Witness Statement of Clifford Smyth
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OFFICIAL REPORT (Hansard)
Committee for Finance and Personnel OFFICIAL REPORT (Hansard) Defamation Act 2013: Briefing from Mike Nesbitt MLA on Proposed Private Member’s Bill 26 June 2013 NORTHERN IRELAND ASSEMBLY Committee for Finance and Personnel Defamation Act 2013: Briefing from Mike Nesbitt MLA on Proposed Private Member’s Bill 26 June 2013 Members present for all or part of the proceedings: Mr Daithí McKay (Chairperson) Mrs Judith Cochrane Mr Leslie Cree Ms Megan Fearon Mr Paul Girvan Mr John McCallister Mr Adrian McQuillan Mr Peter Weir Witnesses: Mr Mike Nesbitt MLA Northern Ireland Assembly Mr Brian Garrett The Chairperson: I welcome to the meeting Mike Nesbitt MLA and Mr Brian Garrett, a solicitor. Mike, do you want to make some opening comments? Mr Mike Nesbitt (Northern Ireland Assembly): Thank you, Chair. On behalf of Brian, I make a plea that everyone speaks up a little. First of all, thank you very much for your time and for the Committee interest in this issue. I begin by declaring an interest with regard to Paul Tweed, whom I know socially and professionally. I hope that that will not change because we appear to be on different sides of the fence on this, although I am not sure that we are that far apart. As he said towards the conclusion of his evidence, it is virtually impossible to get satisfaction under the current regime here, so it seems to me that it may not be a question of whether we should change the law on defamation in this jurisdiction but how we change it. I think that perhaps that is the issue. -
Mike Nesbitt (UUP), Committee for the Office of the First Minister and Deputy First Minister
Mike Nesbitt (UUP), Committee for the Office of the First Minister and deputy First Minister My name's Mike Nesbitt, I'm one of the 108 MLAs here at the Northern Ireland Assembly. I represent the constituency of Strangford. I'm also the leader of the Ulster Unionist Party, and in that capacity, I chair the Committee of the Office of the First Minister and Deputy First Minister, or OFMDFM. OFMDFM is one of the 12 departments in the Northern Ireland Executive, and each one has what's called a statutory committee, which monitors what they get up to. If you were looking for one word about the work of the committee of OFMDFM, I think that word is "scrutiny." And that doesn't mean that we criticise, it simply means we look at what they're doing and what they're proposing to do, and we make recommendations when we think they could do it better. Or, indeed, we praise them if we think that they're doing it well. TBUC – Together Building a United Community When I was young in the early 1970s, I remember one night my father put me in a car and drove me up the Craigantlet Hills in East Belfast, and we watched Belfast burning as Catholics burned Protestants out of streets, and Protestants burned Catholics out of streets. And we now live in a largely segregated society. Of course, we have segregated schools and all the rest. And politically, we don't want that. We want people to share space, and to share experiences. -
How New Is New Loyalism?
