Our Beautiful Family”: a Study of English Language Learners’ Dual Language Identity Texts and Linguistic Identity in a Family Literacy Program

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2019-01-11 “Our Beautiful Family”: A study of English Language Learners’ dual language identity texts and linguistic identity in a family literacy program

Bajt, Allison

Bajt, A. (2019). “Our Beautiful Family”: A study of English Language Learners’ dual language identity texts and linguistic identity in a family literacy program (Unpublished master's thesis). University of Calgary, Calgary, AB. http://hdl.handle.net/1880/109464 master thesis

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UNIVERSITY OF CALGARY

“Our Beautiful Family”: A study of English Language Learners’ dual language identity texts and

linguistic identity in a family literacy program

Allison Bajt

A THESIS SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS

GRADUATE PROGRAM IN LANGUAGES, LITERATURES AND CULTURES

CALGARY, ALBERTA

JANUARY, 2019

Abstract

This study investigates how three families characterize their linguistic identity while co- authoring dual language identity texts in Arabic and English. As a community-engaged research project, it also seeks to determine how facilitators of family literacy programs can use dual language identity texts to better address the learning needs of both young and adult learners. The

Linguistic Portrait Silhouette task provides insights concerning how children and parents relate to their languages in terms of expertise, affiliation and inheritance. The findings suggest that the participants are in the process of constructing an identity as Arabic and English speakers and point to the importance of children’s school experiences and contextual factors (i.e., being a primary caregiver), in shaping their identity. Lastly, interview data indicate that such projects can increase the personal relevance of learning tasks, promote accountability, address issues of accessibility for newcomers, encourage collaboration, and provide a tool for documenting families’ growth.

Keywords: Dual Language Learners, English language learning, literacy, home literacy,

culturally sensitive pedagogy, community-engaged research, action research

Preface

This thesis is original, unpublished, independent work by the author, A. Bajt. The study reported in Chapters 2-5 was covered by Ethics ID number 17-1720 by the University of Calgary

Conjoint Faculties Research Ethics Board (CFREB) for the project “The Effect of Authoring

Dual Language Identity Texts on Dual Language Learners’ Literacy Skills in Arabic and English and Linguistic Identity” on January 2, 2018.

iii

Acknowledgements

First and foremost, I would like to thank my supervisor Dr. Mary Grantham O’Brien for her superb guidance over the past three years. It is difficult to put into words how immensely grateful I am for your unwavering support and encouragement, input, advice and feedback. If it is possible, I feel more admiration for you today than I did when I first met you as an undergraduate student. I truly would not be the learner, teacher or researcher I am had you not been my mentor and role model all these years. Thank you for setting the bar high—your belief in me has helped me to achieve more than I ever thought possible!

I would also like to thank my committee for offering their time and expertise and for providing me with their feedback. To Dr. Dressler in particular, I have been lucky to have had your insight at various stages in my study, and my thesis certainly would not be what it is today without your help and previous work in this field. I also want to express my deepest gratitude to both the project translator and a colleague in the Arabic department at the University of Calgary for their invaluable help with translating the families’ texts and putting together the dual language books. Last but not least, to my co-researchers, the children, families, and staff of the family literacy program: confidentiality and anonymity prevent me from acknowledging you by name, but I hope you know how much you mean to me, and how indebted I am to you. Thank you for welcoming me wholeheartedly and unreservedly into your homes and lives, celebrating your stories, and being my teachers!

Dedication

My dedication is threefold. First, I dedicate this thesis to the three families with whom I worked to conduct this research. Their warmth, honesty and authenticity were both inspiring and a lesson in humility. It is fair to say that their positivity and resilience kept me going at a difficult time in my personal life and have undoubtedly changed the course of my professional life.

Second, I dedicate this thesis to the three family literacy facilitators and program director who made this research possible. Their experiences and insights formed the basis for my work and have left me with no doubt of the immense care and expertise they bring to the field of family literacy. Lastly, I dedicate this thesis to Nolia Hack-Nanninga.

Table of Contents Abstract ...... ii Preface ...... iii Acknowledgements ...... iv Dedication ...... v Table of Contents ...... vi

List of Figures and Illustrations ...... x List of Symbols, Abbreviations and Nomenclature ...... xi Epigraph ...... xii

Chapter 1 Introduction ...... 1 1.1 Introduction ...... 1 1.2 International Migration ...... 1 1.3 Focus of the Study ...... 4 1.3.1 Definition of important terms...... 5 1.4 Structure of the Thesis ...... 8

Chapter 2 Literature Review ...... 9 2.1 Introduction ...... 9 2.2 Challenges to Learning English as an Additional Language ...... 10 2.3 Adult English Language Learners ...... 13 2.3.1 EAL literacy learners...... 15 2.3.2. Language, literacy and social integration...... 16 2.4 Multimodality and Multiliteracies Pedagogy ...... 19 2.5 Dual Language Identity Texts ...... 22 2.5.1 Rethinking power relations and expertise...... 23 2.5.2 Linguistic transfer, Cummins’s Common Underlying Proficiency ...... 25 hypothesis, and metalinguistic awareness...... 25 2.5.3 The Literacy Expertise and Engagement frameworks...... 28 2.6 Gaps in the Literature ...... 30

2.6.1 The Language Portrait Silhouette task...... 31 2.6.2 A novel setting: family literacy programs...... 34 2.7 Research Questions ...... 35

Chapter 3: Methodology ...... 37 3.1 Introduction ...... 37 3.2 Setting of the Study ...... 38 3.2.1 Local setting...... 38 3.2.2 Community setting...... 39 3.3 Timeline of the Study ...... 40 3.4 Participants ...... 41 3.5 Tasks ...... 42 3.5.1 Semi-structured interviews...... 42 3.5.2 Linguistic Portrait Silhouette task...... 44 3.5.3 Dual language identity texts...... 45 3.6 Materials ...... 47 3.7 Procedure ...... 47 3.8 Data Analysis ...... 50

Chapter 4: Case Studies ...... 52 4.1 Introduction ...... 52 4.1.2 The LPS task...... 53 4.2 Exploratory Case Studies...... 54 4.2.1 Case study one: the Ali family...... 54 4.2.1.1 Family portrait...... 54 4.2.1.2 Home literacy practices...... 55 4.2.1.3 Procedure...... 56 4.2.1.4 Research question one: Linguistic identity...... 57 4.2.1.5 Research question two: learning outcomes...... 65 4.2.2 Case study two: the Tabassum family...... 66 4.2.2.1 Family portrait...... 66 vii

4.2.2.2 Literacy practices...... 67 4.2.2.3 Procedure...... 68 4.2.2.4 Research question one: linguistic identity...... 69 4.2.2.5 Research question two: learning outcomes...... 77 4.2.3 Case study three: the Sabbah family...... 80 4.2.3.1 Family portrait...... 80 4.2.3.2 Literacy practices...... 81 4.2.3.3 Procedure...... 82 4.2.3.4 Research question one: linguistic identity...... 83 4.2.3.5 Research question two: learning outcomes...... 87 4.3 Language and Literacy Instruction for Young DLLs and Adult ELLs ...... 89 4.3.1 Increase the personal relevance of learning tasks...... 89 4.3.2 Promote responsibility and accountability...... 90 4.3.3 Address issues of accessibility...... 91 4.3.4 Encourage family interaction and collaboration...... 93 4.3.5 Provide a tool for self-reflection and documenting families’ growth...... 93

Chapter 5: Discussion, Limitations, Implications and Conclusion ...... 95 5.1 Introduction ...... 95 5.2 Discussion ...... 95 5.2.1 Linguistic identity...... 95 5.2.2 Impacts of the project: strengths, weaknesses and learning outcomes. . 102 5.2.3 Dual language identity texts in family literacy programs...... 105 5.3 Limitations ...... 106 5.4 Implications and Areas of Future Research ...... 108 5.5 Conclusion ...... 110

References ...... 112

Appendix A: Initial Interview Script for Family Literacy Program Director and Facilitators ...... 128

Appendix B: Final Interview Script for Family Literacy Facilitators ...... 130 viii

Appendix C: Initial Interview Script for Families ...... 131

Appendix D: Final Interview Script for Families ...... 133

Appendix E: Language Portrait Silhouette Task ...... 134

Appendix F: Language Portrait Silhouette Task Worksheet ...... 135

List of Figures and Illustrations Figure 1. Elias’ Language Portrait ...... 58

Figure 2. Kalil’s Language Portrait ...... 59

Figure 3. Amira’s Language Portrait ...... 61

Figure 4. Ehsan’s Language Portrait ...... 63

Figure 5. Sabina’s Language Portrait ...... 70

Figure 6. Quinn’s Language Portrait ...... 74

Figure 7. Fatima’s Language Portrait ...... 76

Figure 8. A Sample of Abdul’s Writing in English ...... 78

Figure 9. A Sample of Farouk’s Writing in English ...... 78

Figure 10. The Tabassum Family’s Dedication ...... 79

Figure 11. Gamila’s Language Portrait ...... 83

Figure 12. Sabina’s Reflection on her Language Portrait ...... 94

List of Symbols, Abbreviations and Nomenclature

Symbol Definition

DLL Young Dual Language Learner

ELL Adult English Language Learner

L1 First language, home language or mother tongue.

L2 Second language or additional language

Epigraph

If research doesn’t change you as a person, then you haven’t done it right.

Shawn Wilson, Research is Ceremony: Indigenous Research Methods

xii 1

Chapter 1 Introduction

1.1 Introduction

This thesis reports on a study about three Syrian refugee families enrolled in a family literacy program and the way in which they characterize their linguistic identity while co- authoring dual language identity texts. The study also analyzed the use of dual language identity texts as a method of instruction for both children and adults in family literacy (i.e., in-home) settings. In this chapter, I provide context for the study at an international and national level, present a general overview of the research topic and the conceptual framework, and describe the focus of the study. Finally, I provide a list of important terms and outline the structure of this thesis.

1.2 International Migration

International migration is a powerful and enduring feature of human history and continues to play an important role in supporting local, regional and national economic growth, the development of states and societies, and the enrichment of communities and cultures (Global

Commission on International Migration, 2005). Given the far-reaching communication and transportation networks of today’s world, it is not surprising that people look for a future beyond the boundaries of their home country, pursuing economic improvement, increased employment or educational opportunities, family reunion, or in more dire circumstances, escaping political persecution, natural disaster, human rights violations and war (Dixon & Wu, 2014). According to the Global Commission on International Migration (2005), this human mobility is not only becoming larger in scope and scale, but also more complex; as economies worldwide continue to confront problems and global conflicts escalate, countries in North America and Europe can

2 expect an increasingly diverse group of immigrants and refugees to cross their borders (Durán et al, 2016). This movement is highly visible in developed nations such as Canada, a country known for celebrating cultural and linguistic diversity and officially protecting it through federal policy. The Official Languages Act of 1969 and the Multiculturalism Act of 1988, which established the rights of official language communities and recognized ethnic and cultural diversity in Canadian society (Dagenais, 2013), are two such examples. Changing demographics illustrate the force of international migration as Canada continues to welcome newcomers: from

2006 to 2011 Canada saw the highest rate of population growth of any other member of the G8 group of industrialized nations, with more than 1.1 million immigrants arriving in a 5-year period

(Dagenais, 2013). More current data parallel this trend; the total national population increased by

5% from 2011 to 2016, with 22.9% of the population speaking a mother tongue other than

French or English (Statistics Canada, 2017b). In light of recent conflict in the Middle East,

Canada has also seen an influx of asylum seekers fleeing political unrest and violence, and as of

May 31st, 2018, has resettled 54,560 Syrian refugees in 380 communities across the country

(Government of Canada, 2018). For these refugees, resettlement means the chance to ensure a safe and secure life for themselves and future generations, find housing and jobs, build social networks and begin anew.

In spite of the benefits to be gained by migration, however, the majority of immigrants and refugees will encounter considerable challenges in transitioning to life in Canada.

Newcomers will need to adapt to Canadian society, where the norms and values may be much different from those they were accustomed to in their country of origin. These conflicting discourses will play a powerful role in shaping their social, cultural and personal identities

(Steinbach, 2014). According to Dixon and Wu (2014), among the most difficult and profound

3 challenges newcomers face is learning the language and culture of their new host country, which determines the extent to which they can meaningfully integrate into the educational, economic and societal institutions of their newly adopted homeland (Roessingh & Douglas, 2011). For those arriving in Canada, this means adding English or French to a linguistic repertoire that is already characterized by one or more home languages. Critically, it is language learning that allows access to education—the mediating variable that will ensure quality of life through professional work and a well-paid career, and “inarguably the deciding factor for the next generation in the eyes of immigrant parents” (Roessingh & Douglas, 2011, p. 286). With 81.5% of the population speaking an immigrant mother tongue (i.e., languages whose presence is due to immigration after English and French colonization)—an increase of 13.3% since 2011—there has been a significant impact on the linguistic composition of Canada and a steady increase in the number of school children whose home language is not English (Statistics Canada, 2017c).

Furthermore, adult immigrants in Canada who attend English or French language classes bring their local experiences into the classroom, memories of their native country, expectations of and attitudes towards formal education, and a vision of the life they want to establish in their new country (Norton, 2013).

With all this in mind, there is a need for the development of pedagogical approaches that acknowledge migrants’ unique histories and backgrounds as valuable linguistic and cultural capital, enable both young students and adult learners to develop critical language and literacy skills, and increase contact activities between learners and the target language community

(Cummins & Early, 2011; Derwing & Waugh, 2012). As globalization gives momentum to migration, fosters intercultural exchange and in turn influences migrants’ sense of self

(Hattatoglu & Yakushko, 2014), there is also a need for research that allows educators to better

4 understand the social factors that influence newcomers’ learning and their changing identities. In

Norton’s (2013) words, “essentialist notions of language learners are untenable, and…it is only by acknowledging the complexity of identity that we can gain greater insight into the myriad challenges and possibilities of language learning and language teaching in the new millennium”

(p. 191).

1.3 Focus of the Study

This study contributes to the growing body of research on the relationship between language learning, literacy and identity. Its primary focus was to investigate the way in which three Syrian refugee families characterize their linguistic identities as speakers of Arabic and

English as they authored dual language identity texts. It also sought to investigate how dual language identity text projects can be used to target child and adult learning within family literacy programs. The study has been informed by the concepts of multimodality and multiliteracies pedagogy (Taylor, Bernhard, Garg & Cummins, 2008), which posit literacy not as traditional print-based reading and writing skills, but as a combination of the multilingual practices learners bring to the classroom. With an expanded view of literacy, educators and researchers have been able to bring together text-based and multimedia forms of meaning making and incorporate learners’ home languages to engage learners in a wide range of literacy practices (Giampapa, 2010). These culturally-sensitive pedagogical techniques acknowledge parents, caregivers, and families from minority communities as key partners, which empowers them to play a role in their children’s education (Cummins & Early, 2011). Previous research in this field provides support for the use of dual language identity texts with ethnolinguistic minority learners in three domains: (1) shifts in power relations, (2) cross-linguistic transfer and the development of metalinguistic awareness, and (3) academic expertise and literacy

5 engagement (Cummins & Early, 2011). Previous research, however, has concentrated on children in formal school settings, thereby largely bypassing adult learners with various levels of literacy in their first language and neglecting the experiences of refugees who may receive language and literacy instruction in alternative, in-home settings (De Fina, 2016).

In this study I have drawn on a qualitative multiple-case study design in order to better understand the experiences of the each of the participants and the relationships they have to the languages they speak. During the four months of data collection, I became a participant observer and worked to establish a space in which both the families and family literacy program facilitators became co-researchers who produced knowledge about language learning, literacy, identity and pedagogy collaboratively. The three participating families co-authored dual language texts based on photographs they had taken individually or with their family. They also completed a Language Portrait Silhouette task and took part in semi-structured interviews both prior to and after the project. The facilitators and director of the family literacy program provided much of the data on how dual language identity texts can be used to target language and literacy instruction and contributed to my understanding of the field of family literacy in general.

1.3.1 Definition of important terms.

This section provides definitions for the important terms in this study. These terms will be further explained throughout Chapters 2-5.

• Critical experiences: periods of time during which prolonged contact with a second

language (L2) and a new and different cultural setting causes irreversible destabilization

of an individual’s sense of self (Block, 2014).

• Dual Language Learners or DLLs: children who speak more than one language as a

result of growing up in a bilingual environment or are exposed to a minority language at

home but need to learn the majority language in order to participate in schooling in their

country of residence (Durán et al., 2016).

• English Language Learners or ELLs: adult English language learners. It is important to

note that for the purposes of this study, I have made an arbitrary distinction between

young DLLS and adult ELLs in order to keep the two groups of learners, children and

parents, separate.

• Hybrid or third place identity: a sense of self that is the product of a combination of

cultures, linguistic practices, histories and epistemologies, and is distinct from the

cultures that formed it (Gutierrez, Baquedano-López & Tejeda, 1999; Hattatoglu &

Yakushko, 2014).

• Hybridity: the process by which an individual’s stable sense of self is disrupted by the

experience of moving across geographical and sociocultural borders and replaced by an

alternative, in-between identity that contains elements of one’s past and present

sociohistorical, cultural and linguistic environments (Block, 2014).

• Identity: the way an individual understands their relationship to the world, how that

relationship is formed and transformed across time and space, and how the individual

understands their possibilities for the future (Norton, 2013).

• Identity ambivalence: the mutually conflicting feelings that accompany an individual’s

attempt to re-establish a stable sense of self and to create a coherent life narrative (Block,

2014).

• Identity text: the products of learners’ creative work or performance within a learning

environment (e.g., classroom, family literacy program, or pedagogical space, Cummins &

Early, 2011).

• Linguistic identity: the assumed and/or attributed relationship between one’s sense of

self and a means of communication, which may be a language, dialect, or a sociolect. The

three types of relationships include language expertise, affiliation, and inheritance

(Block, 2014).

• Linguistic repertoire: the entirety of an individual’s language behaviour, including their

language practices, skills, experiences and communicative interactions—all of which are

fluid, dynamic and capable of change given today’s high degree of global mobility and

diversity (Busch, 2012).

• Literacy skills: a standard of reading and writing ability necessary to function

successfully in society, sometimes also including visual, digital and cultural literacies

(Pavlov, 2015).

• Multimodality: a concept that posits language as just one of the communicative

resources through which meaning is made, along with visual, signed, musical and

expressive modes (Early, Kendrick & Potts, 2015).

• Multiliteracies: a reconceptualization of traditional print-based reading and writing skills

in a dominant language to include the multiple, multilingual practices spurred by rapid

technological changes and increasing numbers of people in linguistically diverse

communities (Cummins & Early, 2011; Giampapa, 2010).

• Third space: a conceptual space marked by hybridity and continual evolution as people

and cultures come into contact with one another and as individuals negotiate cultural

changes (Bhabha, 1994; Turner, 2016).

1.4 Structure of the Thesis

This thesis has been divided into five chapters. The current chapter provides an introduction to the topic and describes the focus and structure of my thesis. The following four chapters include a literature review, the methodology, the results, and a discussion and conclusion. The literature review presents recent research on the challenges young Dual

Language Learners and adult English Language Learners face and the factors that lead to their success as learners and newcomers to Canada. It describes the concepts of multimodality and multiliteracies pedagogy and includes recent examples of multimedia projects, including identity texts. At the end of the literature review, I identify gaps in the literature and state the three research questions that guided this study. The methodology chapter describes the local setting of the study and the study tasks and presents information common to all three participating families.

The results chapter presents the findings from the study and is divided into three ‘family portraits’ and include information specific to each family. The final chapter discusses the results across the three families, identifies the major limitations of this study and explores the implications of the research findings. I conclude the thesis by reflecting on the way in which this project contributed to my personal growth and view of the role of research as a form of social action.

Chapter 2 Literature Review

2.1 Introduction

For immigrant children or the Canadian-born children of immigrants who are exposed to a minority language at home (often referred to as Generation 1.5, Guardado, 2010), learning the dominant language of society can prove particularly difficult. Their English language proficiency, an accumulation of vocabulary and the development of efficient access to words and concepts (Bialystok, Peets & Moreno, 2014) will need to be both communicative (everyday

“here and now” language for basic conversation in familiar face-to-face situations) and academic

(abstract language to understand and express the concepts and ideas relevant to success in school, such as following oral and written directions, requesting information or asking questions, comparing and contrasting, arguing, and analyzing and predicting, among others, Cummins &

Man, 2007). It is the combination of communicative and academic language proficiencies that allows these children to engage with the demands of daily social interaction and school curriculum, providing the key to long-term educational success (Roessingh & Douglas, 2011).

