FOUNDING WRITERS Sessions 1 & 2
Dr. Bill Thierfelder
WILSONVILLE PUBLIC LIBRARY
FOUNDING WRITERS SUPPLEMENT Dr. Bill Thierfelder 2
INTRODUCTION
In the first two sessions of this course, you’ll be reading through selections by the men who were instrumental in the founding of the American colonies. (We’ll be looking at the women in several upcoming sessions.) The writings in Sessions 1 and 2 cover a period from 1616 to the mid 1700s.
One of the things that you’ll note immediately is the lack of fiction (short stories, novels, or plays). Not until the late Colonial Period and Early America will you begin to encounter novels and plays. In the early years, the bulk of material tended to fall into three areas. Arguably the journals, diaries, and histories of the period form the major category of writing. Early settlers wrote about their experiences travelling to America, creating settlements, and their often precarious relations with the natural world (including disease and hunger) and with the indigenous peoples whom they called Indians. A close second in terms of volume was religious writing. Sermons and other theological inquiries were the “best sellers” of the day. Many of the earliest settlers, especially in New England, came to North America to escape religious persecution and found solace in their spiritual lives. Indeed, some early colonies like Massachussets Bay and Plymouth Plantation were set up as theocracies, with the Church being the center of political and social life. Interestingly, poetry was the other predominant literary form of the era; though there was much more historical and religious writing, many men (and, as we shall see, women) used verse as a way of exploring their religious and personal experiences in the colonies.
What is also striking--especially in the diaries, journals, and poetry--is the often deeply personal tone of the writing. Not again until the Romantic Era of the early 19th century do we find writing so focused on a private response to the world. If the 18th Century and the Age of Enlightenment tended to focus on society--on the “We”--and moral and ethical questions, the Romantic Era was all about the individual--the “I”--and about a person’s reactions to his or her deep feelings. In the some of the early colonial poets like Edward Taylor and diarists like Samuel Sewall, you find similar personal examinations of the hardships of the world and their own indidual experiences.
We also can’t avoid the elephant in the room: Some of the writing is a bit challenging to navigate because of the rather fluid nature of 17th and early 18th century spelling, punctuation, and grammar. Modern readers find individual works to be interesting but “slow going” because they’re trying to work around the writing itself. Take heart. Unlike a formal College course-- with its quizzes, tests, essays, and term papers--our class is about exploring ideas and the lives of these remarkable men and women. If you find certain passages in the earlier readings a bit dense, don’t worry--try to glean as much as you can and know that we’ll be discussing things during our in-person sessions. Let the experience of our class be enriching and thought- provoking; there’s no need to stumble when the emphasis will be on the walk through our early heritage.
FOUNDING WRITERS SUPPLEMENT Dr. Bill Thierfelder 3
SESSION ONE: OPENING NOTE: Full biographies of each writer may be found on my website: www.makingwings.net Go to FOUNDING WRITERS in the top menu and choose the session you want in the drop down. There are separate pages for SESSIONS 1 & 2; SESSIONS 3 & 4; and SESSIONS 5 & 6. You will see the links to the biographies under each author’s name. In addition, there are links to the complete versions of many of the works that we’ll be discussing in this class should you wish to explore further. ______JOHN SMITH (1580--1631)
From A DESCRIPTION OF NEW ENGLAND (1616)
NOTE: Smith was an English soldier, explorer, colonial governor, Admiral of New England, and author. He played an important role in the establishment of the Jamestown colony in 1607, the first permanent English settlement in North America. In December 1607, Smith was captured by Indians while searching for food and taken to meet the chief of the Powhatans at Werowocomoco, the main village of the Powhatan Confederacy. The village was on the north shore of the York River about 15 miles due north of Jamestown. Smith feared for his life, but he was eventually released without harm FOUNDING WRITERS SUPPLEMENT Dr. Bill Thierfelder 4
and later attributed this in part to the chief's daughter Pocahontas who, according to Smith, threw herself across his body.
NOTE: As mentioned in the introduction, one of the things a modern reader might have to navigate is the early 17th century spelling of words; at the time, there was no such thing as “standardized” spelling rules, and the use of “v” for our modern “u” (an idiosyncrasy held over from classical Latin texts) takes getting used to. But after a while, most readers will be able to negotiate these issues; stick with it. It’s a fascinating work.
SOMETHING TO THINK ABOUT WHILE YOU READ: Smith’s primary reason for writing this work was to make the British North American colonies attractive to potential settlers. How well does he succeed? What are some of the things that he does to “sell” the new world?
That part wee call New England is betwixt the degrees of 41. and 45: but that parte this discourse speaketh of, stretcheth but from Pennobscot to Cape Cod, some 75 leagues by a right line distant each from other: within which bounds I haue seene at least 40. seuerall habitations vpon the Sea Coast, and sounded about 25 excellent good Harbours; in many whereof there is ancorage for 500. sayle of ships of any burthen; in some of them for 5000: And more than 200 Iles ouergrowne with good timber, of diuers sorts of wood, which doe make so many harbours as requireth a lon∣ger time then I had, to be well discouered.
The principall habitation Northward we were at, was Pennobscot, Southward along the Coast and vp the Riuers we found Mecadacut, Segocket, Pem∣maquid, Nusconcus, Kenebeck, Sagadahock, and Au∣moughaawgen; And to those Countries belong the people of Segotago, Paghhuntanuck, Pocopassum, Taughtanakagnet, Warbigganus, Nassaque, Masherosqueck, Wawrigweck, Moshoquen, Wakcogo, Passhara∣nack, &c. To these are allied the Countries of Aucocisco, Accominticus, Passataquack, Aggawom, & Naemkeck: all these, I could perceiue, differ little in language, fashion, or gouernment: though most be Lords of themselues, yet they hold the Bashabes of Pennobscot, the chiefe and greatest amongst them.
The next I can remēber by name are Mattahunts; two pleasant Iles of groues, gardens and corne fields a league in the Sea from the Mayne. Then Totant, Massachuset, Pocapawmet, Quonahassit, Sa∣goquas, Nahapassumkeck, Topeent, Seccasaw, Totheet, Nasnocomacack, Accomack, Chawum; Then Cape Cod by which is Pawmet and the Ile Nawset, of the language, & alliance of them of Chawum: The o∣thers are called Massachusets; of another language, humor and condition: For their trade and mar∣chandize; to each of their habitations they haue diuerse Townes and people belonging; and by their relations and desriptions, more then 20 seuerall Habitations and Riuers that stretch themselues farre vp into the Countrey, euen to the bor∣ders of diuerse great Lakes, where they kill and take most of their Beuers and Ouers. From Pen∣nobscot to Sagadahock this Coast is all Mountainous and Iles of huge Rocks, but ouergrowen with all sorts of excellent good woodes for building hou∣ses, boats, barks or shippes; with an incredible a∣bundance of most sorts of fish, much fowle, and sundry sorts of good fruites for mans vse.
Betwixt Sagadahock and Sowocatuck there is but two or three sandy Bayes, but betwixt that and Cape God very many: especialy the Coast of the Massachusets is so indifferently mixed with FOUNDING WRITERS SUPPLEMENT Dr. Bill Thierfelder 5 high clayie or sandy cliffes in one place, & then tracts of large long ledges of diuers sorts, and quarries of stones in other places so strangely diuided with tinctured veines of diuers colours: as, Free stone for building, Slate for tiling, smooth stone to make Fornaces and Forges for glasse or iron, and iron ore sufficient, conueniently to melt in them: but the most part so resembleth the Coast of Deuonshire, I thinke most of the cliffes would make such lime-stone: If they be not of these qualities, they are so like, they may deceiue a better iudgement then mine; all which are so neere adioyning to those other aduantages I obserued in these parts, that if the Ore proue as good as iron & steele, as I know it is within the bounds of the Countrey, I dare engage my head (hauing but men skilfull to worke the simples there growing) to haue all things belonging to the building the rigging of shippes of any proportion, and and good marchandize for the fraught, within a square of 10 or 14 leagues: and were it for a good rewarde, I would not feare to prooue it in a lesse limitation.
And surely by reason of those sandy cliffes and cliffes of rocks, both which we saw so planted with Gardens and Corne fields, and so well inhabited with a goodly, strong and well proportioned peo∣ple, besides the greatnesse of the Timber growing on them, the greatnesse of the fish and the mode∣rate temper of the ayre (for of twentie fiue, not a∣ny was sicke, but two that were many yeares dis∣eased before they went, not withstanding our bad lodging and accidentall diet) who can but ap∣prooue this a most excellent place, both for health & fertility? And of all the foure parts of the world that I haue yet seene not inhabited, could I haue but meanes to transport a Colonie, I would rather liue here then any where: and if it did not main∣taine if selfe, were wee but once indifferently well fitted, let vs starue.
