HIA Inquiry Day 220 Transcript
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Creation Dates: 13 February 1987
Reference Code: 2017/10/73 Creation Dates: 13 February 1987 Extent and medium: 4 pages Creator(s): Department of the Taoiseach Accession Conditions: Open Copyright: National Archives, Ireland. May only be reproduced with the written permission of the Director of the National Archives. .. ' 17, GROSVENOR PLACE, AM2~0 NA~ANN, L0NDAI SW1X 7HR Telephone: 01-235 2171 TELEX: 916104 Time _LONDON IRISH EMBASSY,- . ..... CONFIDENTIAL By Special Bag 13 February 1987 A Conversation with Ron Aitken, Political Adviser to Martin Smyth MP 11. \., . Y'7 Dear Assistant Secretary Aitken receives an allowance from Martin Smyth and the OUP to be their only adviser at Westminster. He is something of a maverick having been first active as a SPUC organiser in Ireland during the anti-abortion campaign. His principal loyalty is to Smyth who spends 2 or 3 days a week in Britain, giving speeches to low key student and minority groups. The major theme on these occasions reflects the line from Frank Millar in Belfast: 'When is the British Government going to do something for the reasonable OUP to stop it losing out to the nasty DUP?' No doubt this appeal is modeled on what Unionists consider to have been a successful tactic employed by the SDLP in relation to Sinn Fein. Aitken illustrates the danger by saying that Roy Beggs in East Antrim and Cecil Walker in North Belfast could loose to DUP challenges if the Election is much delayed; furthermore Kilfeddar could be vulnerable in North Down. If this were to happen the spectre of Brian Faulkner would haunt the party and undermine those in favour of power-sharing. -
How New Is New Loyalism?
HOW NEW IS NEW LOYALISM? CATHERINE MCGLYNN EUROPEAN STUDIES RESEARCH INSTITUTE UNIVERSITY OF SALFORD SALFORD, UK Submitted in Partial Fulfilment of the Requirements of the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy, February 2004 TABLE OF CONTENTS Introduction Page 1 Chapter One Hypothesis and Methodology Page 6 Chapter Two Literature Review: Unionism, Loyalism, Page 18 New Loyalism Chapter Three A Civic Loyalism? Page 50 Chapter Four The Roots of New Loyalism 1966-1982 Page 110 Chapter Five New Loyalism and the Peace Process Page 168 Chapter Six New Loyalism and the Progressive Page 205 Unionist Party Chapter Seven Conclusion: How New is New Loyalism? Page 279 Bibliography Page 294 ABBREVIATONS CLMC Combined Loyalist Military Command DENI Department of Education for Northern Ireland DUP Democratic Unionist Party IOO Independent Orange Order IRA Irish Republican Army LAW Loyalist Association of Workers LVF Loyalist Volunteer Force NICRA Northern Ireland Civil Rights Association NIHE Northern Ireland Housing Executive NILP Northern Ireland Labour Party PUP Progressive Unionist Party RHC Red Hand Commandos RHD Red Hand Defenders SDLP Social Democratic and Labour Party UDA Ulster Defence Association UDP Ulster Democratic Party UDLP Ulster Democratic and Loyalist Party UFF Ulster Freedom Fighters UUP Ulster Unionist Party UUUC United Ulster Unionist Council UWC Ulster Workers' Council UVF Ulster Volunteer Force VPP Volunteer Political Party ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I would like to thank my PhD supervisor, Jonathan Tonge for all his support during my time at Salford University. I am also grateful to all the staff at the Northern Irish Political collection at the Linen Hall Library in Belfast for their help and advice. -
Procedural Witness Statement of Officer a 27 May 2016