The challenges of a language barrier make it difficult, however, for these Dual Language

Learners (henceforth referred to as DLLs, also often more generally referred to as young English

Language Learners or ELLs) to compete with their English-proficient peers as they learn to listen, speak, read and write simultaneously (Miller, Mackiewicz & Correa, 2017; Dixon & Wu,

2014). Moreover, as members of language minority communities growing up in Canada, DLLs are forced to find their place “in the larger context of the English-speaking milieu of school where they may not easily find themselves meaningfully included” (Roessingh, 2011, p. 290). In fact, linguistically diverse students whose first language (L1) is different from the language of instruction at school have been identified as one of three categories of students most at-risk for

10 underachievement, along with those having a low socioeconomic status or coming from a community that has been marginalized or excluded from educational and social opportunities, such as Indigenous populations in Canada (Cummins et al., 2015).

2.2 Challenges to Learning English as an Additional Language

Although DLLs’ communicative proficiency can develop relatively quickly, with 1-2 years of intensive exposure to English (i.e., participation in an English school setting), their conversational fluency may mask deficits in vocabulary and other key emergent literacy skills that underlie academic language proficiency (Cummins & Man, 2007). For the purposes of this study I will draw on Pavlov’s (2015) definition of literacy skills as ‘functional literacy:’ a standard of reading and writing ability necessary to function successfully in society, sometimes also including visual, digital and cultural literacies. DLLs’ development of academic proficiency is further complicated by the fact that many learners may not have fully developed an oral or written system in their L1 or may be in the process of losing their home language without having learned its academic register (Thonus, 2003). It follows logically that younger students arriving to Canada who are in the beginning stages of learning their L1 are at a disadvantage compared to their older counterparts; later arrivals have already crossed critical linguistic and cognitive thresholds (i.e., they have knowledge of print and literacy concepts, have developed metacognitive awareness, learning strategies and study skills, or have shifted from learning to read to reading to learn), and can “efficiently and more effectively transfer prior knowledge encoded in the L1” (Roessingh, 2011, pg. 127; Roessingh & Douglas, 2012). Younger arrivals, on the other hand, must build these skills from the ground up, making their learning task more arduous, and in some researchers’ view, making them susceptible to subtractive bilingualism

(i.e., acquiring English at the expense of their home language). Similarly, the unequal

11 distribution of DLLs’ vocabulary over two languages, which reflects differences in the input or amount of exposure to a language, contributes to a model of learning in which their languages are in competition with one another (Quiroz, Snow & Zhao, 2010). Studies that show the relationship between vocabulary scores for bilingual children’s L1 and second language (L2) support this hypothesis. A study by Roessingh and Elgie (2009), for example, revealed that vocabulary development is a crucial and central learning need for young DLLs, as it contributes to reading comprehension and, in turn, success with the increasingly demanding academic tasks required throughout elementary, junior high and high school. In addition to vocabulary knowledge, narrative skills are another area identified as problematic for DLLs, yet key to literacy acquisition in both their home and target language. Compared to their peers, children with greater language and literacy demands such as DLLs are more likely to produce narratives that contain less information, grammatical complexity, lexical diversity and organizational coherence, all of which can lead to an adverse effect on academic progress (Miller et al., 2017).

Research has also shown that in addition to a number of social and environmental factors (i.e., length of residence in Canada, family influences, community support and school assessment), difficulties acquiring English can contribute to enduring negative consequences for ELLs, such as poorer performance on high school diploma exams, early school dropout, being unprepared or ill-equipped for the literacy demands of university, and lower-paid employment or unemployment (Roessingh & Douglas, 2011; Roessingh & Douglas, 2012; Dixon & Wu, 2014).

For example, Pavlov (2015) states that DLLs may confront texts in school that contain a large amount of symbolism, allusions, or cultural references, which “require understanding certain concepts that are foreign to their home cultures” and thereby affect their performance in standardized school assessments such as the high school English Language Arts diploma exam

(p. 24). While extensive review of these non-linguistic factors is beyond the scope of this paper, it is clear that the learning needs of these learners are many and complex.

Although policymakers have recognized that supporting the maintenance and development of home languages can address DLLs’ unique needs and significantly improve their learning outcomes and school achievement, it can prove difficult for K-12 school teachers and literacy educators in both monolingual and bilingual instructional settings to implement new solutions to address the demands of these diverse multilingual student bodies (Dagenais, 2013).

Challenges include a lack of access to appropriate teaching materials or home language speakers who can assist in the classroom, and a lack of training in effective teaching strategies for students learning two or more languages at once (Naqvi et al., 2012). The issue of teacher training is especially important in early childhood education, when literacy acquisition and early reading skills such as phonological awareness, letter and word recognition and print comprehension first arise (Naqvi et al., 2012). The problems, however, do not end here; many Canadian schools continue to privilege the language(s) of instruction to the exclusion of other languages, and as a consequence, teachers face resistance through official education policy itself. For instance, in

2012 a policy was passed at a large school district in Montreal that forbids the use of any language other than French on school grounds, a measure that Dagenais (2013) says “appears extreme but resonates with restrictive policies that have been observed elsewhere in Canada” (p.

296). Furthermore, teachers are not given opportunities to understand how to transform a

Eurocentric curriculum that favours the values, philosophies, histories and practices of

European/Western civilization while ignoring and disempowering ethnolinguistic minority perspectives (Montero et al., 2013). Such school curriculum has been referred to as a ‘master script’ designed to maintain current social order and discount other ways of knowing (Kanu,

2007), as well as a form of cognitive imperialism that denies people their language and cultural integrity by legitimizing a single language, culture and frame of reference (Battiste, 2000). In discussing the mainstream education of Indigenous students in Canada, Montero et al. (2013) suggests that this colonial stance to education is often unconsciously perpetuated because pre- service and in-service teachers have limited opportunities to learn about issues of power, anti- oppressive education, and other cultural pedagogies and perspectives in contemporary society.

Similarly, Norton (2013) notes that there is often a disconnect between the pedagogy conceptualized by the teacher and the practices that are actually implemented in the classroom;

“despite the best intentions, classroom practices can recreate subordinate student identities, thereby limiting students’ access to not only language learning opportunities, but also to other more powerful identities” (p. 17). Equally important is the fact that even when educators explicitly recognize the power of including ethnolinguistic minority parents in students’ learning, they often struggle to involve parents meaningfully because their expertise is marginal to the curriculum (Taylor et al., 2008). Sadly, this relationship is bidirectional; because parents do not see the value of their knowledge and expertise, they “struggle to contribute meaningfully to their children’s schooling experience” (Naqvi et al., 2012, p. 518).

2.3 Adult English Language Learners

In addition to taking an active role in their children’s schooling, parents of DLLs, or adult immigrants, often also face the challenge of learning an official language upon their arrival in

Canada. Much like their children, English language proficiency and literacy can provide adult

English language learners (henceforth referred to as ELLs) with the critical medium for accessing healthcare, progressing through education, requalifying for their occupation or finding a new occupation, and building new social networks (Derwing & Waugh, 2012; Haworth, 2014;

Pulnix & Van Avermaet, 2017). There is also an underlying assumption that for an immigrant to be socially integrated in Canadian society (i.e., to be able to participate in the networks and spaces of society, including informal networks of friends and neighbours to membership in more formal organizations), they must be proficient in an official language, and nowhere is the import of linguistic proficiency more obvious than in the implementation of mandatory language testing for newcomers in semi-skilled or low-skilled professional programs (Derwing & Waugh, 2012).

In Canada, numerous English as an additional language (EAL, or English as a Second

Language, ESL) programs are offered by schools, community colleges, universities and non- governmental organizations across the country, such as the Language Instruction for Newcomers to Canada (LINC) program or the English Language Services for Adults (ELSA), which aim to help adult immigrants integrate into Canadian society and foster language skills (Derwing &

Thomson, 2005). In a study of LINC teachers and program coordinators, Derwing and Thomson

(2005) outline the history of federally funded language instruction in Canada, which first began in 1947 and initially emphasized the language training of immigrants who were planning to enter the work force (as such, far more men were able to access EAL programs because men were more likely to be deemed the primary breadwinners). At this time, language programming was designed to encourage immigrants to conform to Canadian citizenship values and to provide them with basic knowledge of English. In 1992, the LINC program was introduced in order to include greater numbers of women, increase the accessibility of EAL programming, shift the focus of language training away from preparation for employment to integration, and leave the overtly assimilationist stance of the early 20th century behind. One year later, Citizenship and

Immigration Canada (CIC) undertook a project to develop national benchmarks for English language and literacy skills, known as the Canadian Language Benchmarks (or CLB, and the

15 corresponding Niveaux de compétence linguistique canadiens for French), that would facilitate recognition of newcomers’ language achievements no matter where they settled and thus contribute to their integration into Canadian society (CIC, 1996; Derwing & Waugh, 2012).

Although the CLB were meant to encourage innovation in curriculum and materials development for adult learners, Guo (2013) notes that curricula still tend to be centered on teaching Canadian values and stress employability (i.e., by recommending anglicized names and emphasizing fitting into the Canadian workplace), thereby ignoring the complexity and ambiguity of the cultural experience of most newcomers. Guo (2013) states “current immigration and adult immigrant language policies endorse a conceptual framework of integration, but the policy in practice is problematic” (p. 23). As a result, future language programs and pedagogy should be designed to meet the needs of the learners, reject the current deficit model that seeks to assimilate newcomers, and value the plural ways of belonging and becoming Canadian (Guo, 2013).

2.3.1 EAL literacy learners.

It must also be taken into consideration that some adult immigrants and refugees may speak a first language that does not have a written form, may not be functionally literate in their first language or familiar with the Roman alphabet when they arrive in Canada (CIC, 1996). The challenges facing adult learners who are acquiring literacy for the first time and learning to speak a new language are daunting. In such cases, these learners must learn a new writing system (e.g., alphabet, left-right and top to bottom directionality), numeracy, reading and writing, and the metacognitive skills associated with monitoring one’s own learning (i.e., reading strategies), in addition to learning the language that will allow them to adapt to their new lives in Canada

(Riley & Douglas, 2016). Furthermore, literacy is viewed and valued differently by different cultures, which means that learners’ attitudes toward print may vary in the EAL classroom (CIC,

1996). Combined with differing familiarity with print and levels of formal education, this can affect the rate at which newcomers adapt to the Canadian educational environment and succeed in their English language learning. Studies on the role of L1 literacy in L2 learning in low- literate adult immigrants and refugee populations—though grossly limited compared to school- age children or highly literate adults—points to the influence of alphabetic print literacy on L2 learning and processing (Bigelow & Tarone, 2004). Some researchers, for example, have found that different levels of print literacy affect oral L2 processing, including the noticing of oral corrective feedback, elicited imitation (i.e., recall of oral L2 question prompts), morpheme use

(i.e., plural marking) and syntactic complexity (Pettitt & Tarone, 2015; Tarone, 2010). This means that adult learners who have not learned to associate a phoneme and a visual symbol in their L1 may have difficulties learning and processing an L2, even in the oral domain. Similarly,

Havron and Arnon (2017) looked at the role of L1 and L2 literacy on the lexical segmentation abilities (i.e., locating word boundaries in speech) of illiterate and literate adults learning to read in their L2, and found a clear effect of L1 literacy on spoken L2 lexical segmentation. In other words, higher L1 literacy was associated with better L2 performance. They concluded that literacy plays a role independent from that of age in increasing sensitivity to word boundaries.

Artieda (2017) investigated the role of L1 (Spanish and Catalan) literacy and reading habits (i.e., reading quantity and enjoyment) at different levels of L2 English proficiency and found that level of L1 literacy has a long-lasting effect on L2 achievement, even when L2 learning begins decades after learners have left compulsory schooling.

2.3.2. Language, literacy and social integration.

The challenge of concurrent language and literacy learning can be compounded by the fact that many newcomers have experienced war, torture, abuse or isolation, and for these or

17 other reasons, they may not believe in their ability to succeed (CIC, 1996). Elmeroth (2003) studied the experience of twenty-two Iranian refugees who had spent 15-20 years in a Kurdish refugee camp and found that after resettlement in Sweden, the refugees had little to no contact with native Swedish speakers outside of their L2 teacher and often became isolated. Participants stated that although their life in Sweden fulfilled their basic needs (where the camps did not), they felt no affinity with Swedes, lacked a feeling of belonging in the community, had no one to talk to, and were very aware of their low language level. These findings mirror the concerns of

Haznedar, Peyton and Young-Scholten (2018) about adult learners’ exposure to L2 input: if migrants are not print literate, their initial exposure to their language of their host country will be limited to what they can listen to. However, many migrants end up working in jobs that do not require high levels of literacy (e.g., housekeeping) and experience little interaction with target language speakers. In a study of the impact of language and integration policies on the social participation of adult migrants in Belgium, Pulnix and Van Avermaet (2017) also found that social bridging relations with members of the Flemish community were absent in the social networks of newcomers, which the respondents attributed to their insufficient proficiency in the

Dutch language. Moreover, the newcomers reported very few links to social organizations (i.e., public services and organized leisure-time activities such as sports clubs) and stated that although social contacts were made during integration and Dutch language courses, they lasted only as long as the duration of the course.

The interdependence of language, literacy and social interaction has been found in EAL contexts as well: because newcomers may not have the opportunity to interact with native speakers of English, their opportunities to practice English are limited or highly structured, and

under these circumstances, many immigrants become marginalized, introverted and

sensitive to rejection. They take fewer language risks and do not acquire a high level of

communicative competence in the target language, which prevents them from securing

meaningful employment. (Cervatiuc, 2009, p. 255)

In a report on the relationship between language skills and the social integration of Canada’s adult immigrants, Derwing and Waugh (2012) note that the greater the social and cultural distance between two linguistic groups, the harder it is to ‘bridge into’ the new language, which is due in part to the difficulty of finding native speakers who are willing to talk to newcomers with limited language skills. As such, an important aspect of their policy recommendations includes awareness-raising activities for native-born Canadians, contact activities, and training sessions to encourage native English speakers to be more receptive to non-native speakers.

Lastly, they conclude that without exposure to pragmatics (i.e., the social conventions of a given language learned through exposure or use, such as interrupting, apologizing, disagreeing, turn- taking, or teasing), even immigrants with high test scores in an official language may experience considerable difficulties fitting in and could have problems at work or in other situations. It comes as no surprise that for immigrants and refugees to Canada, the road to full participation in society as a valued member of the English-speaking community may be hard journey spanning many years (Riley & Douglas, 2016). In light of newcomers’ cultural diversity, the varying levels of L1 literacy in EAL classrooms, the realities of social integration, and the survival language skills provided by government-sponsored English classes such as LINC, which Guo

(2013) refers to “a level not sufficient to access postsecondary education or meet the language demands of professional fields” (p. 31), there is a need for culturally-responsive teaching and the inclusion of immigrant knowledge in the design of English language pedagogy for both adult

ELLs and young DLLs.

2.4 Multimodality and Multiliteracies Pedagogy

In an attempt to address the learning needs of both young DLLs and adult ELLs, teacher- researcher teams have begun to develop and implement teaching strategies that incorporate learners’ first languages into English language and literacy instruction, mitigating the burden of learning English by building on learners’ previous knowledge and supporting achievement in both languages. Backed by mounting evidence that teaching both languages actually facilitates

English language learning (Castro et al., 2011), these linguistically and culturally sensitive teaching practices challenge the view that learning two languages causes confusion or language delays in children, and advance the notion of additive bilingualism, which asserts individuals can retain their home language while successfully learning an L2 (Friedrich, Anderson & Morrison,

2014). Within a Canadian educational context, this means that schools and language programs are challenged to rethink which forms of literacy to teach and which pedagogical options are most appropriate for diverse, globally connected students (Giampapa, 2010).

Research into the concept of multimodality, which puts forth language as just one of the communicative resources through which meaning is made, has led those within the field of language education to redefine literacy instruction by recognizing the power of visual, signed, musical and dramatic expressive modes, along with print and speech (Early, Kendrick & Potts,

2015). Central to theories of multimodality is the claim that all communication is in fact multimodal (i.e., transmitted through image, gaze, gesture, movement, music, speech and sound- effect), and for this reason, it is “impossible to understand how we mean and learn with language(s) unless we attend to other modal resources at play” (Early, Kendrick & Potts, 2015, p. 448). The concept of multimodality has caused some researchers and educators to move away from what Lotherington and Jenson (2011) refer to as the ‘2-D,’ static, linear, paper-based

20 reading and writing agendas of school language and literacy curricula, and focus on more dynamic, multidimensional forms of communication, which could involve social interaction, physical movement, visual design, musical accompaniment, digital literacy, technology or animation, alphabetic literacy or collaborative text construction. The term ‘multiliteracies’ reflects this reconceptualization of traditional print-based reading and writing skills in a dominant language to include the multiple, multilingual practices spurred by rapid technological changes and increasing numbers of people in linguistically diverse communities (Cummins &

Early, 2011; Giampapa, 2010). Under this view, literacy is not a discrete set of skills constrained to pen and paper, but a set of socially and culturally constituted practices that embrace the multilingual, multiliterate practices that linguistic minority learners bring to the classroom.

As a result of the various expressive modes and creative freedom afforded by teaching within a multiliteracies framework (known as multiliteracies pedagogy), educators and researchers have been able to bring together text-based and multimedia forms of meaning making that engage learners in a wide range of literacy practices (Giampapa, 2010). By incorporating DLLs’ home languages and their families as sources of linguistic and cultural capital, these new pedagogies are both cognitively challenging and personally meaningful

(Cummins & Early, 2011). In a study by Dagenais, Moor, Sabatier, Lamarre and Armand

(2009), for example, young DLLs learned to question stereotypical representations of language diversity and critically investigate the status of different languages by gathering evidence of multilingualism in their own neighbourhoods (i.e., taking pictures of signage or collecting newspapers and food labels in different languages) and making videos about their findings.

Along a similar line, Marshall and Toohey (2010) had Punjabi Sikh students in a western

Canadian elementary school partake in intergenerational bilingual storytelling sessions. Using

MP3 players, the students first recorded their grandparents talking about their childhood and then produced drawings and bilingual narratives about life in India based on their grandparents’ stories. Innovative techniques with adults in EAL programs have looked to service learning (i.e., pedagogy which directs students’ classroom learning to address the needs of a community) as a platform for learners to improve their communicative competence and find membership and legitimacy within the target language community (Riley & Douglas, 2016). Such programs have included a multicultural café (Riley & Douglas, 2016), authoring online written publications, tutoring underprivileged children in a low-income neighbourhood, and running a food drive for the homeless (Perren, Grove & Thorton, 2013). Other research projects have included various print, digital and visual literacy activities, such as multilingual storybook reading, a method of language instruction and literacy intervention for learners that fosters metalinguistic awareness by providing them with texts in two languages (Naqvi et al., 2012; Sneddon, 2008). One innovative approach takes dual language book reading a step further by having DLLs author their own bilingual or multilingual texts (i.e., in their home language and the language of school instruction) using a number of modalities and often in collaboration with their parents or family.

These ‘identity texts’ have been defined simply as “the products of students’ creative work or performance within [a] pedagogical space” —a definition which prescribes no definitive form to students’ work, leaving room for students to choose what they would like to share with the world, and how they would like to express it (Cummins & Early, 2011, p. 3). These ‘texts,’ or multimodal dual language projects (henceforth referred to as dual language identity texts), have come to be one of the most recognized forms of multiliteracies pedagogy aimed at empowering learners of diverse backgrounds and challenging Eurocentric, monolingual traditions in education (Prasad, 2015; Taylor et al., 2008).

2.5 Dual Language Identity Texts

The term ‘identity text’ was first used to describe the work produced by students in a 4- year long collaborative research project titled From Literacy to Multiliteracies: Designing

Learning Environments for Knowledge Generation within the New Economy. Working with teachers in Vancouver and Toronto, Canada, the researchers explored the way in which instructional spaces were transformed when “the definition of literacy was expanded beyond its traditional focus” (Cummins & Early, 2011, p. 1). Foundational to identity texts is the assumption that learners invest their identities in the creation of these texts, gradually imbuing their work with their past and present experiences and sense of self. For the purposes of this study, I will draw on Norton’s (2013) poststructuralist view of identity as the way an individual understands their relationship to the world, how that relationship is formed and transformed across time and space, and how the individual understands their possibilities for the future.