The maine Staple, from hence to bee extracted for the present to produce the rest, is fish; which howeuet it may seeme a mean and a base commo∣ditie: yet who who will but truely take the pains and consider the sequell, I thinke will allow it well worth the labour. It is strange to see what great aduentures the hopes of setting forth men of war to rob the industrious innocent, would procure; or such massie promises in grosse: though more are choked then well fedde with such hastie hopes. But who doth not know that the poore Hollan∣ders, chiefly by fishing, at a great charge and la∣bour in all weathers in the open Sea, are made a people so hardy, and industrious? and by the venting this poore commodity to the Easterlings for as meane, which is Wood, Flax, Pitch, Tarre, Rosin, Cordage, and such like (which they ex∣change againe, to the French, Spaniards, Portu∣gales, and English, &c. for what they want) are made so mighty, strong and rich, as no State but Venice, of twice their magnitude, is so well furnished with so many faire Cities, goodly Townes, strong Fortresses, & that aboundance of shipping and all sorts of marchandize, as well of Golde, Siluer, Pearles, Diamonds, Pretious stones, Silkes, Veluets, and Cloth of golde; as Fish, Pitch, Wood, or such grosse commodities? What Voy∣ages and Discoueries, East and West, North and South, yea about the world, make they? What an Army by Sea and Land, haue they long maintained in despite of one of the greatest Princes of the world? and neuer could the Spaniard with all his Mynes of golde and Siluer, pay his debts, his friends, & army, halfe so truly, as the Hollan∣ders stil haue done by this contemptible trade of fish. Diuers (I know) may alledge, many other assistances: But this is their Myne; and the Sea the source of those siluered streames of all their vertue; which hath made them now the very mira∣cle of industrie, the pattern of perfection for these affaires: and the benefit of fishing is that Primum mobile that turnes all their Spheres to this height of plentie, strength, honour and admiration. [...] FOUNDING WRITERS SUPPLEMENT Dr. Bill Thierfelder 6
[...] First, the ground is so fertill, that questionless it is capable of producing any Grain, Fruits, or Seeds you will sow or plant, growing in the Regions afore named: But it may be, not euery kinde to that perfection of delicacy; or some tender plants may miscarie, because the Summer is not so hot, and the winter is more colde in those parts wee haue yet tryed neere the Sea side, then we finde in the same height in Europe or Asia; Yet I made a Garden vpon the top of a Rockie Ile in 43. ½, 4 leagues from the Main, in May, that grew so well, as it serued vs for sallets in Iune and Iuly. All sorts of cattell may here be bred and fed in the Iles, or Peninsulaes, securely for nothing. In the Interim till they encrease if need be (obseruing the seasons) I durst vndertake to haue corne enough from the Saluages for 300 men, for a few trifles; and if they should bee vntoward (as it is most certaine they are) thirty or forty good men will be sufficient to bring them all in subiection, and make this prouision; if they vnderstand what they doe: 200 whereof may nine monethes in the yeare be imployed in making marchandable fish, till the rest prouide other necessaries, fit to furnish vs with other commodities.
In March, Aprill, May, and halfe Iune, here is Cod in abundance; in May, Iune, Iuly, and Au∣gust Mullet and Sturgion; whose roes doe make Cauiare and Puttargo. Herring, if any desire them, I haue taken many out of the bellies of Cods, some in nets; but the Saluages compare their store in the Sea, to the haires of their heads: and surely there are an incredible abundance vpon this Coast. In the end of August, September, October, and Nouember, you haue Cod againe, to make Cor fish, or Poore Iohn: and each hundred is as good as two or three hundred in the New∣found Land. So that halfe the labour in hooking, splitting, and turning, is saued: and you may haue your fish at what Market you will, before they can haue any in New-found Land; where their fishing is chiefly but in Iune and Iuly: whereas it is heere in March, Aprill, May, September, October, and Nouember, as is said. So that by reason of this plantation, the Marchants may haue fraught both out and home: which yeelds an aduantage worth consideration.
Your Cor-fish you may in like manner tran∣sport as you see cause, to serue the Ports in Portugale (as Lisbon, Auera, Porta port, and diuers others, or what market you please) before your Ilanders returne: They being tyed to the season in the o∣pen Sea; you hauing a double season, and fishing before your doors, may euery night sleep quietly a shore with good cheare and what fires you will, or when you please with your wiues and familie: they onely, their ships in the maine Ocean.
The Mullets heere are in that abundance, you may take them with nets, sometimes by hundreds, where at Cape blank they hooke them; yet those but one foot and a halfe in length; these two, three, or foure, as oft I haue measured: much Salmon some haue found vp the Riuers, as they haue pas∣sed: and heer the ayre is so temperate, as all these at any time may well be preserued.
Now, younge boyes and girles Saluages [savages], or any other, be they neuer such idlers, may turne, carry, and return fish, without either shame, or any great paine: hee is very idle that is past twelue yeares of age and cannot doe so much: and she is very olde, that cannot spin a thred to make engines to catch them.
For their transportation, the ships that go there to fish may transport the first: who for their passage will spare the charge of double manning their ships, which they must doe in the New- found Land, to get their fraught; but one third part of that companie are onely but proper to serue a stage, carry a barrow, and turne Poor Iohn: notwith∣standing, they must haue meate, drinke, FOUNDING WRITERS SUPPLEMENT Dr. Bill Thierfelder 7 clothes, & passage, as well as the rest. Now all I desire, is but this; That those that voluntarily will send ship∣ping, should make here the best choise they can, or accept such as are presented them, to serue them at that rate: and their ships returning leaue such with me, with the value of that they should re∣ceiue comming home, in such prouisions and ne∣cessarie tooles, armes, bedding and apparell, salt, hookes, nets, lines, and such like as they spare of the remainings; who till the next returne may keepe their boates and doe them many other pro∣fitable offices: prouided I haue men of ability to teach them their functions, and a company fit for Souldiers to be ready vpon an occasion; because of the abuses which haue beene offered the poore Saluages, and the liberty both French, or any that will, hath to deale with them as they please: whose disorders will be hard to reforme; and the longer the worse. Now such order with facilitie might be taken, with euery port Towne or Citie, to obserue but this order, With free power to con∣uert the benefits of their fraughts to what aduan∣tage they please, and increase their numbers as they see occasion; who euer as they are able to subsist of themselues, may beginne the new Townes in New England in memory of their olde: which freedome being confined but to the necessity of the generall good, the euent (with Gods helpe) might produce an honest, a noble, and a profita∣ble emulation. [...]
[...] Of woods seeing there is such plenty of all sorts, if those that build ships and boates, buy wood at so great a price, as it is in England, Spaine, France, Italy, and Holland, and all other prouisions for the nourishing of mans life; liue well by their trade: when labour is all required to take those ne∣cessaries without any other tax; what hazard will be here, but doe much better? And what com∣moditie in Europe doth more decay then wood? For the goodnesse of the ground, let vs take it fer∣till, or barren, or as it is: seeing it is certaine it beares fruites, to nourish and feed man and beast, as well as England, and the Sea those seuerall sorts of fish I haue related. Thus seeing all good prouisions for mans sustenance, may with this fa∣cility be had, by a little extraordinarie labour, till that transported be increased; and all necessaries for shipping, onely for labour: to which may bee added the assistance of the Saluages, which may easily be had, if they be discreetly handled in their kindes; towards fishing, planting, and destroying woods. What gaines might be raised if this were followed (when there is but once men to fill your store houses, dwelling there, you may serue all Eu∣rope better and farre cheaper, then can the Izeland fishers, or the Hollanders, Cape blank, or New found Land: who must be at as much more charge, then you) may easily be coniectured by this example. [...]
[...] The remarkeablest Iles & mountains for Land∣markes are these; The highest Ile is Sorico, in the Bay of Pennobskot: but the three Iles and a rock of Ma∣tinnack are much furder in the Sea; Metinicus is al∣so three plaine Iles & a rock, betwixt it & Monahi∣gan: Monahigan is a rounde high Ile; and close by it Monanis, betwixt which is a small harbor where we ride. In Damerils Iles is such another: Sagadahock is knowne by Satquin, and foure or fiue Iles in the mouth. Smyths Iles are a heape together, none neere them, against Accominticus. The three Turks heads are three Iles seen far to Sea-ward in regard of the headland.
The cheefe headlands are onely Cape Tragabiganda and Cape Cod.
The cheefe mountaines, them of Pennobscot: the twinkling mountaine of Aucocisco; the greate mountaine of Sasanon; and the high mountaine of Massachusit: each of which you shall finde in the Mappe; their places, formes, and altitude. The waters are most pure, proceeding from the FOUNDING WRITERS SUPPLEMENT Dr. Bill Thierfelder 8 intrals of rockie mountaines; the hearbes and fruits are of many sorts and kindes: as alkermes, currans, or a fruit like currans, mulberries, vines, respices, goos∣berries, plummes, walnuts, chesnuts, small nuts, &c. pumpions, gourds, strawberries, beans, pease, and mayze; a kinde or two of flax, wherewith they make nets, lines and ropes both small and great, verie strong for their quantities. [...]
