Jeanette Varberg, Flemming Kaul & Bernard Gratuze

Bronze Age and Amber Evidence of long distance exchange

Small beads of glass and amber tell a fascinating story of long distance exchange during the Bronze Age, connecting Egypt and Mesopotamia with South Scandinavia. The beads themselves do not carry any iconography in a narrow sense. However, the material and the colour of the glass beads and of the amber beads may entail a deeper meaning re- lated to Bronze Age religion and cosmology.

Introduction During the last decades, the methods in burials as well as in votive depositions. related to chemical analyses of ancient Even finds from the Mediterranean dem- glass have improved dramatically, com- onstrate this connection between those plemented by the increasing amount of two materials coming from ‘each end material available for comparative studies. of the world’. Probably, the association By recognizing different chemical trace of glass and amber was related to much elements related to the vitreous material more than just economics or prestige dis- itself as well as the colorant, it is now pos- play. As we shall see below, we may be sible to identify glass from Egypt and Mes- able to discern additional layers of mean- opotamia, and to distinguish glass from ings of the glass/amber interplay, with these two principal production areas of connotations entrenched into Bronze Age the Middle Bronze Age. It is also possible religion and cosmology. identify glass from the later glass produc- In 2013, a research project was tion workshops in Northern Italy, in the launched (the initiator of the research Po Plain, such as Frattesina (after c. 1200 program being J. Varberg), focusing on BC) (Walton et al. 2009; Shortland 2012; Danish Middle Bronze Age glass beads Walton et al. 2012; Gratuze 2013; Rehren (Early Bronze Age in Scandinavian chrono- & Freestone 2015). Thus, every glass bead, logical nomenclature, from well dated Danish burial contexts, Period II and Period III)) from well dated can reveal a history of Bronze Age long burial contexts, c. 1400-1100 BC. The distance exchange networks. Only Meso- project has been named: “Long distance potamian and Egyptian glass has been exchange in Bronze Age Europe and be- identified in the Danish Bronze Age bead yond.” The broader project-title reflects material. that it is not just the evidence of the glass Nordic amber and Near East glass meet beads that are included. Together with in some of the Bronze Age finds. In the beads of amber, the glass beads forms North, in /North Germany, glass one of the facets illustrating the increas- beads and amber beads are often found ing intensity of long distance exchange, closely together, in richly furnished graves. marking important steps towards the When going from North to South, at the globalization of the ‘Bronze Age world’. ‘middle stations’ of the long distance The glass beads and the amber beads exchange networks, the same pattern of connect nearly ‘both ends of the Bronze glass-amber-connection can be observed, Age world’, in the South even beyond the

Adoranten 2019 5 Mediterranean. By 1400 BC, long distance glass, and with a particular focus on three exchange systems had evolved connecting Period II burials (around 1400 BC). the shores of the Euphrates and Tigris riv- ers in Mesopotamia and the Nile in Egypt with the beaches of the Baltic and North Glass and amber. Seas, as well as at key sites in between, Three Middle Bronze Age Burials such a Mycenae. Nordic amber shows the As significant representatives of the opposite direction, where, among others, richly furnished Danish Middle Bronze the Danish Jutland amber shores are con- Age burials with glass beads and amber nected with the Mediterranean and Syria beads, three burials, all oak coffin graves and probably even Egypt. covered by a large burial mound will be The glass beads have been analyzed highlighted, including the different find by laser ablation-inductively coupled histories. They all belong to Period II of plasma-mass spectrometry (LA-ICP-MS). the Nordic Bronze Age, probably of the The technique requires no special prepara- ‘mature’ part of that period, between tion of the samples and is virtually non- 1400 and 1300 BC. (In Scandinavian chron- destructive (Gratuze 2013). The chemical ological nomenclature, this period belong analyses were carried out at Institut de to the “Nordic Early Bronze Age). They are Recherche sur les Archéomatériaux, CNRS, all female burials, which is typical for the Université d’Orléans, France. Most of the gender context of burials, although glass glass beads analyzed are from Danish buri- beads occur sporadically in male and chil- , from West Jutland in the west, to Bal- dren burials (Kaul & Varberg 2017). tic Sea island of in the east. The glass beads belong to the collections of the Danish National Museum and the col- Skrydstrup, South Jutland, lections of the Danish regional museums. Denmark, 1944, a prelude A smaller number of beads belonging to During the Second World War, the Nazi the collections of German and Romanian German occupation of Denmark (9th of Museums are included in the project. April 1940 to 5th of May 1945) caused a large number of excavations – or rather In the present research project, 52 glass rescue excavations – carried out by the Na- beads from 39 Danish Middle Bronze Age tional Museum of Denmark. The construc- burials have been analysed out of a total tion of larger military works such as the of 214 registered beads. Since several coastal defences at the west coast of Jut- graves contained more than one bead, land caused the destruction of many Stone morphologically alike, only a few out of Age and Bronze Age burial mounds. the many were selected for analyses. The Shortly after 9th of April 1940, negotia- glass beads from Schleswig-Holstein has tions between the Danish authorities and not yet been included in our project. Also the German occupation authorities were from this region, being part of the “Nordic commenced, regarding the jurisdiction Bronze Age Culture”, a significant number as to the archaeological excavation work of glass beads comes from well docu- soon to come, when monuments normally mented burial contexts (see for instance protected by the Danish heritage regula- Aner & Kersten 1978). tions had to be demolished. Even though In the following, we shall not go into the Danish heritage regulations was set the documentation details of the chemis- aside, it was possible to meet a principal try of the glass beads (see Varberg et al. Danish demand, namely that the excava- 2015; Varberg et al. 2016). Our primary tion work should remain under Danish aim is to present and to discuss the con- control (Nørlund 1946). A Danish archaeol- text of the glass beads found in Denmark, ogist from the National Museum (or from made of Egyptian and Mesopotamian a local museum, related to the National Museum) should direct the excavation in

6 Adoranten 2019 question, and therefore, the find material were confiscated by the German occupa- recovered was Danish property. Further- tion power, but also the homes of the vil- more, according to this Danish ‘agree- lagers. About 500 people lost their homes, ment’, the German occupation authorities though an economical compensation was should carry the costs of the excavations. given. In August 1944, a larger airfield The payments came through by means with cemented runway and hangar facili- of the so-called ‘clearing account’. How- ties was ready for service, named ”Flieg- ever, the fiscal coverage of the ‘clearing erhorst Hadersleben”. However, at this account’ was connected to the National time, during the last year of the war, its Bank of Denmark. Consequently, the Dan- contribution to the war effort was limited. ish State eventually became the primary The plans of a Luftwaffe bomber squad- financial source for these excavations, ron and combat aircrafts being stationed caused by the imposed military building at Skrydstrup could not comply with the activities of the German occupation pow- increasingly weakened military and logis- ers. But still, the excavations themselves tic power of Nazi Germany. Furthermore, remained under Danish control. In other in February 1945, a train with aircraft fuel countries, especially in Eastern Europe for Skrydstrup was blown up by resistance matters were quite different, where Nazi movement saboteurs. (“Ahnenerbe”) excavations were carried From 1953 the airfield was refurbished. out without any cooperation with what Today Flyvestation Skrydstrup is the home may have remained of state or local an- of “Fighter Wing Skrydstrup”, the Danish tiquarian authorities (Halle & Mahsarski Air Force F16 squadrons. 2013; Mahsarski & Schöbel 2013). Already during the summer 1940, Luft- waffe began airfield construction works. Skrydstrup, South Jutland, At Klosterheden, near Lemvig, North Jut- Denmark, excavation and results land, the archaeologists of the National It was in May and June 1944 that curator Museum soon had to excavate a number C. J. Becker from the National Museum of Neolithic burial mounds. In late 1943, directed the excavation of two Bronze a new Luftwaffe airfield at Skrydstrup, Age burial mounds, which had to be de- South Jutland, came on the drawing molished prior to the airfield construction board. During the winter 1944, dark works. Even though the area was under clouds were emerging for the inhabitants German military control, the direction of of the Skrydstrup village and neighboring the excavation itself was entirely in the hamlets. Not just the fields of the farmers hands of the National Museum (in Dan-

Fig. 1. Skrydstrup, South Jutland, the Bronze Age barrow with its well preserved revetment wall, excavated May 1944. Three photos combined. Photo. C. J. Becker, the National Museum of Denmark.