Though they do not use the term ‘identity text’, Roswell and Pahl (2007) clearly delineate the connection between identity and text production, claiming that as learners make texts (or any creative work, such as illustrations or drawings), their identity becomes ‘sedimented’ or layered within the text. The finished product contains traces of both personal history and social practice; if a child composed a text at home, for example, it “would have been constructed in relation to ways of being and doing in the home, to the everyday practices surrounding the text” (Roswell &

Pahl, 2007, p. 388). As a consequence, texts act as artefacts that materially represent the experiential history and identities of the author. Importantly, as students share their work with their peers, teachers, family or the media, they receive positive feedback and affirm their cultural backgrounds, maximize their self-identities, and actively engage in the learning process (Miller et al., 2017). In their book Identity Texts: The collaborative creation of power in multilingual

23 schools, Cummins and Early (2011) review a number of case studies in which multilingual students authored identity texts and summarize the positive impact of these texts on students’ self-image and the quality of their learning as follows. Dual language identity texts (p. 4):

• encourage learners to connect new information and skills to previous background

knowledge;

• produce more sophisticated literacy work in the language of instruction;

• increase learners’ awareness of the specialised vocabulary and language of different

school subjects;

• affirm learners’ identities as intelligent, imaginative and linguistically talented; and

• increase learners’ awareness of the relationships between their home language and the

target language (i.e., English).

In the sections below, I review the relevant literature on the effects of using dual language identity texts as an instructional tool for Dual Language Learners. The summary is organized into three sections: (1) how dual language identity texts trigger shifts in the power relations between teachers, students, and their families; (2) how dual language identity texts support language learning by capitalizing on the transfer of language skills and the development of metalinguistic awareness; and (3) how dual language identity texts promote learners’ academic expertise and literacy engagement.

2.5.1 Rethinking power relations and expertise.

Cummins and Early (2011) have proposed that one of the primary functions of dual language identity texts is to challenge the coercive relations of power found in educational settings (i.e., when a single dominant language is used for school instruction and linguistically

24 diverse learners are given the message, either implicitly or explicitly, that their home language has no place at school). Dual language identity texts are thought to “clearly proclaim the legitimacy of students’ multilingual skills and showcase their intellectual, literary and artistic talents” by drawing on and incorporating their home language and literacy practices, cultural backgrounds and personal experiences (Cummins & Early, 2011, p. 27). A study of dual language identity texts by Taylor, Bernhard, Garg and Cummins (2008) illustrates these shifts in power. As young DLLs collaborated with their parents in writing about themselves, their friends and family, favourite foods and activities in their home language and their families’ heritage, knowledge and expertise were placed at the forefront of the project–meaning family members were “repositioned and re-qualified as resources and educators” (p. 282). The researchers found that the process of authoring dual language books allowed for the emergence of new intergenerational relationships within the family, as children approached their grandparents and included them in their school work. It also combated what they referred to as the ‘default option’ of schools, in which DLLs learning English are viewed in terms of what they lack (i.e., they can’t speak English, or are referred to as ‘immigrant kids,’ ‘ESL kids’ or ‘new Canadians,’

Taylor et al., 2008). Other studies support the positioning of children and their family members as experts in the classroom, as teachers take a step back and allow students to lead discussion, talk about their language skills, and connect the work they do in school to their personal life at home. In discussing the cooperation of teachers and volunteer readers in a study of dual language book reading, Naqvi, McKeough, Thorne and Pfitscher (2012) conclude that through these shifts in power and expertise, DLLs’ linguistic capital becomes a form of social capital, “an understanding that the Canadian education system values not only parental participation but also

25 the linguistic bonus that comes from embracing different languages and cultures afforded by parents” (Naqvi et al., 2012, p. 523).

2.5.2 Linguistic transfer, Cummins’s Common Underlying Proficiency

hypothesis, and metalinguistic awareness.

In addition to inciting new and progressive forms of power and authority in language education, dual language identity texts support DLLs’ academic achievement and language learning by drawing on the transfer of higher-order analytic abilities across languages.

Cummins’s Common Underlying Proficiency (CUP) hypothesis posits that language learning is driven by a single language learning mechanism and that common linguistic resources allow individuals to learn additional languages, despite differences in the surface features across the two languages (Cummins, 1981; Friedrich, Anderson & Morrison, 2014). While the transferability of these skills depends on the relationships between languages and their writing systems (Bialystok, Luk & Kwan, 2005), cognitive processing operations such as word- recognition strategies, intra-textual perceptions, meta-cognitive strategies, prior knowledge and schema formation are not language-specific and can be drawn upon to learn multiple languages

(Quiroz, Snow & Zhao, 2010). In a recent study of dual language text production, Miller,

Mackiewicz and Correa (2017) investigated the effect of a 16-week intervention for English

Language Learners, in which three children authored identity texts in Spanish and English with the help of the principal researcher. The authors were primarily interested in the effect of the intervention on DLL’s discourse length (i.e., total number of words) and lexical diversity (i.e., number of new words). Working under the view that the native language acts as a template for learning the basic linguistic structures in a second or additional language (i.e., phonemes,

26 vocabulary, inflection and grammar), they hypothesized that supporting the participants’ acquisition of their L1 (i.e., writing a text in both Spanish and English) would lead to gains in their language skills in their L2 (i.e., longer and more complex oral productions in English).

Findings were generally positive and showed that two of the three participants had significant gains in discourse length and lexical diversity at the end of the study. It must be noted, however, that the participants were only assessed in English, and it is therefore unknown whether the intervention had positive effects on their native Spanish language skills. Moreover, the participants were asked to generate dual language texts based on photographs that were not specifically related to their lives (i.e., could have been unfamiliar or simply not meaningful), so it is possible they were less motivated to produce long or complex language samples. As such, the linguistic gains could have been greater with an intervention specific to their lives or interests.

In a like manner, research in the field of dual language book (DLB) reading provides further support for Cummins’s CUP hypothesis and the transfer of skills across languages.

Naqvi, McKeough, Levesque, Numen, Pfitscher and Thorne (2010) examined the effect of exposure to multiple written text forms (i.e., reading in different languages) on bilingual and monolingual kindergarten students enrolled at four elementary schools in Calgary, Alberta. In this longitudinal study, the treatment group received a DLB reading program over two school years (15 weeks per year), while the comparison group read books in English only. At the end of each school year the Test of Early Reading Ability (TERA-3) was used to measure the children’s mastery of early developing reading skills in English, which included tests of children’s knowledge of the alphabet, conventions of print, and the construction of meaning from print.

Findings showed that children in the treatment group had significantly higher scores on the alphabet sub-test of the TERA-3 compared to children who only heard stories in English.

Interestingly, DLLs who spoke one of the target languages included in the DLBs at home (i.e.,

Urdu and Punjabi) showed significantly higher scores than children who spoke other languages that were not included in the DLBs, which indicates that seeing or hearing texts in two languages may be particularly beneficial to DLLs. The authors comment on this relationship between home language and second language literacy skills, stating that “the promotion of literacy development in a child’s first language can help children acquire second or third language literacy,” and more specifically, allows them to apply vocabulary skills (i.e., providing definitions and interpreting metaphors), word and pseudo-word reading strategies and writing strategies to both languages

(Naqvi et al., 2010, p. 9). Stated otherwise, DLLs have the ability to make connections between their home language and English in order to better understand English words. The researchers add that exposure to several languages by reading DLBs also helped learners develop metalinguistic awareness (i.e., an awareness of various scripts, the direction of print, the shape of letters, and similarities and differences in meaning across languages), a finding that could be extended to studies of writing dual language texts. Indeed, Prasad (2015) found this effect in an investigation of dual language text production with language learners in Canada (Toronto) and

France (Montpellier). Prasad collaborated with the teacher and the students in one classroom to create a chart with the numbers one to ten in all of the languages that students were capable of writing. As a result of compiling a list of similarities and differences across languages, this activity helped students appreciate the various rules, forms and conventions of different languages, make observations about the language forms used in their own dual language texts, and develop greater openness towards other languages and cultural practices as they pooled their linguistic resources as a class. Similar results were found in an exploratory case study by Early and Yeung (2009), in which students in a Grade 9 French class composed and illustrated their

28 own children’s stories in French and later adapted them into script-form for a dramatic performance. Although these multimodal book projects were composed entirely in the L2

(French) and were not DLBs, students reported that by writing multiple drafts and engaging in peer-editing, they increased their French vocabulary, improved their knowledge of grammar, speaking and narrative-writing skills (i.e., creativity, humour and suspense), and had a heightened awareness of story conventions. Early and Yeung (2009) attribute these improvements to increases in metalinguistic knowledge in a number of domains, including pronunciation, punctuation, vocabulary, syntax and discourse patterns. They also observed that students were highly invested due to the authenticity of the tasks and the adaptation of students’ texts for real-life performance, concluding that the project afforded this group of language learners the opportunity for maximum cognitive engagement and maximum identity investment.

2.5.3 The Literacy Expertise and Engagement frameworks.

Two theoretical frameworks, the Literacy Expertise framework and the Literacy

Engagement framework, highlight the power of using dual language identity texts as a language and literacy intervention for DLLs (Cummins & Early, 2011). The Literacy Expertise framework views knowledge generation (i.e., learning) as a process that takes place within an interpersonal space created by educator-student interactions. These interactions revolve around a Focus on

Meaning (understanding content), a Focus on Language (an awareness and analysis of language forms) and a Focus on Use (using language to generate new knowledge, create literature and art, and act on social realities). As such, if teachers see students as academically bright and value their unique skills and contributions, students will come to view themselves as competent, thus maximally investing in both the literacy practices in the classroom and their identity as learners.

Cummins and Early (2011) explain that under this perspective, dual language identity texts are

29 an instructional tool that incorporates all three dimensions of language learning (Focus on

Meaning, Focus on Language and Focus on Use), and promote students’ literacy expertise by transforming the teacher-student interpersonal space, enabling students to “develop and showcase identities of competence linked to literacy and academic work” (p. 32).

The Literacy Engagement framework, on the other hand, outlines the connection between students’ access to print and literacy engagement. Its central premise is that literacy practices that are identity-affirming and activate learners’ prior experience and current knowledge are likely to increase students’ engagement (i.e., length of time on task, enthusiasm and enjoyment, comprehension, and active pursuit of literacy activities, Cummins & Early, 2011, p. 33).

Furthermore, print access and literacy engagement are “two sides of the same coin” because without ample access to print or rich print environments, students will not engage in literacy practices (Cummins et al., 2015). The strength of the relationship between print access and literacy achievement has been well documented (see Mol and Bus, 2011, for a meta-analysis on the association between print exposure and reading comprehension, technical reading and spelling skills). With this in mind, identity texts present a meaningful way of exposing DLLs to print and supporting their literacy attainment in two languages. Cummins and Early (2011) summarize this statement by asking: “what better way to get students from marginalized communities engaged with literacy than to enable them to create their own texts and take ownership of this process?” (p. 42). Similarly, Pilonieta, Shue and Kissel (2014) report on the effects of reading and writing self-authored books in a dual language (Spanish and English) preschool classroom, stating that crafting books not only allows students to engage with print and writing in a meaningful way, but also “energizes them by writing for real audiences” and makes the thinking-writing-publishing process a natural, authentic experience (p. 20). They also

30 note that this process helps children develop identities as authors, and when they grow as authors, they also grow as readers.

2.6 Gaps in the Literature

While the purported benefits of using dual language identity texts as an instructional tool for DLLs are abundant, there are still a number of limitations to previous research conducted in this area. First, although a review of the literature demonstrates the effectiveness of identity text production in affirming students’ identities as capable learners and as authors, to my knowledge, there have been no studies which specifically document the way in which learners express and describe their linguistic identity during a dual language identity text project. Linguistic identity is an important part of multilinguals’ identity and reflects the way in which the languages people speak are a part of who they are (Block, 2014; Dressler, 2014). Linguistic identity is proposed to be composed of expertise (i.e., proficiency), affiliation (i.e., the attachment one feels to a language or group of speakers) and inheritance (i.e., familial connections) (Block, 2014;

Dressler, 2014; Leung, Harris & Rampton, 1997). Linguistic identity is closely related to the notion of linguistic repertoire, which refers to the entirety of an individual’s language behaviour: their language practices, skills, experiences and communicative interactions (all of which are fluid, dynamic and capable of change given today’s high degree of global mobility and diversity,

Busch, 2012). It remains to be seen if and how identity text projects can help elicit learners’ conceptions of their first and second language identities in terms of their expertise, affiliation and inheritance. In light of ethnolinguistic minority parents’ and family members’ important role as educators and experts in dual language identity text production, as well as the fact that they themselves are often learning English, I also chose to investigate how parents express their linguistic identity as they collaborate with their children to write texts in two languages.

2.6.1 The Language Portrait Silhouette task.

One way in which to probe learners’ symbolic expression of linguistic identity by is to have them draw or colour in their languages on a paper silhouette of a body by making use of the

Language Portrait Silhouette (LPS) task. During this task, participants are asked to reflect on the role their languages play in their lives and to draw them with pens or markers in the outline of a body (Busch, 2012). They are then asked to verbally describe the picture and how it relates to their language practices, resources and attitudes. Variations on the LPS task (i.e., free-hand drawings) may also include other visual elements such as speech bubbles, flags, comic-like characters, or written conversations. Busch (2010) explains that language portraits are particularly effective as a multimodal approach to eliciting reflections on the linguistic processes that tend to operate unconsciously and cannot be easily verbalized: first, they take advantage of the prominence of visual representation in meaning-making and second, they allow learners to generate narratives that are less bound to the genre expectations that might arise in writing or speaking by shifting the focus of attention to the visual domain. Previous research has pointed to the power of combining the observation of multilingual practices with metalinguistic commentaries by participants (i.e., through interviews or group discussions), as it allows the individual’s perspective to be taken into account (Busch, 2012). Relatedly, Melo-Pfeifer (2015) states that although the collection and analysis of drawings can be carried out in isolation, the combination of several data sources is usually preferred. With all this in mind, language portraits are not considered objective reconstructions of one’s linguistic repertoire ‘the way it really is,’ rather, they are snapshots of speakers’ linguistic identity that emerge during the research process, in a specific social environment such as at home or school (Busch, 2012).

The LPS task has been used in previous studies to provide insights into the language repertoires of L2 learners and the complex social and linguistic identities within communities of learners. Busch (2010), for example, used language portraits (termed ‘multimodal biographic accounts’) and accompanying questionnaires to investigate the language practices and attitudes of 13- to 15-year-old students in dual-medium English and Afrikaans classes at a secondary school in Cape Town, South Africa. She was primarily interested in creating a profile of the school’s language ideology based on learners’ linguistic dispositions (i.e., L1 and L2 varieties, pragmatic knowledge, and their desires and imaginations tied to language learning), and critiquing the division of children into two pre-established categories of learners—either

‘Afrikaans speakers’ or as ‘English speakers’—by census, education and school language policies—“before they have conceived of themselves as such” (p. 286). Other studies have focused on young heritage language learners’ (i.e., children learning a language connected to their family, heritage community, or speakers with a migrant background) multilingual repertoires in Europe and in Canada (Dressler, 2014; Melo-Pfeifer, 2015). The LPS task has been used in a similar manner with adult language learners. For example, Busch (2012) used the LPS task to investigate how one 50-year-old multilingual teacher from the German-French border conceived of this linguistic identity and found that his language portrait hinted at the history of post-World War II Europe portrayed themes of political conflict, competing national ideologies, and his attempts to integrate his multilingual identities. Overall, studies such as these point to the power of using language portraits and the LPS task to encourage in-depth reflections on the emotional experience of language learning and identity negotiation.

Though to my knowledge there are few studies that have utilized the LPS task in the

Canadian context, other research on migrant identity in general has shown that language learners

33 face an arduous process of constructing an identity that incorporates their personal histories, languages, cultures and experiences (Busch, 2010; Farrell, 2000; King, 2013; King & Ganuza,

2005; Warriner, 2007). For example, Norton’s (2013) hallmark multiple case study of five female immigrants from Poland, Vietnam, Peru and the former Czechoslovakia who resettled in

Toronto highlighted the link between parenting, access to Anglophone social networks, and linguistic identity for newomers to Canada. Although other research has “neglected other kinds of mobility, such as refugees and asylum seekers” (De Fina, 2016, p. 174), there are a few recent and promising exceptions. Veronis, Tabler and Ahmed (2018), for example, investigated how 29

Syrian newcomer youth explored and communicated their identity as Syrian Canadians and developed relationships with Canadians through their use of social media (i.e., Facebook,

Instagram, Snapchat and WhatsApp). Data were collected through a short demographic questionnaire and five focus groups with Syrian youth between the ages of 16 and 25 who had arrived in Canada as part of the resettlement effort in 2015-2016. The findings showed that social media created virtual contact zones in which Syrian refugee youth could learn about Canadian culture in ways that helped them navigate their new environment and afforded cultural exchange.

More importantly, the participants expressed notions of hybrid identities when discussing their personal transformation in the process of resettlement and as a result of “belonging to multiple places and cultures” (p. 96). According to Block (2014), hybridity is a process by which an individual’s stable sense of self is disrupted by the experience of moving across geographical and sociocultural borders and replaced by an alternative, in-between identity that contains elements of one’s past and present sociohistorical, cultural and linguistic environments. Although a hybrid identity is a mélange of cultures, linguistic practices, histories and epistemologies, it is also distinct from the cultures that formed it and as such may also be referred to as a third or third

34 place identity (Gutierrez, Baquedano-López & Tejeda, 1999; Hattatoglu & Yakushko, 2014).

Furthermore, hybrid identities do not necessarily mean an individual becomes “half of what he/she was and half of what he/she has been exposed to” (Block, 2014, p. 25). Block (2014) adds that hybridity is also often accompanied by identity ambivalence, which he defines as the uncertainty of feeling a part and apart (i.e., the state of being intimate with one’s surroundings while remaining outside of them), or the mutually conflicting feelings that accompany one’s attempt to re-establish a stable sense of self and create a coherent life narrative. With this in mind, the LPS task could provide a useful tool for investigating Syrian refugees’ linguistic identity and offer a better understand of their experiences in language learning, identity development and migration.

2.6.2 A novel setting: family literacy programs.

It is also often overlooked that the majority of studies on dual language identity texts have been conducted in formal school settings, which limits the generalization of their findings to other environments in which DLLs and ELLs receive language and literacy instruction, such as early childhood centers, heritage language schools or community language programs, and family literacy programs. Family literacy programs in particular can have a strong impact on both parents’ and children’s successful adaptation to life in Canada, as many of these programs attempt to create a ‘third space’ in which school-like language and literacy practices and the practices of the family are brought together, equally valued, and promoted through the use of bilingual books, instruction in the home language and the incorporation of meaningful cultural practices into the curriculum (Friedrich, Anderson & Morrison, 2014). Apedaile and Whitelaw

(2012) refer to such language and literacy programs as the “gateway to the social and economic integration of newcomers into Canadian society” (p. 129) by providing both young DLLs and

35 adult ELLs and with the necessary support for academic and professional success. In fact, essential elements of intergenerational literacy programs’ success are the identification of parent needs and extended opportunities for families to discuss what exactly they are learning and how to apply it to their lives (Collier& Auerbach, 2011). Furthermore, Duran et al. (2016) refer to home language interventions as a ‘bridge’ between school and home literacy practices (i.e., any activities that take place at home involving reading, writing, speaking, or listening) and state that they have the added benefit of helping young DLLs maintain communication with their families, who may only speak the L1 at home. Roessingh (2011) argues that although the learning needs of DLLs are unmistakable and the funding to support them is available, “the research community is only in its beginning stages of undertaking the work that can inform curriculum and materials development for them” (p. 125). Reporting on the home language and literacy practices among immigrant L2 learners, Dixon and Wu (2014) add to this sentiment by urging researchers to build on existing studies to design and implement innovative practices that connect home and school practices and encourage parental involvement in both school settings and family literacy programs. With all this in mind, family literacy programs offer a powerful learning environment and a novel setting for the implementation of a dual language identity text project. Lastly, the majority of the studies reviewed have been undertaken in Toronto, Montreal and Vancouver (i.e., in Canada’s largest urban centers, where multilingualism is most visible), which justifies the implementation of dual language identity text projects in a wider range of cities and settings across Canada (Dagenais, 2013), such as Calgary, Alberta.

2.7 Research Questions

This study will attempt to address the gaps in the literature mentioned above, guided by the following research questions and hypotheses:

• Research Question 1: How do young DLLs and adult ELLs conceptualize their

linguistic identity in the Language Portrait Silhouette task when co-authoring dual

language identity texts?