[...] Martins, Fitches, Musquaslus, & diuerse sorts of vermine, whose names I know not. All these and diuerse other good things do heese, for want of vse, still increase, & decrease with little diminution, whereby they growe to that abundance. You shall scarce finde any Baye, shallow shore, or Coue of sand, where you may not take many Clampes, or Lobsters, or both at your pleasure, and in many places lode your boat if you please; Nor Iles where you finde not fruits, birds, crabs, and muskles, or all of them, for taking, at a lowe water. And in the harbors we frequented, a little boye might take of Cunners, and Pinacks, and such delicate fish, at the ships sterne, more then sixe or tenne can eate in a daie; but with a casting-net, thousands when wee pleased: and scarce any place, but Cod, Cuske, Holybut, Mackerell, Scate, or such like, a man may take with a hooke or line what he will. And, in di∣uerse sandy Baies, a man may draw with a net great store of Mullets, Bases, and diuerse other sorts of such excellent fish, as many as his Net can drawe on shore: no Riuer where there is not plentie of Sturgion, or Salmon, or both; all which are to be had in abundance obseruing but their seasons. But if a man will goe at Christmasse to gather Cherries in Kent, he may be deceiued; though there be plen∣tie in Summer: so, heere these plenties haue each their seasons, as I haue expressed. We for the most part had little but bread and vineger: and though the most part of Iuly when the fishing decaied they wrought all day, laie abroade in the Iles all night, and liued on what they found, yet were not sicke: But I would wish none put himself long to such plunges; except necessitie constraine it: yet worthy is that person to starue that heere cannot liue; if he haue sense, strength and health: for, there is no such penury of these blessings in any place, but that a hundred men may, in one houre or two, make their prouisions for a day: and hee that hath experience to mannage well these affaires, with for∣tie or thirtie honest industrious men, might well vndertake (if they dwell in these parts) to subject the Saluages, and feed daily two or three hundred men, with as good corne, fish, and flesh, as the earth hath of those kindes, and yet make that labor but their pleasure: prouided that they haue engins, that be proper for their purposes.
Who can desire more content, that hath small meanes; or but only his merit to aduance his for∣tune, then to tread, and plant that ground hee hath purchased by the hazard of his life? If he haue but the taste of virtue, and magnanimitie, what to such a minde can bee more pleasant, then planting and building a foundation for his Posteritie, gotte from the rude earth, by Gods blessing & his owne industrie, without preiudice to any? If hee haue any graine of faith or zeale in Religion, what can hee doe lesse hurtfull to any; or more agreeable to God, then to seeke to conuert those poore Salua∣ges to know Christ, and humanitie, whose labors with discretion will triple requite thy charge and paines? ...
My purpose is not to perswade children from their parents; men from their wiues; nor seruants from their masters: onely, such as with free con∣sent may be spared: But that each parish, or village, in Citie, or Countrey, that will but apparell their fatherlesse children, of thirteene or fourteen years of age, or young maried people, that haue small wealth to liue on; heere by their labour may liue exceeding well: prouided alwaies that first there bee a sufficient power to FOUNDING WRITERS SUPPLEMENT Dr. Bill Thierfelder 9 command them, houses to receiue them, meanes to defend them, and meet prouisions for them; for, any place may bee ouerlain: and it is most necessarie to haue a fortresse (ere this grow to practice) and sufficient masters (as, Carpenters, Masons, Fishers, Fow∣lers, Gardiners, Husbandmen, Sawyers, Smiths, Spinsters, Taylors, Weauers, and such like) to take ten, twelue, or twentie, or as ther is occasion, for Apprentises. The Masters by this may quicklie growe rich; these may learne their trades them∣selues, to doe the like; to a generall and an incre∣dible benefit, for King, and Countrey, Master, and Seruant.
[The complete text is available on my website under JOHN SMITH in SESSIONS 1 & 2] ------JOHN COTTON (1584--1652)
From GOD’S PROMISE TO HIS PLANTATIONS (1630)
NOTE: Cotton was a clergyman in England and later in the American colonies; he was considered the preeminent minister and theologian of Massachusetts Bay Colony. Cotton became more conservative with age. He battled the separatist (more liberal) attitude of Roger Williams and advocated severe punishment for those whom he deemed heretics.
SOMETHING TO THINK ABOUT WHILE YOU READ: John Cotton was one of the many ministers who sought to justify and explain why the Puritans were “planted” in the New World. He methodically outlines his arguments. What are some of the justifications for colonization? What are his attitudes about the indigenous peoples?
FOUNDING WRITERS SUPPLEMENT Dr. Bill Thierfelder 10
OBSERVATION II. A People of God's Plantation shall enjoy their own place with Safety and Peace. This is manifest in the [Bible]Text: I will plant them, and what follows from thence? They shall dwell in their own place. But how? Peaceably, they shall not be moved any more. Then they shall dwell safely, then they shall live in peace. The like Promise you read of in Psal. 89. 21, 22. The Enemy shall not exact upon them any more. And in Psal. 92: 13. Those that be planted in the house of the Lord, shall flourish in the Courts of our God. God's Plantation is a flourishing Plantation, Amos. 9. 15.
Quest. What is it for God to plant a People? Answ. 1. It is a Metaphor taken from [the Bible]: I will make them to take root there; and that is, where they & their soyle agree well together, when they are well and sufficiently provided for, as a Plant sucks nourishment from the soyle that fitteth it. 2. When He causeth them to grow as Plants do, in Psal. 80. 8, 9, 10, 11. When a man grows like a tree in tallness and strength, to more firmness and eminency; then he may be said to be planted. 3. When God causeth them to fructifie, Psal. 1. 5. 4. When he establisheth them there, then he plants and roots not up. But here is something more especial in this planting: for they were planted before in this Land, and yet he promiseth here again, that he will plant them in their Own Land: which doth imply; First, That whatever former good estate they had already, he would prosper it, and increase it. Secondly, God is said to plant a People more especially, when they become Trees of Righteousness, Isai. 61. 3. That they may be called trees of righteousness, the planting of the Lord. So that there is implied, not only a continuance of their former good estate; but that he would make them a good people, a choice generation: which he did, 1. By planting the Ordinances of God amongst them in a more glorious manner, as he did in Solomons time. Second, He would give his people a nail and a place in his Tabernacle, Isai. 56. 5. And that is to give us part in Christ: for so the Temple typified. So then he plants us, when he gives us root in Christ. Thirdly, When he gives us to grow up in him as Calves in the Stall, Mal. 4. 2, 3. Fourthly, And to bring forth much fruit, Joh. 15. 1, 2. Fifthly, And to continue and abide in the state of Grace. This is to plant us in his holy Sanctuary, he not rooting us up.
REASON. This is taken from the kind Acceptance of David's purpose to build God an House. Because He saw it was done in the honesty of his heart, therefore He promiseth to give his people a place wherein they should abide for ever, as in a house of rest. Secondly, It is taken from the Office God takes upon him, when He is our Planter; He becomes our Husbandman: and if He plant us, who shall pluck us up? Isai. 27. 1, 2. Job 34. 29. When he giveth quiet, who can make trouble? If God be the Gardiner, who shall pluck up what He sets down? Every Plantation that He hath not Planted shall be plucked up, and what He hath Planted shall surely be established. Thirdly, From the nature of the blessing he confers upon us: When he promiseth to plant a People, their dayes shall be as the dayes of a Tree, Isai. 65. 22. As the Oak is said to be an hundred years in growing, and an hun|dred years in full strength, and an hundred years in de|caying. FOUNDING WRITERS SUPPLEMENT Dr. Bill Thierfelder 11
Quest. But it may be demanded, How was this promise fulfilled by the people, seeing after this time they met with many Persecutions; at home and abroad: many sons of wickedness afflicted them. Jeroboam was a son of wickedness, and so was Ahab, and Amoz, and divers others?
Ans. 1. Because after David's time they had more Setledness than before. 2. To the Godly these promises were fulfilled in Christ. 3. Though this promise was made, that others should not wrong them; yet it follows not, but that they might wrong themselves, by trespassing against God, and so ex|pose themselves to affliction. Whilst they continued God's plantation, they were a noble Vine, a right Seed: but if Israel will destroy themselves, the fault is in themselves. And yet even in their Captivity, the good amongst them, God graciously provided for: The Basket of good Figs God sent into the land of Caldea for their good, Jer. 24. 5. But if you rebel against God, the same God that planted you will also root you out again, for all the evil which you shall do against your selves: Jer. 1. 17. When the Israelites liked not the soil grew weary of the Ordinances, and forsook the Worship of God, and said, What part have we in David? after this, they never got so good a King, nor any settled rest in the good land wherein God had planted them. As they waxed weary of God, so He waxed weary of them, and cast them out of His sight.
USE I. To Exhort all that are planted at home, or intend to plant abroad, to look well to your plantation, as you desire that the sons of wickedness may not afflict you at home, nor enemies abroad, look that you be right planted, and then you need not to fear, you are safe enough: God hath spoken it, I will plant them, and they shall not be moved, neither shall the sons of wickedness afflict them any more.
