Framing Nation- States and the E.U. in the Light of the Refugee Crisis

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Framing Nation- States and the E.U. in

the Light of the Refugee Crisis

The Responsibility Burden

Graduate School of Communication

Master’s Thesis

Master’s Programme Communication Science

Submitted by Tsatsani Marianthi- Asimina 10915834

Supervised by dr. R. (Rachid) Azrout

24/06/2016, Amsterdam FRAMING OF NATION STATES IN THE LIGHT OF THE REFUGEE CRISIS

Abstract

Formation of nation images has, due to its importance, been the object of many studies.

However, not enough attention has been paid in the unintentional nation image building as a result of a crisis. In this spirit, the main objective of this study is to examine how are nation images, as well as the portrayal of European Union influenced in the light of the current refugee crisis, focusing on the question of responsibility. Moreover, this research constitutes an effort to find and record differences in nation-images formation through framing, across the German, Greek and British press in the coverage of the refugee crisis. To answer our hypotheses, a content analysis of the coverage of the refugee crisis was employed. Using the theoretical tools of nation- images formation, ethnocentrism and framing, we collected and analysed nine widely circulated newspaper outlets from Germany, Greece and the United

Kingdom. The results indicated that the depiction of the European Union was more favourable in the German, compared to both the British and Greek press. Nonetheless, all three countries seek a European solution to the refugee crisis, probably for different reasons.

When it comes to the portrayal of Greece in the foreign press, it was found that there is a more favourable treatment in the German press. Finally, looking for differences within the

Greek press, it was shown that the responsibility framing of Greece was more prominent in the tabloid, compared to the quality press while the opposite was witnessed regarding the victim framing of Greece. Overall, the study indicated that nation image building in times of crisis is to a large extent ruled by national goals.

Keywords: refugee crisis, nation images, responsibility framing, victim framing, Greece,

European Union

FRAMING OF NATION STATES IN THE LIGHT OF THE REFUGEE CRISIS

Introduction

Nation branding is a vital part of public diplomacy that focuses on promoting a nation's image

(Kunczik, 2000). As defined by Kunczik (2000), a nation image is “the cognitive representation that a person holds of a given country, what a person believes to be true about a nation and its people”. This representation can intentionally be influenced, for instance when a nation state dedicates resources to build its reputation in the international system, or unintentionally when certain events contribute to the establishment of a state image. Media coverage of foreign affairs is what defines the dominant image of a nation state (Kunczik,

2000; Samaras, 2007). The formation of nation images has been the object of many studies

(Boulding, 1959; Herrman, 2003; Kunczik, 1997, Manheim & Albritton, 1984). Its importance lies on the ascertainment that it affects greatly how nations perceive each other and therefore their relations (Dell'Orto, Dong, Schneeweis and Moore, 2004). Nevertheless, for the present study, an even more important motive, is the influence of nation images projected in the media on readers’ perceptions (Dell’Orto et al., 2004). According to Perry

(1987), the effects of news reporting tend to be stronger when the readers have no personal experience on the topic, when they do not consider the issue to be of great importance and finally when they can contrast the issue with a reality they have knowledge of. All three criteria generally apply in the reporting of foreign news (Perry, 1987). He additionally found that audiences are apt to build the perception/ image of a certain group or nation, based on misleading news (Perry, 1987). This is what constitutes the study of nations are represented in foreign media vital.

A typical situation that triggers unintentional nation- image formation, is that of a crisis. Currently, the world is undergoing one of the harshest crises of the past decades, as turmoil in Middle East and Northern Africa and other conflict areas have driven millions of people to embark on dangerous journeys to seek asylum. Emotionally charged images and

FRAMING OF NATION STATES IN THE LIGHT OF THE REFUGEE CRISIS news reports have acquainted the issue to the wider public and triggered a discourse in the political and public sphere. Consequently, questions have been generated about Europe’s response to the crisis in terms of humanitarian action, as well as policies dealing with the increasing numbers of refugees coming to Europe. In turn, press engages in blame games, regarding who is burdened with the responsibility of both creating and handling the refugee crisis. This blame game constitutes the focal point of this study. Moreover, special attention will be paid in the image of Greece, which during the past decade, has suffered extensively due to the coverage of the economic crisis at first and the refugee crisis subsequently. As both of these crises constitute besides of internal problems, a source of uncertainty for Europe as a whole, they received extensive coverage in the European media.

Therefore, this research is an attempt to provide an answer to the question of responsibility attribution and imprinting the process of framing of Greece as well as the

European Union. Moreover, an attempt will be made to connect the two by examining the extent to which the attitude a country holds towards the EU, affects the way its media attribute responsibility. The importance of this study lies on the fact that it expands the literature on nation- images formation, by investigating how an international crisis can constitute a source of unintentional nation- image building. To our knowledge, the pre-existing literature focused more on the impact of international reporting regarding politics and international relations on nation- state images (Kunczik, 1997; Boulding, 1959). Therefore, the current refugee crisis allows us to explore this territory. The first part of this study constitutes a review of the theoretical background. Particularly, the theoretical part will elaborate on nation images projected by the media, on the different approaches of the European Union as observed and studied in the under examination countries and the process of framing. Consequently, the methodology of the paper will be outlined, as well as the results of the reliability analysis.

Finally, the results of the analysis will be presented, followed by the discussion and

FRAMING OF NATION STATES IN THE LIGHT OF THE REFUGEE CRISIS conclusion.

Theoretical Framework

The mediated images are largely affected by ethnocentrism as a factor of the news making process. Proximity between nation states and communities, either on geographical or on cultural terms, constitutes an important criterion for the selection of events to be reported

(Gans, 1979; Harcup and O’Neill, 2001). Gans (1979) defines ethnocentrism as one of the news selection criteria according to which, a particular event that takes place in a foreign nation is more likely to be covered by the media when it touches upon national interests or is an object of foreign affairs policy. From a different scope, Sumner used the term ethnocentrism to define the tendency to view things as one's own group (in- group) is in the centre of everything, and all others (outgroup) are scaled and rated with reference to it

(Duckitt, Callaghan and Wagner, 2005). As a result, the assessments of in- groups and out- groups are much biased in favour of the in- group, leading to a biased media coverage and consequently a distorted own as well as other nations image formation (Müller, 2013).

Because ethnocentrism has been associated with the perception of superiority of the in- group in comparison with the outgroup, it carries a fairly negative connotation (Duckitt et al.,

2005). Nevertheless, independently of ethnocentrism’s negative consequences for intercultural communication, the tendency to evaluate others according to one’s own standards is natural

(Samaras, 2007). And as a consequence of its fast and unconscious nature, it is to a great extent inevitable (Lamont & Molnár, 2002; Samaras, 2007).

Ethnocentric behaviours often stem from the diverging national identities (Samaras,

2007). Wimmel (2009) in his study focused on the effects of the European borders on ideological position, in the case of the under discussion integration of Turkey in the European

Union. He distinguished two main approaches; namely the state- dependent or camp- dependent. According to this distinction, state- dependency results to nationality being the

FRAMING OF NATION STATES IN THE LIGHT OF THE REFUGEE CRISIS number one factor that defines ideological positioning. On the other hand, in camp- dependency, social groups take the lead and overcome national borders in shaping attitudes on a public discourse. The present study takes on the first approach, thus the state- dependency.

Notwithstanding it would be very interesting to investigate within- country differences between opposing ideological backgrounds, we chose to focus on the differences between countries.

Therefore, apart from the frames that derive from journalistic routines and news making process, as defined by Nossek (2004), there is also the “national framing” that can act as a mega- frame promoting ethnocentrism of the press. According to the national “mega- frame”, when it comes to politics, despite of any changes in the political, economic and communication field during the past century, foreign news reporting is always an outcome of an interaction between national identity and interests (Nossek, 2004; Handley, 2009).

Moreover, the type of reporting is defined by the question: ‘is it ‘our’ event or ‘theirs’? When the answer is ‘theirs’, reporting is governed by journalistic professional norms. However, when national interests are at stake, journalists tend to adopt a certain narrative and frame events in a way that promotes and protects these interests (Cottle, 2009; Handley & Ismail,

2010; O' Regan, 2007; Handley, 2009). Moreover, in times of transnational crises, like the current refugee crisis, the way in which an event is reported varies in different national media

(Cottle, 2009). One important factor contributing to this development is the need for the reporting to respond to the national norms and culture (Cottle, 2009). With that in mind and taking into consideration the questions regarding national security that have been raised as a result of the large influx of refugees, we expect that the ‘national narratives’ will prevail when it comes to the coverage of the crisis.

This massive displacement of populations, which started in the summer of 2015 and is still ongoing, transformed the status quo of the European borders and rose a public discourse

FRAMING OF NATION STATES IN THE LIGHT OF THE REFUGEE CRISIS regarding what the next step towards dealing with the crisis should be. The extent to which national identity influences the coverage of the refugee crisis as well as the attribution of responsibility, depends on the countries themselves and the structure of their public sphere.

However, as the refugee crisis constitutes a European ‘puzzle’, it is expected that the media coverage will be inextricably related to the vision and attitude of each country towards the evolution of the European Union. In this spirit, the three countries that were selected for this study, namely Germany, Greece and the United Kingdom, represent a different mind-set towards the European construction.

