present head of the United Zimbabwe People's Army). In 1974 there occurred the well-known rebellion in ZANU led by Mukono, Mutambanengwe and Nhari. Again Sithole chose to ignore this rebellion as if it had not occurred. The Lusaka based rebels led by Mukono and Mutambanengwe were entirely tribal in their approach, excluding all non-Manyikas. It recruited on an anti-radical, anti military platform, and was undoubtedly a reactionary rebellion to re-instale corrupt and incapable leaders who had been removed by the rank and file in 1973. It openly aimed at severely limiting the growing influence of the army in the Party. The Nhari group of guerrilla rebels was a more mixed group who unfortunately allowed themselves to be used by the reactionary Mukono-Mutambanengwe group and must therefore be classed as fellow reactionaries. Niari's group had some genuine grievances which arose from the sudden expansion of ZANLA from a few dozen in 1972 to more than 6,000 in 1971+. The Party's organisations had not yet been able to adant effidently to this sudden expansion. Nhari's group also had a predominance of university trained guerrillas who felt they were not being promoted fast enough because many of the top positions in ZANLA were held by less educated men (none of the zTLA High Command members at present held in ambian jails are university trained people). Nhari's group wished to impose an educational bar of 4 years of secondary education as a minimum qualifical for officers. The collapse of the rebellion as a result of some criminal elements in Nhari's group ruthlessly murdering all opponants was followed by trial and expulsion from the Party. It is important to note that the rebels lost all support through their own criminal activities, and the trial and expulsion carried out by ZANU National Cikirman, Herbert Chitepo, shortly before he was murdered, had the fullest support from rank and file. It is true to say that no ZANU member or ZANLA freedom fighter (irrespective of "tribe") will have anything to do with the rebels. The rebellion meant the expulsion of the Manyika dominated rebels from the Party, hence causing a further "tribal imbalance". The remnants of DARE held in Zambian jails consist of 4 man who could be called Karangas and-1 Zezuru. However even the 4 so-called Karangas are not tribally "pure". (It is difficult to fine tribally "pure" "tribesmen" in Zimbabwe because of the forced movement of people by the colonialists). Mudzi is originally a Zezuru whose family was forced to move to a Karanga area where they lived on African Purchase farm. Tongogara is ojiginally Karanga, but has spent most of h-, life in Zambia, Logically if Mudz! can be cailod_ -aranga then Tongogara must be called a Zabisnl Gumbo is also tribally mixed, havng some Ndebele connections. In the flinal analysis only Hamadzripi can be called a pure and aimple Karnaa. This makes nonsense of the dishomemt assertions of Sithole and other enemies Of ZANTT. The proof that their claims that ZANU must be called ZATU or ZAP are nonsensical can be seen in the ever-increasing cua1eA 7WNLA enjoy from the masses. Ironically e Inc, tha-_ Eastern operationsl) zone was opened dua'ing the period o' isolation (March to December, 1975) th1usarde of Sithole,'s fellow "tribesmen" have cho se to join ZANLA forces, ignoring Sifthole'own explicit instructions. Indeed th eat vociferous and clear criticism of Sithole'g reactionary politics cames from progressive and radical Manyikas who continue to support aNU Zaj ..ANLA. From Q TANZAINIA DAILY NATION, 8 June, 1976 COMME NT Allegations beingade spd e 'y leaders of the Zimbabwe African Na ia Conclations have now reached such seiospro e a nh Heeds of States of the fou l asBotswana, Mozambique, Zambia and Tania - are having to be forced to accommodate highly embarrassing questions as a result. Teltesct Hedf gStt to b subjete to such embarrassing questions was President Samora Machel of Mozambique when he made a stop-over in Lusaka on Sunday, enroute to Guinea-Bissau, Cape Verde and Conakry in GWinea. Incltuded in these high sounding allegations of the A.N.C. faotionalists are such things as that those factionlists are bein& prevented from visiting the camps in which Zimbabwe freedom~ fighters train, thet ac ThrdFrce has been imposed behind the backs of the factionalists and that assistance to the freedom fighters ia not beir channelled through the factions. Lately, Bishop uzorewa in particular, has been going round spreading these notorious allegations as was indeed testified by the barrage of abuses he unleashed in Lusaka at a Press conference on the eve of the O.A.U. Liberation Committee meeting which ended in Dar E