• Hypothesis 1: Through participation in a dual language identity text intervention,

learners of English will incorporate both Arabic and English into their linguistic

repertoire as represented by the Language Portrait Silhouette Task. It is expected that,

over the course of the study, they will relate English to the constructs of expertise and

affiliation. Arabic, on the other hand, will be expressed through the construct of

inheritance.

• Research Question 2: How do participants in a family literacy program assess the dual

language identity text project in terms of strengths, weaknesses and learning outcomes?

• Hypothesis 2: Based on previous research with children, I expect participants to enjoy

the collaborative book creation process and gain a greater understanding of both the

similarities and differences between English and Arabic.

• Research Question 3: How can family literacy programs draw on dual language identity

text projects to target adult and child literacy instruction for immigrant families?

• Hypothesis 3: Family literacy programs can use collaborative dual language identity text

projects to engage all family members in creative text production simultaneously, with

thematic instruction centered around a topic of interest specific to each given family.

Chapter 3: Methodology

3.1 Introduction

This qualitative multiple case study developed as a university-community collaboration between a local non-profit literacy development agency and a university in western Canada.

Although I had originally intended to draw on quantitative data collection methods (i.e., a standardized measurement of literacy) in addition to qualitative methods (i.e., observation and interviews), it became clear at the outset of the project that the unique setting of the home visits and presence of multiple participants during each session created substantial constraints on time, resources, and space. Furthermore, finding a literacy screening tool suitable across all of the learners’ ages also provided a challenge. As such, I chose to rely on multiple sources of qualitative data, including semi-structured interviews, an analysis of participants’ Language

Portrait Silhouettes before and after the dual language identity text intervention, and observations during the family literacy sessions. The learners’ identity texts were also used as a basis for discussion of print during the project. The case study design allowed for close, personal access to the people and data involved, thereby allowing for a holistic and in-depth view of each family and their learning (Gagnon, 2010). Such qualitative work is well suited in research on identity and language learning, which views identity as a fluid construct that is both multiple and changing, rather than a stable personality trait (Norton, 2013). As the study comprised three individual case studies, this thesis will be structured as follows: the methodology chapter will present information common to all three participating families and the following chapter on results and a discussion of the research questions will be split into three ‘family portraits’ and include information specific to each family.

3.2 Setting of the Study

3.2.1 Local setting.

According to the most recent census data, Calgary’s population rose 14.6% from 2011 to

2016, with 93,255 newcomers resettling in Calgary during this 5-year period (Statistics Canada,

2017a). The results also highlight the linguistic diversity of Calgary’s population; there are over

383,000 residents of Calgary who speak a mother tongue other than French or English, while

111,480 respondents reported speaking a non-official language at home. What is more, between

November 2015 and July 2018, the city of Calgary has received over 2,600 Syrian refugees fleeing terrorism and violence in Syria, further adding to Calgary’s ethnically and linguistically diverse population and increasing the need for adequate language training (Government of

Canada, 2017). The city’s mayor Naheed Nenshi has voiced concern over the services and resources available for incoming refugees to Calgary, calling language training “the single biggest contributor to their long-term success” (McGarvey, 2017). Thus, the current demographic composition of Calgary offers a compelling site for an investigation of identity, literacy and the efficacy of multiliteracies pedagogies. The Government of Alberta (n.d.) has outlined a number of support programs and resources for Syrian refugees in the province, including English language courses, language assessment and referral centers, volunteer-led initiatives such as conversation groups, and non-profit organizations, which provide settlement, integration and language services to immigrants and refugees in Southern Alberta. The literacy agency that supported the current project is one such organization and has taken steps to help

Syrian refugees learn English while promoting the maintenance of their primary home language,

Arabic, through a special government-funded home intervention as part of their family literacy program.

3.2.2 Community setting.

Prior to my Conjoint Faculties Research Ethics Board submission to the University, I approached the director of the family literacy program at a local non-profit literacy agency to discuss the interest in and feasibility of a collaborative research project in which families would co-author books in English and their native language. At this time, the agency had received special government funding for an extended (10-month) home literacy program for recently resettled refugee families from the Middle East, and as a result of their need for English language learning services and the proposed timeline of the project, these families were chosen as the potential participants for the study. The program director invited me to attend a monthly staff meeting at which I was able to meet with the home literacy facilitators, introduce the project and give background on my research. I also completed a volunteer application, police background check and a Child Services intervention record check. A second meeting was then planned with program director and five home literacy facilitators who were interested in taking part in the study. Logistical aspects of the project and examples of the Linguistic Portrait Silhouette task were discussed. Facilitators also received and signed consent forms and confidentiality agreements. This group meeting was followed by one-on-one meetings with each of the facilitators. The planning and implementation of the study was a highly collaborative process, and these meetings allowed me to gather highly valuable feedback from the director and facilitators.

The meetings were also key in outlining the organization of the project, as the way in which the home visits were structured and specific aspects of the project (i.e., number of visits, length of each visit, overall length of the project, literacy activities and topics for discussion) were different according to each facilitator and each family. In light of the wide variation in

40 families within this program and variation within each family, such as the number of children, educational background, and prior experience learning English, these meetings were also essential in preparing me to carry out research in the participants’ homes. They highlighted the need for extreme sensitivity to the circumstances of the families’ life in Canada (i.e., having fled their home country as a result of war and violence, time spent in refugee camps, and cultural considerations such as meals, prayer and Ramadan). Flexibility was also essential to the success of the project, as the literacy sessions were learner-driven and centered on the current needs of the children and parents involved. In addition to high accessibility and individualized, one-on- one instruction, this flexibility is central to the agency’s approach to teaching literacy within the home. Sessions, for example, can be dedicated to helping children with their homework, discussing and filling out forms and permission slips sent home from school, or explaining how to sign up for membership cards at local stores. I was informed that the topic of each session would also likely change from week to week, as family members could spontaneously bring up their own questions, concerns or experiences. Furthermore, the agency allows for the cancellation or rescheduling of sessions when family members are ill or unable to make their regular session. As such, the study design reflected a desire to match the overarching goals and structure of the home literacy program and allowed for adaptability in the process of collecting data.

3.3 Timeline of the Study

The research project began with the organization and planning of the study with the director of the family literacy program and the three participating facilitators in the fall of 2017.

The study officially ran from the time approval to conduct the research was granted by the

Conjoint Faculties Research Ethics Board in January 2018, until the final reflections on the

41 project were recorded at the end of April 2018. The study included a combined total of twenty- two home visits of approximately two hours each over four months. More detailed information about the number and length of home visits according to each family are included in the following chapter.

3.4 Participants

Three families originally from Syria who recently settled in Canada took part in this study. All of the families spoke Arabic as their native language and English as a second language at varying levels of proficiency. Two of the families had spent time in refugee camps prior to arriving in Canada. In addition to the three families and three home literacy facilitators previously mentioned, an Arabic translator employed by the literacy agency was vital to the study. The translator assisted in four semi-structured interviews with two of the families, provided valuable insights into the various dialects of Arabic and aided in the construction of the dual language books (i.e., typing hand-written texts). The translator signed a confidentiality agreement before attending the home visits.

Out of my desire to respect the relationships that developed out of this research, it is also important for me to recognize my role as a participant-observer in this study and acknowledge that I was engaged in a study with, as opposed to on, those with whom I was working. Both the facilitators and members of each family were integral parts of the research design and drove much of the ‘exploration’ itself. As such, this study falls within the category of participatory action research, in that it emulated the mutual and collaborative nature of involvement for participants, the local community, and the researcher. Such research is distinguished from conventional research by recognizing shared ownership of the research project, adopting a

42 community-based analysis of social problems, and assuming an orientation towards community action (Kemmis & McTaggart, 2007).

3.5 Tasks

The tasks in this study included writing dual language identity texts centered on daily life in Canada, semi-structured interviews with the three literacy facilitators and three Syrian families, and a Linguistic Portrait Silhouette task. The two latter tasks took place in conjunction with the dual language book project and contributed to information about the home literacy program in general, the participants’ backgrounds, and the linguistic identity of each of the learners. The ultimate goal of the project was to compile families’ photographs and texts and publish them as dual language English-Arabic books.

3.5.1 Semi-structured interviews.

At the outset of the study I conducted one round of semi-structured interviews with each of the families, the three participating facilitators, and the director of the family literacy program, for a total of seven interviews. The initial interviews with the facilitators and the program director were used to gain a sense of the structure of the family literacy program, the facilitators’ professional background and training, and their views on language and literacy learning and teaching in Canada. During the interviews, the facilitators were also able to discuss their own experiences with L2 learning, share their preferred methods of literacy instruction, and give contextual information about each of the families with whom we would be working. I designed the interview questions to gain a general sense of their views on the language learning needs of newcomers to Canada, including the what they considered as support or challenges to learning for both young and adult ELLs. The interview with the director of the family literacy program

43 provided a more general overview of the field of family literacy and the characteristics and experiences of families working with the local agency. The initial interviews with the Syrian families were used to gain insight into their linguistic backgrounds (i.e., the amount of language use in each language, and the relative proficiency of each learner), and home language and literacy practices, including caregiver-child literacy practices (i.e., frequency of book reading, frequency of child storytelling, and frequency of literacy-related teaching activities), maternal and paternal literacy practices (i.e., reading books or magazines, checking out a book from the library, using a dictionary, encyclopedia or recipes, and sending cards or letters), and access to print resources (i.e., the number of children’s books available in the home). At the suggestion of the facilitators, an interpreter was present to facilitate the interviews for the two families with lower English language proficiency. I orally dictated the interview questions to the interpreter in

English, who then posed the questions to the families in Arabic and translated their answers back. In this way, the interpreter was able to provide families with clarifications about the interview questions and to offer me elaborations on or interpretations of their responses.

At the end of the study I conducted a final round of interviews with each of the families and the three participating facilitators, for a total of six interviews. Final interviews with the facilitators were used to review the usefulness, implementation and overall impressions of the project. During these interviews, the facilitators were able to comment on the families’ learning during the project and share anything they had observed in terms of child-parent or sibling interaction, collaboration, and engagement in the tasks. Final interviews with the families were used to gain a sense of what the participants felt they had learned during the project, what they enjoyed or did not enjoy, and if the way they thought about language learning had changed. The families were also given the opportunity to give feedback and offer suggestions for the

44 implementation of future dual language book projects. Again, an interpreter was present for the two families with lower English language proficiency.

The interview guides for the facilitators and the program director are in appendices A and

B, and those for the families are in appendices C and D.

3.5.2 Linguistic Portrait Silhouette task.

Information about both children’s and parents’ linguistic identity was collected through the use of the Language Portrait Silhouette task, in which they were asked to visually (i.e., symbolically) represent their linguistic repertoires by drawing them on the silhouette of a body.

An example of the LPS task can be found in appendix E. Prior to the study I contacted the original author of the LPS task, Hans-Jürgen Krumm (2001), who granted me written permission to use the task for my research. During the meetings at the outset of the study, some facilitators voiced concerns about the appropriateness of using the drawn outline of a silhouette, given differences in the families’ cultural and religious beliefs surrounding the presentation of the body and physical form, particularly for women. Furthermore, there was some discussion as to whether or not the parents would be willing to draw, as it may have been seen as too child-like or immature. In light of these concerns, I chose to adapt the LPS task to better suit the families’ preferences and the research environment. Parents were asked to either verbally explain how they saw their languages, as represented on the paper figure. If willing, they were also able to draw or write on the figure itself. Children, on the other hand, were supplied with drawing supplies (i.e., pens and markers) and asked to draw their languages. It is also important to note that both the adults’ and the children’s English proficiency was a major issue when conducting the LPS task. As there was no interpreter present during the LPS task and we were conversing in

English, it was important to reduce the ‘abstractness’ of the children’s visual representations and offer them support in expressing the different aspects of their linguistic repertoires. In order to address this, I put together a number of cartoons and pictures and printed them on paper, which the children were able to cut and glue onto their language portrait if they so chose. These images included simple line drawings of a school, family, friends, flags, emojis, a telephone, and other objects from daily life. A copy of this worksheet can be found in appendix F. As the presence of images could have guided, or indeed limited, the children’s responses, I encouraged them to draw and write as they wanted to. The facilitator and I also prompted them with questions and asked for elaborations when necessary. In one of the case studies, there were four children completing the LPS task at once. In order to ensure I could accurately capture their oral descriptions of their language portrait, I audio recorded the session and later transcribed it.

3.5.3 Dual language identity texts.

In this study, each of the families co-authored dual language identity texts centered around their daily life in Canada. Family members were given the freedom to choose the events or artefacts they would take pictures of and write texts about. During the initial planning stage of this study, the family literacy program director and literacy facilitators stressed the importance of focusing on positive aspects of the families’ new lives in Canada, given their recent and potentially traumatic experiences leaving their home country, time in refugee camps, and the ongoing war in Syria. Though these topics would not be avoided were they to come up naturally, the project was meant to be constructive, optimistic, hopeful and respect the families’ funds of difficult knowledge such as narratives of trauma, equity, democracy or human rights (Marshall &

Toohey, 2010). Suggestions for photographs included daily life (i.e., going to school, playing with friends), family, activities in the community (i.e., sports and clubs) and food or cooking.

Such suggestions were intended to represent universalities—topics which are accessible and meaningful regardless of the language used (other examples include music, toys, clothes, spiritual/religious objects and storytelling). Here I draw on Roessingh’s (2011) observation that universalities offer a rich starting point for the development of narratives in two languages. For example, the topic of food is one that can easily reflect participants’ culture and allows for a cross-cultural comparison of the customs and traditions surrounding cooking, eating together and celebrating. Lastly, a topic such as food is easily adapted for thematic instruction in a number of learning tasks, including reading and writing recipes, discussing ingredients and grocery shopping, modelling table manners, and it makes it possible to incorporate targeted language forms such as vocabulary (i.e., vegetables, colour words, adjectives for shape and size and verbs used for cooking), grammar, and function (i.e., asking questions at the dinner table, describing, and retelling, Roessingh, 2014). As opposed to other studies of identity texts, which have prescribed a specific topic or theme, in the current study there were no restrictions on what the families took pictures of or how they described them. This format also allowed family members to discuss how they would best explain the photographs and agree upon a description together.

The children were able to reflect on their role as photographers and authors in the project, and their opinions and suggestions were valued and taken into consideration during discussions of the photos and texts. Though the absence of a prescribed topic was meant to allow for greater agency, freedom and creative expression in the families’ photos and identity texts, it also contributed to some confusion on the part of the parents, who in some cases were unsure of what to take photos of. This issue will be taken up in the limitations section of this thesis.

3.6 Materials

A number of materials were necessary for the dual language book project. Each family was provided with a digital camera, an 8GB memory card, and a pack of AA batteries to last the duration of the project. I brought a USB memory card adapter to upload the photographs, a laptop, and a number of lined notebooks to each session. An online self-publishing book service

(BookWright) was used to compose the dual language books. As part of the regular component of the home literacy program, the family literacy facilitator also supplied children’s books, learning activities, games and writing materials.

3.7 Procedure

In this section I will describe the general procedure of the study. As the timeline and order of tasks differed for each family, more specific details will be included in the case studies in the following chapter. I began by conducting five semi-structured interviews with four facilitators and the family literacy program director in order to gain a better understanding of the program and the facilitators’ experiences. As a result of scheduling conflicts, only three facilitators of the four who were interviewed took part in the dual language book project. As such, only the data from the interviews with the program director and the participating facilitators will be included in this thesis. At the time of the interviews, the facilitators approached families they thought might be interested in taking part, provided parents with a recruitment letter that outlined the dual language book project, the goals of the study and my contact information, and invited them to participate. Three Syrian families who indicated interest in the study were provided with English and Arabic versions of the consent form and child assent form and given time to ask questions. All three families voluntarily agreed to participate and

48 signed the consent and assent forms. One family completed the forms with the help of their facilitator and two families completed the forms with a translator present. Home visits began after all consent and assent forms had been signed. Upon the suggestion of the facilitators, the first few home visits were dedicated to simply getting to know each of the families through conversation and language games. Developing a sense of trust and rapport was at the forefront of these early visits. As noted by Gagnon (2010), the informants are vital in the course of a case study, and the researcher’s relationship with them is key. In fact, this is one of the first steps to gaining acceptance in the research setting because establishing relations of trust in each observed setting “…is crucially important if we want people to tell us what they really think” (p. 58).

Furthermore, as someone who does not culturally identify with the community in this study, my intent was to establish a relationship not only as an outside researcher, but also as a collaborator and friend. Although it would be wrong to depict myself as someone who fully understood the realities of the participants, I strove to be understanding and respectful of the openness and generosity offered to me by the participants during my time in their homes. Throughout the duration of the project I was also invited for meals and special celebrations, which I happily accepted.

The early home visits were extremely valuable in that I was able to see how the facilitators organized the sessions and their literacy activities. At this time, I began a log of events in which I noted any observations during the sessions and kept a written timeline of the study tasks completed with each family on each visit. I also conducted the initial interviews with each of the families and in two of the three cases, the LPS task with the participating parents. In the following meeting I gave each of the families the digital camera and batteries, and we were able to set it up together and practice using it. From then on, each two-hour session was split

49 between the regular home literacy program, led by the facilitator, and the dual language book project, led by me. It is important to reiterate that I took part in the home literacy activities during the regular program, and that the facilitator acted as a co-researcher during the study. For example, this meant that I helped organize games or crafts, and the facilitator asked questions during the interviews or prompt the participants to elaborate on their reflections during the LPS task. For the book creation portion of each visit, I uploaded the families’ pictures onto my computer and we looked through them as a group. Family members decided which pictures they wanted to include and which they did not, and we then wrote descriptions of each picture. I kept each text numbered, along with each photograph (i.e., photograph one, text one). In later stages of composing the books, I chose to incorporate other photographs that matched the setting described in the texts, as they complemented the narrative and further document the families’ experiences during the project. Conversations about the photographs and ensuing texts often opened up room to examine different aspects of language and literacy, such as the meaning of new words (i.e., what is a dedication and what do we use it for?); how to describe objects or activities (i.e., colours, textures, temperatures); sound-letter correspondences, the English alphabet spelling conventions (i.e., the capitalization of proper names); the difficulty of direct translations (i.e., the subtle differences in meaning across two languages); the nature of idioms; procedures (i.e., step-by-step descriptions of a recipe); the structure of books (i.e., the information contained in the title page); and differences in the direction of print in Arabic and

English. Remarkably, these teachable moments were neither planned nor always expected; rather, they developed naturally as a consequence of talking about the photos and deciding how to best describe them. All family members were encouraged to write their descriptions down on paper. This often meant all children wrote the same sentence, and for the youngest, it meant

50 simply practice with printing letters as they attempted to ‘write along.’ In most cases, we agreed upon a description in English, and the mother then wrote it in Arabic while I wrote it in English.

Some texts were only one sentence, others were longer and involved a sequence of events (e.g., a recipe).

After roughly four to five weeks of taking pictures and writing texts, the children in two of the families completed the LPS task (due to constraints on the timing of the family visits, I collected no data related to linguistic identity with the children in the third family). On the final visits, we discussed the title of the books and I conducted the final interviews. After the conclusion of the project, the translator typed all of the Arabic texts and I compiled them in a

Word document. The translator also reviewed the texts to ensure the English matched the Arabic in terms of meaning and style and helped with final details on the books.

3.8 Data Analysis

It is generally accepted that case studies that use several data sources are of better quality than those that are based on a single source of information (Gagnon, 2010). In this study, I had four main sources of data: (1) information collected during the semi-structured interviews with the facilitators and the families; (2) visual representations of participants’ linguistic identity from the Language Portrait Silhouette task; (3) identity texts and the accompanying photographs; and

(4) field notes and a log of events from my participant observation, which include the facilitators’ comments on the families’ learning during the project.

Following Gagnon’s (2010) guidelines, I first coded the semi-structured interviews, language portraits and identity texts for common information units (i.e., words, sentences, general ideas or full passages) directly related to language and literacy learning, linguistic

51 identity or repertoires, or any social factors that may have directly or indirectly impacted the participants’ English language learning. More specifically, I began by reading through the interview transcripts multiple times in order to familiarize myself with the information. I then assigned a code (i.e., category) to units of information that reflect the participants’ experiences and collected the common themes that arise in each of the texts. I also analyzed the photographs and identity texts included in the dual language books in a similar manner, as they are physical artefacts that reflect the participants’ experiences and act as additional sources of information. I took a top-down approach to the analysis of the language portraits, in that I started with the three aspects of linguistic identity outlined in Dressler’s (2014) investigation of young multilingual learners (expertise, affiliation and inheritance) and noted any exemplars that did not fit within these categories. Lastly, my field notes, log of events and the facilitators’ feedback provided both information on the contextual elements of each case study (i.e., information on the history of each family or individual family members) and a more complete picture of the families’ interaction and learning during the identity text creation process. After completing the content analysis (i.e., coding, classifying the content, and identifying the most prominent patterns in the texts) based on Gagnon’s (2010) guidelines, I organized the major themes within each case and compared them across cases, which will be presented in the following chapter.