Adoranten 2019 7 ish from the excavation report: “Ledelsen af Arbejdet var uden Indskrænkning i Hænderne paa Nationalmuseet.”). The barrow, with a diameter of 28 m, was well preserved, and the excavation revealed a kerb stone arrangement in two phases (Becker 1946; Aner & Kersten 1984, no. 3521). The primary stone kerb was splendidly built, and it appeared as a true revetment wall standing almost verti- cally to a height of 1 meter (Fig. 1). The primary burial, an inhumation grave in an oak coffin (not preserved) supported by a Fig. 2. Skrydstrup, the spiral decorated belt plate, c. layer of stones, contained a bronze dagger 1400 BC. Diameter: 8.7 cm. Photo: J. Lee, the National and an arm ring. A secondary burial in the Museum of Denmark. SE part of the mound, a richly equipped female burial, was another oak coffin in- Fig 3. Skrydstrup, the disc shaped amber bead found humation grave, the oak coffin supported close to the belt plate, c. 1400 BC. Photo: J. Lee, the by stones. Pieces of tooth enamel was the National Museum of Denmark. only physical remains. The wealthy Bronze Age woman carried a spiral decorated belt plate (Fig. 2), and at the belt she also car- ried a disc shaped amber bead (Fig. 3). At her arms she carried a bronze arm rings and close to her head and shoulders a fibula (dress pin) was found. At the place of her ears, two small bronze rings were found. A complicated neck ornament con- sisted of a twisted bronze neck ring and a necklace of thin bronze spiral thread beads, five amber beads, and last but not least a glass bead. Even though the bronze parts of the neck ornament are poorly preserved, the glass bead keeps still its clear translucent, blue glow (Fig. 4). Fig. 4. Skrydstrup, a blue glass bead, part of a neck This female barrow burial from ornament, c. 1400 BC. Diameter: 0.8 cm. Photo: A. Mik- Skrydstrup (Becker 1946; Aner & Kersten kelsen, the National Museum of Denmark. 1984, no. 3521 D) provides an excellent example of how beads of glass and amber are closely connected. Here, in the neck- lace, the glass bead and the amber beads were virtually touching each other (Fig. 5). When C.J. Becker in June 1944 left Skrydstrup, in time of war, where Jun- kers and Messerschmitt aircrafts were soon to come into service, he might have pondered over the find of the blue glass bead, and the evidence of peaceful long distance exchange, which this particular valuable and exotic object seemingly presented (Becker 1946). At any rate, ten years after, in a scholarly article, C.J.

8 Adoranten 2019 Fig. 5. Skrydstrup, amber beads and the glass bead, from the rich female burial, c. 1400 BC. The beads are not placed in order, and the disc shaped amber bead belt ornament is shown together with the necklace beads. Photo: J. Lee, the National Museum of Denmark.

Becker expresses most clearly his opinion oxide. By means of other metallic trace of the glass beads demonstrating the wid- elements related to the it is possible est extent of the Bronze Age exchange to distinguish between Mesopotamian networks: ”The… place of production has and Egyptian cobalt coloured glass. The not yet been determined with certainty, colorant trace elements shows resem- but undoubtedly it must be sought so blances with the elements seen in a series remotely as the countries around the east- of small blue votive glass axes deposited in ern Mediterranean, if not more distant the temple precinct of Nippur, Iraq (Wal- still. The various imported beads, some of ton et al. 2012; Varberg et al., 2015). which also occur in Danish finds, illustrate the wide extent of commercial exchange in Europe’s Bronze Age and must naturally Melby, be viewed in connection with the appear- North , Denmark, 1967 ance of Nordic – presumably Jutlandic – Even though the burial mound at amber – over the greater part of Europe in Skrydstrup was excavated at war time, the the same centuries.” (Becker 1954, 251). excavation was well organized, and the Today, through the development of ar- finds and their position was thoroughly chaeometrical chemical analyses methods, documented. When coming to our next it is now possible on a scientific basis, to example of a rich Middle Bronze Age determine the origin of our Bronze Age burial, from Melby, North Zealand, there glass material. The glass of the bead from was no such planned procedure. An al- Skrydstrup was produced beyond the East- most totally obliterated burial mound had ern Mediterranean, in Mesopotamia (in a been ploughed over for many years – not wide geographical sense, including areas included as a protected monument – and of Iraq, Syria and SE Turkey) (Varberg et in October 1967 the plough apparently al. 2015). came deeper, and some stones came to As with all the glass beads treated here, light (Aner & Kersten 1973, no. 243 I). A the chemical analyses demonstrated that local, interested in archaeology, made the Skrydstrup bead is of soda glass, with some diggings where the stones had soda as the primary flux (lowering the turned up, where the plough had gone smelting point of the quartz powder), the deep. When he had found a bronze dag- high magnesia and potash values indicat- ger, a bronze neck collar and some bronze ing plant ash as source for the soda, ashes tubes, he contacted the National Museum. from plants such as Salicornia sp. or Salsola Curator H. Thrane was the one who led kali. The colourant is determined as cobalt this salvage operation, where the plough

Adoranten 2019 9 had disturbed so much. It turned up that of the “ girl” from the same time). it was an oak coffin burial, the oak coffin The remains of the woollen cord are still supported by some stones. Thrane found preserved inside some of the tubes. At her some objects in ‘disturbed soil’, not in belt she carried a bronze dagger, the hilt situ, though probably not far from their with spiral decoration. Probably at her left original position in the grave. This includes arm/wrist she carried a set of beads: Two some amber beads, and a blue spherical amber beads, one of them in the shape glass bead. of an axe, a spiral bead of bronze and the From the description of the find situ- blue glass bead (Fig. 7). ation, it is possible to relate the dress or- As with the bead from Skrydstrup, the naments and equipment of the Melby chemical analysis shows that the glass of woman to her body (Fig. 6). She was the Melby bead was of Mesopotamian equipped with a spiral decorated belt origin (Fig. 8). Again, we are dealing with plate, a neck collar, also decorated with a cobalt colourant as seen in the votive spirals, and two tutuli, all in bronze. glass axes from the temple precinct in Nip- About 100 small bronze tubes represent a pur, Iraq (Walton et al. 2012; Varberg et al. corded skirt (like the famous corded skirt 2015; Kaul et al. 2015).

Fig. 6. The objects of the Melby grave, North Zealand, Denmark, c. 1400 BC. The many bronze tubes tell us that the women wore a corded skirt. Photo: J. Lee, the National Museum of Denmark.

10 Adoranten 2019 Fig. 7. The beads from the Melby grave, a blue glass bead of Mesopotamian glass and two amber beads, one in the form of an axe. Diameter of the glass bead: 0.8 cm. Photo: J. Lee, the National Museum of Denmark.

Ølby, East Zealand, Denmark, 1880 The excavation of the Ølby Bronze Age barrow was well planned. Although it was carried out 140 years ago, the docu- mentation standards are admirable. Even the stratigraphy of the mound was de- scribed, including a sketch of the layers (Boye 1896; Aner & Kersten 1973, no. 299; Jensen 1998; Randsborg & Christensen 2006; Reiter et al. 2019). When the farmer had removed more than a third of the burial mound, he contacted the National Museum, so that the central part of the mound could be excavated by the special- ists. The researcher, who conducted the Fig. 8. The blue glass bead from Melby, North Zealand, Denmark. Diameter: 0.8 cm. Photo: John Lee, the Na- excavation, was (to come) the leading tional Museum of Denmark. Danish archaeologist of the time, Sophus

Fig. 9. The Ølby Bronze Age burial mound, East Zealand, Denmark. Photo: F. Kaul, 2017.

Adoranten 2019 11 Müller. Twelve years after, he became director at the National Museum. After the excavation, the Ølby mound became a protected heritage site. Today, it still stands as a great monument, the mound reaching a height of about 4.5 m. (Fig. 9). Close to the centre of the mound, the still visible though decayed oak coffin con- tained the remains of the Ølby woman. Her maxilla and mandible was well pre- served. Although other parts of the skel- eton was recognizable, they were not well preserved. The Ølby woman was equipped with a spiral decorated belt plate (Fig. 10), a neck collar, also decorated with spirals, and four tutuli, all in bronze. She carried a dagger made from the lower part of the blade of the sword. More than 125 bronze tubes in two rows below the belt plate represent a corded skirt, the remains of the woollen cord still preserved inside some tubes. (Fig. 11). At her left arm, she carried four beads: a bronze spiral bead, two amber beads and a blue glass bead (Fig. 12). The chemical analysis of the glass shows that it was made of Egyptian cobalt glass (Varberg et al. 2015; Kaul et al. 2015; see also below). Fig. 11. The excavation plan of the Ølby oak coffin grave, East Zealand, c. 1400 BC. The place of the glass Most recently, new investigations of the bead is marked. Drawing: The excavation report archive, Ølby woman and her bronze objects have the National Museum of Denmark. been carried out (Reiter et al. 2019). Multi-

Fig. 10. The belt plate of the Ølby woman, East Zealand, Fig. 12. The blue glass bead from Ølby, East Zealand, c. c. 1400 BC. Diameter: 19.6 cm. After Boye 1896. 1400 BC. Diameter: 1.2 cm. Photo: A. Mikkelsen, the National Museum of Denmark.