Salaam last weeen. By repeating lies and slanderous allegations against the four frontline States, the Bishop and his friesnds hope to ,get people to bel~ieve that these lies are true. But Africa will not be dcived. To be a freedoma fighter is a serious~ business. Anyone who proves uneql to the job canot be allowed in the ranks of freedom ighters. Is Biahpp Mzorewa and is friends e~qual to the task of fighting for freedom? IfJe is, i he at the same Bishop who was recetytaken to some freedom fighters' camps only to come back'and call a press conferedce to dlisclose where they' were? Isi he riot the same Bishop who after coming back fro the camps told the Press h indaof weapons the fighters were about to be using? Is 4. F'rom the time ZANU went into exile after DI until the 1973 alec t~ons; the Defence position in DARE was held by Sithole's rebel cronies, Mukono and Mutambanengwe. 'In the period before November, 1972, constant betrayals of our troop movements occurred so that our freedom fighters were again and again caught as soon as they entered Zimbabwe. ZANLA's successes beginning in November, 1972, only became possible when, the guerrillas decided to tske matters in their own hands and not inform Mukono and Mutambaneogwe of their movements, strategy or tactics. This first troup of young guerrillas, the best of whoa are represented in the ZANIA High Command ield in Zambia, prosequted Armed Struggle d spitc Mukono and Multsapaeengwe's efforts to frustrate them. Their spectaculir succases streltened their position within te Part, and ensured that they had the final say in putting their own choice of leaders into p~wer in 1975 when the present DARE was alected Mukono and Mutmbaneniwe ensured during the period when they were in power that their own "tribesmen" in the Party were sent ther Papers he not the sae man who, with some of his now best friens, nearly succeeded in making arrangements for imp ialist televito-' teams to visit the camp he had been shown? - Is Bishop lluzorewa not the saree man who only a few days ago, disclosed to the world the names of the Zimabw Liberation Army's High Command despite an existin; agreement that their names shall not be disclosed? Attemmn,teris lo counry which~ is. sacrficng orefor the liberation of Zimbabwe h ambique and her people. Yet Bishop Buzorswa is not very fond of making unfounded slanders against President Samora Mihel and his people ! But is not Bishop 'uzorewa and a few of his friends, who instead of doing liberation work, sat down in aputo a few months aeo and helped themselves to wines worth 5,000/- in three days? Indeed, is it not Bishop Muzorewa and his friends who, on being asked to go once again to the freogightera' camps and the battle-front, have persistently asked for protection against the freedom fighters? What are the front-line States expected to do to a leader who desepte that he be protected from his own peoplehy people other than his own people? A true freedom figher must be singularly distinguished by whether or not he Tnows the enemy, For Bishop 11azorewa hond his friends, the enemay now is the four front-line Stites tak-en together, thi eaders, the O.A,U. Lib4ration Commit be, and those engeged in ared sttuggle inside Zimbabwe. For the true Zidab we n 4reedom fic7hters, the enemy is the Smith regime sand its spo"rters inside and outside Zimbabwe. 'It is against this vary enemy the liberation fighters are now In -aged in face to face combat with a Me in their hands. The Bishop's continued antics apart, this gross failure to distinguish the real enemy from the false is what makes him and his friends what they are, anmely, irrelevant to the struggle for the -liberation of ,Zimbabwe. on Ps. 16

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Censt. from Page 13 - Ndabani .ngi Sit I ole Rejects ZAN .O UP Wigher education overseas, whilst recruitment mainly from Zambia, meant a "Wer* tribes including the Karangas, were predominance of the Zambian based"ZimbabX "dinto the army. Their analysis of the weans, especially of the Zimbabwean peasant tiation war that the army could consist farmers at Mumbwa, within the ZANLA forces. O uneducated morons who would provide the By accident, most of the Mumbwa peasants cannon fodder for the war. The existence are of Karanga origin as the Karanga originof an army would frighten the Smith regime ally occupied some of the most fertile into negotiations, whereupon the educated land in Zimbabwe which the colonialists ] te (most of whom would be Manyikas whose chose to confiscate, landless Karanga are i,,cation has been sponsored by ZANU) would a well-known phenomenon inside Zimbabwe. a e over. They based their