KIN-3503 INQUIRY INTO HISTORICAL INSTITUTIONAL ABUSE 1922 TO 1995 WITNESS STATEMENT I, SIS Officer A, will say as follows: 1. I have been employed by the Secret Intelligence Service (SIS) since August 1989 in a range of roles in the UK and overseas. I became a Deputy Director in 2012 and, since October 2015, have been Deputy Director responsible for compliance and disclosure matters. It is the longstanding policy of SIS that the identities of its officers, other than C, are not publicly disclosed, for operational reasons and in order to ensure the safety of them and their families. 2. In my current role, I oversee the compliance of SIS operations with the law and other relevant guidance and directives. This role includes overseeing the Service’s response to legal cases and disclosure requests related to a range of issues, including legacy matters in Northern Ireland. In this capacity, I provide assurance to C, the Service’s Accounting Officer, that we are effectively meeting our legal obligations. 3. SIS has received requests for disclosure from the Historical Institutional Abuse Inquiry. SIS takes its disclosure obligations seriously and I am satisfied that the searches carried out by officers in our compliance team constitute a reasonable and proportionate search for relevant material on the SIS corporate record. These officers, and SIS legal advisers, specialise in disclosure matters and regularly conduct searches of this type; they also consulted the SIS records management team to ensure a sufficiently broad search was conducted. I know that SIS officers have made the Inquiry aware of the capabilities, nature and operation of our file management systems. -
From Deference to Defiance: Popular Unionism and the Decline of Elite Accommodation in Northern Ireland
From Deference to Defiance: Popular Unionism and the Decline of Elite Accommodation in Northern Ireland Introduction On 29 November, 2003, The Ulster Unionist Party (UUP), the party that had governed Northern Ireland from Partition in 1921 to the imposition of Direct Rule by Ted Heath in 1972, lost its primary position as the leading Unionist party in the N.I. Assembly to the Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) of Reverend Ian Paisley. On 5 May, 2005, the electoral revolution was completed when the DUP trounced the UUP in the Westminster elections, netting twice the UUP's popular vote, ousting David Trimble and reducing the UUP to just one Westminster seat. In March, 2005, the Orange Order, which had helped to found the UUP exactly a century before, cut its links to this ailing party. What explains this political earthquake? The press and most Northern Ireland watchers place a large amount of stress on short-term policy shifts and events. The failure of the IRA to show 'final acts' of decommissioning of weapons is fingered as the main stumbling block which prevented a re-establishment of the Northern Ireland Assembly and, with it, the credibility of David Trimble and his pro-Agreement wing of the UUP. This was accompanied by a series of incidents which demonstrated that the IRA, while it my have given up on the ‘armed struggle’ against the security forces, was still involved in intelligence gathering, the violent suppression of its opponents and a range of sophisticated criminal activities culminating in the robbery of £26 million from the Northern Bank in Belfast in December 2004. -
Witness Statement of Clifford Smyth
KIN-4506 KIN-4507 KIN-4508 KIN-4509 230 block on an Army Intelligence officer from learning more ArrnRwono about McGrath and Kincora prevented the information from being passed on to the police ' ' ' and as we now know Everyone in Northern Ireland - people of all religions and there was a reason for wishing to keep the lid on Kincora' people the twenty-seven There has never been an enquiry into the political associ- of none - has suffered through ations of McGrath, to determine just who in British years of bloody conflict, whether bereavement, injury, the job Intelligence knew what about Tara, McGrath and his loss of a or an insult from strangers in a bar in Spain. dimmed. nefarious activities. Those who suffered in Kincora for the All have had their lives curtailed, their horizons intense that sake of a security operation deserve to hear the truth' For too many the suffering has been so They should not be regarded as expendable in order to the human heart can hardly cope with it. Against the protect those in authority who knew what was going on background of that grief and pain, the grim and mysteri- but did nothing. Those charged with protecting the ous figure of William McGrath is not Just an enigma but integrity of the state should be accountable for their an irony. actions and the government owes it to those abused in Here was a man who lived in the shadows, who shunned Kincora to make them accountable. In reality, there's more the light of day, who told his closest associates that he chance of my playing for Manchester United before the preferred to 'remain a backroom boy'. -