12 Adoranten 2019 strontium isotope analyses of three of her Ølby teeth, molars, yielded strontium isotope and the beads of Egyptian glass values that seem to indicate a local prov- While S. Müller directed the excavation of enance. Additionally, differences in the the Ølby mound, he probably pondered strontium isotopic signatures (especially over the blue glass bead, and its connec- evident between the second and third tion to areas beyond the Mediterranean. molar) suggest the possibility of mobility In an article printed just two years after during early adolescence, most probably the excavation, in 1882, he discussed the within the local region of Zealand. Thus, potential Near Orient origins of the Dan- according to the strontium isotope prove- ish glass beads, and he seems to be the nance evidence, the Ølby Bronze Age elite first who specifically pointed at Egypt. woman has not been on the move, such as In Danish: ”Blandt andre Sager i de nor- her famous Jutland ‘cousins’ from Egtved diske Fund, som skrive sig fra Orienten, and Skrydstrup (not the same Skrydstrup maa først nævnes de blaa Glasperler, der mound as the one with the glass bead, undertiden forekomme i Bronzealderens highlighted in this article). Recent prov- Fund; Perler ganske af samme Art kjendes enance investigations built on strontium fra Ægypten. Hvorfra skulde mange Aar- isotope analysis of the female oak coffin hundreder f. Chr. F. disse Glasperler være burials from Egtved, East Jutland, and komne til Norden, om ikke fra Kulturlan- Skrydstrup, South Jutland, have revealed dene ved Middelhavets sydøstlige Kyster?” that they through their childhood lived in (Müller 1882: 319). Our recent chemical areas far away – far away from where they analyses have confirmed his words. were buried (Frei & Mannering 2015; Frei The bead from the oak coffin in the et al. 2015; Frei et al. 2017). barrow at Ølby is not the only bead of Even though the Ølby woman was not Egyptian glass from Denmark. A bead on the move, as her Jutland cousins, still, from a rich female burials at Hesselager on she was integrated into a long distance the island of , Denmark, share the exchange network. Lead isotope analyses Egyptian chemical fingerprint with that of and chemical trace elements analyses of Ølby. It belongs to the same time. The Hes- the bronze objects indicate from where selager woman was equipped with a large the copper in the bronze came from. The spiral decorated belt plate, two arm rings copper of her sword/dagger probably and a fibula, all in bronze. At her neck she came from the mining area of Mitterberg carried six beads: the bead of Egyptian of the Austrian Alps, South of Salzburg, cobalt glass and five amber beads (Aner & the copper of her belt plate probably Kersten 1977, no. 2014 A). came from the copper sources of Trentino It is now possible to identify glass from in the Italians Alps, east of Trento, in the Egypt and Mesopotamia, and to distin- areas at the Redibus Pass. The copper of guish glass from these two principal pro- her neck collar probably came from ores duction areas of the Middle Bronze Age in the mountains of Slovakia (Reiter et and early Late Bronze Age (Walton et al. al. 2019). Thus, as suggested by the data 2009; Shortland 2012; Walton et al. 2012; (presented by Reiter et al. in 2019), the Gratuze 2013; Rehren & Freestone 2015). Ølby burial mirror the three main metal By the ratios of certain trace elements it is suppliers that by other archaeometrical possible to identify the origin of the glass. projects have recently been recognized for The two Danish beads in question are Scandinavian artifacts: Mitterberg, Aus- characterized by low chromium/lanthan tria, Trentino, Italy, and the mountains of and variable zirconium/titanium ratios, Slovakia (Ling et al. 2014; Ling et al. 2019; indicating an Egyptian origin. The remain- Bunnefeldt 2016). ing Danish glass beads exhibit higher chromium/lanthan and lower zirconium/ titanium ratios, thus indicating a Mesopo- tamian origin (Varberg et al. 2015, Kaul

Adoranten 2019 13 et al. 2015, Varberg et al. 2016, Kaul and Sea, he or she would find the island Zea- Varberg 2017). land, with the Ølby burial, and the island The Egyptian origin of the Ølby and of Funen with the Hesselager burial. Hesselager beads is confirmed by their Naturally, there were many routes of colourant composition: in these beads, exchange during the Bronze Age, includ- cobalt correlates with nickel, zinc, and ing western routes along the main rivers. manganese. This correlation has been Recent chemical analyses have demon- shown to be typical of the cobalt colour- strated the occurrence of Egyptian glass ant extracted from Egyptian alum deposits beads at Bronze Age settlement sites at such as those at the Kharga and Dakhla Landunvez and Plomeur in Finistère, Brit- oases in the Western Desert, 200 and 350 tany, France, in their chemical composition km west of the Nile. The same trace ele- to be compared with the bead from Ølby ments related to the cobalt colourant was (Cherel & Gratuze 2018). observed in glass waste from 14th century BC glass workshops at Malkata and Am- arna, Egypt, as well as in the glass ingots A polychrome bead of found in the Uluburun shipwreck at the Mesopotamian glass, Turkish southwest coast and in Mycenaean Søviggård, West Jutland. glass beads (Shortland et al. 2006; Short- The glass of the remaining Danish beads land et al. 2007; Jackson & Nicholson 2010: can be determined as Mesopotamian. In Smirniou & Rehren 2013). It is fascinating our project also German and Romanian to realize that the glass of beads from glass beads have been included, such as Ølby and Hesselager could have been pro- glass beads from a burial at Jänkendorf, duced in workshops in Amarna, pharaoh Saxony, a burial from Esperstedt, Sachsen- Akhenaten’s (reign: 1353-1338 BC) great Anhalt and burials from Cluj, Transylvania city, and that the cobalt colorant was and furthermore from the sacrificial cave extracted at oases far out in the western of Cioclovina cu Apa, Transylvania. The desert. Thus, it is possible to follow the chemical analyses has demonstrated the Egyptian cobalt colorant from its source Mesopotamian origin of these beads (Var- in the Western Desert, over workshops in berg et al. 2015; Varberg et al. 2016; von Malkata and Amarna, further along the Richthofen et al. 2017; Varberg in press). Mediterranean trading routes represented Among these beads of Mesopotamian by the Uluburun shipwreck, then to Myce- glass, a rare polychrome bead should be nae, and finally at Ølby and Hesselager in highlighted; from an inhumation grave Denmark (Varberg et al. 2015; Kaul et al. under a burial mound at Søviggård, West 2015; Varberg in press). Jutland, dated to Nordic Bronze Age pe- Most recently, due to the work by a riod II (around 1400 BC) (Aner & Kersten Polish research team, the geographical 1986, no. 4170). The colourant of the bead gap between Mycenae and the North has itself is copper oxide, which is the most been narrowed by a blue bead of Egyptian common colourant of the Mesopotamian cobalt glass from a Middle Bronze Age glass. There are three other colours repre- burial at Kietrz, Southwest Poland, of the sented, reddish – like amber – white and same composition as the Ølby and Hes- yellow. It is only the amber-like colour, selager beads. (Purowski et al. 2016). The which is clearly visible (Fig. 13). The amber, find spot is at the upper Oder River, not white and yellow , which compose far from the Oder sources and the water- the eyes of the polychrome bead are re- shed for the Danube tributaries. Thus, the spectively colored by iron (probably iron Kietrz Egyptian cobalt bead marks a point polysulfides), calcium antimonate and lead on the roads of exchange, the Oder River antimonate (Varberg et al. 2015). from here leading to the . If Once again, a precious glass bead was the Bronze Age traveler sailed westwards found in a richly equipped female grave, from the mouth of Oder into the Baltic and together with amber. The Søviggård

14 Adoranten 2019 Amber and glass As we have seen, glass and amber is often occurring together in the same burial, or in the same hoard. It is not just in Den- mark and Schleswig-Holstein, North Ger- many, that amber and glass were found together. A large hoard, c. 1200 BC, from Neustrelitz, Mecklenburg-Vorpommern, Germany, consist of 880 objects includ- ing 179 blue glass beads, one polychrome glass bead and 20 amber beads (Mildner et al., 2010; Varberg et al. 2016). In a burial belonging to the culture, from around 1400-1450 BC, at Schwarza in Thuringia, Germany, blue glass beads and amber beads were found together (Wolterman 2014). Also belonging to Fig. 13. The polychrome eye bead from Søviggård West the tumulus culture, a rich female grave Jutland, c. 1400 BC, diameter: 1.2 cm. Photo: A. Mik- from Ilmendorf south of Ingoldstadt, Ba- kelsen, the National Museum of Denmark. varia, Germany (1500-1300 BC) contained around 250 amber beads and three blue woman was buried with two amber beads, glass beads. Furthermore, the Ilmendorf five amber buttons, a ribbed neck collar, woman was carrying bronze arm rings, a wheel headed pin and tutulus, all in tutuli and gold Schleifenringe (Classen & bronze. Her dress ornaments shows that Berger 2013). she probably originated in the Lüneburg Further to the east, in the Carpathians, area, Niedersachsen (Lomborg 1969; Transylvania, Hunedoara Jud., Romania, Bergerbrant 2007), though buried about in the sacrificial Cioclovina cu Apa Cave, 450 kilometers north. large amounts of amber beads have been The rare glass bead first reached found together with large amounts of Lüneburg via one of the amber routes, glass beads (Fig. 14 A & B). The hoard – or in this case probably following the Elbe rather an accumulation of depositions – is River, which passes through the Lüneburg without any comparison the largest Late area. Then, as a part of the ornament of Bronze Age hoard found in Europe. It a ‘Lüneburg woman’, the bead was car- contains more than 7500 objects. The ma- ried from the Elbe mouth northwards jority of the find consists of beads made of along the amber rich Jutland west coast, different material. By now 520 tin beads, perhaps by boat. Also on the beaches at 2339 glass beads, 1784 amber beads and the Elbe mouth, at the root of the Jutland 572 faiance beads from 1300-1200 BC have peninsula, at Cuxhaven, amber can be col- been found in the cave’s sanctuary. Chemi- lected (Kaul 2018 a; Kaul 2018 b). Among cal analyses of the present project has the amber routes, such as the these fol- determined the origin of the glass as Mes- lowing the Elbe and its tributaries, amber opotamian. Also cheek pieces for horses was transported deep into Central Europe. made of bone and bronze objects as tutuli Middle Bronze Age finds of amber at the have been found (Petrescu-Dâmbovita Elbe/Vltava, also in Bohemia, Czechia, 1977; Varberg et al. 2015; Varberg et al. yield evidence of this particular amber 2016; Rotea 2017). route (Woltermann 2014; Cvojka et al. Even though the Cioclovina cu Apa 2017). From the sources of Vltava/Moldau, Cave is situated up in the Carpathian over a low watershed, you can reach the Mountains, it is in a strategic position, Danube river system. regarding Bronze Age routes of exchange – the amber (-glass) routes. From the high

