DOCSLIB.ORG

Ricardo Anaya, Mexico's Young Hopeful

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Ricardo Anaya, Mexico's Young Hopeful 2/28/2018 Ricardo Anaya, Mexico’s young hopeful - Bello Bello Ricardo Anaya, Mexico’s young hopeful The modernising presidential candidate has the best chance of defeating a left-wing populist Print edition | The Americas Feb 24th 2018 IT TAKES guts to challenge both Andrés Manuel López Obrador, a messianic, silver- tongued populist, and the residual political machine of Mexico’s governing Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI). Ricardo Anaya is as daring as he is ruthlessly ambitious. Having forged a coalition of his own conservative National Action Party (PAN) and two small centre-left outfits, Mr Anaya argues that the presidential election on July 1st is now a two-horse race between himself and AMLO, as Mexicans call Mr López Obrador, the long-standing front-runner. Several opinion polls support that contention. The question that will hang over Mexico during the next four months is whether, in his sharp-elbowed ascent, Mr Anaya has https://www.economist.com/news/americas/21737291-modernising-presidential-candidate-has-best-chance-defeating-left-wing 1/4 2/28/2018 Ricardo Anaya, Mexico’s young hopeful - Bello made too many enemies to unite the disparate majority that dislikes AMLO and thus win the presidency. On the face of things, this is AMLO’s election to lose. Mexicans have rarely been so gloomy or wanted change more. The PRI government of Enrique Peña Nieto is unpopular. Although it achieved important reforms of education and energy, it has failed in fighting violent crime and corruption and improving the economy, the issues that matter most to the public. When the PAN ruled Mexico in 2000-12 it didn’t do much better. That means “there’s less resistance” to AMLO than in 2006 and 2012 (when he nearly won the presidency), says Jorge Castañeda, a former foreign minister. Get our daily newsletter Upgrade your inbox and get our Daily Dispatch and Editor's Picks. Email address Sign up now In those campaigns he ran as a rabble-rouser Latest stories bent on returning Mexico to its How your sense of smell may affect your politics protectionist, nationalist past. His friends SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY insist that he has mellowed. He has made The hidden cost of congestion GRAPHIC DETAIL overtures to business and to Mexico’s The hidden cost of congestion capitalist north. His pledge to review all GRAPHIC DETAIL contracts issued to private energy See more companies doesn’t mean rejecting them, according to Alfonso Romo, a businessman from Monterrey who advises him. Mr Romo stresses AMLO’s concern for the “forgotten Mexico” of the poor and the indigenous. But AMLO has also opened his tent to allies from reactionary, corporatist parts of the PRI (to which he belonged from 1976 to 1988). He has talked of an amnesty for drug barons. “He can no longer hold the banner of fundamental regime change,” says Denise Dresser, a political scientist. https://www.economist.com/news/americas/21737291-modernising-presidential-candidate-has-best-chance-defeating-left-wing 2/4 2/28/2018 Ricardo Anaya, Mexico’s young hopeful - Bello Neither can the PRI’s candidate, José Antonio Meade, a competent and respected former finance minister who is not a party member. He makes a virtue of his lack of a political background. But “the scale of the well-deserved repudiation” of Mr Peña makes Mr Meade’s task “impossible”, says Enrique Krauze, a historian. It is Mr Anaya who offers the best hope of defeating AMLO. He is only 38. With his crew cut and glasses, he looks like a school swot. He is a formidable debater and political operator who speaks with a laser focus. “This is a very close election between two options for change,” he told Bello. “The question…is what kind of change [Mexicans] want.” AMLO proposes change “with ideas that are very old, trapped in the past”, he says, while his own ideal is a modern democracy open to the world and to new technology. For example, AMLO promises to cancel construction of a $13bn airport now