Quest. What course would you have us take? Ans. Have special care that you ever have the Ordinances planted amongst you, or else never look for security. As soon as God's Ordinances cease, your Security ceaseth likewise; but if God plant his Ordinances among you, fear not, he will maintain them. Isai. 4. 5, 6. Upon all their glory there shall be a defence; that is, upon all God's Ordinances: for so was the Ark called the glory of Israel. 1 Sam. 4. 22. Secondly, Have a care to be implanted into the Ordinances, that the word may be ingrafted into you, and you into it: If you take rooting in the Ordinances, grow up thereby, bring forth much fruit, continue and abide therein, then you are a vineyard of red Wine, and the Lord will keep you, Isai. 27. 2, 3. that no sons of violence shall destroy you. Look into all the Stories; whether divine or humane, and you shall never find that God ever rooted out, a People that had the Ordinances planted amongst them, and themselves planted into the Ordinances. Never did God suffer such Plants to be plucked up. On all their glory shall be a defence. 3. Be not unmindful of our Jerusalem at home; whither you leave us, or stay at home with us. Oh pray for the peace of Jerusalem, they shall prosper that love her, Psal. 122. 6. They shall all be confounded and turned back that hate Sion, Psal. 129. 5. As God continueth his presence with us (blessed be his Name) so be ye present in spirit with us, though absent in body: Forget not the womb that bare you, and the breast that gave you suck. Even Ducklings hatched under a Hen; though they take the water, yet will still have recourse to the wing that hatched them; how much FOUNDING WRITERS SUPPLEMENT Dr. Bill Thierfelder 12 more should Chickens of the same feather and yolk? In the amity and unity of Brethren, the Lord hath not only promised, but commanded a Blessing, even Life for ever more, Psal. 133. 1, 2. 4. Go forth, every man that goeth, with a publick spirit, looking not on your own things only, but also on the things of others: Phil. 2. 4. This care of universal helpfulness, was the prosperity of the first Plantation of the Primitive Church, Act. 4. 32. 5. Have a tender care that you look well to the Plants that spring from you, that is, to your Children; that they do not degenerate, as the Israelites did; after which they were vexed with afflictions on every hand. How came this to pass? Jer. 2. 21. I planted them a noble Vine, wholly a right seed, how then art thou degenerate into a strange Vine before me? Your Ancestors were of a noble divine Spirit; but if they suffer their Children to degenerate, to take loose courses, then God will surely pluck you up Otherwise, if men have a care to propagate the Ordinances and Religion to their Children after them, God will plant them, and not root them up. For want of this, the seed of the repenting Ninevites was rooted out. 6. and lastly, OFFEND NOT THE POOR NATIVES; but as you partake in their Land, so make them partakers of your precious Faith: as you reap their Temporals, so feed them with your Spirituals. Win them to the love of Christ, for whom Christ died. They never yet refused the Gospel, and therefore 〈…〉 they will now receive it. Who knoweth whether God have reared this whole Plantation for such an end?
USE II. For Consolation to them that are planted by God in any place; that find rooting and establishing from God, this is a cause of much encouragement unto you, that what He hath planted, He will maintain. Every Plantation his right Hand hath not planted, shall be rooted up; but His Own Plantation shall prosper and flourish. When he promiseth peace and safety, what Enemy shall be able to make the promise of God of no effect? Neglect not Walls, and Bulwarks, and Fortifications for your own defence; but ever let the Name of the Lord be your strong Tower; and the word of His Promise the Rock of your Refuge. His Word that made Heaven and Earth will not fail, till heaven and Earth be no more, Amen
FINIS.
[The complete text is available on my website under JOHN COTTON in SESSIONS 1 & 2]
______
FOUNDING WRITERS SUPPLEMENT Dr. Bill Thierfelder 13
JOHN WINTHROP (1587--1649)
From A MODEL OF CHRISTIAN CHARITY (1630)
SOMETHING TO THINK ABOUT WHILE YOU READ: John Winthrop was a Puritan lawyer and one of the founders of the Massachusetts Bay Colony, the second major settlement in New England, following Plymouth Colony. Winthrop headed the first large wave of immigrants from England in 1630 and served as governor for a dozen of the colony's first 20 years. His writings and vision of the colony as a Puritan "city upon a hill" dominated New England colonial development, influencing the governments and religions of neighboring colonies. Put another way, he saw the New England colonies as a THEOCRACY in which the Church/God was the head of the State. How are his legal profession and his religious beliefs illustrated in the following excerpt? Is it fair to say that he expects his readers to know and understand all his Biblical references? In the end, what do you think his message is?
GOD ALMIGHTY in His most holy and wise providence, hath so disposed of the condition of mankind, as in all times some must be rich, some poor, some high and eminent in power and dignity; others mean and in submission.
Question: What rule shall a man observe in giving in respect of the measure?
Answer:
If the time and occasion be ordinary, he is to give out of his abundance. Let him lay aside as God hath blessed him. If the time and occasion be extraordinary, he must be ruled by them; taking FOUNDING WRITERS SUPPLEMENT Dr. Bill Thierfelder 14 this withal, that then a man cannot likely do too much, especially if he may leave himself and his family under probable means of comfortable subsistence.
Objection:
A man must lay up for posterity, the fathers lay up for posterity and children, and he is worse than an infidel that provideth not for his own.
Answer:
For the first, it is plain that it being spoken by way of comparison, it must be meant of the ordinary and usual course of fathers, and cannot extend to times and occasions extraordinary. For the other place the Apostle speaks against such as walked inordinately, and it is without question, that he is worse than an infidel who through his own sloth and voluptuousness shall neglect to provide for his family.
Objection:
"The wise man's eyes are in his head," saith Solomon, "and foreseeth the plague;" therefore he must forecast and lay up against evil times when he or his may stand in need of all he can gather.
Answer:
This very Argument Solomon useth to persuade to liberality (Eccle. 11), "Cast thy bread upon the waters...for thou knowest not what evil may come upon the land." Luke 16:9, "Make you friends of the riches of iniquity..." You will ask how this shall be? Very well. For first he that gives to the poor, lends to the Lord and He will repay him even in this life an hundredfold to him or his. The righteous is ever merciful and lendeth, and his seed enjoyeth the blessing; and besides we know what advantage it will be to us in the day of account when many such witnesses shall stand forth for us to witness the improvement of our talent. And I would know of those who plead so much for laying up for time to come, whether they hold that to be Gospel Matthew 6:19, "Lay not up for yourselves treasures upon earth," etc. If they acknowledge it, what extent will they allow it? If only to those primitive times, let them consider the reason whereupon our Savior grounds it. The first is that they are subject to the moth, the rust, the thief. Secondly, they will steal away the heart: "where the treasure is there will your heart be also."
The reasons are of like force at all times. Therefore the exhortation must be general and perpetual, with always in respect of the love and affection to riches and in regard of the things themselves when any special service for the church or particular distress of our brother do call for the use of them; otherwise it is not only lawful but necessary to lay up as Joseph did to have ready upon such occasions, as the Lord (whose stewards we are of them) shall call for them from us. Christ gives us an instance of the first, when he sent his disciples for the donkey, and bids them answer the owner thus, "the Lord hath need of him." So when the Tabernacle was to be built, He sends to His people to call for their silver and gold, etc., and yields no other reason but that it was for His work. When Elisha comes to the widow of Sareptah and finds her preparing to make ready her pittance for herself and family, he bids her first provide for him, he challenges FOUNDING WRITERS SUPPLEMENT Dr. Bill Thierfelder 15 first God's part which she must first give before she must serve her own family. All these teach us that the Lord looks that when He is pleased to call for His right in any thing we have, our own interest we have must stand aside till His turn be served. For the other, we need look no further then to that of 1 John 3:17, "He who hath this world's goods and seeth his brother to need and shuts up his compassion from him, how dwelleth the love of God in him?" Which comes punctually to this conclusion: If thy brother be in want and thou canst help him, thou needst not make doubt of what thou shouldst do; if thou lovest God thou must help him. [...]
[...] Question: What rule must we observe and walk by in cause of community of peril?