The Political Role of Northern Irish Protestant Religious Denominations
University of Tennessee, Knoxville TRACE: Tennessee Research and Creative Exchange Supervised Undergraduate Student Research Chancellor’s Honors Program Projects and Creative Work 2-1991 The Political Role of Northern Irish Protestant Religious Denominations Henry D. Fincher Follow this and additional works at: https://trace.tennessee.edu/utk_chanhonoproj Recommended Citation Fincher, Henry D., "The Political Role of Northern Irish Protestant Religious Denominations" (1991). Chancellor’s Honors Program Projects. https://trace.tennessee.edu/utk_chanhonoproj/68 This is brought to you for free and open access by the Supervised Undergraduate Student Research and Creative Work at TRACE: Tennessee Research and Creative Exchange. It has been accepted for inclusion in Chancellor’s Honors Program Projects by an authorized administrator of TRACE: Tennessee Research and Creative Exchange. For more information, please contact [email protected]. - - - - - THE POtJ'TICAIJ I~OI~E OF NOR'TI-IERN IRISH - PROTESrrANrr REI~IGIOUS DENOMINATIONS - COLLEGE SCIIOLAR5,/TENNESSEE SCIIOLARS PROJECT - HENRY D. FINCHER ' - - FEnRlJARY IN, 1991 - - - .. - .. .. - Acknowledgements The completion of this project would have been impossible without assistance from many different individuals in the United States, the United Kingdom, and the Republic of Ireland. I appreciate the gifts of interviews from the MP's for South Belfast and South Wirral, respectively the Reverend Martin Smyth and the Honorable Barry Porter. Li kewi se, these in terv iews would have been impossible without the assistance of the Rt. Hon. Merlyn Rees MP PC, who arranged these two insightful contacts for me. In Belfast my research was aided enormously through the efforts of Mr. Robert Bell at the Linen Hall Library, as well as by the helpful and ever-cheerful librarians at the University of Ulster at Jordanstown. -
A Gay View on Kincora Author(S): Sean Mcgouran Source: Fortnight, No
Fortnight Publications Ltd. A Gay View on Kincora Author(s): Sean McGouran Source: Fortnight, No. 204 (May, 1984), p. 12 Published by: Fortnight Publications Ltd. Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/25547464 . Accessed: 31/03/2013 13:20 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp . JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. Fortnight Publications Ltd. is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Fortnight. http://www.jstor.org This content downloaded from 86.174.204.174 on Sun, 31 Mar 2013 13:20:10 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions POLITICS - A GAYVIEW I EEC Election non-transferable the negative aspect, the continued from 11 failure to transfer, can also affect the out ON KINCORA page come of the election. Sean McGouran The rolling back of the progress made The significant factor in this analysis is by the DUP until 1981 has not received as that despite outward competition OUP/ much attention as the DUP voters transfer between the GAY PEOPLE have watched the of theKincora nationalist/repub heavily growth indutry lican the went to with fascinated horror. A number of sordid and petty crimes rivalry. But the DUP share of two parties: 80% of DUP transfers perpetrated against teenaged adults have been presented as vote has declined from 26.6% in 1981 to the OUP and 76% of OUP transfers went atrocities on a with par Bloody Sunday, Bloody Friday and every 23.0% in 1982, to 20.0% in 1983. -
Whistle Blower