being built near Mexico City. He would reverse the education reform, which holds teachers accountable by evaluations. AMLO doesn’t want to turn Mexico into a Marxist dictatorship like Cuba or Venezuela. But he wants to be friends with those countries, says Mr Castañeda. AMLO vows to fight corruption but promises to slash the salaries of senior officials, which is a recipe for graft. Mr Anaya argues that to impose the rule of law stronger institutions are essential. He wants the attorney-general’s office, over which the president has sway, to be fully autonomous. He would fight drug gangs with better intelligence. To tackle poverty he would introduce “gradually” a universal basic income (though voters might prefer more and better jobs). Mr Anaya seized control of the PAN from more experienced rivals and oversaw its victory in several gubernatorial elections. He says he doesn’t defend the mistakes of past PAN presidents, and anyway he represents a coalition. Quite how coherent this coalition of convenience will prove is an open question. He faces other obstacles. His merciless attacks on the PRI are a double-edged sword. If Mr Meade has no chance of victory, “it’s easier for priistas to go with AMLO than this güero [fair-haired boy]”, says Mr Krauze. Mr Anaya’s biggest difficulty may be that in his single-minded pursuit of the candidacy he has alienated important figures in his own party, starting with Margarita Zavala, the wife of a former https://www.economist.com/news/americas/21737291-modernising-presidential-candidate-has-best-chance-defeating-left-wing 3/4 2/28/2018 Ricardo Anaya, Mexico’s young hopeful - Bello president, who is running as an independent. To win, Mr Anaya must be a healer as well as a fighter. This article appeared in the The Americas section of the print edition under the headline "Mexico’s young hopeful" You’ve seen the news, now discover the story Get incisive analysis on the issues that matter. Whether you read each issue cover to cover, listen to the audio edition, or scan the headlines on your phone, time with The Economist is always well spent. Enjoy 12 weeks’ access for $12 + receive a free notebook https://www.economist.com/news/americas/21737291-modernising-presidential-candidate-has-best-chance-defeating-left-wing 4/4.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Cien Años De Corrupción En México a Partir De La Era Postrevolucionaria 1917-2017
    Cien años de corrupción en México a partir de la era 2 postrevolucionaria 1917-2017 Óscar Diego Bautista Colección Cuadernos para prevenir y controlar la corrupción Colección Cuadernos para prevenir y controlar la corrupción Cuaderno 2 CIEN AÑOS DE CORRUPCIÓN EN MÉXICO A PARTIR DE LA ERA POSTREVOLUCIONARIA 1917-2017 DIRECTORIO DE LA H. LIX LEGISLATURA DEL ESTADO DE MÉXICO Presidente de la Junta de Coordinación Política Dip. Cruz Juvenal Roa Sánchez Vicepresidentes Dip. Juan Manuel Zepeda Hernández Dip. Anuar Roberto Azar Figueroa Secretario Dip. José Francisco Vázquez Rodríguez Vocales Dip. Jacobo David Cheja Alfaro Dip. Mario Salcedo González Dip. Francisco Agundis Arias Dip. Carlos Sánchez Sánchez Dip. Aquiles Cortés López Auditor Superior de Fiscalización Fernando Valente Baz Ferreira Secretario de Asuntos Parlamentarios Javier Domínguez Morales Contralor del Poder Legislativo Victorino Barrios Dávalos Secretario de Administración y Finanzas Pablo Díaz Gómez Director General de Comunicación Social Horacio Morales Luna Vocal Ejecutivo del INESLE Everardo Padilla Camacho Titular de la Unidad de Información Jesús Felipe Borja Coronel Plaza Hidalgo s/n, Col. Centro, Toluca, CP 50000, Estado de México, Conmutador: 01 722 279 64 00 y 279 65 00 www.cddiputados.gob.mx CIEN AÑOS DE CORRUPCIÓN EN MÉXICO A PARTIR DE LA ERA POSTREVOLUCIONARIA 1917-2017 ISBN DE LA COLECCIÓN: 978-607-7716-17-4 ISBN DEL NÚMERO: 978-607-7716-19-8 © Oscar Diego Bautista, 2017 PODER LEGISLATIVO DEL ESTADO DE MÉXICO Plaza Hidalgo s/n, C.P. 50000, Toluca, Estado de México Tel. 01 (722) 279 64 00 ext. 3320 http://www.cddiputados.gob.mx/ 1ª Edición: septiembre, 2017 Impreso en México Título del grabado: Soldado danza con la muerte.