HOW NEW IS NEW LOYALISM? CATHERINE MCGLYNN EUROPEAN STUDIES RESEARCH INSTITUTE UNIVERSITY OF SALFORD SALFORD, UK Submitted in Partial Fulfilment of the Requirements of the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy, February 2004 TABLE OF CONTENTS Introduction Page 1 Chapter One Hypothesis and Methodology Page 6 Chapter Two Literature Review: Unionism, Loyalism, Page 18 New Loyalism Chapter Three A Civic Loyalism? Page 50 Chapter Four The Roots of New Loyalism 1966-1982 Page 110 Chapter Five New Loyalism and the Peace Process Page 168 Chapter Six New Loyalism and the Progressive Page 205 Unionist Party Chapter Seven Conclusion: How New is New Loyalism? Page 279 Bibliography Page 294 ABBREVIATONS CLMC Combined Loyalist Military Command DENI Department of Education for Northern Ireland DUP Democratic Unionist Party IOO Independent Orange Order IRA Irish Republican Army LAW Loyalist Association of Workers LVF Loyalist Volunteer Force NICRA Northern Ireland Civil Rights Association NIHE Northern Ireland Housing Executive NILP Northern Ireland Labour Party PUP Progressive Unionist Party RHC Red Hand Commandos RHD Red Hand Defenders SDLP Social Democratic and Labour Party UDA Ulster Defence Association UDP Ulster Democratic Party UDLP Ulster Democratic and Loyalist Party UFF Ulster Freedom Fighters UUP Ulster Unionist Party UUUC United Ulster Unionist Council UWC Ulster Workers' Council UVF Ulster Volunteer Force VPP Volunteer Political Party ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I would like to thank my PhD supervisor, Jonathan Tonge for all his support during my time at Salford University. I am also grateful to all the staff at the Northern Irish Political collection at the Linen Hall Library in Belfast for their help and advice. -
Ulster Unionist Party Report and Financial Statements for the Year
Ulster Unionist Party Report and financial statements for the year ended 31 December 2019 Ulster Unionist Party Report and financial statements for the year ended 31 December 2019 Pages Party Officers and advisers 2 Report of the Party Officers 3-7 Independent auditors' report 8-9 Income and expenditure account Statement of total recognised gains and losses 11 Reconciliation of movements in funds 11 Balance sheet 12 Cash flow statement 13 Notes to the financial statements 14 - 21 2 Ulster Unionist Party Party Officers and advisers Leader Steve Aiken MLA Chairman Danny Kennedy Vice-Chairman Roy McCune Honorary Treasurer Alexander Redpath Parliamentary Officer Lord Empey of Shandon Kt OBE Nominating Officer Councillor's Officer Steve Aiken OBE MLA Cllr Sam Nicholson Assembly Chief WHIP Robbie Butler MLA Additional Officers Tom Elliot M.P Bethany Ferris Jenny Palmer Cllr Joshua Lowry George White OBE JP Philip Smith Solicitors Party Headquarters Peden & Reid Strandtown Hall 2-4 Belmont Road Belfast BT42AN Bankers Independent auditors PricewaterhouseCoopers LLP Chartered Accountants and Statutory Auditors Waterfront Plaza 8 Laganbank Road Belfast BTI 3LR 3 Ulster Unionist Party Report of the Party Officers for the year ended 31 December 2019 The officers present their report and the audited financial statements of the party for the year ended 31 December 2019. Chairman's Report The financial performance for 2019 is reflective of the unprecedented financial challenges faced by the Party. In 2018-2019 we fought three election campaigns of which two were unscheduled . It is therefore understandable that the Party invested appropriately in these elections which resulted in a small loss for 2019. -
Ethnicising Ulster's Protestants
Ethnicising Ulster’s Protestants Tolerance, Peoplehood, and Class in Ulster-Scots Ethnopedagogy Peter Robert Gardner Jesus College, The University of Cambridge This dissertation is submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. Contents Figures and Tables iv Abbreviations and Short Forms v Acknowledgements vi Word Limit and Plagiarism Statement vii Abstract viii Chapter One: Introduction 1 1.1 Research Questions, Methods and Chapter Overview 5 1.2 Tolerance, Peoplehood, Dignity 7 Chapter Two: Protestantism, Unionism and Consociational Ideology 11 2.1 Shifting Peoplehoods 12 2.1.1 From British Rule to Unionist Rule 12 2.1.2 From Multiplicity toward Britishness 15 2.1.3 Defeatism and the Cultural Turn 18 2.2 Consociationalism, Normativity, Power 21 2.3 Ulster-Scots 26 2.3.1 Ethnic Peoplehood 26 2.3.2 Who are the Ulster-Scots? 