In the German case, European integration has always been in Germany’s essential interests, something that Bulmer addressed as Europeanization of German politics

(Marcussen, Risse, Engelmann- Martin, Knopf & Roscher, 1999). The end of the World War

II left the German state in need of a new identity, cut off from its nationalistic past. This void was covered by the development of a Europe- oriented nation state identity (Marcussen et al.,

1999). In this spirit, Germany appears to desire further integration and empowerment of the

European Union and its institutions (Wimmel, 2009). On the other hand, the United Kingdom has always been sceptical and reserved towards its participation in the European Union. Over twenty years since the UK’s entry in the European Communities, and Britain is still considered as ‘the awkward partner’, who is ‘semi- detached’ from the European Union

(Marcussen et al., 1999). Regarding identities, in the case of Britain there is still a very prominent division between ‘us’ (England) and ‘them’ (the Continent). This feeling expands in the political discourse as well, where Europe is considered nothing more than a friendly other (Marcussen et al., 1999). Thus, any further empowerment of the European institutions and political cooperation are rather undesirable for the United Kingdom (Wimmel, 2009).

Last but not least, in regards with Greece, the national identity serves as a reminder of belonging to the in- group and not the outgroup, while the European identity is understood

FRAMING OF NATION STATES IN THE LIGHT OF THE REFUGEE CRISIS as a status of cooperation, interaction and sharing common benefits with other nations (Sereti,

2004). The ethnocentrism of the Greek media that stems from the supremacy of national identity acts as a restraint to further integration (Samaras, 2007).

Drawing from this theoretical background and bearing in mind that an effective

European solution to the crisis might demand further integration and granting part of sovereignty and control to European institutions, it is expected that the German press is more likely to promote a European solution to the refugee crisis and thus build up a narrative, in which the European Union is presented as an entity. On the other hand, the United Kingdom, as it already abstains from several European institutions, is more likely to view the European

Union not as an entity but as a flawed supranational organisation where each of the members promote their national interests against the Union’s founding principles and thus, count on a national solution to the refugee crisis. Finally, in the case of Greece, considering the severity of the refugee crisis as it unfolds in the Greek islands, it is expected that contrasting the former findings, Greek press will also be more likely to support a European solution.

Therefore:

H1: The European Union is more likely to be perceived as an entity in the German

and Greek compared to the British press.

H2: Germany and Greece are more likely to support a European solution to the

refugee crisis, whereas the UK is more likely to promote a national solution.

Additionally, regarding the portrayal of Greece, it is expected to be more positive in the German than in the British press. This hypothesis is built based on the views each country holds about the European Union, as well as Sumner’s definition of ethnocentrism as aforementioned. Because of Germany’s European orientation, it is expected that Greece is considered part of the in-group. On the other hand, in United

Kingdom’s case, Greece is considered to be part of the ‘other’, thus outgroup. Hence,

FRAMING OF NATION STATES IN THE LIGHT OF THE REFUGEE CRISIS due to the natural tendency to favour the in-group, the German press is more likely to be, if not positive, less negative towards Greece.

H3: The evaluation of Greece will be overall more positive in German press in

comparison to the British press.

A very important dimension of ethnocentrism is framing theory (Gurevitch, Levy &

Roeh, 1991). A frame has been defined as the central organizational idea or narrative structure, which offers meaning to an unfolding flow of events (Gamson & Modigliani, 1989).

By the process of framing, some aspects of an issue are stressed against some others and are, thus, rendered able to offer a certain meaning to the issue (Entman, 1993). In his study,

Entman (1993) recognizes several functions when it comes to framing, which are summarized as follows; definition of the problem, diagnose of the cause, moral judgments and recommendation of treatment. Furthermore, interpretative frameworks serve two purposes; they constitute on the one hand the way in which news is structured and on the other hand the way the audience perceives reality (de Vreese, 2005). Therefore, they are distinguished in frames used by the media and individual frames, thus intellectual constructions that each member of the audience calls forth to process and comprehend incoming information (de

Vreese, 2005; Cappella & Jamieson, 19971).

When it comes to the typology of news framing, scholars have not reached a consensus regarding the identification of news frames (de Vreese, 2005). Nevertheless, researchers have distinguished two main types of framing; namely the issue- specific and generic news frames

(de Vreese, Boomgaarden & Semetko, 2011). The issue- specific frames refer and are applicable only to certain topics or situations (de Vreese, 2005). On the contrary, generic framing is not subject to theme- related boundaries and can be spotted throughout different

1 This distinction provokes the vital question; to what extent the frames generated by the media influence the way certain cognitive structures are activated on an individual level, hence affect the audience’s perception of reality. Several past studies have found evidence that indeed different interpretative frameworks carry the capacity to affect individual perceptions and consequently public opinion (Kahneman & Trevsky, 1984; Iyengar, 1991; Aarøe, 2011).

FRAMING OF NATION STATES IN THE LIGHT OF THE REFUGEE CRISIS topics, time periods as well as cultural contexts (de Vreese, 2005). Several studies have focused on generic framing. Iyengar (1991) who studied the effects of news reporting on the way the audience evaluate politicians and attribute responsibility for the ills of society, distinguished two main framing types: thematic and episodic. Episodic interpretative framework focuses on specific events, while thematic framing examines political and social issues without isolating them from the broader context. A different approach to generic framing was made by Neuman, Just and Crigler (1992) who identified several main types of framing commonly used in news reporting including ‘conflict’, ‘economic consequences’,

‘human impact’ and ‘morality’ frames (Semetko & Valkenburg, 2000). Drawing from the aforementioned studies by Iyengar (1991) and Neuman et al. (1992) as well as the theoretical work of several other scholars, Semetko and Valkenburg (2000) constructed a generic framing typology that consists of five frames. In particular, they identified the ‘conflict frame’, ‘human interest frame’, ‘economic consequences frame’, ‘morality frame’ and last but not least ‘responsibility’ frame.

The present study is based on the typology of generic frames as developed by Semetko and Valkenburg (2000). More specifically, the focus of this analysis lies on the use of responsibility framing in the coverage of Greece with regard to the refugee crisis, as well as other countries involved in and affected by the refugee crisis. The rationale that guided the choice of this frame, is that it responds better to a crisis situation. By definition, a crisis as ‘an event for which people seek causes and make attributions’ (Coombs and Holladay, 2004, p.

97), justifies the tendency of news media to adopt the ‘blame game’ and place responsibility for the crisis (Seon- Kyoung and Gower, 2009). According to the Semetko and Valkenburg typology, the responsibility frame refers to stressing the aspects of an issue in a way that attributes responsibility for either causing or coping with it, to an individual, a group or the government.

FRAMING OF NATION STATES IN THE LIGHT OF THE REFUGEE CRISIS

H4a: Compared to the Greek press, the responsibility framing of Greece will be

more prevalent in the German and British press.

H4b: The responsibility framing of Greece will be higher in the British compared

to the German press.

Furthermore, in the study by Semetko and Valkenburg (2000), the ‘attribution of responsibility’ while also very popular in the sensational press, it appeared to be the most widely used frame in quality newspapers. Drawing from this conclusion, we will indicatively test for within- country differences in the Greek press. It is expected that the responsibility framing will be more widely used in the quality newspapers.

H5: The responsibility framing of Greece will be slightly more prominent in the

Greek quality newspapers than in the Greek tabloid.

The coverage of the European refugee crisis, besides the attribution of responsibility, is defined by the dynamics of events and is loaded with features of compassion. As the reporting passes from a crisis itself to its causes and responsible actors and the dominant narratives are formulated, processes of counter- framing also make their appearance (Samaras, 2009).

Therefore, in the study we focus not only on the responsibility framing of states, but also the victim framing. The function of each of the frames, results to different portrayals of nation states that directly influence the nation image. When used in crisis situations, the victim frame is in constant and inevitable interaction with responsibility attribution (Seon- Kyoung and

Gower, 2009). The victim frame as employed in this study, focuses on the humanistic side of the issue, in an effort to dramatise the situation, bringing an emotional angle to the presentation of an event. For this study, we look into the images of nation- states, thus ‘the cognitive representation that a person holds of a given country, what a person believes to be true about a nation and its people’ (Kunczik, 2001). Therefore, we will in particular look into

FRAMING OF NATION STATES IN THE LIGHT OF THE REFUGEE CRISIS the victim framing of people, the government and all the elements that constitute a nation- state. Victim framing presents many similarities to the human interest frame, as defined by

Semetko and Valkenburg (2000). Even though human interest frame was not entirely applicable in this study, it guided us through our expectations regarding victim framing.

Particularly, it has been found that the human interest frame is notably more prominent in the

‘sensational’, thus ‘tabloid’ press (Semetko and Valkenburg, 2000; Van Cauwenberge,

Geldens and Joris, 2009). Based on this knowledge, we expect the victim framing to be more prominent in the tabloids, compared to quality newspapers. Moreover, research has shown that internationally oriented reporting tends to adopt more pragmatic frames, as consequences or responsibility, whereas in nationally oriented reporting the human interest is more present

(Van Cauwenberge et al., 2009). Europe as a whole is facing one of the most severe crises of the past decades. Nevertheless, Greece remains one of the countries that have been most affected. To that spirit, it is expected that in the Greek press, the refugee crisis will be treated as a rather national crisis and therefore the human interest frame will be more widely used.