    [Show full text]
  • El Futuro De La Libertad En Las Reflexiones De Enrique Krauze En
    1º Congreso Internacional de Ciencias Humanas - Humanidades entre pasado y futuro. Escuela de Humanidades, Universidad Nacional de San Martín, Gral. San Martín, 2019. El futuro de la libertad en las reflexiones de Enrique Krauze en torno al cambio de siglo. María Belén Wildner. Cita: María Belén Wildner (2019). El futuro de la libertad en las reflexiones de Enrique Krauze en torno al cambio de siglo. 1º Congreso Internacional de Ciencias Humanas - Humanidades entre pasado y futuro. Escuela de Humanidades, Universidad Nacional de San Martín, Gral. San Martín. Dirección estable: https://www.aacademica.org/1.congreso.internacional.de.ciencias.hu manas/1463 Esta obra está bajo una licencia de Creative Commons. Para ver una copia de esta licencia, visite https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/deed.es. Acta Académica es un proyecto académico sin fines de lucro enmarcado en la iniciativa de acceso abierto. Acta Académica fue creado para facilitar a investigadores de todo el mundo el compartir su producción académica. Para crear un perfil gratuitamente o acceder a otros trabajos visite: https://www.aacademica.org. El futuro de la libertad en las reflexiones de Enrique Krauze María Belén Wildner CEL / UNSAM [email protected] Resumen La presente ponencia tiene como objetivo proponer una mirada sobre el modo en el que la problemática del Futuro se encuentra presente en redes intelectuales del pensamiento latinoamericano liberal, tomando como punto de partida el recorrido realizado por el pensamiento de Enrique Krauze desde su annus mirabilis (Krauze, 1990) hasta las reflexiones sobre las amenazas actuales al liberalismo y su oportunidad perdida;; haciendo hincapié en las nociones en torno a la democracia ylibertad (entendidas desde el prisma de su pensamiento).
    [Show full text]
  • Los Sexenios De Carlos Salinas Y Vicente Fox
    LOS FACTORES INTERNOS DE LA POLÍTICA EXTERIOR MEXICANA: LOS SEXENIOS DE CARLOS SALINAS Y VICENTE FOX Andrés Ruiz Pérez Introducción Mientras se desdibujan los límites entre política interior y exterior se hace más importante el estudio del vínculo entre ambas en distintos paí- ses. En México, la democratización ha alterado las dinámicas de toma de decisiones. La incertidumbre se ha extendido a la política exterior, a pesar de que prevalece el dominio presidencial. Cabe ahora preguntarse cómo afectaron los factores internos la política exterior mexicana durante los sexenios de Carlos Salinas y Vicente Fox, y qué condicionó el proceso de toma de decisiones durante dichas administraciones. Para ello, es preciso responder a otras cuestiones como: ¿Quiénes son los actores principales? ¿Qué tanto afecta la figura presidencial? ¿De qué forma la democratización ha modificado la política exterior mexicana? El presente artículo parte de dichas interrogantes. El objetivo de este trabajo es, por medio de la comparación, inten- tar establecer vínculos entre el estudio de la política interna y la política exterior de un país, y propiciar un mejor y más esquematizado entendi- miento de la política exterior mexicana contemporánea, en especial en lo que se refiere al proceso de toma de decisiones. Ante la hipótesis, más amplia, de que los factores internos afectan no sólo la formulación, sino la conducción y los resultados de la política exterior mexicana, se despren- den otras. A saber, el diseño institucional establece quiénes son sus actores fundamentales mientras que las condiciones estructurales dentro del país acaban de definir qué factores la afectarán. La figura presidencial, de peso considerable, es central para propiciar determinadas dinámicas de toma de decisiones.
    [Show full text]
  • Porfirian Influence on Mexican Journalism: an Enduring Legacy of Economic Control
    University of Montana ScholarWorks at University of Montana Graduate Student Theses, Dissertations, & Professional Papers Graduate School 1987 Porfirian influence on Mexican journalism: An enduring legacy of economic control Steve Devitt The University of Montana Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.umt.edu/etd Let us know how access to this document benefits ou.y Recommended Citation Devitt, Steve, "Porfirian influence on Mexican journalism: An enduring legacy of economic control" (1987). Graduate Student Theses, Dissertations, & Professional Papers. 5085. https://scholarworks.umt.edu/etd/5085 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate School at ScholarWorks at University of Montana. It has been accepted for inclusion in Graduate Student Theses, Dissertations, & Professional Papers by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks at University of Montana. For more information, please contact [email protected]. COPYRIGHT ACT OF 1976 Th is is an unpublished m a nu scr ipt in w hich c o pyr ig ht s u b s is t s . Any further r e p r in t in g of it s contents must be APPROVED BY THE AUTHOR. Ma n s f ie l d L ibrary Un iv e r s it y of Montana D a t e :____ 1_ THE PORFIRIAN INFLUENCE ON MEXICAN JOURNALISM: AN ENDURING LEGACY OF ECONOMIC CONTROL by Steve Devitt B.A., Eastern Montana College, 1971 Presented in partial fulfillment for the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in Journalism University of Montana 1987 Approved by Graduate School UMI Number: EP40549 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The.