Adoranten 2019 15 Fig. 14, A & B. Cioclovina. A: The mouth of the Cioclovina cu Apa Cave in the Transylvanian mountains. The Cioclovina Stream has its spring 500 meters inside the cave just opposite the find-spot of the Bronze Age hoards. B: The upper river valley seen from inside the entrance of the cave. Photo: J. Varberg. valley, the Luncani stream runs down to- wards the fertile river plain of the Strei river – this river leading to the Mures River, a tributary river to the Danube (Fig. 15). When going to the Mediterranean, there are a number of examples of amber and glass found together, from burials and settlement sites. Today, a major part of Bronze Age and Early Iron Age amber found in Mediterranean, including North Italy, that has been chemically determined, belongs to the succinite category (Ange- lini, et al. 2003; Bellintani 2010 a; Bell- intani 2010 b; Bellintani 2014). This kind of amber is often called “Baltic amber”. Per- haps “Nordic amber” should be preferred, when taking into account the rich amber sources at the North Sea: Succinite is that amber, which comes from ‘the North’ – from the beaches of the southern parts of

16 Adoranten 2019 Fig. 15. A view of the Luncani stream looking upwards towards the valley of the Carpathians, where the Cioclovina Cave is situated. Photo: F. Kaul. the Baltic Sea to the beaches of the North cave contained a necklace of 25 blue glass Sea, the west coast of Jutland. beads and 28 amber beads, the glass being In the western Mediterranean, we of Mesopotamian provenance (Varberg, et could highlight a cave burial from the al. 2015; Kaul et al. 2015). low mountain ridge of Campu Stefanu, at In the Eastern Mediterranean, sites Sartene, South Corsica, France (Fig. 16). A like Mycenae and Tiryns have yielded rich Middle Bronze Age burial from the both blue glass and Nordic/Baltic amber

Fig. 16. The Campu Stefanu ridge in the Corsican landscape, seen from the town of Sartene. The bird is pointing at a place close to Middle Bronze Age cave burial with glass and amber beads, the middle of the three low mountain ridges. Photo: F. Kaul.

Adoranten 2019 17 (Harding & Hughes Brock 1974; Walton Glass and amber give evidence of the et al. 2009; Shortland 2012; Czebreszuk long distance exchange networks that 2013). Nordic/Baltic amber and ingots of evolved during the Middle Bronze Age. Egyptian cobalt glass formed part of the Even though Nordic/Baltic amber reached cargo of the ship wrecked c. 1300 BC at Central Europe during the Early Bronze Uluburun near Kas at the Turkish coast. Age (Unetice culture) in the centuries Perhaps, this merchant ship was at its way around 2000 BC, important changes took to a harbour close to Mycenae, when it place in the exchange pattern of amber went down. Nordic/Baltic amber reached at around 1700 BC. A Bohemian centre of areas beyond the Mediterranean. At wealth and power lost importance, and Qatna at Homs in Syria, amber determined the massive influx of amber here stops in as Nordic/Baltic has been found together the decades before 1700 BC (Ernée 2013). with glass beads (Mukherjee et al. 2008; New exchange routes appeared at this Pfälzner & Rossberger 2009). Thus, in time; most important is that Nordic/Baltic a royal burial vault, c. 1340 BC, or a bit amber now reached the areas south of earlier, a beautiful carved lion head ves- the Alps. Somehow, the bearers of the sel – of local production – but cut from a Central European Early Bronze Age cul- lump of far away amber – has been found ture blocked for the further distribution together with glass beads and other beads of amber, or the contact networks over of amber. the Alp passes were relatively weak. The From Egypt, a number of candidates of earliest Nordic/Baltic amber from the area beads and scarabs of Baltic/Nordic amber immediately south of the Alps comes from have been pointed out, though no chemi- the palafitta settlement Lagazzi di Vho cal analyses have been carried out (Hood at Piadena south of Lago di Garda. Sev- 1993). The possible items of Nordic/Baltic enteen amber beads have been found in amber include beads and scarabs from the layers attributed to the latest phase of the tomb of Tutankhamen (died in 1327 BC). Early Bronze Age (c. 1700 BC). First from In the tomb of Tutankhamen, there are the beginning of the Middle Bronze Age many examples of glass objects and glass (c. 1600 BC) we find Nordic/Baltic amber inlays of the cobalt blue colour. Other in Central and South Italy, represented at examples of amber in Egypt could be a palafitti settlement at Lago Albani, near pointed out, such as an amber bead found Rome, and a number of sites of different on the floor of a possible representative kind from Apulia (Bellintani 2002; Angelini building in Pi-Ramesse in the Nile delta, in et al. 2003; Bellintani 2010 a; Bellintani use during the reign of Rameses II (1279- 2010 b). 1213 BC) (Pusch 2003), or an amber scarab For long distance exchange of glass being part of a complex pectoral, from the beads some discernible historical limita- burial of the scribe Hatiay at Luxor, 1350- tions are evident. Although the beginning 1333 BC (Bongioanni et al. 2001). of dates back to the mid- dle of the 3rd millennium BC, most likely By 1400 BC, long distance exchange sys- in Mesopotamia, the manufacture on a tems had evolved connecting the shores larger scale, the fist regularly produced of the Euphrates and Tigris rivers in glass, started at around 1500 BC or per- Mesopotamia and the Nile in Egypt with haps some decennia later, in both Meso- the beaches of the Baltic and North Seas, potamia and Egypt (Shortland 2012). Thus, as well as at key sites in between, such a the first flow of glass beads into Denmark Mycenae. Nordic amber and Egyptian and and North Germany came in soon after Mesopotamian glass linked the widest ex- the beginning of large scale production of panse of world, the two materials forming glass in Egypt and Mesopotamia. a sort of dialogue between exotic materi- When considering the points or places als from mutually distant lands. where these two materials, glass and am- ber, met, in the Mediterranean and in the