Chapter 4: Case Studies

4.1 Introduction

In the following chapter I report on the results of each case study and address each of the following research questions:

1. How do young DLLs and adult ELLs conceptualize their linguistic identity in the LPS

task when co-authoring dual language identity texts?

2. How do participants in a family literacy program assess the dual language identity text

project in terms of strengths, weaknesses and learning outcomes?

3. How can family literacy programs draw on dual language identity text projects to target

adult and child literacy instruction for immigrant families?

This chapter is divided into two parts. The first part is a series of three case studies. Each will provide an overview of each family’s background (i.e., a family portrait), their reported literacy practices, and the procedure specific to their participation in this project. It will then address research questions one and two within the context of each case study, with a cross-case comparison and summary of the findings at the end. The second part of the chapter will answer research question three by reporting on the facilitators’ responses from both pre- and post-project semi-structured interviews. The names of all participants have been changed to respect their privacy; the family literacy program facilitators and director provided a pseudonym for themselves, and I have chosen pseudonyms for each of the family members. When providing quotes or excerpts from the LPS task and interviews, I refer to the translator simply as

‘translator’ and to myself as ‘researcher.’

4.1.2 The LPS task.

As a multimodal method, the language portrait provides two sets of data about how learners interpret their linguistic identity: a visual one that makes use of illustrations, lines, contrasts, colours, shapes, position, symmetry or asymmetry, and “steers one’s vision toward the relationality of the parts,” and a narrative one in which the learner provides a written or oral explanation that is relatively sequential and may or may not contradict the visual mode (Busch,

2012, p. 518). Given the creative complexity of this task, I wish to clarify three features of the task common to participants across all three case studies. First, the position of each language within the figure, as opposed to symbols or colours, was the primary expressive feature of the task. In other words, body parts such as the head, heart, hands, stomach, legs, and feet were associated with one or more languages, and it was this placement within the figure that conveyed meaning about the participants’ linguistic resources, practices or attitudes, and their lived experiences as migrants and learners. The head or brain, for example, often indicated a sense of knowing (i.e., expertise), dreaming or thought in each language. In some cases, it also signified a

‘lack of knowing,’ or areas of difficulty, such as spelling, vocabulary, or understanding idioms.

The heart, on the other hand, was related to the concept of inheritance and familial connection, affiliation with a linguistic community through ‘liking’ or ‘loving’ a language, or a strong need/desire to learn a language. Second, in expressing affiliation or identification with a language, both children and parents in this study referenced a nationality or a country

(Canada/Canadian, Syria/Syrian), which indicated their strong attachment to the countries where the languages are spoken. That is to say, it highlights their identity as newcomers to Canada and their desire to maintain strong connections with their home country and culture. Lastly, I have chosen to include explanations for only those aspects of the language portrait that the participants

54 explicitly made reference to during the task. This follows from the ethnomethodological perspective that an analysis of identity categories should be based on what people say, do, and the features of identity they themselves use, rather than on what analysts take to be relevant because “any person may be categorized in an indefinitely extendable number of ways” (Stokoe

& Benwell, 2016). In other words, I have based my analysis on what was demonstrably relevant to participants at the time the task was conducted.

4.2 Exploratory Case Studies

4.2.1 Case study one: the Ali family.

4.2.1.1 Family portrait.

The Ali family arrived in Canada in January 2016 after leaving their home in Syria and relocating to a refugee camp in Jordan. Amira, Ehsan and their three children, Elias (9 years old),

Kalil (8 years old) and Malik (2 years old) all speak Arabic as their native language and English as a second language, and they exclusively speak Arabic at home. Both parents are literate in

Arabic, hold university degrees, and learned English for five years in the secondary school system (grades 7 to 12) in Syria. Ehsan, the father, also learned some English during university, but noted that English language instruction in Syria was limited to the alphabet, grammar, and a traditional teacher-centered approach of teaching in which students read or wrote English but had no practice speaking. Their two eldest children, Elias and Kalil, had one year and half a year of

English instruction in Syria respectively, and they were enrolled in a public school in Calgary shortly after their arrival. At the time of the project, Ehsan was working full time and attending government-funded English language classes. Amira was the primary caregiver for their three children and on the waitlist for English language classes at a local college until her youngest is

55 old enough to attend preschool. In addition to attending English conversation groups at the library and a centre for newcomers, the Ali family is highly active in the Syrian immigrant community, take part in a robotics club, and they work hard to meet and talk with Canadians.

Given the parents’ strong English language skills, their home literacy facilitator Dawn suggested implementing the dual language book project without the use of a translator. This was in line with the family’s goal of developing conversational English skills, their high motivation to learn, and, in Dawn’s words, their desire to “interact at the level of sophistication that they’re used to” (i.e., in social and professional circles). The family’s high value placed on education was made clear to me by the parents’ interest in my study and the research process. Ehsan, for example, often asked about the educational background of the other families I was working with, and Amira and I discussed academic positions and the post-secondary school systems in Syria and Canada.

4.2.1.2 Home literacy practices.

When asked about their home literacy practices (i.e., caregiver-child and caregiver only literacy practices and access to print resources), the parents reported almost exclusively on reading, stating that they have some books at home, though not many, and that the children get

English books at school and bring them home. The parents also sometimes go to the public library with their children when they have time, but they do not take out books. They said that although the libraries here have many more resources than the libraries back home (i.e., a greater number and variety of books, computers, and listening materials) and are more accessible (i.e., have longer visiting hours), they do not know how to pick out books that are suitable for their children’s age and reading level. Their facilitator added that it is extremely common for parents

56 to simply be too busy to go to the library, particularly in large families. When asked if they read any Arabic books for pleasure, the parents stated that they had a small library at home before the war but were not able to bring any books with them to Canada, which suggests they have a limited number of Arabic books in the home. The mother, Amira, reported that she uses a dictionary to look up words, and that going on the computer and watching videos in English on

YouTube and English TV programming have helped improve her English. She also works to teach her children English and helps them with their homework, though they also often help her with English vocabulary and pronunciation, and correct both parents when they make mistakes.

Importantly, Ehsan reported that their family literacy facilitator Dawn has shown them and their children a number of methods for literacy learning and teaching at home, such as learning through play (i.e., using the children’s toys as tools for learning), simple reading practices (i.e., how to hold a book, sit and listen, and ask questions) and the importance of repetition, patience, and having fun.

4.2.1.3 Procedure.

I began working with the Ali family in February of 2018. We met once a week for a total of nine weeks, until the project wrapped up in mid-April. At the outset of the study, Amira was the primary participant, as the two eldest children were in school during the week and therefore during the scheduled literacy sessions. We used the first meeting as an opportunity to simply talk and get to know one another, and I was able to introduce myself and the dual language book project. At our second meeting I conducted the initial semi-structured interview with Amira.

Shortly thereafter I was invited to the Ali’s for dinner, along with Dawn and family friends who volunteer at a local immigration society. At this time, I brought over the digital camera and we set it up and practiced taking pictures. At each of the following five meetings we uploaded the

57 photographs onto a laptop, discussed the photos, and authored the dual language texts. The children participated by taking pictures with their parents in the morning on the way to school, or in the evening and on weekends. Amira and I then worked together to write descriptions for the photos during our regularly scheduled meetings. During the middle of the project (at our sixth meeting), we arranged a different meeting time in order for the children to complete the LPS task. At this time, the father Ehsan began participation in the study, signed the consent form and took part in the LPS task. At our final meeting in April I conducted the final semi-structured interview with both parents.

4.2.1.4 Research question one: Linguistic identity.

All family members took part in the LPS task save the youngest, Malik (2 years old). The

LPS was a tool for discussing the role of English and Arabic their lives and the contexts in which they use each language. It also provided a means of discussing their connection to both Syrians

(the Arabic-speaking community) and to Canadians (the English-speaking community).

Although the data provided by 9-year-old Elias and 8-year old Kalil were limited, Amira and

Ehsan were able to provide oral explanations at the time of the task and reflect on both their own and their children’s portraits in the final interview at the end of the study.

4.2.1.4.1 Elias and Kalil.

The two eldest boys in the family drew similar language portraits, in that they wrote

English and Arabic equally across the image and in analogous locations (see Figures 1 and 2 below). In Figure 2, Kalil drew a speech bubble at his mouth and a thought bubble at his head to indicate that he speaks Arabic but thinks in or about English, which suggests he feels a greater sense of expertise in Arabic due to his oral skills in the language. Relatedly, Elias began the task

58 by indicating the Arabic language close to his head but chose to cross this out and write English there instead (Figure 1).

Figure 1. Elias’ Language Portrait1

1 All names have been removed or changed to reflect participants’ pseudonyms.

Figure 2. Kalil’s Language Portrait

Both boys indicated Arabic was at their hearts and though they provided no explanations, I can only hypothesize that they were linking their home language to their family as the ‘language of the heart,’ thereby referencing inheritance as a part of their linguistic identity. Interestingly, Elias drew a soccer ball at his feet and both wrote ‘English/Arabic’ or ‘Arabic/Canadian’ in their feet.

They explained that this was because soccer was a game they played in Syria with their Arabic- speaking friends, and also now play at school with their English-speaking friends. With this in mind, it is clear Elias and Kalil are referring to the development of their bilingual identities as

Dual Language Learners. The family literacy facilitator commented on the way in which Elias completed the task, saying:

You know, I think, being the older son, he had a lot of pressure on him, the parents were

really pressing him, and I think it was to impress you, but…remember he handed me the

[portrait]? And then I just sorta made it fun and he really got it! …He kind of knew what

he wanted to say and do, but he didn’t want to cave to the constant pressure that he was

getting, so I think [the LPS task] really spoke to the two older boys even more than the

parents because they really are fully immersed in the two languages. And talking about

thinking and dreaming in English and sports, you know, [Elias] thinks in soccer in

English or in Arabic!

In addition to highlighting Elias’s and Kalil’s ‘immersive’ experiences as DLLs, the facilitator’s comments speak to the way in which my presence affected the parents’ behaviour, and thereby the children’s participation in the task. Although I made it clear that their participation was voluntary, Amira and Ehsan enforced the task to a great extent, which made it difficult to provide the children with the creative freedom and time necessary for drawing their portrait.

Unfortunately, this also meant that the children’s portraits mimicked their parents’ to a great extent and they were unable to elaborate or offer deeper insight into the way in which they expressed their linguistic identity.

4.2.1.4.2 Amira.

In describing her languages, Amira placed both English and Arabic at her head, stating that she thinks in Arabic and in English. Given her previous English language learning experience and relatively high proficiency, it would be easy to assume that this an indication of her knowledge and skills in both languages. Upon prompting however, she described how she felt about learning English, saying: “English is difficult for me, for us. Arabic is easy.” She also shared that she often feels too shy or afraid to talk to people and knows that she “has to be brave.” As such, her portrait (Figure 3.) indicates not only the ease with which she speaks

Arabic, but also her fears surrounding English language learning and the social anxiety she feels when wanting to communicate.

Figure 3. Amira’s Language Portrait

On her language portrait, Amira also made an “X” at her heart and drew one line to “Syrians, family” and another to “learn English.” When I asked why she had put learning English at her heart, she explained: “I love learning [English].” Here, we see that Arabic heritage or inheritance and affiliation with English (i.e., her enjoyment of learning English) play equally important roles in her linguistic identity, albeit for different reasons. Amira also placed English in one hand on her portrait and wrote “writing, English, tools,” and expressed that language (and literacy) was a tool that she could use to communicate and engage with her new life in Canada. Lastly, she wrote “make food,” “sports,” and “walking” on her portrait, and explained that these are everyday activities which she relates to Arabic culture. Although they do not specifically refer to

62 her linguistic identity or repertoire per se, her mention of these activities suggests that the family’s Arabic heritage is an important part of her daily life and personal identity.

4.2.1.4.3 Ehsan.

Shortly after Ehsan began the LPS task, he stated that he would prefer to orally describe his portrait and requested that I transcribe while he spoke, as he felt it took too long for him to print on the page. This also gave him and me the opportunity to discuss his linguistic identity in conversation, and I was able to provide longer written comments on the portrait itself (Figure 4).

In contrast with both his wife’s and his children’s portraits, Ehsan’s portrait was noticeably more oriented towards higher-level aspects of affiliation with his languages, such as community, connection, contact, citizenship, and understanding. For example, when indicating that English was at his head, he explained that he thought about English as a way of making contact with people in order to understand Canadian culture and the community (i.e., native English speakers). Ehsan’s focus on community and language learning as a tool to engage with

Canadians and Canadian society was also reflected in the final interview:

In our home we using just Arabic. So, outside it is necessary to learn English because we

need it to connect with another people, to understand the community around us, to find

the job, like, to be a citizen, to understand the history. Different things. So, it’s important

to learn English.

He also explicitly referred to the concept of expertise in English, stating that he has high goals for himself and his learning in relation to the Canadian Language Benchmarks: “if I work, I

63 working to the highest level to learn English…they [set] the benchmark, so I need to qualification myself.”

Figure 4. Ehsan’s Language Portrait

At the same time as his portrait stressed the importance of learning English, it also emphasized his ties to Arabic and his country and culture of origin. On the right side of his portrait he drew a heart and a line to the word “Arabic,” which he clarified was his contact with the other parents in the Syrian community and his and his wife’s use of the Arabic language at home with their children. Data from the final interview shed further light on the incorporation of his children’s language in his linguistic identity and reveal that the family’s use of Arabic is also a deliberate attempt at avoiding subtractive bilingualism (i.e., the children learning English at the expense of their home language). When shown a picture of their children’s language portraits and asked to

64 reflect on the role of English and Arabic in their children’s lives, Ehsan and Amira’s response was as follows:

RESEARCHER: These were the [portraits] the boys did. How do you think they think

about English and Arabic?

EHSAN: They going to learn English and forget Arabic!

RESEARCHER: And forget it, you think!?

AMIRA: Not forget! [Elias] remembers some words, some letters in Arabic, but [Kalil]

little bit.

EHSAN: So, you know, they have not big age, so they don’t learn all the vocabulary in

Arabic. Like um, what that meaning in Arabic? They didn’t know. For the car, they

didn’t know all the pieces of the car.

RESEARCHER: Right, because they were young?

AMIRA: Ya!

EHSAN: Life skills. He didn’t know all the vocabulary in Arabic for his life skills. Does

he communicate with another person? Like, he is learning now English, he start basic and

he growing step by step. You know what I mean. So why I said he going to forget,

because he still using little bit of Arabic vocabulary, not a lot or didn’t know everything.

Here, Ehsan expresses concerns about their children learning English and losing Arabic in the process. The parents also disclose their fear that their children did not learn enough foundational

Arabic language and literacy skills (i.e., the vocabulary for what he terms ‘life skills,’ which perhaps refers to communication in day-to-day life) when they were younger to retain their home language. However, when Dawn asked if they would send their kids for Arabic writing lessons or to Saturday school, Ehsan responded: “no, no, the problem, they need to learn both languages at the same time. Sometimes [they are] confused.” As such, the LPS task revealed that although his children’s language skills and linguistic heritage were a key part of his own linguistic identity and the family’s language use at home, this did not manifest behaviourally. That is to say, Ehsan did not want his children to attend Arabic language classes for fear that it may be too heavy a cognitive load and lead to confusion, thereby disrupting their English language learning.

4.2.1.5 Research question two: learning outcomes.

According to the parents, English conversation practice was the most valuable aspect of the family’s learning during the project. When asked what, specifically, they had learned, Amira responded: “conversation with you! It’s easy,” and noted that she enjoyed learning about the university system in Canada. Ehsan, on the other hand, pointed to the comparison of English and

Arabic during translation; “You can say for the project is how we can compare languages. What the difficult things to translate when we learn…we take the meaning, the general meaning. Not the direct translation. Because that giving another meaning. So, we understand the meaning.

Especially when you speak with other people, we understand the subject [idea, content] from that meaning.” Here he elaborated with an example, saying that he often confuses how to use words like ‘component’ and ‘ingredient,’ which signify approximately the same thing but depend on context for their precise meaning (i.e., electronics or food and cooking). Dawn stated that

66 although she didn’t observe any noticeable language or literacy gains as a result of the project, family collaboration was a key strength: “I’m not sure it affected their learning any differently than their learning would have been affected just with the regular program…but it’s a fun way to get them interacting with one another and I think the family time spent was super valuable.”

Dawn noted that the project fostered a “real cohesive [feeling of] we’re all in this together” and that “for families who’ve spent a lot of time fleeing war and in refugee camps, …it’s a very positive thing to do together as a family.” She also stated that because the focus of the project was on the dual language texts and documenting the things they do in daily life, it really brought them together as a family. Furthermore, the project offered a way in which families who are struggling financially and emotionally can do something as a family that is positive, give the children a sense of leadership by taking pictures, and shifted the emphasis on learning to one of fun.

When asked how the project could be improved, the parents simply replied “nothing.”

Dawn, however, offered some valuable insights when reflecting on the weaknesses of the project and its implementation. She said that when planning the project, it would have been useful for both us and the families to have had a very clear sense of the goals for the project, and that explicitly outlining learning outcomes, family activities, or a set of guidelines for the photographs could make for smoother implementation.

4.2.2 Case study two: the Tabassum family.

4.2.2.1 Family portrait.

The Tabassum family arrived in Canada in January 2016 after leaving their home in Syria and relocating to a refugee camp in Jordan. Fatima and her five children, Quinn (15 years old),

Abdul (14 years old), Sabina (9 years old), Farouk (5 years old) and Asad (1 year old) all speak

Arabic as their native language and English as a second language, and they exclusively speak

Arabic at home. Fatima is literate in Arabic, completed formal schooling up to Grade 6, and had no experience learning English prior to the family’s settlement in Canada. At the time of the project, Fatima was the primary caregiver for her five children and had not yet attended government-funded English language classes. The two eldest boys, Quinn and Abdul, completed up to Grade 5 and Grade 3 in Syria. During this time, Quinn had attended a weekly one-hour

English language class that was offered in their home town. In light of his English skills, he took on an important role in the family after they left Syria and often acted as a translator for his parents. Fatima reported that as a result of fleeing the war and being displaced, the children didn’t learn a lot of Arabic, and in particular Sabina, who was too young to attend school in

Syria, and Farouk, who was born in the refugee camp in Jordan. Furthermore, although schooling was offered from 12 pm to 3 pm each day in the refugee camp, Fatima stated that there were often upwards of 50 kids in one classroom and that the teacher simply could not provide instruction at the level appropriate to each child. Quinn and Abdul added that they found school boring and that they didn’t learn anything. As a result, they simply stopped going and attended only two classes during their 1 year, 7-month stay in the camp.

4.2.2.2 Literacy practices.

When asked about their home literacy practices, Fatima reported that the children take out books from the library at school. Her daughter, Sabina, keeps a log of her reading as a homework assignment, and must have both her mom and her teacher sign off on her reading every week. Quinn often brings home books in English from school, and while Fatima looks at them and tries to read them, she does not get books from the library for herself. She said that she

68 often feels worried and panics when reading stories or texts in English that are complex or have

“big words.” The children sometimes bring home dual language books and she finds that it helps her better understand what she is reading to see both languages at the same time. Fatima did not report having any Arabic books but did say that she works to teach the children the Arabic alphabet and practice writing at home. She did not discuss other literacy practices (i.e., working on numeracy, shapes or colours with the children), and it may be that the family had limited access to television programming or to the internet as a source of listening or reading materials, as I did not observe a TV or a computer in the home.

4.2.2.3 Procedure.

I began working with the Tabassum family in March of 2018. We met once a week for a total of seven weeks, until the project finished in mid-April. At the first meeting, Fatima and the four participating children signed all consent and assent forms. The translator was present for this meeting and was able to help explain the project and study tasks in Arabic. The translator and I then conducted the initial semi-structured interview and the LPS task with Fatima, while

Susan, the family literacy facilitator, played games with the children. At the end of this session we set up the digital camera together and the kids practiced using it. At each of the following five meetings we uploaded their photographs onto a laptop and authored the dual language texts as a group. In order to do this, we sat on the floor in a semi-circle and set up the computer on a small table in the middle of the room. Each family member had a notebook or pad of paper and a pencil. As the children described the pictures, Susan and I often wrote in English in order to provide a model of the sentences, while Fatima and Quinn worked together to write in Arabic.