On the other hand, when it comes to German and British press, it is expected that the framing process will more likely be focused on responsibility attribution. Building on the aforementioned theories, the following hypotheses will be examined:

H6a: In comparison to the British and German press, the victim framing of Greece

will be more prominent in the Greek press.

H6b: The victim framing of Greece will be more prominent in the German press,

compared to the British one.

Methodology

The rising interest in framing theory has resulted to a vast number of methods for identifying media frames and their effects (David, Atun, Fille & Monterola, 2011; Matthes, 2009). The

FRAMING OF NATION STATES IN THE LIGHT OF THE REFUGEE CRISIS focus of the present study lied on nation images projected by the media and furthermore, in a comparison between media outlets from Germany, Greece and the United Kingdom.

Therefore, a manual quantitative content analysis was employed.

Sample

For this research, press from Germany, Greece and the United Kingdom was examined. In particular, from each country, we selected two quality newspapers and one tabloid. The choice of quality newspapers was made after consideration of mainly two factors: circulation as well as political orientation. The chosen newspapers are some of the most popular and high on sales in their genre. Furthermore, for each country under examination, quality newspapers from opposing sides of the political spectrum were preferred in order to avoid biased results and to be able to make generalizable conclusions regarding the national coverage of the refugee crisis. Additionally, for the sample, we chose to use Sunday papers, where applicable, or weekend editions. The rationale behind this choice, is that in the case of Greece and

Germany, the weekend editions tend to report important events of the whole week, presented in a more extensive and analytical manner. Last but not least, research has indicated that weekly editions appear to have similar variation in content measures as daily ones (Lacy,

Robinson & Riffe, 1995), therefore offer a very similar portrayal of events. Regarding the

British press, even though daily newspapers demonstrate higher sales we had to follow the rule of Sunday newspapers sampling. To reach our choice of outlets, we also took into consideration the circulation, choosing newspapers that present the higher sales. Therefore, from the German quality press, ‘Süddeutsche Zeitung’ (centre – left) and ‘Die Welt’ (centre – right, moderately conservative) were selected. From British and Greek press, ‘Sunday

Telegraph’ (right – wing, conservative), ‘The Observer’ (centre – left) and ‘Kathimerini’

(right – wing), ‘I Efimerida ton Syntakton’ (centre – left) were selected respectively. In the selection of tabloids, the main criteria were popularity but also availability, which led to the

FRAMING OF NATION STATES IN THE LIGHT OF THE REFUGEE CRISIS choice of ‘Bild’ (Germany), ‘The Mail on Sunday’ (UK) and ‘Proto Thema’ (Greece). From these newspapers, only articles that have a direct reference to the current refugee crisis were analysed.

News articles were retrieved in various ways. The German outlets were partly available on LexisNexis. To find the articles we used the search-terms ‘Flüchtling OR

Geflüchtete Asylsuchende’. Our search in the newspaper ‘Die Welt’ resulted in 327 articles with the refugee crisis as the main topic, out of which 78 were randomly selected. In ‘Die

Süddeutsche Zeitung’ our search resulted in 122 related articles, out of which a sample of 79 was randomly selected. Finally, the ‘BILD am Sonntag’ was found in hard copy version in the library archive of the ‘Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin’. In this case, the issues were scanned manually using the same search criteria. From each issue, approximately two articles were randomly selected, resulting in 75 articles. The British newspapers were all available on the digital database Lexis Nexis. The terms used for the search were ‘refugees OR refugee crisis’.

The term ‘migrant’ was also used in the first search. However, because of the timelessness of the migration situation in the United Kingdom, the majority of the results were irrelevant to our object of interest. Therefore, the term ‘migrant’ was dropped. The Greek newspapers were not available in Lexis Nexis. After contacting the newspapers’ offices, we were offered free access to the online archive of ‘Kathimerini’. Because of time restriction we did not manage to find a similar solution for the other newspapers on time and ‘I Efimerida ton

Syntakton’ and ‘Proto Thema’ were bought from the online platform ‘www.readpoint.com’.

The terms used for the search of the articles were ‘πρόσφυγες ή προσφυγική κρίση’, which are the equivalent of ‘refugees OR refugee crisis’ in Greek.

Time Frame

The European refugee crisis started already in 2015, when more than a million migrants and refugees attempted the treacherous journey to Europe. The time frame we chose for this study

FRAMING OF NATION STATES IN THE LIGHT OF THE REFUGEE CRISIS begins from the first of July 2015 and ends on the twenty-fourth of April in 2016, which resulted in a sample consisting of 43 issues2 per newspaper (1st July 2015- 24th April 2016).

The number of papers differed in the case of Greece because of strikes of journalists’ association, giving us 37 issues of ‘Kathimerini’, 36 of ‘I Efimerida ton Syntakton’ and 39 of

‘Proto Thema’. Defining our time frame was accompanied by some difficult choices. The final decision was guided by our wish to include in our sampling period, events that played a vital part in the configuration of the disposition of the press towards the refugee crisis itself as well as the construction of nations’ images. Indicatively, we wanted to include in our sample, the publishing of the picture of the dead kid in the shore Alan Kurdi, the Paris attacks, the

Köln attacks and finally the agreement of the European Union with Turkey about controlling the influx of refugees through Greece. The final sample consisted of 684 articles3 related to the refugee crisis.

Coding Procedure

The first step of this research consisted of the collection, overview and processing of the newspapers from 1st July 2015 until 24th of April 2016. Τhe processing of the outlets was a combined effort of a native German speaker and a Greek one, both of which are fluent in

English. The newspapers were thus distributed equally among the coders. With the help of a codebook we processed the retrieved articles which referred to the current refugee crisis. This codebook was constructed by some ‘borrowed’ from past studies variables, as well as some

2 The selection of articles from the retrieved outlets differed according to the database they were retrieved from. For the articles found in Lexis Nexis we used systematic sampling, coding every 3 or 4 articles as they appeared in the search results, depending on the total number of articles. For the rest of the newspapers, we decided to code 2 to 3 articles per issue. The articles were randomly selected from a pool of articles related to our research topic. 3 These 684 articles were distributed among the selected newspapers as follows; 79 articles from ‘Süddeutsche Zeitung am Sonntag’, 75 from ‘Die Welt am Sonntag’, 78 from the ‘Bild’, 79 were from ‘the Sunday Telegraph’, 71 were from ‘the Observer’, 74 were from ‘the Sunday Mail’, 76 were from ‘Kathimerini’, 77 were from ‘I Efimerida ton Syntakton’ and 75 from ‘Proto Thema’.

FRAMING OF NATION STATES IN THE LIGHT OF THE REFUGEE CRISIS newly invented categories that served our research purposes. Our final coding manual consisted of two parts.

The first part included the categories which referred to the article characteristics, framing of the refugee crisis itself, as well as the reference of the article to Greece. More specifically, in this stage we coded the placement of the article, namely the page number on which it was published, its size, the type of publication, namely if it constitutes a pure news article, a background analysis, an interviews or an opinion piece, and the sources present in ithe article. In this stage, the image of the European Union was also coded. Το measure EU image, we coded the suggested degree of unity and cooperation between member states. The coding options were the following five: portrayal of EU as a united entity (7%), EU divided in groups of countries (6.6%), EU as an entity where nation- states act independently according to their own interests (8.5%), EU mentioned in the article but without an evaluation (30.6%) and no reference to the EU (47.3%). Subsequently, the framing of refugees was coded in terms of intruder and victim framing. However, this part of the codebook was not used in the analysis of the present study. Last but not least, reference to Greece was coded using 3 categories, namely the centrality of reference, the actor that is mentioned in the article, as well as the evaluation of the actor. For the items measuring the evaluation of actors, 5-point scales were used, with values ranging from -2 as very negative to +2 as very positive, depending on whether or not intense evaluative judgments were to be found in the articles.

The second part of the codebook focused on the presence of interpretative frameworks in the reference of nation states. As aforementioned, the focal point of this study lies in the responsibility attribution as well as the victim framing of nation states and other entities we included in our analysis, which was considered to be the antipode of responsibility attribution.

In this stage of coding, we divided responsibility attribution in two items, namely responsibility for creating or maintaining the refugee crisis by not providing effective

FRAMING OF NATION STATES IN THE LIGHT OF THE REFUGEE CRISIS solutions and responsibility for dealing with the crisis. Each of these variables was followed by a question regarding the nature of the responsible actor. Subsequently, the presence of victim framing was coded, assessing to what extent each of the coded countries was presented as a victim of the current circumstances. To measure the occurrence of responsibility and victim frames we used 3 answer options, not present – present – very present. However, in the analysis, the framing variables were recoded into binary variables, by merging the present- very present options.

Reliability Analysis

To make sure the coding procedure was reliable, before examining the hypotheses, an inter- coder reliability analysis was conducted using all the variables of the analysis. Out of the operational sample of 684 published articles, 64 cases were selected for the inter – coder reliability analysis, using percent agreement and the Krippendorff's Alpha, which have been found to be the most accurate estimators of coding reliability (Hayes & Krippendorf, 2007).