18 Adoranten 2019 North, then this meeting was first possible carried the colour of the heaven and the after 1500 BC, though some ideas as to sea or waters. Thus, combined, beads of the magic properties of amber must have glass and amber, could, by these particular reached the Mediterranean about two (colour) properties, inspire and create – in centuries before. The beads of this highly the mind of our Bronze Age ancestors – treasured material did not fly over long references to the paramount mythology of distances by themselves, they were car- the eternal voyage of the sun: the amber ried along the ‘amber routes’ by leading being a representation the sun, the glass persons of the Bronze Age societies; on being a representation of the heavens voyages where guest-friendship (xenia), where the sun makes its daily voyage. was observed as something sacred, con- The beads themselves do not carry nected to the gods (Kaul 2017; Kaul 2018 pictures, but the properties and colours a, Kaul 2018 b). The connections between of the materials gave inspiration for cre- the eastern Mediterranean were not di- ating narratives built into mythology. A rect. There must have been a number of certain object, in its specific context, can ‘middle’ stations, for instance in the Alps, be perceived as a materialized metaphor where the meaning behind these valuable reaching much further than the object it- objects were communicated and discussed. self, making pictures and scenarios in your Obviously, amber and glass beads mind. should be considered as the most prestig- When combining Egyptian ideas as to ious objects related to Bronze Age elite, the colour blue and later Greek sources at the same level as gold objects. When as to mythological explanations related looking at the burials of the Nordic Mid- to amber, the iconic properties of the two dle Bronze Age, the close relationship be- materials become apparent. Let us start tween glass and amber is no coincidence. with amber. Particular social values would have been appreciated when carrying glass and am- Amber ber together: it was the peoples of the The Greek word for amber was electron, highest echelons of society that controlled with associated meanings like “to shine” the collection and distribution of amber or “brilliant”. In the Iliad, the word is asso- and benefitted from the amber export ciated with the word elector, which means who were the receivers of the valuable the beaming sun (Causey 2011 (Homer, and exotic glass beads (Kaul & Varberg Iliad 6.513)). An important property of 2017). amber is its ability to create static electric- ity. When friction is applied by for instance a piece of , amber becomes negatively The magic of amber and glass charged and it attracts small pieces of As important as the social values of glass straw, fluff or dried leaves. The Greek and amber were the symbolic values of philosopher Thales of Miletus (c. 624-546 the materials themselves. In the burials of BC) is said to be the first to realize (or the Nordic Bronze Age, amber and glass rather describe) that if you rubbed amber beads are often found as part of the same it could attract small pieces of light mate- piece of ornament. Probably glass and rial. This phenomenon he noticed because amber beads shared some magical values Greek women of the seventh century BC that made it beneficial to carry them to- occasionally spun wool with precious am- gether. What in particular unites the two ber spindles (Mitchell 2018). Furthermore, materials is their translucence. Few other under certain circumstances if you rubbed (valuable) materials of the time could let amber, it created small sparks. This addi- the light of the sun shine through. While tional property must have been intriguing the translucent golden amber carried solar – also in the Bronze Age. Seeing the spark symbolism, in itself having the colour of in a dark room and even perhaps feeling the shining sun, the translucent blue glass the spark would give a feeling of contact

Adoranten 2019 19 Fig. 17. Phaeton, driving mad on the chariot of the sun, creating dramatic climate changes on earth. Frescoed mural in the loggia of Castello di Buonconsiglio, Trento, North Italy, 1531-1532. Photo: F. Kaul. with forces larger than the material itself. and he approached too near the earth. A spark flashing from the amber may have Mountains began to burn; fires devastated been appreciated as a release of the solar the forests, drought spread to vast areas power in-built in the amber. that became deserts. Zeus, in his anger It was these peculiar electro-magnetic over this youngster creating disasters over powers related to amber that gave rise the world, threw his thunderbolt on Phae- to the word electricity, since amber was ton, who was killed in the crash, in a river used in early experiments on electricity. It called Eridanus. The sisters of Phaeton, the was the English physician William Gilbert, Heliades, became poplar trees and in their also Queen Elisabeth I’s personal physi- sadness over his death, when weeping, cian, who in a larger work in Latin (1600) their tears turned into droplets of amber. introduced this word, in Latin electricus, The Phaeton story is found in many clas- meaning “like amber” (Mitchell 2018). sical writings, including Roman authors. If William Gilbert and the scholars of his However, the story was first recorded by time had not been working with Greek the Greek writer and poet Hesiod, who or Latin name-giving of matters and phe- worked between 700 and 650 BC (Causey nomena, then electricity might have been 2011). Thus, in time, we are within the fi- called “ambrecity”. nal stages of the Nordic Bronze Age. Another, though later recorded myth, In Greek mythology, amber is of divine brings us even closer to the sun god itself. nature, in particular related to the sun According to the Greek author, Apollonius god Helios and the sun god Apollo. During of Rhodes, who in the years about 250 BC daytime, the sun god Helios was driving was head librarian of the famous library of his chariot – the chariot of the sun – over Alexandria, amber was the tears shed by the heavens. The chariot was drawn by the sun god Apollo. When Apollo on his four white horses. Phaeton, son of Helios, yearly winter travel to the North, visiting was permitted to drive the chariot of the the land of the Hyperboreans (somewhere sun. That turned out to be a most disas- up North, perhaps Denmark/South Scan- trous permission. Phaeton was not able to dinavia), heard about the death of his manage the strong horses of the chariot son, Asclepius, his tears turned into amber of the sun (Fig. 17). He was driving like (Jensen 2000; Causey 2011: 55 (Appolo- mad – up and down went the chariot – nius, Argonautica 4.611-18)).

20 Adoranten 2019 In both of these mythological accounts, tears and the rays of the sun (Jensen 2000; amber is closely related to the sun god, Varberg et al. 2015; Kaul & Varberg 2017; most pronounced by Appolonius of Rho- Kaul 2018 a). That amber was related to des. Here, amber is the tears of the very the sun in the North is shown by a min- sun god, Apollo. Thus, amber was a divine iature figure of a sun disc, presumably a manifestation of the sun god; and we Late Bronze Age; the precise provenance can go even further, claiming that amber is unknown, though probably Jutland. It in a mystical way was perceived as being consists of a round disc of amber mounted not just a manifestation, but also a materi- in a bronze frame on a stand ending in a alization of the sun, the tears coming out tenon. From edge to edge two perfora- of the sun itself. tions was carefully drilled through the It worth noting that in these mytholog- amber, forming a cross figure (Fig. 18). The ical narratives, a certain knowledge of the ‘sun-holder’ has its own built-in magic. nature of amber seems reflected. The Heli- When you look at the sun through the ades turned into poplar trees, thus reflect- reddish amber disc, the drillings looks ing the knowledge of amber being a sort darker. Together with the round frame, of resin. The sun god Apollo, shed his tears the drillings form a wheel cross, the most in the land of the Hyperboreans, in the popular Bronze Age solar symbol. The North of Europe, thus reflecting a knowl- wheel cross can be perceived as both a edge of from where the amber came, in solar image, and a symbol of the move- some aspects a mythological land, in some ment, the voyage of the sun. Thus, by the aspects a geographic reality. Phaeton fell very beams of the sun, the mystery behind into a river called Eridanus. The Greek ge- the solar and wheel cross iconography ographer and historian Herodotus (c. 480- could be revealed at Bronze Age rituals 420 BC) wrote: “I do not believe that there (Kaul 1998; Kaul 2004). The sun-holder has is a river called by foreigners Eridanus a tenon-shaped foot and was intended issuing into the northern sea, whence our to fitted onto something, perhaps a ship amber is said to come.” (Causey 2011, 54 model, perhaps a staff, carried by a lead- (Herodotus, Histories. 3.115)). Even when ing priest. A rendering of a similar sun- being a negation, the words by Herodotus holder, with wheel-cross, from the Backa give evidence of such a tradition. Later rock carving in Bohuslän, western Sweden, writers such as Plinius seems to be con- shows that such cult devises could exist fused as to the geographical whereabouts also in larger scale, being carried in the of this primarily mythological river. Some- rituals, though in that size with no amber times the river are associated with Po and inlay (Fig. 19). sometimes with the Rhône, among other locations. The most likely explanation of Glass and the colour blue the uncertainty is that the Eridanus at In ancient Egypt, the colours had deep some point became connected in myth to symbolic meanings related to life, death memories of an early riverine amber route and the gods. The symbolism is ambigu- through Europe leading from the North ous. The colour black, for instance, was Sea or the Baltic Sea (Causey 2011: 54). It is related to death and the darkness of the a fascinating thought that knowledge of underworld, but black was also represent- the old amber routes seemingly was built ing fertility and life, since it was the black, into Greek mythology. wet mud of the Nile that was a creative At any rate, amber was in the myths agent for growth, life and fertility of closely related to the sun. Probably, also Egypt (Lurker 1994). at its sources in the North, amber had In general terms, the colour blue should the same mythological connotations as be connected with the heavens and with recorded in the South – amber virtually water, sea, lakes and rivers. In Ancient being the actual material of the sun, a Egypt the colour blue was associated with mystical manifestation of the sun – the life and rebirth, and represented (the

Adoranten 2019 21 Fig. 18. Miniature figure of a sun disc on a stand, Fig. 19. Rock carving, solar standard, from Backa, Bo- bronze and amber, probably Jutland, Denmark. huslän, Sweden. Height: c. 70 cm. Rubbing: Inge-Mette Height: 6.9 cm. Photo: A. Mikkelsen, the National Petersen, in collaboration with Tanums Hällristningsmu- Museum of Denmark. seum, Underslös. fertility of) the Nile. The darkest cobalt creation. The sun-god Atum is sometimes blue would possibly combine the fertility described in the pyramid texts as ‘hill’ notions related to both the dark mud and (Shaw & Nicholson 1995: 229). Because the the blue waters of the Nile. The colour colour blue came to be connected with blue was associated with the heavens, be- the god Amun-Re, a number of portraits ing seen as an ocean on which the celestial of 18th Dynasty kings with blue faces are bodies travelled. The sun travelled in the believed symbolically to show their as- solar barque, the day barque called Man- similation to that god (Wilkinson 1999: djet. The skin of the sun-god Amon can be 108). The Egyptian concepts of creation blue, probably due to his heavenly associa- were closely interlinked with their views tions (Lurker 1994; Wilkinson 1999). concerning rebirth, renewal and life after The colour blue was related to the death. The Egyptians regarded creation primeval waters and creation myths. not only as a single event at the beginning From these waters the first land rose, the of the universe but as a phenomenon, primeval mound. The primeval mound which constantly recurred with each new was an important symbol of the act of day and season. The deity most regularly