    [Show full text]
  • The Political Economy of Media and Violence in Mexico
    UC Berkeley UC Berkeley Electronic Theses and Dissertations Title The Political Economy of Media and Violence in Mexico Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/895747g1 Author URRUSTI FRENK, LUZ MARIA SINAIA Publication Date 2015 Peer reviewed|Thesis/dissertation eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California The Political Economy of Media and Violence in Mexico by Luz Maria Sinaia Urrusti Frenk A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Economics in the Graduate Division of the University of California, Berkeley Committee in charge: Professor Frederico S. Finan, Chair Professor Ernesto Dal Bo Professor Edward Miguel Summer 2015 The Political Economy of Media and Violence in Mexico Copyright 2015 by Luz Maria Sinaia Urrusti Frenk 1 Abstract The Political Economy of Media and Violence in Mexico by Luz Maria Sinaia Urrusti Frenk Doctor of Philosophy in Economics University of California, Berkeley Professor Frederico S. Finan, Chair The chapters in this dissertation study political economy and development economics topics related to the decline of the Mexican Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI), one of the longest-lasting authoritarian governments of the twentieth century. Chapter 1 pro- vides an introduction linking the main topics, hypotheses, and results. Chapters 2 and 3 focus on the role of mass media diversity and unsustainable media capture, respectively, in the Mexican democratic transition. Chapter 4 examines how fractured political power across levels of government as a result of the collapse of the PRI centralized state, led to higher violence levels from the war against organized crime launched by the National Action Party (PAN) in 2007.
    [Show full text]
  • During the Week of April 27-May 3, Stories About the “Swine Flu”
    Swine Flu Coverage around the World In late April, news of the rapidly spreading “swine flu” swept across the American media as few sudden stories do. As the outbreak jumped from a mysterious respiratory disease in Mexico to the threat of the first global flu pandemic in four decades, the press leapt in. During the week of April 27 - May 3, the flu story, the most covered news event of the week, accounted for almost a third of mainstream media coverage, according to the News Coverage Index of the Pew Research Center’s Project for Excellence in Journalism. That marked only the second time that a health-related story had become the No. 1 story in the American media since the Project began its weekly News Index in January 2007. From tracking the spread of the virus, to analyzing government response, to asking if the story had become sensationalized by the media, the U.S. press examined seemingly every angle of the story. (Image note: http://media.collegepublisher.com/media/paper333/stills/84xx0mn4.jpg AP Photo) How did coverage in the U.S. compare to media in other countries, both in the level of coverage and the way it was framed? How did the number of cases reported or the geographic proximity to the epicenter of the outbreak impact coverage? And, did the Spanish-language press in the U.S. treat the outbreak differently than its English- language counterparts? Among the answers, according to a new study the Project conducted of media in different countries, is that the swine flu story got less coverage in U.S.
    [Show full text]
  • Narrating the Neoliberal Moment: History, Journalism, Historicity
    Narrating the Neoliberal Moment: History, Journalism, Historicity Claudio Lomnitz Of Tiger’s Leaps and Lullabies, and Historical Excess History, it has been said, is a sign of the modern, and sub- sistence “without history” or “on the margins of history” was long a metonymic sign of backwardness and a pretext and justification for colonial occupation.1 A somewhat less noted fact is that an excess of historical invocation — or a historical obsession — is a diagnostic sign of failed modernities, and especially of what Wolfgang Schivelbusch has called “the culture of defeat,” that is, the process of mourning and recovery that follows national trauma. To the extent that it is attributed to external forces, economic collapse such as that suffered in Mexico in 1982 and again in 1995, or in Argentina in 2002, can also be assimilated as national trauma and has spurred this kind of historical excess.2 In such contexts, the present all too frequently exposes the wounds of the past and thereby prompts the sort of historical stance that Walter Benjamin favored when he wrote: “The historical materialist approaches a historical object solely and alone where he encounters it as a monad. In this structure he cognizes the sign of a messianic zero-hour of events, or put differently, a revolutionary chance in the struggle for the suppressed past.”3 Indeed, the messianic historical approach I am grateful to Bain Attwood, Dipesh Chakrabarty, John Coatsworth, Fernando Escalante, Judith Friedlander, Friedrich Katz, and José Moya for their comments on an earlier version of this essay. Unless otherwise noted, all translations are my own.