Fatima, in particular, meticulously wrote each sentence first in English and then in Arabic underneath. Susan provided help with printing and spelling, described the meaning of words,

69 offered synonyms or adjectives to help with the descriptions, or prompted the family by asking questions about the photographs. After completing the dual language identity texts at our sixth meeting, we discussed the structure of books in English (i.e., the title page, authors, and the dedication), and the family chose a title for their book and wrote a dedication to their family. At our seventh and final meeting, the translator and I conducted the final semi-structured interview and Fatima and her children surprised me by decorating their home, preparing ‘thank you’ cards and providing lunch to celebrate the end of the project.

4.2.2.4 Research question one: linguistic identity.

All participating family members completed the LPS task. In this case study, it provided information about Fatima’s fears and goals related to her and her children’s language learning and revealed how age has played a role in the children’s relationship to their languages. As all four children drew or filled out their language portraits at the same time, I audio-recorded the session in order to have a record of their oral explanations during the task. Despite having a written transcript of this session, some of the data were unclear due to the number of participants and background noise. For this reason, I have chosen to discuss only Sabina’s, Quinn’s and

Fatima’s language portraits below.

4.2.2.4.1 Sabina.

Nine-year-old Sabina began by writing on her language portrait and later decided to make use of the worksheet I had provided by cutting out pictures and words and gluing them to the figure. She also asked me to help her write some of her descriptions in English when explaining her portrait (Figure 5).

Figure 5. Sabina’s Language Portrait

In general, Arabic was strongly related to her family and the concept of inheritance for Sabina, while she expressed her affiliation to English through her friends at school. The first thing she drew was the word “Arabic” in a thought bubble with a line to her head. She explained that she drew it because she thinks in Arabic and it is the language her and her family use at home. We then discussed her family, and she drew a line to the word “Aunt” because she speaks Arabic on the phone with her aunt, who still lives in Syria. These two components of her portrait show that her ability to speak Arabic (i.e., expertise) provides a real connection to her relatives abroad (i.e., inheritance). In juxtaposition to the word ‘Arabic’ on the other side of her portrait, Sabina glued a picture of a school, friends and a teacher and asked me to write the word ‘English.’ When I asked why she put the school at her head, she exclaimed: “the school is where you do the work, how cool is it!?” When I asked her to elaborate, she added: “there are so many people I love there!” At this point, Fatima explained that because of the war in Syria, Sabina had only ever

71 attended school in Canada. Susan, the facilitator, added that it makes intuitive sense that she would highlight this on her portrait given the amount of social and cognitive development that is happening for her at school. Sabina further strengthened her affiliation to English when she glued the image of ‘friends’ at her head (“I always think of my friends, they play with me all the time!”) and the teacher (“[she goes] at my head because she lets me write some of the English…

[and] learn English. And I think about her and how she teaches, she’s really funny”), making it clear that her use of English at school makes up a large part of her linguistic identity. She stated that she never speaks Arabic at school, “because I have all the school English…there are a lot of

English people.” When playing with her neighbourhood friends at home, however, Sabina speaks

Arabic, which reveals the way in which the Arabic language is tied to the Tabassum family’s place within the Syrian community in Calgary.

The other area of the portrait where Sabina symbolized her languages was at her heart.

Here, she glued a picture of a playground and explained that she put it there “because I play there with my brothers and they push me really fast and I like it.” Underneath the playground she placed a picture of a paper cut-out family with linked arms, saying: “I will put my family at my heart because I love them so much.” Though neither of these statements specifically refer to

Arabic, they indicate that her connection to her family and their role in her daily life are an important part of her personal identity. The last two images she placed at her portrait’s heart were a Syrian flag and a Canadian flag, which represent the countries she has grown up in and the way in which she is carving out a bilingual identity for herself: “Canada and Syria I love them. I love Syria because I miss my grandfather and my [grand]mother…my auntie and my mom’s family and my dad family.” The following excerpt also shows how Sabina identifies with

72 both countries and highlights the way in which her and her brother’s experiences shape her attitudes towards school in Canada:

RESEARCHER: And Canada is at your heart too?

SABINA: Yah because Calgary is so nice, and I miss Syria.

RESEARCHER: Is it your home?

SABINA: Both!

RESEARCHER: You have two homes?

SABINA: Yah Syria and Canada. Because in Syria the teachers there are so mean, like

Quinn said, she [the teacher] hit the side of his head…and they have a book [the Quran]

and they need to read it. And here you can just read and write and have fun.

Taken together, the images on her portrait and her statements suggest that Arabic is strongly related to the concept of inheritance through Sabina’s brothers and parents, neighbourhood friends, and relatives abroad. English, on the other hand, is uniquely tied to the friendships

Sabina has formed with English-speaking peers at school and the freedom she feels she has to learn there (as compared to her brother’s experience in Syria). It is important to note however, that Sabina’s home language plays a less prominent if not invisible role in her life at school. The way in which she completed her portrait—allocating Arabic to her life at home and English to her life at school—and her overwhelmingly positive comments about life in Canada reveal that she may, in fact, place greater emphasis on English as a part of her linguistic identity at this point in time and is highly motivated to find her place at school (and in Canadian society) amongst her

English-speaking peers. In fact, in one of the sessions in which we authored the dual language

73 books, I asked Sabina if she would like to try writing the sentences in Arabic, and she vehemently expressed that she did not want to learn how to write in Arabic. During the final interview, she also repeatedly stated that she and her friends do not speak Arabic at school,

“because nobody talking! At my school just five people speak Arabic!” Although her statement is unlikely, given the high immigrant population in her neighbourhood, it is likely that she and many other DLLs at her elementary school forgo their home languages and converse in English.

To further illustrate this point, Sabina made it clear that she was happy to live in Canada and when asked, “did you think about what it would be like when you got to Canada?” she responded

“of course it [is] good! I was thinking it would be like in the camp…[in] Jordan, where we were living.” Her brother Quinn summarized, saying: “Yah, Jordan is not a good place. When you see

Sabina in Jordan, you don’t think it’s Sabina.”

4.2.2.4.2 Quinn.

In contrast to Sabina and his younger siblings, Quinn opted not to use the images I provided and completed his language portrait by writing (Figure 6). Quinn’s language portrait was equally and neatly divided by language on either side of the figure. On one side of his head he drew a thought bubble with the word “Arabic,” while on the other side he drew a speech bubble with the word “English,” and in the middle he wrote “dream.” Quinn explained that he thinks in Arabic because it is his first language, speaks English and dreams in both languages.

The fact that he expressed ‘speaking’ English on his language portrait is surprising, given that he mentioned speaking “lots of Arabic” with his friends at school. As he offered no further explanation for this aspect of his language portrait, I can only hypothesize that it may be related to his high English language proficiency and role as translator within the family, and therefore his sense of expertise in English. During the final interview, the translator offered some insight

74 into Quinn’s emphasis on speaking Arabic, when she told me that Quinn attends an English language program for Syrian students at his high school. As such, English is the language of instruction, but he has had the opportunity to make friends with both his Arabic- and English- speaking peers.

Figure 6. Quinn’s Language Portrait

In the middle of his portrait Quinn also drew two hearts, one on the left side, referring to his family and his Arabic-speaking friends, and the other on the right side, referring to his teacher, English-speaking friends, and Susan and me. Here he demonstrates the concepts of inheritance and affiliation as important parts of his linguistic identity, and yet unlike his sister, their equal and balanced positioning in the portrait suggests that neither language figures more or less prominently in his life. When reflecting on the task in her final interview, Susan comments on his sense of balance, saying that the English language program he’s enrolled in “might

75 account for the fact that he has more linguistic identity [attributed to Arabic] because he’s the oldest in the family” and that despite growing up speaking Arabic, “his English is really good…he learned some in Syria, he is the interpreter for the family.” In other words, because he attended school in Syria, solidified his Arabic language skills and has maintained his Arabic language use at school, while simultaneously achieving a high level of English language proficiency and taking on an important role within his family in part because of his age, both languages play a pivotal role in his identity.

4.2.2.4.3 Fatima.

Fatima chose to provide an oral explanation of her Language Portrait Silhouette and as such, I created a paper copy based on her description (Figure 7). When looking at the portrait,

Fatima stated that the languages she speaks are at her head and her heart. When she thinks of

Arabic, it’s at her heart because it’s “her background, her language,” and thereby directly references the concept of inheritance and her ties to her culture of origin. English, on the other hand, is in the mind because she needs it in order to navigate daily life in Canada. According to the translator, the way she described this part of the portrait made it seem as though she was

“thinking of English really hard” (i.e., putting in a lot of effort) in order to understand it, but that

Arabic is still the primary language through which she interacts and makes sense of the world.

For example, Fatima stated that when trying to read in English, she first tries to think of the meaning of the text in Arabic, “and then English comes after.”

Figure 7. Fatima’s Language Portrait

Relatedly, Fatima expressed wanting to be able to ‘act’ English so that it is not something that is “just in the head.” She shared that having the ability to perform everyday tasks such as answering the phone, going to the mall, or grocery shopping is what most encourages her to learn

English. Her current English skills (or lack thereof), however, limit her from performing daily tasks in her and her children’s lives. As evidenced in her language portrait, English remains within a sort of metaphorical cognitive domain (i.e., the head or mind) that prevents her from producing the language that would allow her to easily and freely function in Canadian society.

The translator explained that because Fatima already knows Arabic, “she is confident about it….but in the English language, she feels like she wants [to speak it] so bad, but she keeps telling herself, am I going to be like Allison talking? To speak [fluently] and not be afraid…and whatever she wants to do, she is able to do.” This indicates that Fatima’s sense of expertise in both languages is also ultimately connected to her self-confidence and hopes for the future.

Lastly, the translator recounted how Fatima’s sense of expertise is also tied to her children, who now provide invaluable sources of instruction, modelling and guidance as she learns English:

In Syria they used to do things together. But here, because they are learning a new

language, she feels like she is getting the kids’ help involved in her life more because she

needs to learn from them. And like she said, in Syria she used to teach them Arabic…but

now she feels more [that] she wants to learn from them. She needs them anywhere she

goes.

It is clear from this excerpt that the children’s superior English language skills (as a result of exposure to English at school) have caused a shift in the family dynamic. In Fatima’s view, the

‘teacher’ and ‘student’ roles have reversed; the children’s command of English is now vital to the family, and she is aware of how much she can learn from them. As a newcomer to Canada who is not yet proficient in the official language, her sense of self has become inexorably linked to her children’s language use. Given that both she and her children will make gains in English over time, it remains to be seen how this link will evolve and change as they renegotiate their bilingual identities at later stages in the settlement process.

4.2.2.5 Research question two: learning outcomes.

The Tabbasum family’s response to the dual language identity text project was overwhelmingly positive. The children reported spelling, writing, and practicing printing letters among the things that they learned during the project. Examples of their writing can be seen in

Figures 8 and 9 below. Sabina also stated that she learned how to describe pictures in different ways: “you just look at the picture really hard and you think about sentences about the

78 pictures…like if Farouk is outside playing in the snow, we were thinking about the snow and

Farouk when he’s playing, he’s having some fun, he’s playing outside.”

Figure 8. A Sample of Abdul’s Writing in English

Figure 9. A Sample of Farouk’s Writing in English

Quinn and Fatima, who worked together to author the texts in Arabic, reported that when they translated, they learned the meaning of new words. Fatima also stated that she had a better understanding of the English words because she could see both languages at once, and Quinn added that the he became more aware of the difficulty of making direct translations between

English and Arabic; “there [are] some words in English he can’t find the meaning [for] in

Arabic, but when he works hard, he can see the meaning now.” In addition to working on sound- symbol correspondences, printing, spelling, writing and discussing the meaning of words, the dual language identity text project gave Susan and me the opportunity to discuss higher-level aspects of literacy, such as the structure of books, including the cover, the title and the dedication page. In fact, the Tabassum family collaborated to choose a title for their book and finally decided on Our Beautiful Family. They also learned what a dedication means and how it can be important for an author, which led them to write a dedication to their family abroad (Figure 10).

Figure 10. The Tabassum Family’s Dedication

When asked “what did you like the most about the project?” the Sabina replied, “I love when we put the pictures and write about sentences and I love everything,” while her brothers stated that taking pictures and learning new words were their favourite parts of the project.

Fatima’s answer, on the other hand, reflected the collaborative aspect of the project. In the translator’s words, “she liked how they all worked together. She enjoyed it, the kids working with her and with you guys…it brought the family more together.” Unfortunately, Fatima misunderstood the final question about the weaknesses of the project (“what could make the project better in the future?”), so I am unable to report on her or the family’s perspective here.

Susan, however, offered two suggestions for better implementation of the project. First, she stated that the project could have run for a longer period of time, and second, that with more time, the types of activities and objects that the family took photos of could have been broadened to include the greater community (i.e., targeting activities in the community that would build vocabulary around a theme), such as taking trips to the library or nearby mountains. Her final reflection on the project was positive: “I’ll miss part of it, I really will…as a facilitator it was nice, it was enjoyable for the family and it was nice to have kind of a focus for part of the visit. I think they grew, I think they really enjoyed themselves. They really learned.”

4.2.3 Case study three: the Sabbah family.

4.2.3.1 Family portrait.

The Sabbah family arrived in Canada in the spring of 2016 after leaving their home in

Syria and living with relatives in Lebanon. Gamila, Aasim, and their three children, Samson (10 years old), Bindi (4 years old) and Wyman (10 months) all speak Arabic as their native language and English as a second language. Both parents are literate in Arabic, completed formal

81 schooling up to Grade 9, and had one to two years of experience learning English in the secondary school system (grades 7 to 9) in Syria. Their son, Samson, had also received some

English instruction in kindergarten and Grade 1 in Lebanon. (According to the translator, most primary schools in Lebanon offer either French and Arabic or English and Arabic bilingual programs, depending on the area.) The mother, Gamila, stated that she was relatively used to hearing English because they had neighbours who spoke English, but she never expected she would have to learn English and was extremely worried at the prospect of having to manage in

Canada without knowing the official language. At the time of the project, the father Aasim was working full time during the day and attending government-funded English language classes four evenings a week. Gamila was the primary caregiver for their three children, and though she had also attended English classes when they first arrived in Calgary, she had to stop when their youngest son (Wyman) was born. Gamila reported that she rarely went outside and spent nearly the entire winter indoors, as she was worried about her and her children getting sick from the cold. As such, it is likely that outside of her immediate community, her opportunities to make friends, interact with local Canadians, and practice her English language skills were limited.

4.2.3.2 Literacy practices.

When asked about their home literacy practices, the parents reported that they do not have many Arabic books at home other than the Holy Quran. Though they do not read for pleasure themselves, they read English books with their children, and they have one dual language (Arabic and English) book. They also noted that their children’s school sometimes holds dual language book readings for the kids. Their other home literacy practices involve reading the news and articles on the internet in Arabic, and the father, Aasim, stated that he makes a point of trying to read any emails he receives that are written in English. The parents

82 said that they simply did not have time to go to the library because of Aasim’s work schedule.

That being said, they told me that they were privately sponsored to come to Canada by two retired school teachers, who dedicated enormous effort to teaching the family some basic English when they arrived, brought Gamila dual language books from the library, and have remained in close contact with the family (playing games and doing crafts with the children, for example) over the past two years. Their sponsors’ help, along with having learned some introductory

English in school, was extremely valuable to them.

4.2.3.3 Procedure.

I began working with the Sabbah family in March of 2018. We met once a week for a total of five weeks, until the project finished in mid-April. Over the duration of the project, three meetings were cancelled due to the weather, illness and a family emergency. As such, the duration of the project with the Sabbah family was noticeably shorter than it was with the other two families. Despite this, the whole family was able to take part in the project and author dual language texts. Gamila was the primary participant, and her daughter Bindi was always present for our regularly scheduled meetings. Aasim, however, was often at work, and Samson attended a weekend Arabic language class in the afternoons, meaning that he was only present for the second half of our meetings. At our first meeting, all participants signed the consent and assent forms, and the translator and I conducted the initial interview. During the interview Gamila and

Aasim completed the LPS task, and afterwards we set up the camera together, and the kids and

Gamilia practiced taking pictures with it. At the following three meetings, Gamila and I (and sometimes Bindi and Samson) discussed the photographs and decided on a description in

English. She then typed the English text into an online translator on her phone and transcribed the resulting Arabic text onto paper. In this way, she could be sure she understood the English

83 text before providing the written Arabic version. During these sessions, Sam, the family literacy facilitator, did crafts, played games or engaged in literacy activities (i.e., practicing the alphabet in English) with the kids and provided suggestions to better describe the photographs or help with vocabulary. At the final meeting in late April, the translator and I conducted the final interview, and the family was able to finish writing the texts for a final round of photographs.

4.2.3.4 Research question one: linguistic identity.

4.2.3.4.1 Gamila.

Gamila chose to reflect on her Linguistic Portrait Silhouette orally and as such, I created a paper copy based on her description (Figure 11). I have also chosen to include Aasim’s comments on the LPS task and his and his family’s language learning experiences here because he was present during the task and wholly agreed with the way in which his wife described her language portrait.

Figure 11. Gamila’s Language Portrait

When looking at the portrait, Gamila said that the languages she speaks are at her head and her heart. She would place Arabic at her head because she “thinks of her kids, her life back home, what she did and how she lived.” By referencing her children and her way of life in Syria,

Gamila implies that the concept of inheritance is an important part of her linguistic identity. In fact, the way in which Gamila talks about inheritance is similar to that of the parents in the first case study, Amira and Ehsan, in that their linguistic identity is composed of not only their own heritage, but their desire for their children to retain their Arabic and have it be a part of their daily lives. In this way, the concept of inheritance is bi-directional and refers to both Gamila’s old life in Syria and her current efforts to help maintain children’s connection to their family and home culture. Data from the initial interview at the time the LPS task was completed provide further evidence for this ‘bi-directionality.’ During the interview, Gamila recounted several stories related to her daughter Bindi’s language learning and stated that she has noticed that her daughter now understands English better than Arabic. For example, when an English speaker is in their home (i.e., the family’s sponsors), Bindi will only speak English; “she speaks English with everyone, all the time.” Furthermore, although Bindi is willing to speak Arabic with her parents, they can tell it is more difficult for her than English, and she often does not want to talk to relatives in Syria on the phone because it is hard for her to carry the conversation. Gamila expressed her fear of subtractive bilingualism, saying she “wants to try to speak Arabic at home so that her daughter doesn’t forget the language because when they’re young they just pick up so much language so fast.” Both parents also mentioned that Bindi will not know her grandparents because she did not meet them before the war, and they hope that she learns Arabic so that she can stay connected to them. Given these points, it is clear that for Gamila and Aasim, their

85 children’s linguistic identity is innately tied to their own, and that for the parents of DLLs, the concept of ‘inheritance’ may go beyond than their own familial connection to their home language and culture.

When describing the English language as a part of her language portrait, Gamila placed it at her heart “because she needs it now more than she needs Arabic…she needs it to build a life here.” Gamila explained that she feels she has to learn English because she needs it for everyday tasks such as going to the doctor or learning to drive. In the final interview, Gamila also alluded to the fact that learning English has not only had a major impact on each of them individually, but also as a family. The translator explained:

She said the Arabic language is here with her, but she doesn’t feel she needs it as

much…She was surprised how fast her kids learned [English]. She wasn’t thinking they

will pick it up that fast and it changed them. She feels they’re more…she didn’t say

smart, but I would say that’s what she was trying to say. Aware. [They] learned more

about family structure...How when they go to school to ask about the environment, about

stuff like that. She has to make sure that they’re safe at school. So, it opened up their eyes

to be aware of these things, brought them closer together and to the kids. She mentioned

how [the kids] should be treated. They treat them good, they love them, but there are

rules and now they are learning this together. She’s saying it made them aware and close

to her son—when he came from Lebanon or Syria, the kids hit each other in the school

and nobody would do [anything]. The parents didn’t know what they do. Now, they have

to talk to their kids, you can’t hit, you have to respect… she has to explain it.

This excerpt reveals that a large part of Gamila’s experience learning English is characterized by her and Aasim’s desire to learn more about the rules surrounding parenting and education in

Canada. Furthermore, it has brought them closer to each other and to their children because they now include the children in discussions and ensure the children understand the societal norms in

Canada. Gamila also noted that they felt closer as a family because her son Samson will translate or read texts in English for her, or he’ll correct her and they will make jokes about it; “it made that connection between them…she has proudness that he’s teaching her to learn and become better.”