22 Adoranten 2019 associated with creation was the sun-god, of fine linen to be placed on the neck of whose appearance at dawn embody the the child (Robins 2012: 86). cyclical nature of the creator and crea- From Egypt and Mesopotamia, the glass tion. One of the creation myths describes came to the Mycenaean world. Also Myce- how the new-born sun rose out of a lotus naean glass objects, including glass beads, flower floating on the primeval waters re-melted from imported glass material, (Shaw and Nicholson 1995: 74 & 164). This would have carried magical and social motif, the new born sun being depicted as properties, related to both ritual symbol- a baby in a lotus flower, is also a symbolic ism and palatial authority. Some Myce- rendering of the rebirth of the sun every naean beads are in the shape of lily flow- morning. Often, it was the blue variant of ers and rosettes, the rosettes being seen as the lotus flower that was depicted, or lo- signs of protection. The stylized lily motif tus flowers were depicted on blue faience could be understood as a manifestation of vessels (Shaw and Nicholson 1995; Nyord divine power related to the appearance of 2019). a great Minoan female goddess (Walton Thus, in the colour blue was embedded et al. 2009; Jackson & Wager 2011; Short- powerful universal powers of creation, land 2012; Varberg et al. 2016; Kaul & cyclical re-creation, fertility and afterlife. Varberg 2017). In Egyptian conceptions, some materials seemingly, also through their manufacture process, obtained and carried a ‘hidden Glass and amber & final remarks sort of existence’, an animated potential In a tomb at Luxor, Egypt, of Hatiay, the ‘existence’ related to creation, transforma- scribe and superintendent of the granaries tion and re-creation (Nyord 2019). Thus, of the temple of Aten, amber and glass even the process of making the glass in- are connected in the most intriguing way. volved allegorical connotations to creation Hatiay was buried between 1350 and myths. 1333 BC, during the reign of Akhenaten. It was a whole world-view, philosophi- On a composite temple-shaped pectoral cal concepts of the universe, of life, death terminating a glass bead necklace, includ- and rebirth that were built into the glass. ing blue glass beads, an amber scarab is However, we shall not forget the magi- inlaid as the central motif. Close to the cal properties of glass (beads), though amber scarab is seen the Djed-pillar sign related to cosmology. Beads (and pieces (Bongioanni et al. 2001). The scarab, Khe- of charms), different amulets, had protec- pri, was seen as a manifestation of or the tive and healing powers, among other god of the rising sun, and was considered things related to pregnancy, childbirth and a symbol of eternal rebirth as well as be- infancy. We shall here only refer to a spell ing a powerful amulet, both in life and meant to protect the child against fever. death. The Djed-sign – here as blue glass “Are you hot in the nest? – Are you burn- and lapis lazuli inlay – was probably a styl- ing in the bush? – Your mother is not with ized representation of plant stems that you? – There is no sister to fan you? – Let signified stability and fertility, also related there be brought to me a pellet of gold, to social matters (Lurker 1994; Shaw & Ni- forty beads, a cornelian seal-stone, with cholson 1995; Wilkinson 1999; Bongioanni a crocodile and hand, to fell, to drive out et al. 2001). this demon; this is a protection”. The croc- So here, in the pectoral of Hatiay, the odile (or a piece of crocodile?) was an ani- colour blue, glass, amber, the scarab, and mal with great protective powers, while other materials and symbols are com- the hand represents the magical gesture’s bined, forming an interwoven symbolic of power. The papyrus also tells that the palimpsest related to cosmology, creation, beads and the other objects should be re-creation and the eternal voyage and made into a composite amulet in a piece daily re-birth of the sun. Though not for-

Adoranten 2019 23 getting the general amulet or evil-waring reflected by the introduction of the fold- values of these materials. ing stool (Kaul 2013 a; Kaul 2013 b). The When returning to the North, the Scandinavian rock carvings depicting two- (heavenly) blue glass beads and the sun- wheeled chariots should also be consid- golden amber beads may have shared ered as reflecting influences from the east- some symbolic or magical values that ern Mediterranean (Winther Johannsen made it beneficial to carry them together. 2010; Varberg 2015). The most elaborate Also in the North, where the focus of the example is seen on one of the slabs of the Bronze Age religion was on the eternal large stone cist of Bredarör at Kivik, Sca- voyage of the sun, a blue glass bead to- nia, South Sweden, c. 1300 BC (Randsborg gether with an amber bead, could repre- 1993; Goldhahn 2013). sent a whole, almost iconographic narra- Perhaps even some basic religious tive of the main cosmological or religious iconographic themes so strongly emerg- principles. ing in South Scandinavia, such as the solar The beads, whether of glass or amber, barque and the (protective) snake (Kaul were not just nice prestigious charms, but 1998; Kaul 2004; Kaul 2009), may eventu- had deep powerful religious or magical ally stem from distant Egyptian roots. We values, including protection against evil should bear in mind that the beads and and diseases. When the glass beads, ac- other commodities, like metal, did not cording to the burial evidence, are mostly fly over the European landscapes by their related to women, then it is unavoidable own wings, but were carried by human to consider the protective forces of the beings, who met at certain places on the beads, related to pregnancy, childbirth routes, and while observing guest-friend- and maternity – though also including fer- ship, discussing important matters, not just tility in a broader sense. exchanging objects, but also ideas. Today, we use the word “globalization” The determination of provenance of the as something which belong to the last two glass of the Danish glass beads marks an or three centuries. However, during the important step towards an understand- Bronze Age the world opened in a “glo- ing of the long distance contacts of the balized way”, in particular in the years Bronze Age. The Danish glass beads around 1400 BC. Ideas and commodities represent firm physical evidence of the streamed along the exchange routes, ‘the most extended connections, reaching amber roads’ and ‘the glass roads’, or for even beyond the Mediterranean, to Egypt that sake ‘the metal roads’. and Mesopotamia. Possible intermedi- ate stations could be pointed out, such as Jeanette Varberg Mycenae, Pylos and Tiryns (Walton et al. Curator 2009; Shortland 2012; Varberg et al. 2016). Ancient Cultures of Denmark and the Further places where different trading Mediterranean, the National Museum of networks were connected could be in the Denmark. Caput Adria area, the Po Valley, the North Italian/Austrian/Swiss Alpine regions, in Flemming Kaul South Germany and in the middle Dan- Senior Researcher ube areas (Varberg et al. 2015; Kaul et al. Ancient Cultures of Denmark and the 2015). Mediterranean, the National Museum of With the physical transport of glass and Denmark. amber there also came about a flow of ideas stemming from the Mediterranean. Bernard Gratuze The idea of the shaven warrior is reflected Directeur du Recherche, IRAMAT, CNRF, by the introduction of the razor with the Université d’Orléans, France. handle in the shape of a horse’s head; the idea of a piece of furniture of dignity is

24 Adoranten 2019 Literature Bellintani, P. 2002. Bernsteinstrassen, Aner, E. & Kersten, K. 1973. Die Funde der Glasstrassen. Archäologische Zeugnisse älteren Bronzezeit des nordischen Kreises aus dem Etschtal im Rahmen der Bezie- in Dänemark, Schleswig-Holstein und ungen zwischen den Mittelmeerländern Niedersachsen, Band I, Frederiksborg und und dem transalpinen Europa während Københavns Amt. Karl Wachholtz Verlag, der Bronzezeit. In: Hach, B.; Röber, R. & Neumünster. Wesselkamp, G. (eds.): Über die Alpen, Menchen, Wege, Waren. Archäologisches Aner, E. & Kersten, K. 1977. Die Funde Landesmuseum Baden-Württemberg, der älteren Bronzezeit des nordischen Stuttgart: 39-48. Kreises in Dänemark, Schleswig-Holstein und Niedersachsen, Band III, , Bellintani, P. 2010 a. Ambra, una materia Maribo, Odense und Svendborg Amter. prima del nord (ma non solo). In: Radina Karl Wachholtz Verlag, Neumünster. F. & Recchia, G. (eds.), Ambra per Agam- emnone. Indigeni e Micenei tra Adriatico, Aner, E. & Kersten, K. 1978. Die Funde der Ionio ed Egeo. Mario Adda Editore, Bari: älteren Bronzezeit des nordischen Kreises 141-146. in Dänemark, Schleswig-Holstein und Niedersachsen, Band IV, Südschleswig-Ost, Bellintani, P. 2010 b. Materiali vetrosi Die Kreise Schleswig-Flensburg und Rends- in Puglia nell’età del Bronzo Medio. In: burg-Eckernförde. Karl Wachholtz Verlag, Radina F. & Recchia, G. (eds.), Ambra per Neumünster. Agamemnone. Indigeni e Micenei tra Adri- atico, Ionio ed Egeo. Mario Adda Editore, Aner; E. & Kersten, K. 1984. Die Funde Bari: 147-149. der älteren Bronzezeit des nordischen Kreises in Dänemark, Schleswig-Holstein Bellintani, P. 2014. Baltic amber, alpine und Niedersachsen, Band VII, Nordslesvig – copper and glass beads from the Po plain. Nord. Karl Wachholz Verlag, Neumünster. Amber trade at the time of Campestrin and Frattesina. Padusa 50, 2014: 111-139. Aner, E. & Kersten, K. 1986. Die Funde der älteren Bronzezeit des nordischen Kreises Bergerbrant, S. 2007. Bronze Age Identi- in Dänemark, Schleswig-Holstein und ties: Costume, Conflict and Contact in Niedersachsen, Band VIII, Ribe Amt. Karl Northern Europe 1600-1300 BC. Stockholm Wachholtz Verlag, Neumünster. Studies in Archeology 43, Bricoleur Press, Stockholm. Angelini, I.; Artioli, G. & Bellintani, P. 2003. Progretto ”ambre e materiali vetrosi pro- Bongianni, A.; Croce, M.S. & Accomozzo, tostorici della valle dell’Adige nel quadro L. (eds.) 2001. The Illustrated Guide to the delle coeve attestazioni dell’Italia del Egyptian Museum in Cairo. The American nord”. Primi risultati sulle ambre. Preisto- University in Cairo Press, Cairo / White ria Alpina 39: 227-241. Star, Vercelli.