    [Show full text]
  • U.S.-Mexico Policy Bulletin
    U.S.-Mexico Policy Bulletin Issue 2 • February 2005 This text will be published by the Woodrow Wilson Center and Letras You and Us: The Dynamics of Libres in a forthcoming volume, Mexico-U.S. Relations Perceptions and Misconceptions in U.S.- Mexico Relations. Enrique Krauze It happened in another age, on September 6, happened.Why did Fox not travel immediately 2001. Relations between Mexico and the to the site of the tragedy, where, after all, many United States saw their finest hour. In the first Mexicans had died? Once back in Mexico, I state visit of his presidency, George Bush noted the near total lack of solidarity with the received Vicente Fox, and proclaimed that victims: a few candles on the sidewalk in front Mexico was not only the United States partner of the American embassy; a sympathetic but ret- and friend but the government’s top foreign icent attitude in the press; and that was all.When policy priority.As I watched the fireworks dis- the war in Afghanistan began, there were only a plays over the Potomac, it seemed to me that I few anti-American demonstrations in the was witnessing a rare show of historic prudence streets, but in the press angry voices began to be and wisdom. Old quarrels aside, a solid relation- heard denouncing Washington’s “genocidal pol- ship with the United States made sense for icy,” voices that became almost unanimous Mexico, because 90% of its trade and 70% of its before and during the war on Iraq.Those of us investment came from the U.S., and 24 million writers who publicly recommended voting Mexicans (9 million of them born in Mexico) with the United States on the Security now lived scattered far and wide across the Council—not because we shared Bush’s sense country, sending more than 10 billion dollars of timing and unilateral procedures, but in an annually to their families in Mexico.
    [Show full text]
  • “2006 Mexican Elections: a Challenge for Democracy”
    “2006 Mexican Elections: A Challenge for Democracy” Karla Lopez de Nava This coming July, Mexicans will not only have the chance to democratically elect a president, but more importantly, they will have the opportunity to endorse democracy. On July of 2000, Mexico had its first democratic elections after being ruled by a single party – PRI – for seventy one years. The question is not whether Mexico has transited to democracy, but rather, whether Mexicans—the government, the politicians, the media, civil society, and the citizens in general can sustain and consolidate the new democratic system. With the intent of shedding some light on this question, Mexicanos at Stanford University, the John S. Knight Fellowships for Professional Journalists, and Yost House organized the conference “2006 Mexican Elections: A Challenge for Democracy”. The event took place on Saturday March 11, 2006 in Stanford’s Kresge auditorium. The Center on Democracy, Development and the Rule of Law, The Charles F. Riddell Fund - Yost House, the Center for Latin American Studies, VPUE/DOSA - New Student Initiatives, Bechtel International Center, El Guiding Concilio - El Centro Chicano, Camacho Fund, ASSU Speakers Bureau, and United Airlines were co-sponsors of the conference. The 2006 Mexican Elections conference proved to be wonderfully enriching for anyone with an interest in Mexican politics and/or in democratic consolidation. The conference consisted of three sections: a) a roundtable that discussed the role of the media in the 2006 electoral process; b) a keynote address given by one of the most 1 respected figures in Mexican academia, the historian and essayist Enrique Krauze, on the progress that Mexico has achieved in the political arena in the last decade, and on the challenges that Mexicans will face in the coming 2006 presidential election; and, c) a political debate between representatives of the three main political parties in Mexico – PRI, PAN and PRD.
    [Show full text]
  • El Acercamiento a Un Régimen Presidencial: Opinión Pública Y Prensa En México*
    BROCAR, 34 (2010) 173-202 EL ACERCAMIENTO A UN RÉGIMEN PRESIDENCIAL: OPINIÓN PÚBLICA Y PRENSA EN MÉXICO* Aurora Cano Andaluz Instituto de Investigaciones Bibliográficas / Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México RESUMEN: Texto que retoma las ideas principales de la obra de la autora: La opinión pública sobre el régimen de Plutarco Elías Calles (1924-1928). Un estu- dio hemerográfico. Constituye un análisis de los contenidos de once diarios mexicanos de circulación nacional en relación con algunas acciones principal- mente políticas del presidente citado. Los periódicos, contemporáneos a dicha gestión, resultan muy útiles para percibir los matices inmediatos de una deter- minada situación histórica y la prensa se identifica con la opinión pública como medio para expresar la reacción de una parte de la sociedad ante los hechos registrados y las decisiones gubernamentales comentadas. El artículo reflexiona sobre esta relación entre el régimen y la prensa, panorá- mica rica en información sobre esos años de restauración en innovación, a la vez que refleja la conformación de una opinión pública que cumple un papel importante como perspectiva de contrapeso ante un gobierno centralizador. Palabras clave: Revolución Mexicana, prensa diaria, opinión pública, presiden- tes, legislación. ABSTRACT: This text revisits the main statements of the author’s book: Public Opinion on Plutarco Elias Calles Regime (1924-1928). An Hemerographic study. * El trabajo que presento a continuación recoge las principales ideas que desarrollé en la obra La opinión pública sobre el régimen de Plutarco Elías Calles (1924-1928). Un estudio heme- rográfico, publicado en 2007. BROCAR, 34 (2010) 173-202 173 Brocar 34.indb 173 15/12/11 13:49 AURORA CANO ANDALUZ It constitutes a content analysis of eleven Mexican daily newspapers, of national circulation, related to the actions, mainly political, of this President.