30 2.3.3 “Revival” 35 2.4 Conclusion 38 Chapter Three: Communal Segregation and Educational Peace-Building 39 3.1 The Current State of Segregation 39 3.2 Segregated Education 45 3.3 Education and Peace-Building 55 3.4 Conclusion: De-segregating the Mind 63 Chapter Four: Methods 65 4.1 Research Design and Methods 65 4.1.1 Educational Materials 66 4.1.2 Interviews 67 4.1.3. Primary School Survey 69 4.2 Analysis 70 4.2.1 Euphemism, “Telling” and Reading Silences 72 4.2.2 Reflexivity, Stickiness and Power Dynamics 75 4.3 Conclusion 78 Chapter Five: The Development of Ulster-Scots Education 79 5.1 Processes of Peoplehood-Building 79 5.2 Three Phases of Development 81 5.2.1 Phase One: Grass-Roots Education, Elite Lobbying -
Critical Engagement: Irish Republicanism, Memory Politics
Critical Engagement Critical Engagement Irish republicanism, memory politics and policing Kevin Hearty LIVERPOOL UNIVERSITY PRESS First published 2017 by Liverpool University Press 4 Cambridge Street Liverpool L69 7ZU Copyright © 2017 Kevin Hearty The right of Kevin Hearty to be identified as the author of this book has been asserted by him in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise, without the prior written permission of the publisher. British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication data A British Library CIP record is available print ISBN 978-1-78694-047-6 epdf ISBN 978-1-78694-828-1 Typeset by Carnegie Book Production, Lancaster Contents Acknowledgements vii List of Figures and Tables x List of Abbreviations xi Introduction 1 1 Understanding a Fraught Historical Relationship 25 2 Irish Republican Memory as Counter-Memory 55 3 Ideology and Policing 87 4 The Patriot Dead 121 5 Transition, ‘Never Again’ and ‘Moving On’ 149 6 The PSNI and ‘Community Policing’ 183 7 The PSNI and ‘Political Policing’ 217 Conclusion 249 References 263 Index 303 Acknowledgements Acknowledgements This book has evolved from my PhD thesis that was undertaken at the Transitional Justice Institute, University of Ulster (TJI). When I moved to the University of Warwick in early 2015 as a post-doc, my plans to develop the book came with me too. It represents the culmination of approximately five years of research, reading and (re)writing, during which I often found the mere thought of re-reading some of my work again nauseating; yet, with the encour- agement of many others, I persevered. -
Elite Influence and Social Cohesion in Northern Ireland: an Individual Level Theory
Georgia State University ScholarWorks @ Georgia State University Political Science Dissertations Department of Political Science 12-10-2018 Elite Influence and Social Cohesion in Northern Ireland: An Individual Level Theory Elizabeth A. O'Callaghan Georgia State University Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.gsu.edu/political_science_diss Recommended Citation O'Callaghan, Elizabeth A., "Elite Influence and Social Cohesion in Northern Ireland: An Individual Level Theory." Dissertation, Georgia State University, 2018. https://scholarworks.gsu.edu/political_science_diss/53 This Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by the Department of Political Science at ScholarWorks @ Georgia State University. It has been accepted for inclusion in Political Science Dissertations by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks @ Georgia State University. For more information, please contact [email protected]. ELITE INFLUENCE AND SOCIAL COHESION IN NORTHERN IRELAND: AN INDIVIDUAL LEVEL THEORY by ELIZABETH A. O’CALLAGHAN Under the Direction of Ryan Carlin, PhD ABSTRACT Social cohesion is an assessment of the functional nature of a polity, particularly how a society perceives, assesses, and interacts with the political system and others in society. This dissertation sets out to clarify our understanding of social cohesion within the field of political science. As a discipline we have diverging definitions and conceptualizations of the term. By laying out a comprehensive individual level theory of social cohesion this dissertation aims to open up the black box of social cohesion, moving beyond the aggregate level analyses that largely occupy the academic and policy literature. I set out a new theory of how three components of social cohesion interact and influence the way that a society produces and maintains or degrades social cohesion. -