Becker, C.J. 1946. Bronzealderhøje ved Boye, V. 1896. Fund af Egekister fra Skrydstrup. Nationalmuseets Arbejdsmark Bronzealderen i Danmark. Andr. Fred. Høst 1946: 30-38. & Søns Forlag, Copenhagen. (Facsimile tryk, Wormianum, Højbjerg/Aarhus 1986). Becker, C. J. 1954. A segmented faience bead from Jutland. With notes on Amber Bunnefeld, J.-H. 2016. Älterbronzezeitli- Beads from Bronze Age Denmark. Acta che Vollgriffschwerter in Dänemark und Archaeologica 25, 1954: 241-252. Schleswig-Holstein. Studien zu Form, Ver- zierung, Technik und Funktion. Studien

Adoranten 2019 25 zur nordeuropäischen Bronzezeit 3, Mainz Frei, K. M.; Mannering; U.; Kristiansen, K.; 2016. Allentoft, M.; Wilson, A.; Skals, I.; Tridico, S.; Nosch, M.-L.; Willerslev; E.; Clarke, L. & Causey, F. 2011. Amber and the Ancient Frei, R. 2015. Tracing the dynamic life story World. The Paul Getty Museum, Los An- of a Bronze Age Female. Scientific Reports geles. 5:10431 DOI: 10.1038/srep10431, 2015: 1-7.

Cherel, A.-F. & Gratuze, B. 2018. Les perles Frei, K. M.; Chiara, V.; Jørkov, M. L.; Al- en faïence et en verre de l’âge du Bronze lentoft, M. E.; Kaul, F.; Ethelberg, P.; Rei- décourvertes en Bretagne: nouvelles don- ter, S. Wilson, A. S.; Taube, M.; Olsen, J.; nées, nouvelles approches. Étude typo- Lynnerup, N.; Willerslev, E.; Kristiansen, chronologique, composition, provenance. K. & Frei, R. 2017. A matter of months: Bulletin de la Société préhistorique fran- High precision migration chronology of caise 115, 2: 327-360. a Bronze Age female. PLOS ONE, June 2017: https://doi.org/10.1371/journal. Chvojka, O.; Chytracek, M.; Metlicka, M. & pone.0178834* Michalek, J. 2017. Jantar stredni az pozdni doby bronzové v Cechách (Bernstein der Goldhahn, J. 2013. Bredarör på Kivik – en mittleren bis späten Bronzezeit in Böh- arkeologisk odyssé. Kalmar Studies in Ar- men). Památky Archeologické CVIII, 2017: chaeology IX, Kalmar. 89-120. Gratuze, B. 2013. Glass Characterisation Classen, E. & Berger, B. 2013. Bernstein, Using Laser Ablation Inductively Coupled Bronze, Glas und Gold aus mittel- Plasma Mass Spectrometry Methods. In: K bronzezeitlichen Grabhügeln. Natur und Janssens (ed.), Modern Methods for Ana- Mensch, Jahresmitteilungen 2011 (2013): lysing Archaeological and Historical Glass. 27–40. John Wiley & Sons, London: 201-234.

Czebreszuk, J. 2013. Mysterious Raw Halle, U. & Mahsarski, D. 2013. Archäolo- Material from the Far North: Amber in gie in der besetzten Tschechoslowakei. In: Mycenaean Culture. In: Bergerbrant S. & Graben für Germanen. Archäologie un- Sabatini, S. (eds), Counterpoint: Essays in term Hakenkreuz. Focke-Museum, Bremer Archaeology and Heritage Studies in Hon- Landesmuseum für Kunst und Kulturge- our of Professor Kristian Kristiansen. BAR schichte, Konrad Theiss Verlag, Stuttgart: International Series 2508, Oxford: 557-563. 134-139.

Ernée, M. 2013. Bernstein und der Zusam- Harding, A. F. & H. Hughes-Brock, H. 1974. menbruch der klassischen Aunjetitzer Amber in the Mycenaean world. Annual of Kultur in Böhmen. In: Meller, H.; Berte- the British School at Athens 69: 145-172. mes, F.; Bork, H.-R. & Risch, R. (eds.), 1600 – Kultureller Umbruch im Schatten des Hood, S. 1993. Amber in Egypt. In: C.W. Thera-Ausbruchs? Tagungen des Landes- Beck & J. Bouzek, eds. Amber in Archæol- museums für Vorgeschichte Halle, Band 9, ogy, Proceedings of the Second Interna- 2013. Landesamt für Denkmalpflege und tional Conference on Amber in Archae- Archäologie Sachsen-Anhalt, Halle (Saale): ology Liblice 1990. Praha: Institute of 453-467. Archaeology, Czech Academy of Sciences, pp. 230-235. Frei, K. & Mannering, U. 2015. Egtvedpi- gen kom langvejsfra. Nationalmuseets Jackson, C. & Nicholson, P. 2010. The Arbejdsmark 2015: 64-75. provenance of some glass ingots from the Uluburun shipwreck. Journal of Archaeo- logical Science 37: 295-301.

26 Adoranten 2019 Jackson, C. M. & Wager, E.C. 2011. Glass in hvordan var de mulige? In: Boddum, S. the Aegean Bronze Age: value, meaning & Terkildsen, N. (eds.), Status og sam- and status. In: A. Vianello, (ed.), Exotica fundsstruktur i yngre bronzealders kultur- in the Prehistoric Mediterranean. Oxbow landskab Vol. 6. Seminarrapport, Viborg Books, Oxford: 115-123. Museum & Holstebro Museum, Viborg & Holstebro: 9-35. Jensen, J. 1998. Manden i kisten. Hvad bronzealderens gravhøje gemte. Gylden- Kaul, F. 2018 b. Middle Bronze Age Long dal, Copenhagen. Distance Exchange. Early Glass, Amber and Guest-Frienship, Xenia. In: Nessel, Jensen, J. 2000. Rav. Nordens guld. Gyl- B.; Neumann, D. & Bartelheim, M. (eds.), dendal, Copenhagen. Bronzezeitlicher Transport, Akteure, Mit- tel und Wege. Ressourcenkulturen Band Kaul, F. 1998. Ships on Bronzes. A Study 8. Tübingen University Press, Tübingen: in Bronze Age Religion and Iconography. 189-211. Publications from the National Museum (PNM) vol. 3, Copenhagen. Kaul, F.; Haslund Hansen, A.; Gratuze, B. & Varberg, J. 2015. Fra Amarna til Ølby, fra Kaul, F. 2004. Bronzealderens religion. Nippur til Melby. Bronzealderens glasper- Studier af den nordiske bronzealders ler på rejse. Nationalmuseets Arbejdsmark ikonografi. Nordiske Fortidsminder, Serie 2015: 76-87. B, Bind 22. Det Kongelige Nordiske Old- skriftselskab, Copenhagen. Kaul, F. & Varberg, J. 2017: Danish beads of Egyptian and Mesopotamian glass in Kaul, F. 2009: Slangen i bronzealderens context, and the amber connection. In: S. mytologi. Orden og kaos. In: Brattli, T. Bergerbrant & A. Wessman (eds), New Per- (ed.), Det 10. nordiske bronzealdersym- spectives on the Bronze Age. Proceedings posium, Trondheim 5.8. okt. 2006. Vitark of the 13th Nordic Bronze Age Symposium 6, Acta Archaologica Nidrosiensia, Trond- held in Gothenburg 9th to 13th June 2015. heim: 80-97. Archaeopress Archaeology, Oxford: 375- 386. Kaul, F. 2013 a. The Nordic razor and the Mycenaean lifestyle. Antiquity 87: 461- Ling, J.; Stos-Gale, Z.; Grandin, L.; Bill- 472. ström, K.; Hjärtner-Holdar, E. & Persson, P.-O. 2014. Moving Metals II. Journal of Kaul, F. 2013 b. Forbindelser mellem Archaeological Science 41: 106-132. sydlige og nordlige verdener i ældre bronzealder. Nationalmuseets Arbejds- Ling, J.; Hjärthner-Holdar, E; Grandin, L.; mark 2013: 110-123. Stos-Gale, Z.; Kristiansen, K.; Melheim, A.L.; Artoli, G.; Angelini, I.; Krause, R. Kaul, F. 2017: The Xenia Concept of Guest- & Canovaro, C. 2019. Moving metals IV: friendship – Providing an Elucidatory Swords, metal sources and trade networks Model for Bronze Age Communication. In: in Bronze Age Europe. Journal of Archaeo- Skoglund, P.; Ling; J. & Bertilsson, U. (eds), logical Science, reports, 2019: 1-34. North Meets South. Theoretical Aspects on the Northern and Southern Rock art Tra- Lomborg, E. 1969. Den tidlige bronzeal- ditions in Scandinavia. Swedish Rock Art ders kronologi. Aarbøger for Nordisk Old- Series: Volume 3, Oxbow Books, Oxford: kyndighed og Historie 1968 (1969): 91-152. 172-198. Lurker, M. 1994. Ægyptiske Guder og Sym- Kaul, F. 2018 a. Gennem europæiske land- boler. Politikens Forlag, Copenhagen. skaber. Bronzealderens forbindelser – og