The factor that defined the selection of articles was mainly the language, which had to be fluently spoken by both coders. Therefore, the reliability analysis was based only on articles from the British press. The results indicated that the majority of our variables were reliable, taking into consideration that the KALPHA was higher than .80. Nevertheless, the results also indicated some problematic variables. Firstly, in the objective scale measuring victim- intruder framing of refugees the statements about moral duty to help refugees and the use of victim metaphors, gave us a KALPHA of .54 and .65 respectively. The low reliability results can be explained by the subjective nature of the judgment regarding what constitutes appeal to moral duty and emotionally charged use of metaphors, as well as by the difficulty to distinguish between the answer options ‘a little’ and ‘yes’. Another variable that indicated relatively low reliability results was the one recording the responsible actor for creating or not dealing successfully with the crisis, indicating a KALPHA of .64. An explanation for this

FRAMING OF NATION STATES IN THE LIGHT OF THE REFUGEE CRISIS result is the number of responses, as this question was double- filtered resulting to a number of responses smaller than the number of cases in the sample. However, mainly due to time restrictions, we decided to include these variables in our analysis, holding some reservations about the generalisability of the final results. The analytical results of the reliability tests are presented in Appendix II.

Data Analysis

In order to examine the first hypothesis, descriptive statistics were used. In particular, a crosstab analysis was conducted, using the image of the E.U. variable (nominal) and newspapers variable (nominal). For our third hypothesis, because of the dependent variable violating the normality assumption, we employed a non- parametric test to conduct a comparison between different groups. Particularly, two Mann- Whitney U tests were run, using the country of origin of the outlets as a grouping variable and the evaluation of Greek politicians and citizens as dependent variables. The rest of the hypotheses were analysed using binary logistic regressions.

Moreover, to test the second hypothesis, we ran a logistic regression after splitting the dataset according to the country of origin of the outlets. In this model, attribution of responsibility for handling the refugee crisis was used as a dependent variable. Using the variable of countries mentioned in the article, we selected references to Germany, Greece,

United Kingdom and European Union and after recoding them into dummies, they were used as independent variables. For the analysis of hypotheses 4a and 4b we recoded the responsibility framing variable into a binary, selecting only the cases in which Greece was coded. Using the aforementioned variable as dependent variable and the binary variables of newspaper outlets as independent we ran the binary logistic regression. For hypothesis 5, another logistic regression was conducted, where the responsibility framing of Greece was

FRAMING OF NATION STATES IN THE LIGHT OF THE REFUGEE CRISIS used a dependent variable. For this hypothesis, the variable newspaper outlet, was recoded into 3 dummy variables, after selecting only the Greek newspaper. The recoded dummies were inserted as independent variables in the model. Similar process was followed for the hypotheses regarding victim framing.

Results

H1: The European Union is more likely to be perceived as an entity in the German and

Greek compared to the British press.

In order to test our first hypothesis, a cross- tabulation analysis was employed. For the analysis we only took into consideration the articles that carried a reference and an evaluation of the European Union, which summed 755 across the newspapers outlets.

The results indicated that there is a significant relationship between that country of origin of the newspaper and the portrayal of the European Union (p<.001), but this relationship is moderate (Cramer’s V= .30).

Table 1. Portrayal of the European Union

German newspapers English newspapers Greek newspapers E.U. characterised by unity and 43.3% 32.7% 25.8% equality E.U. divided in 56.7% 20% 25.8% groups of countries Every member state 0% 47.3% 48.5% for itself Total number of 150 275 330 articles (N)

Particularly, the analysis indicated that in the German press, the majority of articles portrayed the European Union as divided in groups of countries (56.7%). Nevertheless, about 43% of

FRAMING OF NATION STATES IN THE LIGHT OF THE REFUGEE CRISIS the articles perceived European Union as an entity defined by unity and equality among the member states. These percentages, as presented in Table 1, differed considerably in the case of Greece. The majority of articles portray the E.U. as a union in which member states act according to their national interests (48.5%), while 25.8% of the articles depicts the European

Union as divided in groups of countries. In turn, the rest 25.8% portrayed the E.U. as a unity.

When it comes to the British press, the majority of articles presented E.U. in an ‘every member for itself’ way (47.3%). About 20% of the articles portrayed the European Union divided in groups of countries. Finally, the European Union was characterised by unity and equality in about 33% of the examined articles. Therefore, the first hypothesis was partly supported. In the German press, unity of the E.U. was indeed more prominent than in the case of the United Kingdom. Nevertheless, the hypothesis was not confirmed in portrayals of the

Union in the Greek press.

H2: German and Greek press are more likely to support a European solution to the refugee crisis, whereas the British press is more likely to promote a national solution.

This hypothesis4 was tested using a logistic regression. The tests of the full models against constant only models were statistically significant, indicating that the predictors reliably predicted the likelihood of occurrence of the responsibility attribution framing

(χ2= 71.473, p < .001 with df = 4; χ2= 56.384, p < .001 with df = 4; χ2= 78.826, p < .001 with df = 4). In the case of German press, the model explained 25.2% (Nagelkerke R2) of the variance in the responsibility framing of the E.U. and national government and correctly classified 78.2% of cases. The corresponding model about the British press explained 14% of the variance in the dependent variable and classified correctly 70% of the cases. Finally, when it comes to Greece, 20% of the variance was explained, while

4 This model was also ran using ideological background of the newspaper outlets as an independent variable. The analysis indicated that ideological background of the newspaper does not significantly predict the occurrence of responsibility framing (p>.05).

FRAMING OF NATION STATES IN THE LIGHT OF THE REFUGEE CRISIS

67% of cases were classified correctly. In particular, as presented in Table 2, results

indicated that in the German press, the chance of appearance of the responsibility

framing is higher when there is reference of the European Union compared to when the

national government is mentioned. When it comes to Greece, the responsibility of

dealing with the crisis also increases when there is reference to the European Union,

confirming our expectations. Finally, in the British press, the responsibility frame is also

more likely to occur in combination with a reference to the EU, compared to the British

government. Therefore, our hypothesis appears to be partly supported. Indeed, in the

Greek and German press attribution of responsibility for solving the refugee crisis is

more likely to appear in references of the European Union, but the same results were

witnessed for the British press.

Table 2. Predictors of Responsibility Framing Occurrence

P- Odds Model B SE value ratio

German EU 2.902 .384 .00 18.217

Nat. Government 1.294 .311 .00 3.646

British EU 1.834 .271 .00 6.206

Nat. Government 1.006 .256 .00 2.733

Greek EU 2.423 .348 .00 11.280

Nat. Government .078 .219 .72 1.081

The attribution of responsibility was further analysed with a cross- tabulation analysis,

which indicated a significant relationship between the variables (χ2 <.001). The results

of the crosstab, are analytically presented in Chart 1. This analysis indicated that the

pattern of responsibility attribution appears to differ across the three countries.

FRAMING OF NATION STATES IN THE LIGHT OF THE REFUGEE CRISIS

Chart 1.

RESPONSIBILITY FOR SOLVING THE CRISIS

Non- European Countries Other European countries Responsibility for solving the refugee crisis on the national government Responsibility for solving the crisis on the European Union 100% 11,50% 14,10% 90% 33,90% 80% 12,50% 70% 28,50% 9,60% 60% 38,50% 50% 25,00% 31,40% 40% 30%

20% 37,50% 32,40% 34,70% 10% 0% GERMAN PRESS BRITISH PRESS GREEK PRESS

Particularly, attribution of responsibility to the European Union seems to be the highest in the

German press (37.5%), followed by the Greek (34.7%) and lastly by the British press

(32.4%). When it comes to the national government, contrary to our expectations, the United

Kingdom presents the lowest percentage (25%). However, the responsibility attribution to other European countries is more prominent in the British press (28.5%) with a percentage that is almost triple of the corresponding percentage of Greek press 5 and slightly more than double of the percentage in the German outlet. We can therefore conclude that in the UK press, attribution of responsibility to national government is prominent, but not when it comes to the British government. This finding is in line with the theory of the in- group, outgroup

5 In the Greek press, the percentage of responsibility attribution to non- European countries was approximately 34%, which is quite high compared to German and British press. Particularly, the majority of the non- European references in terms of responsibility attribution concern Turkey and the agreement with the E.U. regarding control of the refugee influx. This percentage can be explained by the historical rivalry between Greece and Turkey which lurked in most of the articles about the refugee crisis in the Greek outlets.

FRAMING OF NATION STATES IN THE LIGHT OF THE REFUGEE CRISIS theory as outlined in reference to European identities in the theoretical section. Nevertheless, it does not confirm our hypothesis.

H3: The evaluation of Greece will be overall more positive in German press in comparison to the British press.

Before proceeding with the analysis, a test of normality was conducted, in order to ensure that the normal distribution criterion was met in all groups of the independent variable. The results of the Kolmogorov- Smirnov test, indicated that the normality hypothesis was rejected

(p<.05), thus, we resorted to a non- parametric test. To test whether the evaluation of Greece differed significantly in the German press compared to the British one, we employed two

Mann- Whitney U tests, using the evaluation of political actors and Greek citizens as dependent variables respectively. In both tests the country of origin of the outlets was used as independent variable. The results indicated a significant difference between the German and

British press in the evaluation of political actors (one- sided p= .028). Indeed, the evaluation of political actors was slightly more neutral in the German compared to the British press.