A Gay View on Kincora Author(S): Sean Mcgouran Source: Fortnight, No
Fortnight Publications Ltd. A Gay View on Kincora Author(s): Sean McGouran Source: Fortnight, No. 204 (May, 1984), p. 12 Published by: Fortnight Publications Ltd. Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/25547464 . Accessed: 31/03/2013 13:20 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp . JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. Fortnight Publications Ltd. is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Fortnight. http://www.jstor.org This content downloaded from 86.174.204.174 on Sun, 31 Mar 2013 13:20:10 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions POLITICS - A GAYVIEW I EEC Election non-transferable the negative aspect, the continued from 11 failure to transfer, can also affect the out ON KINCORA page come of the election. Sean McGouran The rolling back of the progress made The significant factor in this analysis is by the DUP until 1981 has not received as that despite outward competition OUP/ much attention as the DUP voters transfer between the GAY PEOPLE have watched the of theKincora nationalist/repub heavily growth indutry lican the went to with fascinated horror. A number of sordid and petty crimes rivalry. But the DUP share of two parties: 80% of DUP transfers perpetrated against teenaged adults have been presented as vote has declined from 26.6% in 1981 to the OUP and 76% of OUP transfers went atrocities on a with par Bloody Sunday, Bloody Friday and every 23.0% in 1982, to 20.0% in 1983. -
The Politics of Northern Ireland
The Politics of Unionism in Northern Ireland Dominic Bryan The British Isles • Settlers - Plantations in 16th- and 17th-century Ireland • 18th Century: Loyalty, Protestantism and Orangeism • Grand Orange Lodge of Ireland • Act of Union 1800: the idea of a United Kingdom • The landed class and industrial class and a working class • The empire, the bible and the crown • The Irish Unionist Party • The Orange Order • Identity: Britishness – Irishness – Ulster Origins of Unionism • Also the Official Unionist Party or simply the Unionist Party • Derived from the Irish Unionist Party in 19th Century • Foundation – the Ulster Unionist Council of 1905 • Key role of the Orange Order • The role of the gentry and upper-class • Edward Carson, James Craig and the UVF • 1921 – Northern Ireland • Prime Ministers: Craig, Andrews, Brooke, O’Neil and Chichester-Clarke and Faulkner. • Northern Ireland – a study in political control • Ian Paisley and Civil Rights Ulster Unionist Party (UUP) • 1972: The end of Stormont • 1973: splits over the Sunningdale Agreement • Faulkner v Harry West • 1974: Vanguard and the United Ulster Unionist Council • Leader James Molyneaux 1979-1995 • Anglo Irish Agreement • 1995 – 2005 David Trimble and the Belfast Agreement • Division and Defeat. • Leadership of Sir Reg Empey and Mike Nesbitt • Leadership of Robin Swan Ulster Unionist Party (UUP) • Ian Paisley – life and times • 1966 -1971 The Protestant Unionist Party • More Unionist, more Protestant and more working class • Growth in popularity in 1980’s and 1990’s • Staunch opposition to the 1998 Agreement – No talking to terrorists! • Took there seats in Government • 2007: Largest Party in Assembly • First Minister • Peter Robinson and Arlene Foster. -
Whistle Blower
38 REVIEWS Settling Old Scores The Cameron Diaries by Clyde government and economic manage Cameron claims that his aim in con Cameron. Allen and Unwin, 1990. ment did not help - nor did Gough stantly undermining Whitlam's Whitlam's insistence on standards far leadership - sometimes openly, often Hardback, rrp $49.95. Reviewed by more rigorous than those adopted by not - was based on a genuine convic Mungo MacCallum. any national government before or tion that Whitlam had become an ir since - but, after all, it was not the revocable liability for the party. The difficulty with Clyde government which perverted the Political rehabilitation was impossible Cameron's diaries is deciding composition of the Senate, or which and therefore amputation was the how much of them to