Adoranten 2019 27 Mahsarski, D & Schöbel, G. 2013. Stuttgart, Konrad Theiss Verlag, Stuttgart: Archäologen in besetzten Osteuropa. In: 213-215. Graben für Germanen. Archäologie un- term Hakenkreuz. Focke-Museum, Bremer Purowski, T.; Kepa, L. & Wagern, B. 2016. Landesmuseum für Kunst und Kulturge- Glass on the Amber Road: the chemi- schichte, Konrad Theiss Verlag, Stuttgart: cal composition of glass beads from the 140-146. Bronze Age in Poland. Journal of Archaeo- logical and Anthropological Sciences, 10: Mildner, S.; Falkenstein, F.; Schmidt, J. 1283-1302. (https://doi.org/10.1007/s12520- & Schüssler 2010. Materialanalytische 016-0443-8). Untersuchungen an ausgewählten Glasp- erlen des bronzezeitlichen Hortfund von Pusch, E.B. 2003. Hittitisk arkitektur i Ram- Neustrelitz, Lkr. Mecklenburg-Strelitz. sesbyen? Papyrus 2003, nr. 2: 4-15. Bodendenkmalpflege in Mecklenburg- Vorpommern 57, 2009 (2010): 43-63. Randsborg, K. 1993. Kivik. Archaeology and iconography. Acta Archaeologica 64 Mitchell, A. 2018. The spinning magnet. (1) (Monograph), Copenhagen. The electronic force that created the mod- ern world – and could destroy it. Dutton, Randsborg, K. & Christensen, K. 2006, Penguin Random House, New York. Bronze Age Oak-Coffin Graves. Archaeol- ogy & Dendro-Dating (Acta Archaeologica Mukherjee, A.J.; Rossberger, E.; James, 77, Acta Archaeologica Supplementa M.A.; Pfälzner, P.; Higgitt, C.L.; White, R.; Monographs), Copenhagen. Peggie, D.A.; Azar, D. & Evershed, R.P. 2008. The Qatna lion: scientific confirma- Rehren, Th. & Freestone, I.C. 2015. Ancient tion of Baltic amber in late Bronze Age glass: From kaleidoscope to crystal ball. Syria. Antiquity 82: 49-59. Journal of Archaeological Science 56: 233- 241. Müller, S. 1882. Den europæiske Bronzeal- ders Oprindelse og første Udvikling, oplyst Reiter, S. S.; Frei, K. M.; Wrobel Nørgaard, ved de ældste Bronzefund i det sydøstlige H. & Kaul, F. 2019. The Ølby Woman: A Europa. Aarbøger for nordisk Oldkyn- Comprehensive Provenance Investigation dighed og Historie 1882: 279-356. of an Elite Nordic Bronze Age Oak-Coffin Burial. Danish Journal of Archaeology Nyord, R. 2019. Verden i en skål. Bemalet 2019, vol. 8: 1-22. fajance fra det Ny Rige. Papyrus 2019, nr. 2: 24-31. Von Richthofen, J.; Kaul, F.; Gratuze, B. & Varberg, J. 2018. 3.000 Jahre Nørlund, P. 1946. Nationalmuseet i de „Globalisierung“ in der Oberlausitz? onde Aar, Nationalmuseets Arbejdsmark Bronzezeitliche Glasperlen aus einem 1946: 5-14. Brandgrab bei Jänkendorf. Görlitzer Magazin, Geschichte und Gegenwart der Petrescu-Dâmbovita, M. 1977. Depozitele Stadt Görlitz und ihrer Umgebung 30/2017 de bronzuri din România. Editura Acad- (2018): 70-81. emiei republicii socialiste România, Bucur- Robins, G. 2012. Women in Ancient Egypt. esti. Harward University Press, Cambridge, Mas- sachusetts. Pfälzner, P. & Rossberger, E. 2009. Das Gold des Nordens – Die Bernsteinobjecte. In: Rotea, M. 2017. The hoard from the „Cio- Al-Maqdissi, M.; Morandi Bonacossi, D. & clovina cu Apa“ cave: content, dating, and P. Pfälzner (eds.), Schätze des Alten Syrien. significations. Acta Musei Napocensis, 54/I: Die Entdeckung des Königreichs Qatna. 41-104.

28 Adoranten 2019 Shaw, I. & Nicholson, P. 1995. The British cenaean Greece. Journal of Archaeological Museum Dictionary of Ancient Egypt. Brit- Science 36: 1496-1503. ish Museum Press, London. Walton, M.; Eremin K.; Shortland A.; De- Shortland, A. 2012. Lapis Lazuli from the gryse P. & Kirk S. 2012. Analysis of Late Kiln. Glass and Glassmaking in the Late Bronze Age glass axes from Nippur - A Bronze Age. Leuven, Leuven University new cobalt colourant. Archaeometry 54(5): Press. 835-852.

Shortland, A. J.; Tite, M. S. & Ewart, I. Wilkinson, R.H. 1999. Symbol & Magic in 2006. Ancient exploitation and use of Egyptian Art. Thames & Hudson, Paper- cobalt alums from the western oases of back edition, London. Egypt. Archaeometry 48/1: 153–168. Winther Johannsen, J. 2010. The Wheeled Shortland, A.J., Rogers, N. & Eremin, K. Vehicles of the Bronze Age on Scandina- 2007. Trace element discriminants be- vian Rock-carvings. Acta Archaeologica 81, tween Egyptian and Mesopotamian Late 2010: 150-250. Bronze Age glasses. Journal of Archaeo- logical Science 34: 781-789. Woltermann, G. 2014. Bernsteinschmuck- produktion in der Hügelgräberbronzezeit. Smirniou, M. & Rehren, T. 2013. Shades of In: Nessel, B.; Heske, I. & Brandherm, blue e cobalt-copper coloured blue glass D. (eds.), Ressourcen und Rohstoffe in from New Kingdom Egypt and the Myce- der Bronzezeit. Nutzung – Distribu- naean world: a matter of production or tion – Kontrolle. Arbeitsberichte zur colourant source? Journal of Archaeologi- Bodendenkmalpflege in Brandenburg cal Science 40: 4731-4743. 26, Brandenburgisches Landesamt für Denkmalpflege und Archäologisches Varberg, J. 2015. Where have all the Landesmuseum, Wünsdorf: 74-86. young girls gone? Adoranten 2015: 21-28.

Varberg, J. in press. Mesopotamian and Egyptian Glass in Danish Bronze Age Graves. In: Klimscha, F. (ed.), Ancient Glass and Glass Production. Berlin Studies of the Ancient World 67, Berlin.

Varberg, J.; Gratuze, B. & Kaul, F. 2015. Between Egypt, Mesopotamia and Scandi- navia: Late Bronze Age glass beads found in Denmark. Journal of Archaeological Sci- ence 64, 2015: 168-181.

Varberg, J., Gratuze, B., Kaul, F., Haslund Hansen, A., Rotea, M & Wittenberger M. 2016: Mesopotamian glass from Late Bronze Age Egypt, Romania, Germany and Denmark. Journal of Archaeological Sci- ence 2016: s. 375-386.

Walton, M.S.; Shortland A.; Kirk S. & De- gryse P. 2009. Evidence for the trade of Mesopotamian and Egyptian glass to My-

Adoranten 2019 29