analysis on Unemployment and lack of land have meant what had happened in neighbouring African that many Karanga seek for employment in countries. Unforu Iately the situation in such distasteful jobs as in Smith's Zimbabwe failed to develop along the same Police and Army where they predominate. lines as Kenya and Zambia. Instead the army Others who were pished off their lands grew more and more powerful and controlled emigrated to Zambia, and no doubt wouol the operational andi liberated zones inside have become Zambians except for the Zimbabwe, whilst the educated elite sent Zambians' chauvinism which meant they could overseas became more cut off from the action, not get citizenship rights easily if at all. Moreover many of the educated Manyika became Because they could not become Zambian citiradicalized and were more loyal to their zens many of these young Zimbabweans chose ZANLA colleagues than to their reactionary to join ZANLA to fight for their own country, Manyika "benefactors". The result was that where they could have their own lan to Mutambanengwe and Mukono began to lose farm and live freely. control of the situation. Their imperialist Sithole has chosen to ignore these f s backed (Lonrho financed) rebellion was a which contributed to the so- called "tribal futile attempt to set the clock back. imbalance". This so-called "tribal imbalance" was all the more possible because the majority 5. From 1967 until the Zambian swoop on, of Zimbabweans no longer thought in tribal ZA1W in March, 1975, Zambia was the head- terms. As pointed out earlier Kore Kores enq&arters of ZANTU. ZAN drew substantial thusiastically elected a High Command which support from the exiled Zimbabweans living had 5'Karangas", 1 Ndau and 3 Zezurus. It in Zambia. This group of over 40,000 is to be noted that the Kore Kore failed to Zimbabweans provided most Of the first free- maintain their "tribal" interests by electing dom fighters in ZANLA. Their sons died in any Kore Kores! Similarly the Kanga majority the battlefield is. large numbers. Some of Mumbwa farmers again and again pushed into veterans survived to become members of the power Herbert Chitepo in defiance of the laws ZANLA Chimurenga High Command. An examination of tribalism even against Karanga contenders. of the High Command in Zambian jails reveals Such was th esrect ard high esteem t, that a significant majority come from this h e t _ W tha n Zbian based group of Zimbabweans. O)ut fCir enoe witi, ZAU t~at he a Hih Command of 9, the followig5 aredliutmaniighs ,sto tL e from Ziambia: Tdomgogara,- Chimucrenea, Cheuke, 1969, !91 aind 29 elections. Cie Meya Hurimbo and Gava. Chigowe, Dangana, enjoyed support across all tnibai lines, and Manyika and Nhongo had been recruited irom i,. ms why his posior was o powerl. WithinZimbabwe, although si-nificantly_ Sithole's pestulant and childish invective gerr I who moe to ZrNIgin ZAPo against ZANU should be treated with the conmital o ed to 1A97 he1. PI tem~pt it deserves. The man is out to des colase in1 troyZANUonbehalfoftheenemybecaure Thus it is true to say that the nature ZANU would not stomach his reactionary and of the struggle with its headquarters and high-handed dictatorshin any longer. STOP PRESS:ZANU TRIAL in ZAMBIA on 2 AUG.,1976 ZANUpolitical prisoners held in Zambia as a result of the Southern African Detente exercise, are to be tried in the Lusaka High Court in Zambia on 2 August, 1976. The three political prisoners, Josiah Tongogara, ZANLA Chief of Defence; Joseph Chimurenga, ZANLA Povincial Commander; and Sadat Kufa Mazuva, Chitepo's body-guard, are accused of having murdered their leader, ZANU National Chairman, Herbert Chitepo. To date it is not yet known whether the .ial is to be a secret trial along the lines of the secret trial held last December, or an open trial. What is known is that it will be a summary trial, a departure from normal procedure in murder trials. Apparently this is to prevent the defencs from examining State evidence beforehand. The ZANU political prisoners have repeatedly asked for an open trial. They say they hate nothing to hide and that they are being held on trumped-up charges to diScredit ZANU and to facilitate the Southern African Detente exercise. We appeal to all supporters and sympathisers to ensure by whatever means possible that these political prisoners receive an open and public trial. Public protest against secret trials will prevent an injustice being perpetrated. Contributions for the defence and for an international observer should be sent to: The Zimbabwe Detainees' Defence Committee, 1 Cambridge Terrace, London NW 1. Published by the ZANU London Office, 323 Old Street, London.