It is important to note that over the course of the project, Gamila’s linguistic identity seemed to have shifted. During the final interview, I asked Gamila to reflect on the way in which she had described her language portrait at the outset of the study (“you stated you think in Arabic and English is at your heart because it’s important to you right now. Do you think [that is the case] for your whole family? Do you think anything has changed?”). In response, Gamila immediately said “changed,” and the translator explained:

TRANSLATOR: She’s saying it changed [because] she wants to learn more English, but

at the same time she feels because Samson’s going to Arabic school, [the languages] are

at the same level. She’s focusing on this so it’s…

RESEARCHER: Equal importance and focus?

TRANSLATOR: Yes! That’s what she’s saying. She’s saying she has it in her mind that

he wants to learn English, and she wants to learn, and the whole family wants to learn,

but at the same time she wants to focus on Arabic. So, it’s kind of like she’s leveling

them out.

In a matter of weeks Gamila has reconceptualized her linguistic identity and lessened the emphasis she initially placed on learning English, opting for a more balanced view of English and Arabic in which the two languages are ‘leveled out.’ This shift provides a reminder that the

LPS task provides only a snapshot of a learner’s linguistic identity at any given time and highlights the dynamic and fluid nature of identity (Darvin & Norton, 2015). The way in which

Gamila describes her relationship to her languages over the course of the study (i.e., being familiar with English prior to the war but not having expected to learn it, her fear of moving to a country where her family would not know the official language, and the primary, pressing need to learn English, all of which was replaced by her pride in her children’s language skills, her family becoming closer, and a balanced perspective on the import of English and Arabic in her and her children’s lives) further accentuates this state of flux. It also draws attention to the destabilization of her sense of self as a result of prolonged contact with English in a new and unfamiliar cultural setting (Canada) and her struggle to balance elements of identity ‘before’ and

‘after’ critical experience of leaving her home country (Block, 2014).

4.2.3.5 Research question two: learning outcomes.

When asked to reflect on what she had learned during the project, Gamila reported that she learned from practicing writing and translating from one language to the other, though she did not specify what, exactly, that entailed. The translator reported that before we began working to create texts based on the photographs, “[Gamila] never thought these things would go together. Some pictures, some activities…she never thought they would go together and make meaning, but she found it interesting how [they match].” Her response also touched on collaboration with her kids; “the family became closer, …they debate about things that they’re doing in the pictures or activities, so it made the family talk more with each other.” Sam offered

88 a unique take on the way in which the children and parents interacted with one another during the project, stating that “the roles had changed…I could see the kids stepping up sometimes and doing more than the parents and being the responsible party. So, I think that really helped…because talking about what the pictures were, sometimes the parents wouldn’t know what to say and the kids would step up and quite nicely explain what the picture was.” In her view, the project was also valuable because the whole family could take part: “everybody could take pictures, everybody could talk about what was in the pictures…[it] kind of connected the whole family.” Samson, Gamila and Aasim’s 10-year-old son, also offered some insight into the strengths of the project when I asked him what he had learned through Sam’s and my visits. The translator explained:

I asked him if he learned anything [about] language, he said no, he learned the language

from the people that brought him to Canada [the family’s sponsors]. But when you guys

came…he was more confident, he wasn’t scared…so it gave him a boost. He says maybe

he didn’t learn any new words, but the ones that he does know, he’s more confident.

Samson’s comments speak to the value of having opportunities to speak English at home, which built his self-confidence and helped to solidify what he had learned from their sponsors. When asked how the project could be improved, Gamila reported that she was often unsure of what to take photos of and would have liked to have had more support. She suggested that I could have provided more guidance (i.e., a list of objects or activities) and/or spent time taking photographs with her and the family. Sam noted that the use of an online translator may have been a weakness in implementation of the project, considering how much can be lost and/or misinterpreted through online dictionaries and translation services.

4.3 Language and Literacy Instruction for Young DLLs and Adult ELLs

Data from the seven semi-structured interviews with the family literacy program facilitators and program director provide evidence of how dual language identity texts can be used to target language and literacy instruction for both young DLLs and adult ELLs in family literacy program settings. In this section I will outline the five major themes that arose from the interviews related to how language identity text projects can address the needs of children and parents concurrently (i.e., as a family). As a result of the facilitators providing observations of the family’s learning and feedback about the project at the same time, there is some overlap with the learning outcomes reported in the previous three case studies.

4.3.1 Increase the personal relevance of learning tasks.

The facilitators noted that the project was different from their regular sessions in that the focus on photographs and text creation afforded in-depth discussions of the families’ experiences and day-to-day life in Canada. More specifically, it created a space in which both the children and adults could open up and talk about their lives in detail and provided the opportunity to develop vocabulary related to the objects, events, people and activities that are meaningful to them. Sam spoke to the personal relevance of the project, saying:

We always have conversations about what’s going on around them, but to actually see

something that they’ve taken [a picture of] and have their words describe what was

happening in the picture and what it meant to them, that brought up kind of a different

aspect of their personalities actually. I saw them waking up…because they were talking

about themselves and it’s something so specific to them. I almost saw that light come on.

It was a good lesson that way, to learn that it opens them up…and makes it that much

more personal for them.

The sheer variety of photos and identity texts the families chose to include also reveals how the project allowed the families to represent what was important to them. The children, for example, took photos and wrote texts about their friends, siblings and toys; going to school; playing games; indoor activities such as swimming and doing crafts; and outdoor activities such as tobogganing, making snow angels, or shoveling the snow. Parents’ photographs and texts, on the other hand, centred on celebrations such as dinner with friends or birthday parties; cooking, family meals and traditional recipes; community events; family; shopping; their sponsors and friends from both the English-speaking and Arabic-speaking community; and the family literacy sessions (i.e., their children learning new words or playing board games). Coupled with the facilitators’ observations of the project, the way in which children and parents were able to shape the project to their interests and incorporate important aspects of their home culture suggests that dual language identity text projects can increase the personal relevance of language and literacy learning in the home. For this reason, dual language identity text projects are in line with family literacy programs that promote families’ home languages, are learner-driven, and do not ascribe to a pre-determined curriculum (i.e., are unique to each family).

4.3.2 Promote responsibility and accountability.

Two of the facilitators reported that families had to take ownership for their participation because of the consistent structure of the project. Discussing the way in which the Tabassum family engaged with the project, Susan explained: “they had to be more invested. It was almost like they had a bit of homework to do, and they had something to look forward to…something to

91 work with during the week while we weren’t there. And that’s not to say that we wouldn’t as facilitators give them something to do and check back, but this was consistent week after week after week.” Sam added that the photographs further promoted accountability because they were concrete evidence of the family’s commitment and we could follow-up with them; “you could go back and say ‘did you play that game?’ and it’s like ‘yah, yah, we played it,’ or ‘did you take pictures’ and—‘yes, here they are.’ ” Dawn also noted that the inclusion of technology in the project heightened the children’s sense of leadership, and that it is “essential to remind the parents that the kids are still kids and want to have fun but are also mature and can handle the camera.” As such, the consistent and concrete nature of the project suggests that dual language identity texts can promote responsibility and accountability for learning in family literacy programs, regardless of the age of the learner.

4.3.3 Address issues of accessibility.

In the initial interviews, the program facilitators and director identified accessibility as a major challenge to language and literacy instruction for newcomers to Canada. Their concerns about accessibility included not only how far facilities offering English language programming or literacy resources (e.g., libraries) are located from families’ homes, but also practical considerations such as access to private and public transportation, the Canadian climate and weather, and adequate winter clothing; as Dawn said, “experiencing your first winter in Canada really kind of makes or breaks an experience here.” Moreover, they reported that there are often heavy time constraints placed on large families, given the demands of caring for children, working and/or attending LINC and other English language programs. They noted that mothers, in particular, have fewer chances to take advantage of language and literacy programs because they stay at home as primary caregivers. To illustrate, Dawn remarked on the social isolation

92 that often accompanies being a stay-at-home parent, and highlighted Amira’s experience as a mother to three young boys: “I know for mums, when we choose to stay at home with our children or even in the first year at home on [maternity] leave, it can be pretty difficult and a struggle to immerse yourself in family life. Amira was used to going to a government job every day and working and providing for her family, and so many times over the weeks I was working with them she’d say she couldn’t wait to get back in school. She’d say, ‘I’m boring’ and I’d say

‘no, no, you’re bored!’ …She just needed to be doing something more than just staying at home and cooking.”

With all this in mind, as a part of the family literacy program, the dual language identity text project allowed participating family members the flexibility to take pictures, write texts and engage in learning at home. It afforded maximum agency in that neither children nor adults were required to leave home to take part and could integrate elements of their neighbourhood, local communities, or Calgary if they so chose. Dawn remarked on this flexibility, adding that the project was also fun—an important consideration for families that are overwhelmed with the responsibilities of everyday life: “I know some of the families I’ve worked with, Syrian and otherwise, the mums are just so busy keeping the household running and getting food on from scratch every day and it’s hard to justify doing something that would seem like fun when there’s so much ‘not fun’ going on. But that’s all the more reason to do it, it’s easy, you can make time and it’s only an hour, once-a-week kind of thing.” Lastly, Susan highlighted the value of in-home projects and put forth the idea that as part of family literacy programs, dual language identity text projects could be used to target activities in the community and combat the social isolation many newcomers experience: “that it’s in-home is really important. They just don’t have the

93 wherewithal to get out. …I think you could broaden the [topics] you could be talking about, and where. I’d go to Banff on a field trip.”

4.3.4 Encourage family interaction and collaboration.

As was seen in the case studies, the parents who participated identified collaboration as one of the key strengths of the project. The facilitators also emphasized the way in which dual language identity text project required the whole family to participate and brought attention to changes the family dynamic as a result of language learning. Dawn noted: “in that regard, the older kids who are learning English can really help the parents and the younger [children] because they are all doing it together.” Susan and I were also able to discuss the way in which

Fatima and Quinn, specifically, worked together to write texts in Arabic during the project, translating back and forth between English and Arabic, comparing the languages, and discussing the meaning of words. Susan stated that the regular family literacy sessions simply don’t afford families the opportunity to discuss their languages this in-depth, and in closing, summarized one of the key goals of the project: “and it honours their language, right?”

4.3.5 Provide a tool for self-reflection and documenting families’ growth.

The final theme that surfaced from the interview data was the way in which a dual language identity text project can act as a tool for documenting “the changes going on” and the families’ growth in the process of settling in Canada. Sam noted that by writing texts about their daily lives and discussing their roles in their own language learning,

…it made [the families] think a little bit more about their learning and how far they’ve

come, how much they have to be proud of. As a day-to-day thing it’s really hard for them

to gauge what they’re doing and how much they’re learning, and they get discouraged

and…frustrated, but to have a positive encounter like that [has] been really good for

them.”

Furthermore, Dawn stated that because the identity texts were published as books, each family has a tangible record of their new life that “showcases what they’ve learned about

Calgary and Canada.” From Susan’s perspective, the project allowed for the Tabassum family’s strengths to take focus: “they were very expressive around how precious their family is to them, and that came out [when] analyzing the pictures that were taken and in our conversations.” In fact, the Tabassum family titled their dual language book Our Beautiful Family, and Sabina chose to include her LPS task in the family’s book. The text she wrote to accompany her language portrait (seen in Figure 12 below) exemplifies the way in which the project encouraged the families to self-reflect, celebrate their successes and appreciate their accomplishments.

Figure 12. Sabina’s Reflection on her Language Portrait

In summary, the results of this study indicate that family literacy programs can draw on dual language identity text projects to target adult and child literacy instruction for immigrant families by providing personally relevant learning tasks; giving the learners a heightened sense of responsibility and accountability for their learning at home; addressing major issues of accessibility, particularly for primary caregivers; engaging the entire family in learning and honouring their home language as a valuable form of linguistic and cultural capital; and finally, acting as a record of the family’s growth and learning.

Chapter 5: Discussion, Limitations, Implications and Conclusion

5.1 Introduction

This chapter is divided into four sections. In the first section I provide a discussion of the key findings of this study. I begin by exploring how the participating families conceptualize their linguistic identity both within and across the three case studies and situate my findings within the relevant literature. I then review the perceived strengths, weakness and learning outcomes of the project for each of the family members and staff and outline the way in which such projects can be used to support and engage learners in family literacy programs by targeting literacy on three distinct levels: symbolic, functional, and as a social process. In the second section I remark on the limitations of this study. The third section outlines the major implications and areas of future research. Finally, in the conclusion I comment on this study’s contribution to the field of identity and language learning and make some final remarks on the personal experiences I have gained as a co-researcher and guest in the Ali, Tabassum and Sabbah families’ homes.

5.2 Discussion

5.2.1 Linguistic identity.

In general, the results of this study suggest that during the dual language identity text project, each of the family members was in the process of creating an identity as both an Arabic and an English speaker. More specifically, their language portraits represented a balancing act that involved maintaining their Arabic heritage and culture and fitting into their new environment, Canadian society and/or school. Furthermore, both children and parents referred to the concepts of expertise (i.e., how proficient they are in one or both of their languages), affiliation (i.e., their attitude towards and affective connection to a language or a community of

96 speakers, such as liking or loving a language), and inheritance (i.e., their familial connection to one or more of their languages) (Block, 2014). The participants’ use or mention of these concepts differed, however, not only across families, but also among parents and children, and children of different ages.

For the Ali family, Arabic was tied to their cultural heritage, while English was largely operational in the sense that it was the language of instruction at school and acted as a means of integrating, getting a job, understanding the history of Canada, establishing contact and connecting with the English-speaking community. The children, Elias and Malik, represented their two languages equally in some contexts because they played soccer in Syria (in Arabic) and now play it at school with their friends here in Canada (in English). Their mother, Amira, emphasized the connection between her national identity (Syrian) and linguistic identity, but also stated that she loves learning English. Interestingly, she was the only family member to explicitly mention the affective side of her language learning, in that she perceives her skills as limited and feels social anxiety when she wants to communicate in English. Her husband Ehsan, on the other hand, highlighted the role of English in becoming a Canadian citizen and represented Arabic and

English at his hands as a hand shake to show how he views languages as a tool to create peace between two people, two communities, and two nations. Together, the parents also made it clear that they had major concerns about their sons not having learned enough Arabic in Syria to be able to maintain their home language or reach a high level of proficiency (“they going to learn

English and forget Arabic!”). A competing concern, however, was that the children would be overwhelmed by Arabic language classes and as such, Amira and Ehsan were not considering enrolling the boys in Saturday Arabic language school. The results show that both the parents and children have combined elements of their old life in Syria (i.e., playing soccer, speaking and

97 remembering Arabic ) with elements of their new life in Calgary (i.e., learning English, going to school, and gaining citizenship). As such, they have each created hybrid identities that are a culmination of their experiences before and after coming to Canada. Amira’s expression of linguistic identity in particular highlights the uncertain and contradictory feelings she has learning English and as she makes sense of her place as a newcomer in Canadian society.

For the Tabassum family, the LPS task invoked a sense of what the family had been through together and revealed differences in the children’s experiences at school in Syria and in

Canada, thereby shaping how they characterize their linguistic identity. The daughter Sabina, for example, clearly demarcated where and when she spoke Arabic and English: Arabic at home, and English at school. She went so far as to say that she didn’t want to learn how to write in

Arabic and stressed the fact that her peers only speak English. In doing so, she revealed her efforts to fit into the English-speaking milieu of school and her reluctance to learn the Arabic literacy skills that are key to her progress as a Dual Language Learner. She also emphasized the positive aspects of living in Canada, and her brother hinted at the major personal transformation she has gone through since leaving the refugee camp and moving to Canada (“when you see

Sabina in Jordan, you don’t think it’s Sabina”). In contrast, her older brother Quinn presented a fairly balanced view of both languages in his language portrait. As a result of completing the majority of his schooling in Syria (i.e., kindergarten to Grade 10), he may have attained academic language proficiency in his first language and therefore developed metacognitive awareness, learning strategies and knowledge of print and literacy concepts prior to the family’s arrival in Canada. Furthermore, his previous experience learning English gave him an important role in the family and meant that his sense of expertise in both languages was more evenly divided. Lastly, as a result of being enrolled in a special Arabic language program at his high

98 school, both his social group and learning environment were reflective of his ethnolinguistic background, thereby giving him opportunities to speak both Arabic and English at school.

Unlike her children Sabina and Quinn, Fatima presented the English language in terms of her lack of expertise and in some sense, inheritance. To clarify, English was associated with what she was not yet able to do—she felt her limited English skills held her back from functioning in

Canadian society (she wanted to be able to “act” English so that it is not “just in the head”).

Furthermore, English and her children’s language learning had caused changes in their family dynamic. Essentially, the ‘student’ and ‘teacher’ roles had reversed, and she now saw her children’s learning as integral to her own. Here we see that while Arabic is still the only language spoken at home and will remain her tie to the family’s cultural heritage, she has also developed, in some sense, a familial connection to English because of her children. In summary, the results show that Fatima and her children have combined elements of their old life in Syria and elements of their new life in Calgary to various degrees. Each family member’s linguistic identity is a new, hybrid expression of themselves and a reflection on where they’ve been in the past (Syria, Jordan, refugee camps), where they are now (Calgary, school, the Syrian community abroad) and they way in which they relate to one another as a family.

In the Sabbah family, the LPS task revealed that both parents, Gamila and Aasim, were concerned with their children losing their home language because of the rate at which they were learning English. Gamila, for example, noted that she hoped her daughter Bindi would be able to maintain her Arabic language skills in order to talk to her grandparents, whom she had never met in person, on the phone. It is also important to note that of all of the families, Gamila was the only participant to indicate her language portrait had changed over the course of the project.

More specifically, at the end of the study she reported a balance in the importance of Arabic and

English in her and her family’s life. Although she stressed the role of English in building a new life in Canada, was worried about her children’s loss of Arabic and expressed fears about her

English language skills at the beginning of the study, by the end, she felt that the languages had

“leveled out” because of her son’s enrollment in Arabic school on the weekends and the family’s focus on Arabic at home. This major shift in Gamila’s linguistic identity over the course of seven weeks highlights the dynamic nature of identity and her attempt to negotiate her past and present life. This change reflects Gamila’s negotiation of an alternative, hybrid identity that is a combination of her and her family’s Arabic culture and heritage and their new life in Canada. As seen with the Ali and Tabassum families, Gamila points to her and her husband’s efforts to simultaneously maintain connection to their old ways of being and make room for a new sense of self in Canada.

The concepts of hybridity and ambivalence provide a useful perspective on the linguistic identity presented by the families in this study. The three mothers in particular express complex, ambivalent views towards their language learning. That is, they each frame their linguistic identity as a hybrid or third identity that combines Canadian and Syrian cultures, languages and histories. This hybridity is accompanied by seemingly contradictory desires to learn English yet retain Arabic at home. The mothers also expressed that they enjoyed learning English or were highly motivated to learn, but this was paired with the fear of speaking in public or an awareness of how much they have yet to learn. Amira, for example, reported that she loves learning English but that it is difficult for her and she often feels too shy or afraid to talk to people. Similarly,

Fatima reported that she wants to be able to speak English “so bad,” but she keeps reminding herself of how much she has to learn until she can speak fluently. Finally, Gamila knows how important English is now that her and her family are in Canada and that she needs it “to build a

100 life here,” (i.e., to learn about the norms surrounding parenting and education, to be able to go to the doctor or to learn to drive). However, she has conflicting feelings when it comes to how quickly her children are learning English and their ability to maintain contact with their relatives abroad.

Sabina’s language portrait, too, highlights feelings of ambivalence towards her languages. On the one hand, she has two homes, Syria and Canada, with equal representation at her heart. On the other hand, her verbal account of her language portrait prioritized English and uncovered her reluctance to learn to write in Arabic. Sabina’s narrative is characteristic of refugee and immigrant children in Canada, in that they must withstand the push-and-pull forces of home and school, navigate their desire to be accepted by their peer group, experience a role and dependency reversal in which they function as interpreters for their parents, and above all, strive to accomplish the central task of childhood and adolescence—developing a sense of identity—all the while trying to bridge generational and cultural gaps (Fantino & Colak, 2001).

Fantino and Colak (2001) succinctly describe the added trauma refugee children have often experienced as a result of war, such as persecution, dangerous escapes, and prolonged stays in refugee camps; “some have witnessed killings, torture, and rape—including atrocities against family members…Some have lost many members of their families and many have lost everything that was familiar to them” (p. 590). The Ali, Tabassum and Sabbah families did open up about their experiences fleeing the war in Syria during the course of our project, and although

I will not report on them here, it comes as no surprise to me that they expressed uncertain, tentative and at times contradictory connections to Arabic and English as they work to make sense of the forces and events that have brought them to Canada.