Difference in the evaluation of Greek citizens was marginally not significant, with the evaluation being more positive in the British press. Therefore, the third hypothesis was partly supported. The evaluation of Greece was more positive in the German press, but only when it came to the political actors.

Table 3. Comparison of the evaluation of Greece in German and British press

Dependent Standard Mann- Outlets Mean p- value Variables Deviation Whitney U

Evaluation of German 00 .50 205.5 .028

FRAMING OF NATION STATES IN THE LIGHT OF THE REFUGEE CRISIS

politicians English -.35 .69

Evaluation of German .42 .79 18.0 .055 citizens English .80 .42

H4a: Compared to the Greek press, the responsibility framing of Greece will be more prevalent in the German and British press.

H4b: The responsibility framing of Greece will be higher in the British compared to the

German press.

These hypotheses were tested using logistic regression analysis. The test of the full model against a constant only model was statistically significant, indicating that the independent variable reliably predicted the likelihood of occurrence of the responsibility attribution framing (χ2 = 164.787, p < .001 with df =2). The model explained 11% of the variance while 92% of the cases were correctly classified. The first model was run, using the Greek press as a reference group indicated that the likelihood of attributing responsibility to Greece was lower in the German (B= -2.039, Exp(B)=.130, p<.001) and British (B= -1.293, Exp(B)=.275, p<.001) compared to the Greek press. Therefore, hypothesis 4a is rejected. Contrary to our expectations, the responsibility framing of

Greece was most prominent in the Greek press. In a further comparison between the

British and German press, which is presented in Table 4, it was indicated that the appearance of Greece in terms of responsibility was more likely to occur in the British press (Exp(B) = 2.110, p<.001), when compared to the German press, where the likelihood of the responsibility framing of Greece occurring is the lowest. Hence, hypothesis 4b was supported as indeed the responsibility framing of Greece was higher in the British press, compared to the German one.

FRAMING OF NATION STATES IN THE LIGHT OF THE REFUGEE CRISIS

Table 4.

Predictors of Responsibility Framing of Greece Occurrence

B SE P-value Odds ratio

British Press .747 .232 .001 2.110

Constant -3.668 .188 .000 .026

1In this model, German Press was used as a reference category.

H5: The responsibility framing of Greece will be slightly more prominent in the Greek quality newspapers than in the Greek tabloid6.

To test this hypothesis, we used a logistic regression. Testing the full model against a constant model only, indicated significance confirming that the predictor reliably predicted the likelihood of occurrence of the responsibility attribution to Greece (χ2 =

15.916, p <.001 with df =2). The overall success of prediction reached 65.2%. As outlined in Table 5, newspaper I Efimerida ton Syntakton was significantly less likely to suggest attribution of responsibility to Greece, compared to Proto Thema, indicating significance <.05. Kathimerini also appeared to be less likely to attribute responsibility to Greece. Nevertheless, this likelihood was marginally not significant. Furthermore, the results indicated that the responsibility framing of Greece is the most likely to occur in the Greek tabloid, compared to both right and left quality newspapers, which indicated odds ratios values of .512 and .235 respectively. As a result, our hypothesis that responsibility framing of Greece would be more prominent in the quality press is not supported.

Table 5.

6The same regression analysis was conducted using the British outlets. The results indicated significance of the model as a whole (χ2 = 11.341, p = .03 with df =1) and the overall success of prediction was 92%. However, the prediction of responsibility framing was significant only in the case of the Sunday Telegraph (p = .006, Exp(B) = .505). Therefore, applied in the British press, this hypothesis is partly supported with the responsibility framing of Greece being more prominent in the centre-right quality newspaper. 25

FRAMING OF NATION STATES IN THE LIGHT OF THE REFUGEE CRISIS

Occurrence of Responsibility Framing of Greece in Quality Newspapers and Tabloids

P- Odds B SE value ratio Kathimerini -.670 .385 .081 .512

I Efimerida ton Syntakton -1.450 .375 .000 .235

Constant 1.045 .267 .000 2.842

1In this model, the newspaper outlet Proto Thema was used as a reference category.

H6a: In comparison to the British and German press, the victim framing of Greece will be more prominent in the Greek press.

H6b: The victim framing of Greece will be more prominent in the German press, compared to the British one.

To examine these hypotheses, we used logistic regression. The first step before running the analysis was recoding the victim framing variable, selecting only the cases in which Greece was coded and reducing the answer options into two, by merging present and very present options. The new variable, victim framing of Greece was used as a dependent in this model.

The dummy variables of the outlets’ countries of origin were used as independent. A test of the model against a constant only model, showed significance (χ2 = 13.656, p = .001 with df

=2). About 7% of variance was explained by the model, while 62% of the cases were correctly classified. Running the model using Greek press as a reference category indicated that victim framing is less likely to occur in the German press (p= .013, Exp(B)=.249), but more likely to appear in the British press (Exp(B)= 1.781). Nevertheless, the difference when it came to the British press, was marginally significant (p=.051). Therefore, hypothesis 5a was partly confirmed as victim framing appears more often in the Greek press, only in comparison to the German press. Moreover, in a comparison using German press as a reference category

FRAMING OF NATION STATES IN THE LIGHT OF THE REFUGEE CRISIS as presented in Table 6, it was found that victim framing is more likely to appear in the

British press (p =.001, Exp(B) = 7.154). Therefore, hypothesis 5b was not supported.

Table 6.

Predictors of Victim Framing of Greece Occurrence

B SE P-value Odds ratio

British Press 1.968 .602 .001 7.154

Greek Press 1.391 .560 .013 4.018

Constant -1.792 .540 .001 .167

1In this model the German press was used as a reference category.

Discussion & Conclusion

This study was an attempt to assess how are nation images, as well as the portrayal of

European Union influenced in the light of the current refugee crisis, focusing on the question of responsibility. We aimed our attention on the national press of Germany, Greece and the

United Kingdom, knowing that these are three countries with an entirely different approach to the European Union and thus, would attribute responsibility differently amongst the countries/ actors involved in the crisis. For this purpose, we focused on theories regarding the ethnocentricity of the press leading to in- group bias in reporting (Müller, 2013; Duckitt et al.,

2005), as well as the process of framing in news reporting. When it comes to framing, we chose to direct our analysis towards the generic frame which is most commonly used in times of crisis, namely the responsibility attribution (Coombs and Holladay, 2004) and victim framing (Samaras, 2009).

The first finding is related to the depiction of the European Union in the sampled articles. Particularly, it was found, that in the German outlets, the European Union was presented as a unity more often compared to the British press, as hypothesised, but also

FRAMING OF NATION STATES IN THE LIGHT OF THE REFUGEE CRISIS compared to the Greek press. Contrary to our expectations, the dominant assessment of the

E.U. in the Greek press was that of a ‘fractured’ union where member- states serve their national interests, which are placed above the overall interest of the E.U. However, this finding was not entirely surprising. Its roots can be traced in the coverage of the financial crisis in the European media, as well as the way Greece’s partner countries handled the crisis.

Moreover, at the dawn of the financial crisis, the first reaction of the European Union was characterised by inertia, which came with a massive price, as valuable time was lost and the crisis turned into a financial disaster (Kaitatzi-Whitlock, 2014). Accordingly, the coverage of

Greece in the international press was dominated by an anti -Hellenic campaign (Kaitatzi-

Whitlock, 2014). This experience can be held responsible for the lack of trust towards the

European Union on Greece’s part and thus the portrayal of E.U. in terms of inequality, division and lack of solidarity.

The hypothesis regarding a European solution to the refugee crisis, only found partial support. This hypothesis was based on UK’s attitudes towards the European Union in general, its abstention from several European institutions and its lack of desire for further integration

(Marcussen et al. 1999; Wimmel, 2009). Analysis indicated that promoting a European solution to the refugee crisis, was not only trait of the German and Greek press, but also the

British one. However, taking a closer look to the further analysis, it is revealed that in the

British press there also is much higher percentage of responsibility attribution to other

European countries, compared to the German and Greek press. To that extent, the results were in line with the theory. The British press was more likely to attribute responsibility for solving the crisis on a European level. Nevertheless, taking into consideration the high percentage of responsibility attribution to other European countries, we can conclude that in the UK press responsibility attribution to national governments is very visible, but not when it comes to the

British government. Regarding the generalisation of this finding, it should be taken into

FRAMING OF NATION STATES IN THE LIGHT OF THE REFUGEE CRISIS consideration, that the two categories were not mutually exclusive. The responsibility attribution was coded differently for each country mentioned in the article. Therefore, in several articles, responsibility was attributed to both the European Union and the national government.