Answer:
The same as before, but with more enlargement towards others and less respect towards ourselves and our own right. Hence it was that in the primitive Church they sold all, had all things in common, neither did any man say that which he possessed was his own. Likewise in their return out of the captivity, because the work was great for the restoring of the church and the danger of enemies was common to all, Nehemiah directs the Jews to liberality and readiness in remitting their debts to their brethren, and disposing liberally to such as wanted, and stand not upon their own dues which they might have demanded of them. Thus did some of our forefathers in times of persecution in England, and so did many of the faithful of other churches, whereof we keep an honorable remembrance of them; and it is to be observed that both in Scriptures and latter stories of the churches that such as have been most bountiful to the poor saints, especially in those extraordinary times and occasions, God hath left them highly commended to posterity, as Zaccheus, Cornelius, Dorcas, Bishop Hooper, the Cutler of Brussels and divers others. Observe again that the Scripture gives no caution to restrain any from being over liberal this way; but all men to the liberal and cheerful practice hereof by the sweeter promises; as to instance one for many (Isaiah 58:6-9) "Is not this the fast I have chosen to loose the bonds of wickedness, to take off the heavy burdens, to let the oppressed go free and to break every yoke ... to deal thy bread to the hungry and to bring the poor that wander into thy house, when thou seest the naked to cover them ... and then shall thy light brake forth as the morning and thy health shall grow speedily, thy righteousness shall go before God, and the glory of the Lord shalt embrace thee; then thou shall call and the Lord shall answer thee," etc. And from Ch. 2:10 (??) "If thou pour out thy soul to the hungry, then shall thy light spring out in darkness, and the Lord shall guide thee continually, and satisfy thy soul in draught, and make fat thy bones, thou shalt be like a watered garden, and they shalt be of thee that shall build the old waste places," etc. On the contrary most heavy curses are laid upon such as are straightened towards the Lord and his people (Judg. 5:23), "Curse ye Meroshe ... because they came not to help the Lord." He who shutteth his ears from hearing the cry of the poor, he shall cry and shall not be heard." (Matt. 25) "Go ye cursed into everlasting fire," etc. "I was hungry and ye fed me not." (2 Cor. 9:6) "He that soweth sparingly shall reap sparingly."
Having already set forth the practice of mercy according to the rule of God's law, it will be useful to lay open the grounds of it also, being the other part of the Commandment and that is the affection from which this exercise of mercy must arise, the Apostle tells us that this love is the fulfilling of the law, not that it is enough to love our brother and so no further; but in regard of the excellency of his parts giving any motion to the other as the soul to the body and the power it FOUNDING WRITERS SUPPLEMENT Dr. Bill Thierfelder 16 hath to set all the faculties at work in the outward exercise of this duty; as when we bid one make the clock strike, he doth not lay hand on the hammer, which is the immediate instrument of the sound, but sets on work the first mover or main wheel; knowing that will certainly produce the sound which he intends. So the way to draw men to the works of mercy, is not by force of Argument from the goodness or necessity of the work; for though this cause may enforce, a rational mind to some present act of mercy, as is frequent in experience, yet it cannot work such a habit in a soul, as shall make it prompt upon all occasions to produce the same effect, but by framing these affections of love in the heart which will as naturally bring forth the other, as any cause doth produce the effect.
The definition which the Scripture gives us of love is this: Love is the bond of perfection. First it is a bond or ligament. Secondly, it makes the work perfect. There is no body but consists of parts and that which knits these parts together, gives the body its perfection, because it makes each part so contiguous to others as thereby they do mutually participate with each other, both in strength and infirmity, in pleasure and pain. To instance in the most perfect of all bodies: Christ and his Church make one body. The several parts of this body considered a part before they were united, were as disproportionate and as much disordering as so many contrary qualities or elements, but when Christ comes, and by his spirit and love knits all these parts to himself and each to other, it is become the most perfect and best proportioned body in the world (Eph. 4:15-16). Christ, by whom all the body being knit together by every joint for the furniture thereof, according to the effectual power which is in the measure of every perfection of parts, a glorious body without spot or wrinkle; the ligaments hereof being Christ, or his love, for Christ is love (1 John 4:8). So this definition is right. Love is the bond of perfection.
Therefore let us choose life, that we and our seed may live, by obeying His voice and cleaving to Him, for He is our life and our prosperity.
[The complete text is available on my website under JOHN WINTHROP in SESSIONS 1 & 2]
______
ROGER WILLIAMS (1613--1683)
FOUNDING WRITERS SUPPLEMENT Dr. Bill Thierfelder 17
From THE BLOUDY TENENT OF PERSECUTION (1644)
SOMETHING TO THINK ABOUT WHILE YOU READ: Roger Williams was a “radical” Puritan minister who often had disputes with the more “fundamentalist” Puritans; he was also a theologian and author who founded Rhode Island and Providence Plantations. He was a steadfast advocate for religious freedom, separation of church and state, and fair dealings with American Indians; he was also one of the first abolitionists. The following selection from THE BLOUDY TENENT OF PERSECUATION is his plea for tolerance--and for change from the often suffocating strictness of Massachusetts Bay Colony (from which he was expelled). From what you’ve read about the Puritans, why was this piece of writing considered so radical in its day? What parts do you think the Founders of the Republic a century and a half later would find important/interesting?
Preface:
First. That the blood of so many hundred thousand souls of protestants and papists, spilt in the wars. of present and former ages, for their respective consciences, is not required nor accepted by Jesus Christ the Prince of Peace.
Secondly. Pregnant scriptures and arguments are throughout the work proposed against the doctrine of persecution for cause of conscience.
Thirdly. Satisfactory answers are given to scriptures and objections produced by Mr. Calvin, Beza, Mr. Cotton, and the ministers of the New English churches, and others former and later, tending to prove the doctrine of persecution for cause of conscience.
Fourthly. The doctrine of persecution for cause of conscience, is proved guilty of all the blood of the souls crying for vengeance under the altar.
Fifthly. All civil states, with their officers of justice, in their respective constitutions and administrations, are proved essentially civil, and therefore not judges, governors, or defenders of the spiritual, or Christian, state and worship.
Sixthly. It is the will and command of God that, since the coming of his Son the Lord Jesus, a permission of the most Paganish, Jewish, Turkish, or anti-christian consciences and worships be granted to all men in all nations and countries: and they are only to be fought against with that sword which is only, in soul matters, able to conquer: to wit, the sword of God's Spirit, the word of God.
Seventhly. The state of the land of Israel, the kings and people thereof, in peace and war, is proved figurative and ceremonial, and no pattern nor precedent for any kingdom or civil state in the world to follow. FOUNDING WRITERS SUPPLEMENT Dr. Bill Thierfelder 18
Eighthly. God requireth not an uniformity of religion to be enacted and enforced in any civil state; which enforced uniformity, sooner or later, is the greatest occasion of civil war, ravishing of conscience, persecution of Christ Jesus in his servants, and of the hypocrisy and destruction of millions of souls.
Ninthly. In holding an enforced uniformity of religion in a civil state, we must necessarily disclaim our desires and hopes of the Jews' conversion to Christ.
Tenthly. An enforced uniformity of religion throughout a nation or civil state, confounds the civil and religious, denies the principles of Christianity and civility, and that Jesus Christ is come in the flesh.
Eleventhly. The permission of other consciences and worships than a state professeth, only can, according to God, procure a firm and lasting peace; good assurance being taken, according to the wisdom of the civil state, for uniformity of civil obedience from all sorts.
Twelfthly. Lastly, true civility and Christianity may both flourish in a state or kingdom, notwithstanding. the permission of divers and contrary consciences, either of Jew or Gentile.
[The complete text is available on my website under ROGER WILLIAMS in SESSIONS 1 & 2]
______
MICHAEL WIGGLESWORTH (1631--1705)
FOUNDING WRITERS SUPPLEMENT Dr. Bill Thierfelder 19
From THE DAY OF DOOM (1662)
SOMETHING TO THINK ABOUT WHILE YOU READ: Michael Wigglesworth was a Puritan minister, doctor and poet whose massive, 224 stanza-long poem The Day of Doom was a “bestseller” in early New England. The poem describes the Day of Judgment, on which a vengeful God judges and sentences all humans, going into detail as to the various categories of people who think themselves excusable who will nonetheless end up in Hell. The poem was so popular that the early editions were thumbed to shreds. According to the Norton Anthology of American Literature (Volume 1), "about one out of every twenty persons in New England bought it.” As late as the 1820’s, many aged persons were still alive who could repeat it from memory because it had been taught to them with their catechism. With all that in mind, how is this poem’s tone different from what you read by Roger Williams? What is Wigglesworth’s intent? Why would he write it?
Still was the night, Serene & Bright, when all Men sleeping lay; Calm was the season, & carnal reason thought so 'twould last for ay. Soul, take thine ease, let sorrow cease, much good thou hast in store: This was their Song, their Cups among, the Evening before.
Wallowing in all kind of sin, vile wretches lay secure: The best of men had scarcely then their Lamps kept in good ure. Virgins unwise, who through disguise amongst the best were number'd, Had closed their eyes; yea, and the wise through sloth and frailty slumber'd.
For at midnight brake forth a Light, which turn'd the night to day, And speedily a hideous cry did all the world dismay. Sinners awake, their hearts do ake, trembling their loynes surprizeth; Amaz'd with fear, by what they hear, each one of them ariseth.
They rush from Beds with giddy heads, and to their windows run, Viewing this light, which shines more bright FOUNDING WRITERS SUPPLEMENT Dr. Bill Thierfelder 20 than doth the Noon-day Sun. Straightway appears (they see 't with tears) the Son of God most dread; Who with his Train comes on amain to Judge both Quick and Dead.
Before his face the Heav'ns gave place, and Skies are rent asunder, With mighty voice, and hideous noise, more terrible than Thunder. His brightness damps heav'ns glorious lamps and makes them hang their heads, As if afraid and quite dismay'd, they quit their wonted steads.