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The Syrian refugee youths’ description of identity in Veronis, Tabler and Ahmed’s 2018 study parallel the fluid and dynamic nature of self that was expressed by Gamila in this study.

Hynie (2018) also notes that recent studies that have asked Syrian Canadians to report on their early experiences of resettlement show that their social relationships with individuals from other social groups tend to be fairly limited, which mirrors Amira’s, Fatima’s, and Gamila’s reports and the family literacy facilitators’ concerns about social isolation for primary caregivers. The findings from Norton’s (2013) hallmark multiple case study of five female immigrants who resettled in Toronto also echo these concerns and reinforce the link between parenting, access to

Anglophone social networks, and linguistic identity. Given the import of social networks and opportunities to practice speaking English on the well-being of newcomers to Canada (Cervatiuc,

2009; Derwing and Waugh, 2012), research on the long-term resettlement and integration of

Syrian refugees in their new communities (Hanley et al., 2018) and Canadian conceptions of refugees’ identity (Olsen et al., 2016) seems essential to supporting and affirming newcomers’ identities in the Canadian context.

In summary, the results show that each of the families had their own unique and complex profiles as language learners. Some family members presented a balanced view of Arabic and

English in terms of inheritance, affiliation, and expertise, while others focused on their limited language skills, and yet others pointed to how their relationships to language changes over time.

For the parents, the concept of inheritance meant speaking Arabic at home, recreating a sense of their old life through social gatherings, community events and food, and staying in touch with family members in Syria or abroad. Importantly, it also encapsulated a sense of their children’s language skills in Arabic and connection to family members abroad, even those they had never met. As such, for the parents of Dual Language Learners in this study, the concept of inheritance

102 can be broadened to include bi-directionality, in that it represents not only a tribute to their past life in Syria, but also their children’s present continuation of the family’s heritage. English, on the other hand, was related to the concepts of affiliation and expertise (or lack thereof) and their concerns about being able to fully participate in Canadian society. For children, the concept of inheritance represented their language at home, engaging in activities they taken part in in Syria

(i.e., soccer), and missing their relatives. English, on the other hand, was primarily tied to school and their role as interpreters in their families. For both young DLLs and ELLs in this study, hybridity and ambivalence characterized their linguistic identity as they attempted to make sense of their past lives and new realities. The results are in line with De Fina’s (2016) claim that

“modern identities cannot be equated with coherent selves and…are often fragmented, multifocal, discontinuous and contradictory” (p. 168). Although the concept of hybrid identity is not new (Gutiérrez, Baquedano-López & Tejeda, 1999), it has come to characterize modernity, as patterns of global movement increase and migrants are forced to construct alternative, in- between identities and third spaces in which they navigate and reconfigure ties to their cultural practices, languages and home and host countries (De Fina, 2016).

5.2.2 Impacts of the project: strengths, weaknesses and learning outcomes.

The current study was designed to implement a culturally sensitive and personally relevant pedagogical technique through the collaborative creation of identity texts. As co- researchers in the study, the family members and facilitators were encouraged to provide input, direction and feedback during the text creation, and they drove the themes of each day’s discussion based on the photographs they took. The results from research question two, which focused on the families’ and facilitators’ experiences in the project, are in line with much of the previous research on identity texts. Overall, it afforded young DLLs and their parents the

103 opportunity to take initiatives in their own learning, and it provided them with meaningful, enjoyable and sustained learning tasks that they could engage in as a family.

Reflections on the strengths and learning outcomes of the project can be summarized into three main themes: literacy concepts, metalinguistic awareness, and personal benefits. First, according to the families and facilitators, one of the project’s major strengths was its focus on print-based literacy concepts. This included opportunities to practice the Roman alphabet and sound-letter correspondences in English, write in English and Arabic, learn the meaning of new words and how to use adjectives to describe pictures. For some of the children, this also meant finding new and unique ways to connect images with text. In addition, the families and I were also able to practice digital literacy in that we relied on the cameras and used the laptop in nearly every meeting. The children in particular helped me load the photographs and chose the order in which we discussed them. In one case, we also practiced typing sentences and our names in a

Word document on the computer.

Second, both children and parents stated that the text creation made them more attuned to the differences between the directionality of print in English and Arabic and the difficulties that arise with direct translations. This heightened metalinguistic awareness has also been demonstrated in studies of dual language book reading, whereby hearing or seeing two languages at once allows learners to not only compare and contrast their languages, but also identify the features common across languages (Naqvi et al., 2012; Sneddon, 2008).

Lastly, there were several personal or interactional strengths and learning outcomes. Two of the mothers (Amira and Gamila) reported that they valued the opportunity to speak English in an informal way and practice English conversation at home. Although some family members felt

104 they did not learn new vocabulary, they were able to reinforce what they already knew and felt more confident speaking English. According to the facilitators, the project also gave both children and adults a sense of leadership and personal accountability for their learning. Other studies in which learners have created dual language multimodal texts in school settings have had similar results. Early and Yeung (2009), for example, found that due to the authentic nature of the texts and tasks (i.e., positioning students as authors who were publishing real books), there was a greater amount of investment and motivation to produce high quality work.

Children and parents in this study were able to express their home culture, interests and personal histories through their photographs and texts and affirm their identities as capable learners. Studies by Binder & Kotsopoulos (2011), Cummins et al. (2015), Montero et al. (2013),

Prasad (2015), Roessingh (2011), and Taylor et al. (2008) have reported similar results.

Coulthard (2017) carried out a comparable study with Indigenous youth in Canada and found that identity texts and the dialogue that ensued as a part of the creative process allowed children to explore the personal, cultural and social dimensions of their identities. It is important to note that within the setting of this family literacy program, however, the inclusion of Arabic was relatively unique. Although the language of instruction in the program is officially English, the dual language book project allowed children and parents to engage in discussions about language and literacy in Arabic, and it promoted the families’ home language in a context where it would not normally arise. Notably, all of the facilitators stated that although they do not speak Arabic, they were inspired to encourage more translation between English and Arabic during their regular sessions and stated that using photographs as anchors for discussion was a technique they could use with other families.

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A lack of structure or guidance on what to take photos of, the relatively short duration of the project, and the potential for greater variety in the type of activities documented by families

(i.e., interactions in the local community) were identified as the project’s major areas of improvement. Overall, this feedback indicates that the project could have been better implemented if the facilitators, families and I had worked together to outline the learning goals at the outset of the project. The participants’ comments also highlight the need for longitudinal research that addresses specific language or literacy learning targets for newcomers to Canada and interventions that are centered on themes, topics or activities relevant to and chosen by the participating families.

5.2.3 Dual language identity texts in family literacy programs.

Results from research question three indicate that there are five main ways in which dual language identity texts can be used in family literacy programs to target young DLL and adult

ELL language and literacy instruction. In review, dual language identity texts can: (1) provide personally relevant learning tasks; (2) give children and adults a heightened sense of responsibility and accountability for their learning at home; (3) address major issues of accessibility, particularly for primary caregivers; (4) engage the entire family in learning and honour their home language as a valuable and visible form of linguistic and cultural capital; and

(5) encourage individual self-reflection and act as a record of the family’s growth and learning.

These results are in line with Prasad’s (2015) claim that inclusive pedagogy for diverse populations of learners integrates their linguistic repertoires in the classroom and fosters collaboration not only within families, but also among educators, learners and communities.

Furthermore, Prasad states that inclusive and culturally sensitive pedagogy should utilize an inquiry-based, learner-driven approach and place creativity, multimodality and freedom of

106 expression at the forefront of the learning tasks. In light of this, I posit that dual language identity texts offer a valuable pedagogical technique for family literacy programs that can target literacy learning at three levels. First, identity texts can be used to introduce and describe literacy at a symbolic level (i.e., in terms of alphabets, phonics, and orthography) and the way in which we assign and make meaning across modalities. Second, identity texts projects can promote functional literacy skills (i.e., the use of print-based materials in everyday life). For example, facilitators could create mini-assignments in which families are asked take photos of a trip to the grocery store and record the items they bought. In this way, the task is easily integrated into a familiar, routine activity and strengthens the learning of vocabulary related to everyday life.

Finally, identity text projects can be used to highlight literacy as a social process (Montero et al.,

2013), whereby learners engage with their families and the communities around them. Given the importance of building new social networks for newcomers in Canada, this type of pedagogy is representative of a ‘contact activity’ and could help mitigate social isolation by bridging the gap between ELLs and the target language community (Derwing & Waugh, 2012).

5.3 Limitations

There are several main limitations of this study. First, my reliance on a translator reduced my understanding of the families’ responses during the LPS task and interviews. De Fina (2016) notes that ethnographic methodologies such as participant observation or action research are essential in studies of identity in order to get the “emic perspective of transnational individuals and communities and to avoid applying etic (analyst)-only generated categories” to the data (p.

169). With this in mind, although I took on a participant-observer role, I do not speak Arabic and thus relied on the report of a third person to provide interpretations of the families’ responses, descriptions and explanations. As such, I acknowledge that being unable to speak Arabic

107 prevented me from fully ‘being with them’ as equals and co-researchers (Block, 2014). For this I must once again express my gratitude to the translator, who was extremely sensitive to the families’ experiences as refugees, provided vital background information about the history of

Arabic (i.e., dialectal variation) and language education in Syria and Lebanon.

Second, while I can claim to know something about each of the participant’s literacy practices and Arabic- and English-speaking identity through the LPS task and my interviews with them, I do not have information about other technology-mediated or community contexts in which they communicate (i.e., chat rooms, blogs, social media, emails or religious events and services), and it may be that these spaces provide yet another window into their identity as language learners. For example, research on youth language in multilingual and multicultural environments has shown that children and adolescents express and negotiate identities in extremely innovative ways through hybrid language practices (De Fina, 2016). Furthermore, according to Block (2014), a number of studies of migrants that focus exclusively on face-to-face interactions may be missing a big part of learners’ identity development, as they assert themselves as legitimate speakers in virtual worlds (Block, 2014; Darvin & Norton, 2015).

Veronis et al.’s (2018) study exemplifies this claim and has illustrated how Syrian refugee youth in Canada have used social media to learn about Canadian society, practice English, and create a space for transcultural connection.

Third, although I have tried to be both thorough and sensitive to cultural differences, my view of home literacy practices has been shaped by my upbringing and education in Canada and as such, may present a biased representation of literacy that excludes the multilingual, hybrid language and literacy practices of newcomers to Canada. I wish to acknowledge Ramanathan’s

(2005) assertion that “questions and issues of what are ‘present’ and ‘absent’ clearly underlie

108 what are ‘visible’ and ‘invisible’ in literacy events…and are determined, to a large extent, by the researcher’s lens” (p. 15).

Lastly, despite having aligned myself with the strong tendency for qualitative methods in this field, I would also like to acknowledge that a combination of methods (i.e., mixed methods) can help provide the rich data needed to understand language learners and their learning environment as socially, historically and politically constructed, and that allows researchers “to broaden the scope of the investigation and better draw conclusions” (Dörnyei, 2007, p. 164;

Norton, 2013). For example, quantitative data could have been used to draw more objective indices of participants’ gains in literacy or language (i.e., Arabic or English vocabulary or metalinguistic awareness) rather than relying on self-report measures.

5.4 Implications and Areas of Future Research

The results of this study suggest that for these refugee families, their linguistic identity is a ‘third space’ in which they navigate their lives both before and after moving to Canada.

Additionally, their beliefs and fears surrounding language learning, experiences in different school systems and refugee camps, family roles, and age are important factors in how they represent the languages they speak. In light of the dynamic nature of identity, future research would do well to investigate the extent to which refugees’ relationships to their languages change over time and at different phases of the settlement process. For example, the LPS task could be used to trace linguistic identity as it relates to the initial period of excitement upon arrival, the intrusion of cultural differences (i.e., culture shock), the acceptance of these difference and gradual inclusion of the new culture, and at later stages, full integration in or adaptation to the host culture (Block, 2014).

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The results of this study also indicate that subtractive bilingualism and the fear of children being overwhelmed by learning two languages at once were key concerns for these parents, and that immigrant and refugee families could be provided more support in learning about the advantages of acquiring two languages at once (i.e., the transfer of L1 and L2 knowledge). Relatedly, in light of the limited access to print in their homes that these families reported, I would suggest an increase in support ethnolinguistic minority parents’ awareness of and access to literacy resources in the community, which would encourage engagement with print at home and help mitigate the fear of subtractive bilingualism. As Cummins et al. (2015) state, there is extensive evidence that the relationship between literacy attainment and engagement in literacy activities is causal and cyclical, and yet “literacy engagement is impossible without ample access to print” (p. 560). According to Rose, the family literacy program director, if parents are not engaging with literacy, it is likely children will not either. As such, parent-only training sessions on how to choose and take out books appropriate to their children’s’ age and language level may also be beneficial (Friedrich, Anderson and Morrison,

2014).

Lastly, the results of this study highlight differences in the social networks and language learning services available to primary caregivers in families enrolled in family literacy programs.

As such, future research could be aimed at not only better understanding caregivers’ expectations and beliefs about language learning, but also encouraging contact activities with the target language community in order to mitigate social isolation, particularly for new mothers.

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5.5 Conclusion

In summary, the results of this study suggest that newcomers to Canada belong to multiple linguistic and social worlds and that they bring into being new forms of identity as they attempt to integrate these worlds and position themselves in their new surroundings. Data from

Language Portrait Silhouette task shows the way in which young DLLs and adult ELLs relate to these linguistic and social worlds through inheritance, affiliation and expertise. For parents, the concept of inheritance took on a bi-directionality in which it referred not only to their past lives and ways of being in Syria, but also the lives of their children and their ability to maintain connection with their family in the future. For children, the concept of affiliation to English was highly related to their life at school, while Arabic remained the language at home and within their social networks in Syrian community. Expertise, on the other hand, was largely indicative of the mothers’ anxieties around speaking English and their awareness of their limited language skills. Viewing identity as multiple, contradictory and a site of struggle allowed for a better picture of the participants’ hybrid, ambivalent identities as they strive to simultaneously hold on to their heritage and culture through Arabic, while using English as a tool to connect with

Canadians, better understand the norms of Canadian society, and build a new life. Culturally sensitive pedagogy for newcomer and refugee families in Canada is encouraged to respond to the realities of the complex, hybrid identities of these individuals. Dual language identity texts, for example, are a pedagogical technique that can target language and literacy learning at a symbolic, functional and interactional level and affirm the identities of both children and adults as capable learners with valuable funds of knowledge. More importantly, identity texts can highlight refugee and newcomer families’ strengths, focus learning tasks on the positive aspects

111 of their life in Canada and introduce fun ways of engaging with print that encourage collaboration both within families and across communities.

In closing, I would like to add my voice to that of Cummins and Early (2011) and state that in my view, the choices we make as educators, practitioners and researchers sends important messages to learners from marginalized, minority communities in Canada. It is our responsibility to contemplate our own practice; become aware of the ways in which a colonized, Eurocentric system of education may play out in our classrooms; reflect critically on the instructional choices we make on a routine basis; and finally to examine, create, and enact alternative possibilities. For

Cummins and Early (2011), this means continuously shaping an image of our own identities as educators, an image of the identity options we highlight for our students, and an image of the society we hope they will help create (p. 156). Throughout the design, implementation and report of this study I have learned that it is through personal relationships and taking on new, hybrid identities (i.e., relaxing our hold on the dichotomous labels we assign ourselves, such as

‘participants/researchers,’ ‘students/teachers,’ ‘children/parents,’) that we come to a real understanding of the phenomenon we study and allow for truly credible knowledge about the spaces we share. For applied linguists, this means taking risks in the research design process and broadening the space in which studies are undertaken to include learners, families, schools, and practitioners as collaborators and valued partners in the collaborative search for knowledge. As a result, research can incite structural change, combat limiting top-down educational mandates, and promote values of equality and social justice among students and teachers alike. That is to say, by empowering learners of diverse backgrounds, we empower ourselves.

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APPENDIX A: INITIAL INTERVIEW SCRIPT FOR FAMILY LITERACY PROGRAM

DIRECTOR AND FACILITATORS

1. What languages do you speak? Do you have any experience learning a second language?

2. How long have you been working with CanLearn as a family literacy facilitator?

3. What is your professional background? What types of training have you received in this

role?

4. What is your experience working with Syrian refugee families?

5. Do Syrian refugee families differ from other families you have worked with in the

Learning Starts at Home program?

a. If so, how do they differ from other families?

b. In your view, why do these differences arise?

6. Do Syrian refugee families have different language learning needs than other families or

newcomers to Canada in the family literacy program?

a. If so, what are their specific learning needs?

7. What do you see as necessary to the support of language and literacy learning for adult

and young learners?

8. What do you see as a hindrance to the support of language and literacy learning for both

adult and young learners?

9. How do you define literacy?

10. An important aspect of this research project is facilitating and promoting community-

engaged research. How do you imagine your practice helping inform research on

language and literacy instruction for newcomers?

a. How do you imagine research helping inform your instructional practices?

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11. Can you imagine this project helping inform policy or funding for language or literacy

programs for newcomers to Canada?

12. Do you have any additional information that you feel would be helpful and that might

provide insights into the work you do?

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APPENDIX B: FINAL INTERVIEW SCRIPT FOR FAMILY LITERACY

FACILITATORS

1. Do you feel the dual language book project has promoted learning within the family?

a. If so, how?

2. Do you have any comments or observations on the family’s literacy and language

learning in general? For example, child-parent interaction or sibling interaction during

learning activities?

3. What do you see as the strengths of implementing a dual language book project? For

example, engagement, collaboration and interaction, shared attention, meaningfulness of

the learning content (i.e., photos), etc.

4. What do you see as the weaknesses (?) of implementing a dual language book project?

For example, time and scheduling, participation and motivation, writing fatigue, etc.

5. Did you enjoy the project overall?

6. Do you have any suggestions for better implementation or design?

7. Final comments?

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APPENDIX C: INITIAL INTERVIEW SCRIPT FOR FAMILIES

1. Do you speak more than one language?

a. If so, how many languages do you speak? What languages do you speak?

2. Do your children speak more than one language?

a. If so, how many languages do they speak? What languages do they speak?

3. Which language do you feel you speak the best?

a. Are you able to read any of your languages?

b. Are you able to write any of your languages?

4. Do you speak more than one language at home?

a. If so, which languages do you speak at home?

b. How often do you speak the different languages at home (i.e., half Arabic, half

English)?

5. Do you have any previous experience learning English?

a. If so, where did you learn English? How long did you learn English?

6. How many years of formal schooling did you complete? How many years of formal

schooling have your children completed?

7. Do you read books with your child/children? If so, roughly how often?

a. What types of books do you read with your children? In what language?

b. Do your children tell stories on their own? In what language?

c. Have you ever read books written in more than one language together? In what

language?

8. Do you read books on your own? If so, roughly how often?

a. What types of books/materials do you read? In what languages?

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b. Do you read or write recipes, letters or newspapers? If so, how often?

9. Do you take out books from the library?

a. If yes, what types of books?

b. If no, is there anything that stops you from seeking out reading material or going

to the library?

10. How often do you work with your child language on any of the following at home each

week?

a. colours?

b. shapes?

c. numbers?

d. the alphabet?

11. What do you feel would best help you and your children learn English?

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APPENDIX D: FINAL INTERVIEW SCRIPT FOR FAMILIES

1. When did you arrive in Canada?

2. Do you feel your stay in refugee camps affected you or your children’s learning?

a. If so, how?

3. Has the way you think about language learning changed since you arrived in Canada?

a. If so, how?

4. Has the way you think about English or Arabic changed since you arrived in Canada?

(What role do you feel each language plays in you and your children’s lives?)

5. Has working as a family helped you learn English?

a. If so, how?

6. Has depending on your children as interpreters affected your family dynamic?

a. If so, how?

7. What do you feel you have learned in the course of this collaborative project?

a. About English?

b. About Arabic?

c. About language in general?

d. About you, your family, or your children?

8. Was there anything you really enjoyed about this project, and why?

9. Was there anything you did not enjoy about this project, and why?

10. Final comments?

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APPENDIX E: LANGUAGE PORTRAIT SILHOUETTE TASK

What languages do I speak?

135

APPENDIX F: LANGUAGE PORTRAIT SILHOUETTE TASK WORKSHEET

Who do I speak my languages with?

my brother my family my parents

my sister my friends

other people I

my community my teacher meet

Where do I speak my languages?

at the grocery Syria store at work

Canada at the playground

on the phone

at school at home

at the library in clubs or after school

activities