believe. blocked Supply, or dismissed itself. only option. He glosses over the fact that, at the start of 1976, no one else - This is not because Cameron in not his favoured candidate Lionel dulges in fantasies or memory Bowen, not Bill Hayden, not even Bob lapses, as might have been the Hawke if a seat could have been found case had Sir William McMahon for him - wanted to take over the ever found a publisher for his leadership. There was simply no alter native to Whitlam. memoirs; it is because a large part of Cameron's reminiscence Cameron, however, refused to accept consists of gloating accounts of the inevitable, and spent the next two how he was able to deceive and years working against Whitlam. In mislead his colleagues. It is the this way his "genuine conviction" be- f-fulfillircame a self-fulfillingf-fulfillircame prophecy. -
Rev Iss Web Pech 12089 39-4 443..467
NARRATIVES OF IDENTITY IN THE NORTHERN IRISH TROUBLES by Landon E. Hancock This study examines the manners in which individuals and organizations used historical narratives to justify images of themselves and of the other, contributing both to the outbreak of the Troubles and the difficulty in resolving the conflict. The role of cultural identity formation through sym- bolic interpretation creates a backdrop that colors struggles over access to political and economic resources and assists in either fomenting conflict or fostering the peaceful resolution of differences. Despite the relative success of the Good Friday Agreement, I argue that many of Northern Ireland’s identity narratives persist and continue to provide a fertile ground to inter- pret new conflicts through the old lens of identity conflicts. Understanding the construction of these identity narratives and how they contributed to the conflict may provide avenues for identity reconstruction, which may assist in making Northern Ireland’s peace more durable. INTRODUCTION Throughout Northern Ireland’s tumultuous history, each community has used narratives of themselves and others to build cultural identities that were created on the foundation of what Donald L. Horowitz describes as the fear of extinction, an “anxiety-laden perception” that contained fears about survival of the group, whether physical, cultural or symbolic, fears of swamping, and fears of domination.1 The fear of extinction acts like a self-fulfilling prophesy, spreading throughout the community and gaining strength from negative interpretations of each ensuing act of “provocation” or violence; eventually spreading from the dominant group to the subordinate one, generating a dialectic of escalating acts of violence until they reach full-blown civil conflict.2 Despite the relative success of the Good Friday, or Belfast, Agree- ment, this article argues that Northern Ireland’s identity narratives PEACE & CHANGE, Vol. -
HIA Inquiry Transcript Day
Day 214 HIA Inquiry 23 June 2016 1 2 3 - - - - - - - - - - 4 5 HISTORICAL INSTITUTIONAL ABUSE INQUIRY 6 7 - - - - - - - - - - 8 9 being heard before: 10 11 SIR ANTHONY HART (Chairman) 12 MR DAVID LANE 13 MS GERALDINE DOHERTY 14 15 held at 16 Banbridge Court House 17 Banbridge 18 19 on Thursday, 23rd June 2016 20 commencing at 10.00 am 21 (Day 214) 22 23 MS CHRISTINE SMITH, QC and MR JOSEPH AIKEN appeared as 24 Counsel to the Inquiry. 25 Page 1 www.DTIGlobal.com Day 214 HIA Inquiry 23 June 2016 1 Thursday, 23rd June 2016 2 (10.00 am) 3 Material relating to Social Services, police, army and 4 intelligence services dealt with by COUNSEL TO THE INQUIRY 5 (cont.) 6 CHAIRMAN: Well, ladies and gentlemen, if anyone has 7 a mobile phone, please ensure it's either turned off 8 completely or placed on "Silent"/"Vibrate", and I must 9 remind everyone that no photography is permitted here in 10 the chamber or anywhere on the Inquiry premises. 11 Finally for the benefit of anyone that has not been 12 here today -- sorry -- on previous occasions but are 13 here for the first time today, names may be mentioned of 14 people in the chamber to whom we have given 15 a designation. This is for ease of reference for 16 everybody as we go through the evidence, but those names 17 must never be used outside the chamber without the 18 Inquiry's express permission. 19 Morning, Mr Aiken. 20 MR AIKEN: Morning, Chairman, Members of the Panel.