No heart so bold, but now grows cold and almost dead with fear: No eye so dry, but now can cry, and pour out many a tear. Earth's Potentates and pow'rful States, Captains and Men of Might Are quite abasht, their courage dasht at this most dreadful sight.
Mean men lament, great men do rent their Robes, and tear their hair: They do not spare their flesh to tear through horrible despair. All Kindreds wail: all hearts do fail: horror the world doth fill With weeping eyes, and loud out-cries, yet knows not how to kill.
Some hide themselves in Caves and Delves, in places under ground: Some rashly leap into the Deep, to scape by being drown'd: Some to the Rocks (O senseless blocks!) and woody Mountains run, That there they might this fearful sight, and dreaded Presence shun.
In vain do they to Mountains say, fall on us and us hide From Judges ire, more hot than fire, for who may it abide? FOUNDING WRITERS SUPPLEMENT Dr. Bill Thierfelder 21
No hiding place can from his Face sinners at all conceal, Whose flaming Eye hid things doth 'spy and darkest things reveal.
The Judge draws nigh, exalted high, upon a lofty Throne, Amidst a throng of Angels strong, lo, Israel's Holy One! The excellence of whose presence and awful Majesty, Amazeth Nature, and every Creature, doth more than terrify.
The Mountains smoak, the Hills are shook, the Earth is rent and torn, As if she should be clear dissolv'd, or from the Center born. The Sea doth roar, forsakes the shore, and shrinks away for fear; The wild beasts flee into the Sea, so soon as he draws near.
Before his Throne a Trump is blown, Proclaiming the day of Doom: Forthwith he cries, Ye dead arise, and unto Judgment come. No sooner said, but 'tis obey'd; Sepulchres opened are: Dead bodies all rise at his call, and 's mighty power declare.
His winged Hosts flie through all Coasts, together gathering Both good and bad, both quick and dead, and all to Judgment bring. Out of their holes those creeping Moles, that hid themselves for fear, By force they take, and quickly make before the Judge appear.
Thus every one before the Throne of Christ the Judge is brought, Both righteous and impious that good or ill hath wrought. A separation, and diff'ring station FOUNDING WRITERS SUPPLEMENT Dr. Bill Thierfelder 22 by Christ appointed is (To sinners sad) 'twixt good and bad, 'twixt Heirs of woe and bliss.
[The complete text is available on my website under MICHAEL WIGGLESWORTH in SESSIONS 1 & 2]
______
FEATURED WRITER: WILLIAM BRADFORD (1590--1657)
From OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION (1630--1651)
NOTE: The following excerpts are from Bradford’s accounts of 1620, 1621, and 1622. The text here is from Project Guttenberg, which presents the original spelling and punctuation; once again, that might be a bit challenging for the modern reader. On the other hand, reading the original text gives you a very “authentic” experience. There is a version of Bradford’s book published by Modern Library that updates all capitalization, punctuation, and spelling. It is available from Amazon, Barnes & Noble, and Powell’s Books.
William Bradford. OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. Introduction by Francis Murphy. Modern Library, New York. 1981. ISBN: 978-0-07-554281-0 FOUNDING WRITERS SUPPLEMENT Dr. Bill Thierfelder 23
You might consider it for your personal library since it is one of the foundations for subsequent American Literature.
SOMETHING TO THINK ABOUT WHILE YOU READ: Bradford wrote his 270-page handwritten manuscript between 1630 and 1651, dividing it into two large sections he called “books.” He never intended it for formal publication though many people in Massachusetts knew of it and were permitted to read it; it was handed down to his son and then to other family members over many decades; it made its way into libraries both here and in England, and was formally published in 1912. With that in mind, why do you think Bradford wrote the work? Is it a diary--or a history text; a private reflection--or a semi-public statement? What was life like for these first settlers in New England? How is the description of the indigenous people similar to or different from modern perceptions of native peoples? How is the First Thanksgiving different from or similar to our modern celebration? What is the main take away from the following pages?
To get you started, I have changed some of the more difficult spelling and punctuation to facilitate your reading in the first few passages.
The 10. Chap.
Showing how they sought out a place of habitation, and what befell them thereabouts.
Being thus arrived at Cape Cod ye 11. of November, and necessity calling them to look out a place for habitation, (as well as the masters & mariner’s importunity,) they having brought a large shallop with them out of England, stowed in quarters in ye ship, they now got her out & set their carpenters to work to trim her up; but being much bruised & shattered in ye ship with foul weather, they saw she would be long in mending. Whereupon a few of them tendered themselves to go by land and discover those nearest places, whilst ye shallop was in mending; and ye rather because as they went into the harbor there seemed to be an opening some 2. or 3 leagues of, which ye master judged to be a river. It was conceived there might be some danger in ye attempt, yet seeing them resolute, they were permitted to go, being 16. of them well armed, under ye conduct of Captain Standish, having such instructions given them as was thought mete. They set forth ye 15. of November: and when they had marched about the space of a mile by ye sea side, they espied 5. or 6. persons with a dog coming towards them, who were salvages; but they fled from them, & ran̅ up into ye woods, and ye English followed them, partly to see if they could speak with them, and partly to discover if there might not be more of them lying in ambush. But ye Indians seeing themselves thus followed, they again forsook the woods, & ran away on ye sands as hard as they could, so as they could not come near them, but followed them by ye tract of their feet sundry miles, and saw that they had come the same way. So, night coming on, they made their rendezvous & set out their sentinels, and rested in quiet night, and the next morning followed their tracks till they had headed a great creek, & so left the sands, & turned another way into ye woods. But they still followed them by guess, hoping to find their dwellings; but they soon lost both them & themselves, falling into such thickets as were ready to tear their clothes & armor in pieces, but were most distressed for want of drink. But at length they found water & refreshed themselves, being ye first New-England water they drunk of, and was now in their great thirst as pleasant unto them as wine or bear had been in for-times. Afterwards they directed FOUNDING WRITERS SUPPLEMENT Dr. Bill Thierfelder 24 their course to come to ye other shore, for they knew it was a neck of land they were to cross over, and so at length got to ye sea-side, and marched to this supposed river, & by ye way found a pond of clear fresh water, and shortly after a good quantity of clear ground where ye Indians had formerly planted corn, and some of their graves. And proceeding further, they saw new-stubble where corn had been planted ye same year, also they found where lately a house had been, where some planks and a great kettle was remaining, and heaps of sand newly paddled with their hands, which they, digging up, found in them diverse faire in Indian baskets filled with corn, and some in ears, faire and good, of diverse colors, which seemed to them a very goodly sight, (having never seen any such before). This was near ye place of that supposed river they came to seek; unto which they went and found it to open itself into 2. arms with a high cliff of sand in ye entrance, but more like to be creeks of salt water than any fresh, for ought they saw; and that there was good harborage for their shallops; leaving it further to be discovered by their shallop when she was ready. So their time limited them being expired, they returned to ye ship, least they should be in fear of their safety; and took with them part of ye corn, and buried up ye rest, and so [they] carried with them of ye fruits of ye land, & showed their brethren; of which, & their return, they were marvelously glad, and their hearts encouraged.
After this, ye shallop being got ready, they set out again for ye better discovery of this place, & ye mr. of ye ship desired to go himself, so there went some 30. men, but found it to be no harbor for ships but only for boats; there was also found 2. of their houses covered with matts, & sundry of their implements in them, but ye people were rune away & could not be seen; also there was found more of their corn, & of their beans of various colors. The corn & beans they brought away, purposing to give them full satisfaction when they should meet with any of them (as about some 6. months afterward they did, to their good content). And here is to be noted a special providence of God, and a great mercy to this poor people, that hear they got seed to plant them corn ye next year, or else they might have starved, for they had none, nor any likelihood to get any till ye season had been past (as ye sequel did manifest). Neither is it likely they had had this, if ye first voyage had not been made, for the ground was now all covered with snow, & hard frozen. But the Lord is never wanting unto his in their greatest needs; let his holy name have all ye praise.