38 REVIEWS Settling Old Scores The Cameron Diaries by Clyde government and economic manage Cameron claims that his aim in con Cameron. Allen and Unwin, 1990. ment did not help - nor did Gough stantly undermining Whitlam's Whitlam's insistence on standards far leadership - sometimes openly, often Hardback, rrp $49.95. Reviewed by more rigorous than those adopted by not - was based on a genuine convic Mungo MacCallum. any national government before or tion that Whitlam had become an ir since - but, after all, it was not the revocable liability for the party. The difficulty with Clyde government which perverted the Political rehabilitation was impossible Cameron's diaries is deciding composition of the Senate, or which and therefore amputation was the how much of them to believe. blocked Supply, or dismissed itself. only option. He glosses over the fact that, at the start of 1976, no one else - This is not because Cameron in not his favoured candidate Lionel dulges in fantasies or memory Bowen, not Bill Hayden, not even Bob lapses, as might have been the Hawke if a seat could have been found case had Sir William McMahon for him - wanted to take over the ever found a publisher for his leadership. There was simply no alter native to Whitlam. memoirs; it is because a large part of Cameron's reminiscence Cameron, however, refused to accept consists of gloating accounts of the inevitable, and spent the next two how he was able to deceive and years working against Whitlam. In mislead his colleagues. It is the this way his "genuine conviction" be- f-fulfillircame a self-fulfillingf-fulfillircame prophecy. -
Conflict Transformation and the Loyalist Paramilitaries of Northern Ireland
“Taking Responsibility”: Conflict Transformation and the Loyalist Paramilitaries of Northern Ireland Britt Sloan April 2011 Senior Honors Thesis International Relations, Tufts University Advisors: Eileen Babbitt, The Fletcher School Kelly Greenhill, Tufts University ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I wish to thank the leadership of the Ulster Defense Association, the Ulster Volunteer Force, the Ulster Political Research Group, and the Progressive Unionist Party for their generous time and contributions to this work. Their willingness to welcome me into their communities afforded me opportunities to acquire insights that I would otherwise have never been able to gain, and their honesty in explaining a troubled history and a hopeful future was truly enlightening. In addition, thank you to those who offered advice and analysis throughout my travels in Belfast and upon my return home. I would also like to acknowledge my advisors, Professor Eileen Babbitt for her gracious acceptance of an undergraduate advisee and for her unstinting encouragement and Professor Kelly Greenhill for her astute critiques and for making time in her busy schedule. I would like to give a special thank you to Allan Leonard of the Northern Ireland Foundation for his incredible mentorship, Quintin Oliver of Stratagem for sharing with me his endless networks, and Tony Novosel for his constant enthusiasm and guidance. Although they had no obligation to support my research, they have always made themselves available to discuss, debate, and advise. Most importantly, this research would not have been possible without the financial support of Sherman Teichman and the Tufts Institute for Global Leadership and of the Tufts Undergraduate Research Fund. Finally, thank you to all those who are “taking responsibility” for conflict transformation and working to build peaceful societies. -
The Orange Order in Northern Ireland: Has Political Isolation, Sectarianism, Secularism, Or Declining Social Capital Proved the Biggest Challenge?
The Orange Order in Northern Ireland: Has political isolation, sectarianism, secularism, or declining social capital proved the biggest challenge? Thesis submitted in accordance with the requirements of the University of Liverpool for the degree of Doctor in Philosophy by Andrew McCaldon August 2018 Department of Politics University of Liverpool Liverpool L69 3BX The Orange Order in Northern Ireland Contents Dedication 003 Acknowledgements 004 Abstract 005 List of Abbreviations 006 List of Tables 007 Introduction 008 Chapter One The Orange Order in Northern Ireland: The State of Play 037 Chapter Two From pre– to post–Agreement Northern Ireland: 070 Political isolation and the Grand Orange Lodge Chapter Three Intolerance in a tolerant society? 