Moving further to the evaluation of Greece, results indicated that the evaluation of

Greece differed significantly between the German and British press. However, contrary to our expectations, the evaluation was more positive in the German press only when it came to political actors. The evaluation of citizens was more positive in the British outlets. Taking a closer look at the results, we can see that the evaluations of both government and citizens in the German press are closer to neutral. A possible explanation for this outcome could be that in the British press, the percentage of opinion articles (24%) was noticeably higher in comparison with both the German (11%) and the Greek press (14%). According to McQuail

(1992), the principle of objectivity requires a coherent distinction between the presentation of events and their commenting. And although objectivity is a normative standard, it is not entirely implemented. To the extent it is implemented, the reporting of hard news is directed by the dynamic of events and at times the sources, whereas opinion articles are led by the journalistic point of view (Samaras, Iordanidou & Dogani, 2016). Therefore, the different allocation of articles across varying types of publication, and in particular higher number of opinion pieces in the British outlets could have functioned as a magnifying glass when it comes to evaluative judgements, either positive or negative. Furthermore, when it comes to the evaluation of political actors, more negativity in the British press can be justified by UK’s stances towards the E.U. and by extension to other member states, as well as our findings regarding responsibility attribution on the Greek government, which are described in the following paragraphs.

FRAMING OF NATION STATES IN THE LIGHT OF THE REFUGEE CRISIS

According to our analysis, the attribution of responsibility to Greece was more prominent in the British compared to the German press, confirming our expectations. Overall, our results indicate a more ‘favourable’ treatment of Greece in the German press, which is consistent with the theoretical background. However, when it comes to responsibility attribution to Greece being lower in the national press, our hypotheses were contradicted. In an attempt to reason our finding, a crosstab analysis was ran using the Greek newspaper outlets and the responsibility framing of Greece. The results indicated that the majority of responsibility attributions were present in the right newspapers. Looking back into Hallin and

Mancini’s classification of media systems, Greece is a typical example of the Mediterranean

(Polarized Pluralist) model. One of the main characteristics of this model is political parallelism, thus the existence of links between media outlets and certain political- ideological camps (Brüggerman, Engesser, Büchel, Humprecht & Castro, 2014). The associations with certain ideologies influence news reporting, bringing political bias in the equation. Therefore, we can assume that in this hypothesis, political parallelism overarched what was described as an in-group bias in the theoretical section. Repeating the analysis for within- country differences in the occurrence of responsibility framing, it was revealed that attribution of responsibility to Greece is more likely to appear in the Greek tabloid, compared to both quality newspapers contradicting our expectations. However, when the same analysis was conducted in the British press, the results were in line with the Semetko and Valkenburg’s finding (2000), thus the responsibility frame was more widely used in the quality press.

Taking these discoveries into consideration, as well as the right ideological background of

Proto Thema and the leftish roots of the Greek government, political parallelism in the Greek media could be the cause also for this hypothesis’ disconfirmation.

Finally, our hypotheses regarding the victim framing of Greece in the German, British, as well as Greek press were not entirely supported. The victim framing was found more

FRAMING OF NATION STATES IN THE LIGHT OF THE REFUGEE CRISIS present in the British press compared to both the Greek and German press. This finding could be explained with the same tools we used for the evaluation hypothesis, thus the existence of a bigger number of opinion pieces in the British press. As in opinion articles the journalistic point of view prevails (Samaras et al., 2016), we could argue that adopting a more humanistic angle on the issue was more or less subsequent.

One dubious point of this study is our choice to sample only weekend editions of newspapers. This sampling can be considered a limitation when it comes to generalisation of the results. However, as mentioned in the methodology section, this choice was guided by the fact that weekend editions tend to be longer, focusing on the important events of the whole week (Song & Chang, 2012) and providing more background analysis. To investigate the main objective of this study, we used several variables that required coding judgement and therefore needed more information in order to be coded with greater precision. This was offered by the weekend editions. Therefore, the sampling method constitutes at the same time a weakness and strength of this study. Another weakness that should be pointed out is the lack of certain variables from the codebook, which was noted during the process of coding, but time restrictions did not allow us any adjustments. One of these variables was whether or not there is a process of image building in the article. During the coding, we encountered some cases, where even though there was a negative evaluation of the country, there was no process of nation- image building. In these cases, the negativity was driven by the dynamic of the crisis developments rather than an attempt to construct a negative nation- image.

To conclude, the differences we found by comparing the coverage of the refugee crisis in the German, Greek and British press, were not the ones we expected. However, it can be argued that this study confirmed that media coverage in times of crisis is to a large extent influenced by national interests, especially when the crisis takes place in a foreign country.

Past research has shown that nation- images projected by the media do not necessarily

FRAMING OF NATION STATES IN THE LIGHT OF THE REFUGEE CRISIS coincide with the images projected by political actors, as news reporting is not a precise reflection of reality but a construction (Samaras, 2009). What this study showed is that the mediated images in crisis situations are defined by national goals. More interesting though, is that it expanded Wimmel’s findings (2009) by showing that attitudes towards the EU and its finality greatly affect reporting, not only in regards with policy debates, but also in regards with crises. These findings can constitute a useful tool that will help us predict and explain the coverage in any future European crisis. Last but not least, mediated images carry the capacity to radically change the existing image the audience holds of a certain country, cause partial alteration by adding new elements, or have no impact whatsoever when the incoming information has no influence on a strong pre-existing image. This question remains to be answered in future research.

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Αφ. (Επιμ.), Ο Οργανισμός Ηνωμένων Εθνών από την Αμφικτυονία έως τον 21ο Αιώνα,

Αθήνα: Ευρωπαϊκό Πολιτιστικό Κέντρο Δελφών – Εκδόσεις Λιβάνη.

FRAMING OF NATION STATES IN THE LIGHT OF THE REFUGEE CRISIS

Σερέτη, Ν. (2004). Μια Ποσοτική Ανάλυση της Εθνικής και Ευρωπαϊκής ταυτότητας στην

Ελλάδα. Στο Κασιμάτη, Κ. (Επιμ.), Εθνική και Ευρωπαϊκή Ταυτότητα, Συγκλίσεις και

Αποκλίσεις (σελ. 101-126). Αθήνα: Gutenberg.

FRAMING OF NATION STATES IN THE LIGHT OF THE REFUGEE CRISIS

APPENDIX I During the first stage of sampling we will use as search terms: refugee OR asylum-seeker OR migrant.

We will only code the articles that refer to the current refugee crisis and moreover to refugees that are arriving now in or moving already through Europe.

The current coding manual is divided in two parts. The first part consists of variables regarding the article itself, the refugee crisis in general as well as the role of Greece in the refugee crisis (Var. 1-17c). The second part consists of variables regarding the countries that appear as important actors in the article (Var. 18-23f). In this part, we will code up to 5 countries per article. In articles with less than 5 countries, we will code them in the order they appear in the article. When in the same article there is reference to more than one countries, we will code the five more important references in order of appearance, skipping simple references.

FIRST PART

1) Name of the coder

1= Mina

2= Renz

2) Newspaper

01= Süddeutsche Zeitung am 04= Sunday Telegraph, The 07= Kathimerini tis Kyriakis Wochenende

02= Die Welt am Sonntag 05= Observer, The 08= I Efimerida ton Syntakton

03= BILD am Sonntag 06= Mail on Sunday, The 09= Proto Thema

3) Date

Date of publication of the article (DD/MM/YYYY)

4) Serial Number

FRAMING OF NATION STATES IN THE LIGHT OF THE REFUGEE CRISIS

A number that will help us to go back to an article if needed. This number will consist of seven digits. The first two are the code number of the newspaper (VAR02), the third and fourth the day of the month of publication, the fifth and sixth refer to the month the publication was made, the next two the page number the article was on. For the articles retrieved from LexisNexis, the coding of the serial number might differ according to whether or not page number is available. In cases where page number is not available, the last two digits will be coded as 00.

When there are more than one articles on the same date, in order to maintain the uniqueness of the serial number, the last two digits will represent in which order the article was coded, starting from 00 and rising to the total number of articles on the date -1.

5) Title of the article

Copy paste the title of the article

6) Is the refugee crisis the main topic of the article?

1= yes

2= no

6b) If no, what is the main topic of the article?

Open question

7) Page number of the article

In exceptional cases in LexisNexis where the page number is not mentioned, this variable shall be coded as 00.

8) Publication Size

The size of the article can take four different values depending on the ratio of the page covered by the article. It can take 4 values:

1= up to a ¼ of the page (LN up to 200 words)

2= from ¼ to ½ of the page (LN up to 500 words)

3= from ½ to the whole page (LN up to 1000 words)

4= more than one page (LN over 1000 words)

FRAMING OF NATION STATES IN THE LIGHT OF THE REFUGEE CRISIS

9) Type of Publication

In order to distinguish between news or background analysis, the following should be taken into account. An article written by an expert (aka not a journalist) is more likely to be an opinion piece. In cases in which the article is accompanied by commentaries by the journalist, it is an opinion piece (in many cases it is stated). Finally, language cues should be taken into consideration. For example, the use of first person is usually an indication of opinion articles.