The month of November being spent in these affairs, & much foul weather falling in, the 6. of Desemr: they sent out their shallop again with 10. of their principal men, & some sea men, upon further discovery, intending to circulate that deep bay of Cape Cod. The weather was very could, & it froze so hard as ye spray of ye sea lighting on their coats, they were as if they had been glazed; yet that night betimes they got down into ye bottom of ye bay, and as they drew near ye shore they saw some 10. or 12. Indians very busy about something. They landed about a league or 2. from them, and had much a doe to put a shore anywhere, it lay so full of flats. Being landed, it grew late, and they made themselves a barricade with logs & boughs as well as they could in ye time, & set out their sentinel & betook them to rest, and saw ye smoke of ye fire ye savages made yt night. When morning was come they divided their company, some to coast along ye shore in ye boat, and the rest marched throw ye woods to see ye land, if any fit place might be for their dwelling. They came also to ye place where they saw the Indians ye night before, & found they had been cutting up a great fish like a grampus, being some 2. inches thick of fat like a hog, some pieces whereof they had left by ye way; and ye shallop found 2. more of these fishes dead on ye sands, a thing usual after storms in yt place, by reason of ye great flats of sand that lye of. FOUNDING WRITERS SUPPLEMENT Dr. Bill Thierfelder 25
So they ranged up and down all yt day, but found no people, nor any place they liked. When ye sun grew low, they hasted out of ye woods to meet with their shallop, to whom they made signs to come to them into a creek hardby, the which they did at highwater; of which they were very glad, for they had not seen each other all yt day, since ye morning. So they made them a barricade (as usually they did every night) with logs, stakes, & thick pine boughs, ye height of a man, leaving it open to leeward, partly to shelter them from ye could & wind (making their fire in ye middle, & lying round about it), and partly to defend them from any sudden assaults of ye savages, if they should surround them. So being very weary, they betook them to rest. But about midnight, they heard a hideous & great cry, and their sentinel called, "Arms, arms"; so they bestirred them & stood to their arms, & shot of a couple of muskets, and then the noise ceased. They concluded it was a company of wolves, or such like wild beasts; for one of ye sea men told them he had often heard such a noise in New-found land. So they rested till about 5. of ye clock in the morning; for ye tide, & there propose to go from thence, made them be stiring betimes. So after prayer they prepared for breakfast, and it being day dawning, it was thought best to be carrying things down to ye boat. But some said it was not best to carry ye arms down, others said they would be the readier, for they had lapped them up in their coats from ye dew. But some 3. or 4. would not carry theirs till they went themselves, yet as it fell out, ye water being not high enough, they laid them down on ye bank side, & came up to breakfast. But presently, all on ye sudden, they heard a great & strange cry, which they knew to be the same voices they heard in ye night, though they varied their notes, & one of their company being abroad came running in, & cried, "Men, Indians, Indians"; and withal, their arrows came flying amongst them. Their men ran with all speed to recover their arms, as by ye good providence of God they did. In ye mean time, of those that were there ready, tow muskets were discharged at them, & 2. more stood ready in ye entrance of their rendezvous, but were commanded not to shoot till they could take full aim at them; & ye other 2. charged again with all speed, for there were only 4. had arms there, & defended ye barricade which was first assaulted. The cry of ye Indians was dreadful, especially when they saw their men run out of ye rendezvous towards ye shallop, to recover their arms, the Indians wheeling about upon them. But some running out with coats of chainmail on, & cutlasses in their hands, they soon got their arms, & let fly amongst them, and quickly stopped their violence. Yet there was a lusty man, and no less valiant, stood behind a tree within half a musket shot, and let his arrows fly at them. He was seen shoot 3. arrows, which were all avoided. He stood 3. shot of a musket, till one taking full aim at him, and made ye bark or splinters of ye tree fly about his ears, after which he gave an extraordinary shrike, and away they went all of them. They left some to keep ye shallop, and followed them about a quarter of a mile, and shouted once or twice, and shot of 2. or 3. pieces, & so returned. This they did, that they might conceive that they were not afraid of them or any way discouraged. Thus it pleased God to vanquish their enemies, and give them deliverance; and by his special providence so to dispose that not any one of them were either hurt, or hit, though their arrows came close by them, & on every side them, and sundry of their coats, which hung up in ye barricade, were shot throw & throw. Afterwards they gave God solemn thanks & praise for their deliverance, & gathered up a bundle of their arrows, & sent them into England afterward by ye master of ye ship, and called that place ye first encounter. From hence they departed, & costed all along, but discerned no place likely for harbor; & therefore hasted to a place that their pilot, (one Mr. Coppin who had been in ye country before) did assure them was a good harbor, which he had been in, and they might fetch it before night; of which they were glad, for it began to be foul weather. After some hours sailing, it began to snow & rain, & about ye middle of ye afternoon, ye wind increased, & ye sea became very FOUNDING WRITERS SUPPLEMENT Dr. Bill Thierfelder 26 rough, and they broke their rudder, & it was as much as 2. men could do to steer her with a couple of oars. But their pilot bade them be of good cheer, for he saw ye harbor; but ye storm increasing, & night drawing on, they bore what sail they could to get in, while they could see. But herewith they broke their mast in 3. pieces, & their sail fell overboard, in a very grown sea, so as they had like to have been cast away; yet by Gods mercy they recovered themselves, & having ye flood with them, struck into ye harbor. But when it came too, ye pilot was deceived in ye place, and said, ye Lord be merciful unto them, for his eyes never saw yt place before; & he & the mr. mate would have rune her ashore, in a cove full of breakers, before ye wind. But a lusty seaman which steered, bad those which rowed, if they were men, about with her, or ells they were all cast away; the which they did with speed. So he bid them be of good cheer & row lustily, for there was a faire sound before them, & he doubted not but they should find one place or other where they might ride in safety. And though it was very dark, and rained sore, yet in ye end they got under ye lee of a small island, and remained there all yt night in safety. But they knew not this to be an island till morning, but were divided in their minds; some would keep ye boat for fear they might be amongst ye Indians; others were so weak and could, they could not endure, but got a shore, & with much ado got fire, (all things being so wet,) and ye rest were glad to come to them; for after midnight ye wind shifted to the north-west, & it froze hard. But though this had been a day & night of much trouble & danger unto them, yet God gave them a morning of comfort & refreshing (as usually he doth to his children), for ye next day was a faire sunshiny day, and they found themselves to be on an island secure from ye Indians, where they might dry their stuff, fix their pieces, & rest themselves, and gave God thanks for his mercies, in their manifold deliverances. And this being the last day of ye week, they prepared there to keep ye Sabbath. On Monday they sounded ye harbor, and found it fit for shipping; and marched into ye land, & found diverse cornfields, & little running brooks, a place (as they supposed) fit for situation; at least it was ye best they could find, and ye season, & their present necessity, made them glad to accept of it. So they returned to their ship again with this news to ye rest of their people, which did much comfort their hearts.
On ye 15. of December: they weighed anchor to go to ye place they had discovered, & came within 2. leagues of it, but was useless to do it; but ye 16. day ye wind came fair, and they arrived safe in this harbor. And after wards took better view of ye place, and resolved where to pitch their dwelling; and ye 25. day began to erect ye first house for common use to receive them and their goods. The 2. Book.
The remainder of Ano: 1620.
I shall a litle return back and begin with a combination made by them before they came ashore, being ye first foundation of their goverment in this place; occasioned partly by ye discontented & mutinous speeches that some of the strangers amongst them had let fall from them in ye ship— That when they came a shore they would use their owne libertie; for none had power to commmand them, the patent they had being for Virginia, and not for New England, which belonged to another Goverment, with which ye Virginia Company had nothing to doe. And partly that such an acte by them done (this their condition considered) might be as firme as any patent, and in some respects more sure. FOUNDING WRITERS SUPPLEMENT Dr. Bill Thierfelder 27
The forme was as followeth.
In ye name of God, Amen. We whose names are underwriten, the loyall subjects of our dread soveraigne Lord, King James, by ye grace of God, of Great Britaine, Franc, & Ireland king, defender of ye faith, &c., haveing undertaken, for ye glorie of God, and advancemente of ye Christian faith, and honour of our king & countrie, a voyage to plant ye first colonie in ye Northerne parts of Virginia, doe by these presents solemnly & mutualy in ye presence of God, and one of another, covenant & combine our selves togeather into a civill body politick, for our better ordering & preservation & furtherance of ye ends aforesaid; and by vertue hearof to enacte, constitute, and frame such just & equall lawes, ordinances, acts, constitutions, & offices, from time to time, as shall be thought most meete & convenient for ye generall good of ye Colonie, unto which we promise all due submission and obedience. In witnes wherof we have hereunder subscribed our names at Cap-Codd ye 11. of November, in ye year of ye raigne of our soveraigne lord, King James, of England, France, & Ireland ye eighteenth, and of Scotland ye fiftie fourth. Ano: Dom. 1620. [Professor’s note: This is THE MAYFLOWER COMPACT, the first major civil document created in the colonies.]
After this they chose, or rather confirmed, Mr. John Carver (a man godly & well approved amongst them) their Governour for that year. And after they had provided a place for their goods, or common store, (which were long in unlading for want of boats, foulness of winter weather, and sickness of diverse [people]) and begun some small cottages for their habitation, as time would admit, they met and consulted of laws & orders, both for their civil & military Goverment, as ye necessitie of their condition did require, still adding therunto as urgent occasion in several times, and as cases did require.