    [Show full text]
  • The History of Mexican Journalism
    THE UNIVERSITY OF MISSOURI BULLETIN VOLUME 29, NUMBER 4 JOURNALISM SERIES, NO. 49 Edited by Robert S. Mann The History of Mexican Journalism BY HENRY LEPIDUS ISSUED FOUR TIMES MONTHLY; ENTERED AS SECOND-CLASS MATTER AT THE POSTOFFICE AT COLUMBIA, MISSOURl-2,500 JANUARY 21, 1928 2 UNIVERSfTY oF Mrssouru BULLETIN Contents I. Introduction of Printing into Mexico and the Forerunners of Journalism ______ 5 II. Colonial Journalism -------------------------------------------------------12 III. Revolutionary Journalism --------------------------------------------------25 IV. From Iturbide to Maximilian -----------------------------------------------34 V. From the Second Empire to "El lmparcial" --------------------------------47 VI. The Modern Period -------------------------------------------------------64 Conclusion ---------------------------___________________________________________ 81 Bibliography --------__ -------------__________ -----______________________________ 83 THE HISTORY OF MEXICAN JOURNALISM 3 Preface No continuous history of Mexican journalism from the earliest times to the present has ever been written. Much information on the subject exists, but nobody, so far as I know, has taken the trouble to assemble the material and present it as a whole. To do this within the limits necessarily imposed upon me in the present study is my principal object. The subject of Mexican journalism is one concerning which little has been written in the United States, but that fact need not seem su;prising. With compara­ tively few exceptions, Americans of international interests have busied themselves with studies of European or even Oriental themes; they have had l;ttle time for. the study of the nations south of the Rio Grande. More recently, however, the im­ portance of the Latin American republics, particularly Mexico, to us, has been in­ creasingly recognized, and the necessity of obtaining a clearer understanding of our southern neighbor has come to be more widely appreciated in the United States than it formerly was.
    [Show full text]
  • Young Ernesto Guevara and the Myth of Che Dan Sprinkle Western Oregon University
    Western Oregon University Digital Commons@WOU Student Theses, Papers and Projects (History) Department of History 2012 Young Ernesto Guevara and the Myth of Che Dan Sprinkle Western Oregon University Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.wou.edu/his Part of the Latin American History Commons Recommended Citation Sprinkle, Dan, "Young Ernesto Guevara and the Myth of Che" (2012). Student Theses, Papers and Projects (History). 256. https://digitalcommons.wou.edu/his/256 This Paper is brought to you for free and open access by the Department of History at Digital Commons@WOU. It has been accepted for inclusion in Student Theses, Papers and Projects (History) by an authorized administrator of Digital Commons@WOU. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Young Ernesto Guevara and the Myth of Che Dan Sprinkle HST 499: Senior Seminar Spring 2012 First Reader: Dr. John Rector Second Reader: Dr. Max Geier June 6, 2012 1 Ernesto “Che” Guevara de la Serna is constantly dramatized and idolized for the things he did later in his life in the Congo, Guatemala, Cuba, and Bolivia pertaining to socialist revolution. The historical events Che partook in have been studied for decades by historians around the world and no consensus has been reached as to the morality of his actions. Many people throughout Latin America view Guevara as a heroic martyr for the people, whereas many people from the rest of the world see him as little more than a terrorist. What many of these historians fail to address is what exactly made Ernesto Guevara leave his relatively upper-middle class, loving family behind to pursue a life of revolution and guerrilla warfare.
    [Show full text]