106 Parading, sectarianism, and declining middle–class respectability Chapter Four An Order Re–routed: 135 Interface Orangeism in Drumcree and Ardoyne Chapter Five ‘The Biggest Threat’? The impact of secularism 167 Chapter Six Parading Alone: The decline of social capital in 195 Northern Ireland and its impacts on the Orange Order Conclusion 228 Bibliography 239 Appendix I Interview Questions 266 Andrew McCaldon Page 2 of 267 The Orange Order in Northern Ireland For my mother who, by the second Twelfth of July parade, started to enjoy them and my uncle, Ian Buxton (1968–2018) who never got to see it finished Andrew McCaldon Page 3 of 267 The Orange Order in Northern Ireland Acknowledgements To Professor Jon Tonge, I offer my sincere thanks for having withstood the mental anguish of supervising both my undergraduate and postgraduate research at the University of Liverpool. His advice has been beyond invaluable and he is the model of patience, whose professionalism, knowledge–base, and subject enthusiasm never cease to amaze me. -
Lobster 73 Summer 2017
www.lobster-magazine.co.uk Sumer 2017 Lobster • The view from the bridge, by Robin Ramsay • Brexit: an accident waiting to happen, by Simon Matthews • Team mercenary GB Part 2 – This is the 73 modern world, by Nick Must • Blackmail in the Deep State, by Jonathan Marshall • Colin Wallace and the Historical Institutional Abuse Inquiry, by Robin Ramsay • Blair and Israel, by Robin Ramsay • Sex scandals and sexual blackmail in America’s deep politics, by Jonathan Marshall • The Hess flight: still dangerous for historians – even after 75 years, by Andrew Rosthorn • Deaths in Parliament: a legend re- examined, by Garrick Alder • The Russian Laundromat and Blackpool Football Club, by Andrew Rosthorn • A Jimmy Savile sex scandal concealed during the 1997 General Election, by Garrick Alder Book Reviews • Faustian Bargains: Lyndon Johnson and Mac Wallace in the robber baron culture of Texas, by Joan Mellen, reviewed by Robin Ramsay • The CIA As Organised Crime: How Illegal Operations Corrupt America and the World, by Douglas Valentine, reviewed by Dr. T. P. Wilkinson • The Field of Fight: How We Can Win the Global War Against Radical Islam and Its Allies, by Lt. General Michael T Flynn and Michael Ledeen, reviewed by John Newsinger • Of G-Men and Eggheads: The FBI and the New York intellectuals, by John Rodden, reviewed by John Newsinger www.lobster-magazine.co.uk The view from the bridge Robin Ramsay My thanks to Nick Must and Garrick Alder for editorial and proof- reading assistance in this edition of Lobster. The long URL in the footnotes problem There is a problem with long URLs in the footnotes. -
1 the Uses of Political Memoir, Biography and Autobiography in Contemporary Northern Ireland Stephen Hopkins, University of Leicester, UK
The Global Review of Ethnopolitics Vol. 1, no. 2, December 2001, 74-81 REVIEW ESSAY History with a Divided and Complicated Heart?1 The Uses of Political Memoir, Biography and Autobiography in Contemporary Northern Ireland Stephen Hopkins, University of Leicester, UK Gusty Spence Roy Garland Blackstaff Press, 2001 HBK: ISBN 0-85640-698-8 £16.99 pp. xvi + 333 (including: index) Belfast’s Dome of Delight: City Hall Politics 1981-2000 Máirtín Ó Muilleoir Beyond the Pale Publications, 1999 PBK: ISBN 1-900960-08-7 £8.99 pp vi + 227 (including: index) Personal Accounts from Northern Ireland’s Troubles: Public Conflict, Private Loss Marie Smyth and Marie-Therese Fay (eds.) Pluto Press, 2000 HBK: ISBN 0-7453-1619-0 £35.00 PBK: ISBN 0-7453-1618-2 £10.99 pp. x + 147 (including: index, references & appendices) It may not be immediately obvious that these books should be reviewed together, and it is certainly the case that there are significant differences in both content and style, but nonetheless I want to argue that they all shed light on a number of parallel themes. At the risk of clouding the important issue, it is possible to identify one of these volumes as biography, one as political memoir, and one as an edited collection of autobiographical reflections. These may be different genres, but they share several common elements, and provoke some interesting methodological concerns. The uses (and, it must be said, abuses) of political memoir, biography and autobiography ought to be the subject of much discussion and debate among political scientists and contemporary historians.