1= pure news (including only headlines)

2= background analysis

3= interview

4= opinion piece

10) Sources How many sources are presented in this article? In this question we code up to 3 sources. In cases where there are more than 3 sources, the selection will be made as following: the source with the most or longest quotations will be coded first, the second most prominent source will be coded second and so on. In cases of a tie, then the sources will be coded in order of appearance. 1-3

(DISPLAY IF THE ANSWER IN QUESTION 10 IS 1,2 OR 3)

11) The first source mentioned in the article is:

1= local politicians

2= national politicians

3= international politicians

4= experts

5= civil society representative

6= journalists

7= citizens

8= refugees

FRAMING OF NATION STATES IN THE LIGHT OF THE REFUGEE CRISIS

● 11a) If the source is a National Politician in V11, does this politician belong to the incumbents at the level that this politician is active? This means: national politician party that is in government. Local politics: the mayor of a community is also an incumbent.

1= Incumbent

2= Opposition

3= Cannot be determined

(DISPLAY IF THE ANSWER IN QUESTION 10 IS 2 OR 3)

12) The second source mentioned in the article is:

1= local politicians

2= national politicians

3= international politicians

4= experts

5= civil society representative

6= journalists

7= citizens

8= refugees

● 12a) If the source is a National Politician in V12, does this politician belong to the incumbents at the level that this politician is active? This means: national politician party that is in government. Local politics: the mayor of a community is also an incumbent.

1= Incumbent

2= Opposition

3= Cannot be determined

(DISPLAY IF THE ANSWER IN QUESTION 10 IS 3)

FRAMING OF NATION STATES IN THE LIGHT OF THE REFUGEE CRISIS

13) The third source mentioned in the article is:

1= local politicians

2= national politicians

3= international politicians

4= experts

5= civil society representative

6= journalists

7= citizens

8= refugees

● 13a) If the source is a National Politician in V13, does this politician belong to the incumbents at the level that this politician is active? This means: national politician party that is in government. Local politics: the mayor of a community is also an incumbent.

1= Incumbent

2= Opposition

3= Cannot be determined

14) Image of the European Union

This variable is an indicator of how the E.U. is presented in each article. In particular, it will show whether the union is characterized by unity or division. It can take five values. In case of contrary evaluations, the hierarchy according to which we code is; opinion stated by the article’s writer, opinion stated by the main actor in the article, opinion stated by the secondary actor of the article.

1= The E.U. is characterized by unity and equality

2= Divided in Groups of European Countries (Northern, Southern, Eastern)

3= Every country for itself

4= EU mentioned but there is no evaluation

FRAMING OF NATION STATES IN THE LIGHT OF THE REFUGEE CRISIS

5= No reference to the EU

15) Victim Framing

a. Subjective Scale: Reading the article, to which extent do you think victim framing was present in the article?

0= not present

1= present

2= very present (reference in the headline and subheads as well)

Reading the article, to which extent do you think intruder framing was present in the article?

0= not present

1= present

2= very present (reference in the headline and subheads as well) b. Objective Scale:

Framing of Refugees (how are refugees portrayed in the articles, use of control questions to form a scale after recoding either positive or negative statements, depending on the results framing leans on one side of the continuum)

Control Statements → In the control statements we use a 3 point Likert Scale (Yes, A Little, No)

1) Refugees are defined as passive people in need of help (V1) 2) Refugees are defined as active adventurers or criminals who resort to illicit practices (I1) 3) The reason why they are fleeing to Europe is because of violence, persecution, poverty (V2) 4) Refugees are a threat to “our” culture, achievements, and social devices (I2 – Symbolic Threat) 5) Refugees are a threat to our economy and infrastructure (I2 -Realistic Threat) 6) The solution lies in a humane and flexibly, cautiously and effectively applied asylum policy. (V3) 7) The solution lies in deportation of asylum seekers and a discourse oriented towards discouragement of fleeing to Europe. (I3)

FRAMING OF NATION STATES IN THE LIGHT OF THE REFUGEE CRISIS

8) The moral duty to help people in affliction calls for compassion. (V4 Empathy) 9) Protect the interests of the native people calls for aversion and distrust (I4 In- and Out- Group) 10) Metaphors/Stereotypes: Shelter, helpless and anxious victim. (V5) 11) Metaphors/Stereotypes: Hunting, fortress Europe, flood, garbage, dangerous stranger. (I5) 16) Reference to Greece

This variable indicates if there is a reference to Greece in the article. The reference can be direct (e.g. Greece) or indirect (e.g. Greek Prime Minister). This variable can take the following two values:

0= no reference

1= reference·

17) Centrality of Reference

This variable examines how important is the country reference in the publication.

1= The country is the main actor in the article.

2= Important actor but not the central subject.

3= Simple reference.

(IF THE ANSWER IS 3, THEN SKIP VARIABLES 17A, 17B, 17C. IF THE ANSWER IS 1 OR 2, CONTINUE)

● 17a) Actor If the answer to V17 is 1 or two, then is the mentioned actor is:

1= political actor

2= people/ Greek citizens

3= political actors & citizens

4= other

● 17b) Evaluation of the political actors

FRAMING OF NATION STATES IN THE LIGHT OF THE REFUGEE CRISIS

For this variable we can use a five- point scale. The nature of the event and soft judgements are coded as +1 or -1 depending if they are positive or negative. When there are intense judgements and use of adjectives then we code +2 or -2.

(E.g.: If the event is a refugee that drowned in the Aegean under the responsibility of Greek officials, it is negative and should be coded as -1. If the article takes it one step further by blaming the Greek authorities for not dealing successfully with the situation, it should be coded as -2. On the other hand, if there is a description of a positive event as the appropriate facilities Greece has created for the refugees, should be coded as 1. If there is also use of adjectives that emphasise on positive aspects of Greece/ Greeks, should be coded as 2.)

-2= very negative

-1= negative

0= neutral

1= positive

2= very positive

● 17c) Evaluation of the people Code the same way as 17b.

-2= very negative

-1= negative

0= neutral

1= positive

2= very positive

SECOND PART

18) How many countries are mentioned in the publication?

(Code up to 5 countries) answers from 0-5

(DISPLAY IF THE ANSWER TO QUESTION18 IS 1,2,3,4 OR 5)

FRAMING OF NATION STATES IN THE LIGHT OF THE REFUGEE CRISIS

19) Which is the first country mentioned in the article?

Exhaustive list of countries (195) as found in the question library of Qualtrics. We added three more answer options; namely European Union (196), NATO (197) and United Nations (198).

(DISPLAY IF THE ANSWER TO QUESTION18 IS 1,2,3,4 OR 5)

19a) Is country X mentioned in terms of responsibility attribution (either for creating or for solving the refugee crisis)?

This variable can take three values:

1= not present

2= present

3= very present

(DISPLAY IF THE ANSWER TO QUESTION18 IS 1,2,3,4 OR 5)

19b) The country is presented as an actor responsible for creating the refugee crisis in Europe.

This variable can take three values:

1= not present

2= present

3= very present

(DISPLAY IF THE ANSWER TO QUESTION 19b IS 2 OR 3)

19c) If responsibility for creating the refugee crisis is attributed to country X, is it the:

1= government

2= other political actors

3= authorities

4= non- governmental organisations

5= private sector/ economic actors

FRAMING OF NATION STATES IN THE LIGHT OF THE REFUGEE CRISIS

6= citizens

7= external factors

(DISPLAY IF THE ANSWER TO QUESTION18 IS 1,2,3,4 OR 5)

19d) The country is presented as an actor responsible for solving/ handling the refugee crisis in Europe This variable can take three values:

0= not present

1= present

2= very present (reference in the headline and subheads as well)

(DISPLAY IF THE ANSWER TO QUESTION 19d IS 2 OR 3)

19e) If responsibility for solving the refugee crisis is attributed to country X, is it the: 1= government

2= other political actors

3= authorities

4= non- governmental organisations

5= private sector/ economic actors

6= citizens

7= external factors

(DISPLAY IF THE ANSWER TO QUESTION18 IS 1,2,3,4 OR 5)

19f) Country X is presented as a victim of the circumstances in the article

This variable can take three values:

0= not present

1= present

2= very present (reference in the headline and subheads as well)

(DISPLAY IF THE ANSWER TO QUESTION18 IS 2,3,4 OR 5)

FRAMING OF NATION STATES IN THE LIGHT OF THE REFUGEE CRISIS

20) Which is the second country mentioned in the article?

Exhaustive list of countries (195) as found in the question library of Qualtrics. We added three more answer options; namely European Union (196), NATO (197) and United Nations (198).

(DISPLAY IF THE ANSWER TO QUESTION18 IS 2,3,4 OR 5)

20a) Is country X mentioned in terms of responsibility attribution (either for creating

or for solving the refugee crisis)?

This variable can take three values:

1= not present

2= present

3= very present

(DISPLAY IF THE ANSWER TO QUESTION18 IS 2,3,4 OR 5)

20b) The country is presented as an actor responsible for creating the refugee crisis in Europe.

This variable can take three values:

1= not present

2= present

3= very present

(DISPLAY IF THE ANSWER TO QUESTION 20b IS 2 OR 3)

20c) If responsibility for creating the refugee crisis is attributed to country X, is it the:

1= government

2= other political actors

3= authorities

4= non- governmental organisations

FRAMING OF NATION STATES IN THE LIGHT OF THE REFUGEE CRISIS

5= private sector/ economic actors

6= citizens

7= external factors

(DISPLAY IF THE ANSWER TO QUESTION18 IS 2,3,4 OR 5)

20d) The country is presented as an actor responsible for solving/ handling the refugee crisis in Europe This variable can take three values:

0= not present

1= present

2= very present (reference in the headline and subheads as well)

(DISPLAY IF THE ANSWER TO QUESTION 20d IS 2 OR 3)

20e) If responsibility for solving the refugee crisis is attributed to country X, is it the: 1= government

2= other political actors

3= authorities

4= non- governmental organisations

5= private sector/ economic actors

6= citizens

7= external factors

(DISPLAY IF THE ANSWER TO QUESTION18 IS 2,3,4 OR 5)

20f) Country X is presented as a victim of the circumstances in the article

This variable can take three values:

0= not present

1= present

2= very present (reference in the headline and subheads as well)

FRAMING OF NATION STATES IN THE LIGHT OF THE REFUGEE CRISIS

(DISPLAY IF THE ANSWER TO QUESTION18 IS 3,4 OR 5)

21) Which is the third country mentioned in the article?

Exhaustive list of countries (195) as found in the question library of Qualtrics. We added three more answer options; namely European Union (196), NATO (197) and United Nations (198).

(DISPLAY IF THE ANSWER TO QUESTION18 IS 3,4 OR 5)

21a) Is country X mentioned in terms of responsibility attribution (either for creating

or for solving the refugee crisis)?

This variable can take three values:

1= not present

2= present

3= very present

(DISPLAY IF THE ANSWER TO QUESTION18 IS 3,4 OR 5)

21b) The country is presented as an actor responsible for creating the refugee crisis in Europe.

This variable can take three values:

1= not present

2= present

3= very present

(DISPLAY IF THE ANSWER TO QUESTION 21b IS 2 OR 3)

21c) If responsibility for creating the refugee crisis is attributed to country X, is it the:

1= government

2= other political actors

3= authorities

FRAMING OF NATION STATES IN THE LIGHT OF THE REFUGEE CRISIS

4= non- governmental organisations

5= private sector/ economic actors

6= citizens

7= external factors

(DISPLAY IF THE ANSWER TO QUESTION18 IS 3,4 OR 5)

21d) The country is presented as an actor responsible for solving/ handling the refugee crisis in Europe This variable can take three values:

0= not present

1= present

2= very present (reference in the headline and subheads as well)

(DISPLAY IF THE ANSWER TO QUESTION 21d IS 2 OR 3)

21e) If responsibility for solving the refugee crisis is attributed to country X, is it the: 1= government

2= other political actors

3= authorities

4= non- governmental organisations

5= private sector/ economic actors

6= citizens

7= external factors

(DISPLAY IF THE ANSWER TO QUESTION14 IS 3,4 OR 5)

21f) Country X is presented as a victim of the circumstances in the article

This variable can take three values:

0= not present

FRAMING OF NATION STATES IN THE LIGHT OF THE REFUGEE CRISIS

1= present

2= very present (reference in the headline and subheads as well)

(DISPLAY IF THE ANSWER TO QUESTION18 IS 4 OR 5)

22) Which is the fourth country mentioned in the article?

Exhaustive list of countries (195) as found in the question library of Qualtrics. We added three more answer options; namely European Union (196), NATO (197) and United Nations (198).

(DISPLAY IF THE ANSWER TO QUESTION18 IS 4 OR 5)

22a) Is country X mentioned in terms of responsibility attribution (either for creating

or for solving the refugee crisis)?

This variable can take three values:

1= not present

2= present

3= very present

(DISPLAY IF THE ANSWER TO QUESTION18 IS 4 OR 5)

22b) The country is presented as an actor responsible for creating the refugee crisis in Europe.

This variable can take three values:

1= not present

2= present

3= very present

(DISPLAY IF THE ANSWER TO QUESTION 22b IS 2 OR 3)

22c) If responsibility for creating the refugee crisis is attributed to country X, is it the:

1= government

FRAMING OF NATION STATES IN THE LIGHT OF THE REFUGEE CRISIS

2= other political actors

3= authorities

4= non- governmental organisations

5= private sector/ economic actors

6= citizens

7= external factors

(DISPLAY IF THE ANSWER TO QUESTION18 IS 4 OR 5)

22d) The country is presented as an actor responsible for solving/ handling the refugee crisis in Europe This variable can take three values:

0= not present

1= present

2= very present (reference in the headline and subheads as well)

(DISPLAY IF THE ANSWER TO QUESTION 22d IS 2 OR 3)

22e) If responsibility for solving the refugee crisis is attributed to country X, is it the: 1= government

2= other political actors

3= authorities

4= non- governmental organisations

5= private sector/ economic actors

6= citizens

7= external factors

(DISPLAY IF THE ANSWER TO QUESTION18 IS 4 OR 5)

22f) Country X is presented as a victim of the circumstances in the article

This variable can take three values:

FRAMING OF NATION STATES IN THE LIGHT OF THE REFUGEE CRISIS

0= not present

1= present

2= very present (reference in the headline and subheads as well)

(DISPLAY IF THE ANSWER TO QUESTION18 IS 4 OR 5)

23) Which is the fifth country mentioned in the article?

Exhaustive list of countries (195) as found in the question library of Qualtrics. We added three more answer options; namely European Union (196), NATO (197) and United Nations (198).

(DISPLAY IF THE ANSWER TO QUESTION18 IS 5)

23a) Is country X mentioned in terms of responsibility attribution (either for creating

or for solving the refugee crisis)?

This variable can take three values:

1= not present

2= present

3= very present

(DISPLAY IF THE ANSWER TO QUESTION18 IS 5)

23b) The country is presented as an actor responsible for creating the refugee crisis in Europe.

This variable can take three values:

1= not present

2= present

3= very present

(DISPLAY IF THE ANSWER TO QUESTION 23b IS 2 OR 3)

23c) If responsibility for creating the refugee crisis is attributed to country X, is it the:

FRAMING OF NATION STATES IN THE LIGHT OF THE REFUGEE CRISIS

1= government

2= other political actors

3= authorities

4= non- governmental organisations

5= private sector/ economic actors

6= citizens

7= external factors

(DISPLAY IF THE ANSWER TO QUESTION18 IS 5)

23d) The country is presented as an actor responsible for solving/ handling the refugee crisis in Europe This variable can take three values:

0= not present

1= present

2= very present (reference in the headline and subheads as well)

(DISPLAY IF THE ANSWER TO QUESTION 23d IS 2 OR 3)

23e) If responsibility for solving the refugee crisis is attributed to country X, is it the: 1= government

2= other political actors

3= authorities

4= non- governmental organisations

5= private sector/ economic actors

6= citizens

7= external factors

(DISPLAY IF THE ANSWER TO QUESTION18 IS 5)

23f) Country X is presented as a victim of the circumstances in the article

FRAMING OF NATION STATES IN THE LIGHT OF THE REFUGEE CRISIS

This variable can take three values:

0= not present

1= present

2= very present (reference in the headline and subheads as well)

END OF CODING MANUAL

FRAMING OF NATION STATES IN THE LIGHT OF THE REFUGEE CRISIS

APPENDIX II

Inter- coder Reliability Analysis

VARIABLE NAME PERCENTAGE OF AGREEMENT KALPHA

(%)

NEWSPAPER 100% 1.00

DATE 100% 1.00

SERIAL NUMBER 100% 1.00

TITLE 100% 1.00

MAIN TOPIC 100% 1.00

PAGE NUMBER 100% 1.00

PUBLICATION SIZE 100% 1.00

PUBLICATION TYPE 100% 1.00

NUMBER OF SOURCES 96.9% .95

SOURCE OCCUPATION 96.5% .96

INCUMBENCY 100% 1.00

EU IMAGE 89% .80

VICTIM FRAME SUBJECTIVE 92.2% .86

INTRUDER FRAME SUBJECTIVE 95.3% .92

PASSIVE PEOPLE 90.5% .84

ACTIVE ADVENTURERS 98.4% .97

VICTIMS OF VIOLENCE 95.3% .90

SYMBOLIC THREAT 95.3% .83

REALISTIC THREAT 92.1% .84

FLEXIBLE ASYLUM POLICIES 100% 1.00

FRAMING OF NATION STATES IN THE LIGHT OF THE REFUGEE CRISIS

DEPORTATION 93.7% .80

MORAL DUTY TO HELP 87.5% .54

NATIVE INTERESTS 95.3% .82

VICTIM METAPHORS 96.8% .65

INTRUDER METAPHORS 98.4% .79

REFERENCE TO GREECE 96.8% .93

CENTRALITY OF REFERENCE 95.8% .91

ACTORS MENTIONED 95.8% .92

EVALUATION OF POLITICIANS 100% 1.00

EVALUATION OF CITIZENS 100% 1.00

NUMBER OF COUNTRIES 90.6% .88

COUNTRY 98.4% .98

RESPONSIBILITY FRAME 96.8% .93

RESP. FOR CREATING 95.2% .88

RESPONSIBLE ACTOR 94.1% .64

RESP. FOR SOLVING 96.8% .91

RESPONSIBLE ACTOR 100% 1.00

HUMAN INTEREST FRAME 96.8% .86