In these hard & difficult beginings they found some discontents & murmurings arise amongst some, and mutinous speeches in other; but they were soon quelled & overcome by ye wisdom, patience, and just & equal [presentation] of things by ye Govr and better part, wch clave faithfully together in ye main. But that which was most sad & lamentable was, that in 2or 3moneths time half of their company dyed, especially in Jan: & February, being ye depth of winter, and wanting houses & other comforts; being infected with ye scurvy & other diseases, which this long voyage & their inacommodate condition had brought upon them; so there died sometimes 2. or 3. of a day, in ye foresaid time; that of 100. & odd persons, scarce 50. remained. And of these in ye time of most distress, there was but 6. or 7. sound persons, who, to their great comendations be it spoken, spared no pains, night nor day, but with abundance of toil and hazard of their own health, fetched them wood, made them fires, made their food, made their beds, washed their lothesome clothes, clothed & uncloathed them; in a word, did all ye homely & necessary offices for them wch dainty & queasy stomachs cannot endure to hear named; and all this willingly & cheerfully, without any grudging in ye least, showing herein their true love unto their freinds & bretheren. A rare example & worthy to be remembred. Two of these 7. were Mr. William Brewster, the reverend Elder, & Myles Standish, ther Captain & military comander, unto whom myself, & many others, were much beholden in our low & sick condition. And yet the Lord so upheld these persons, as in this general calamity they were not at all infected either with sickness, or lameness. And what I have said of these, I may say of many others who died in this general visitation, & others yet living, that whilst they had health, yea, or any strength FOUNDING WRITERS SUPPLEMENT Dr. Bill Thierfelder 28 continuing, they were not wanting to any that had need of them. And I doubt not but their recompence is with ye Lord.
------
PROFESSOR’S NOTE: The rest of the selection is left with the original spelling and punctuation. I want you to experience the authentic “flavor” of Bradford. Among other things, remember that paper and ink were rare commodities. If a misspelling occurred, it was often left unchanged. In addition, there wasn’t anything close to standardized grammar, usage, and spelling until well over a century later. Finally, keep in mind that Bradford was not a “professional writer”; he spent much of his early life on farms and worked as a businessman in Holland where the Puritans had taken refuge before sailing to America.
------
But I may not hear pass by an other remarkable passage not to be forgotten. As this calamitie fell among ye passengers that were to be left here to plant, and were hasted a shore and made to drinke water, that ye sea-men might have ye more bear, and one in his sicknes desiring but a small cann of beere, it was answered, that if he were their owne father he should have none; the disease begane to fall amongst them also, so as allmost halfe of their company dyed before they went away, and many of their officers and lustyest men, as ye boatson, gunner, 3. quarter- maisters, the cooke, & others. At wch ye mr. was something strucken and sent to ye sick a shore and tould ye Govr he should send for beer for them that had need of it, though he drunke water homward bound. But now amongst his company ther was farr another kind of carriage in this miserie then amongst ye passengers; for they that before had been boone companions in drinking & joyllity in ye time of their health & wellfare, begane now to deserte one another in this calamitie, saing they would not hasard ther lives for them, they should be infected by coming to help them in their cabins, and so, after they came to dye by it, would doe litle or nothing for them, but if they dyed let them dye. But shuch of ye passengers as were yet abord shewed them what mercy they could, wch made some of their harts relente, as ye boatson (& some others), who was a prowd yonge man, and would often curse & scofe at ye passengers; but when he grew weak, they had compassion on him and helped him; then he confessed he did not deserve it at their hands, he had abused them in word & deed. O! saith he, you, I now see, shew your love like Christians indeed one to another, but we let one another lye & dye like doggs. Another lay cursing his wife, saing if it had not ben for her he had never come this unlucky viage, and anone cursing his felows, saing he had done this & that, for some of them, he had spente so much, & so much, amongst them, and they were now weary of him, and did not help him, having need. Another gave his companion all he had, if he died, to help him in his weaknes; he went and got a litle spise & made him a mess of meat once or twise, and because he dyed not so soone as he expected, he went amongst his fellows, & swore ye rogue would cousen him, he would see him choaked before he made him any more meate; and yet ye pore fellow dyed before morning.
All this while ye Indians came skulking about them, and would sometimes show them selves aloofe of, but when any aproached near them, they would rune away. And once they stoale away their tools wher they had been at worke, & were gone to diner. But about ye 16. of March a certaine Indian came bouldly amongst them, and spoke to them in broken English, which they FOUNDING WRITERS SUPPLEMENT Dr. Bill Thierfelder 29 could well understand, but marvelled at it. At length they understood by discourse with him, that he was not of these parts, but belonged to ye eastrene parts, wher some English-ships came to fhish, with whom he was aquainted, & could name sundrie of them by their names, amongst whom he had gott his language. He became proftable to them in aquainting them with many things concerning ye state of ye cuntry in ye east-parts wher he lived, which was afterwards profitable unto them; as also of ye people hear, of their names, number, & strength; of their situation & distance from this place, and who was cheefe amongst them. His name was Samaset; he tould them also of another Indian whos name was Squanto, a native of this place, who had been in England & could speake better English then him selfe. Being, after some time of entertainmente & gifts, dismist, a while after he came againe, & 5. more with him, & they brought againe all ye tooles that were stolen away before, and made way for ye coming of their great Sachem, called Massasoyt; who, about 4. or 5. days after, came with the cheefe of his freinds & other attendance, with the aforesaid Squanto. With whom, after frendly entertainment, & some gifts given him, they made a peace with him (which hath now continued this 24. years) in these terms.
1. That neither he nor any of his, should injurie or doe hurte to any of their peopl.
2. That if any of his did any hurte to any of theirs, he should send ye offender, that they might punish him.
3. That if any thing were taken away from any of theirs, he should cause it to be restored; and they should doe ye like to his.
4. If any did unjustly warr against him, they would aide him; if any did warr against them, he should aide them.
5. He should send to his neighbours confederats, to certifie them of this, that they might not wrong them, but might be likewise comprised in ye conditions of peace.
6. That when ther men came to them, they should leave their bows & arrows behind them.
After these things he returned to his place caled Sowams, some 40. mile from this place, but Squanto continued with them, and was their interpreter, and was a spetiall instrument sent of God for their good beyond their expectation. He directed them how to set their corne, wher to take fish, and to procure other comodities, and was also their pilott to bring them to unknowne places for their profitt, and never left them till he dyed. He was a native of this place, & scarce any left alive besids him selfe. He was caried away with diverce others by one Hunt, a mr. of a ship, who thought to sell them for slaves in Spaine; but he got away for England, and was entertained by a marchante in London, & imployed to New-foundland & other parts, & lastly brought hither into these parts by one Mr. Dermer, a gentle-man imployed by Sr. Ferdinando Gorges & others, for discovery, & other designes in these parts. Of whom I shall say some thing, because it is mentioned in a booke set forth Ano: 1622. by the Presidente & Counsell for New- England, that he made ye peace betweene ye salvages of these parts & ye English; of which this plantation, as it is intimated, had ye benefite. But what a peace it was, may apeare by what befell him & his men. FOUNDING WRITERS SUPPLEMENT Dr. Bill Thierfelder 30
This Mr. Dermer was hear the same year that these people came, as apears by a relation written by him, & given me by a friend, bearing date June 30. Ano: 1620. And they came in Novembr: following, so ther was but 4. months differance. In which relation to his honored freind, he hath these passages of this very place.
I will first begine (saith he) wth that place from whence Squanto, or Tisquantem, was taken away; wch in Cap: Smiths mape is called Plimoth: and I would that Plimoth had ye like comodities. I would that the first plantation might hear be seated, if ther come to the number of 50. persons, or upward. Otherwise at Charlton, because ther ye savages are lese to be feared. The Pocanawkits, which live to ye west of Plimoth, bear an inveterate malice to ye English, and are of more streingth then all ye savags from thence to Penobscote. Their desire of revenge was occasioned by an English man, who having many of them on bord, made a great slaughter with their murderers & smale shot, when as (they say) they offered no injurie on their parts. Whether they were English or no, it may be douted; yet they beleeve they were, for ye Frenche have so possest them; for which cause Squanto can̅ ot deney but they would have kiled me when I was at Namasket, had he not entreated hard for me. The soyle of ye borders of this great bay, may be compared to most of ye plantations which I have seene in Virginia. The land is of diverce sorts; for Patuxite is a hardy but strong soyle, Nawsel & Saughtughtett are for ye most part a blakish & deep mould, much like that wher groweth ye best Tobaco in Virginia. In ye botume of yt great bay is store of Codd & basse, or mulett, &c.
But above all he comends Pacanawkite for ye richest soyle, and much open ground fitt for English graine, &c.
Massachussets is about 9. leagues from Plimoth, & situate in ye mids betweene both, is full of ilands & peninsules very fertill for ye most parte.
With sundrie shuch relations which I forbear to transcribe, being now better knowne then they were to him.
He was taken prisoner by ye Indeans at Manamoiak (a place not farr from hence, now well knowne). He gave them what they demanded for his liberty, but when they had gott what they desired, they kept him still & indevored to kill his men; but he was freed by seasing on some of them, and kept them bound till they gave him a cannows load of corne. Of which, see Purch: lib. 9. fol. 1778. But this was Ano: 1619.
After ye writing of ye former relation he came to ye Ile of Capawack (which lyes south of this place in ye way to Virginia), and ye foresaid Squanto wth him, wher he going a shore amongst ye Indans to trad, as he used to doe, was betrayed & assaulted by them, & all his men slaine, but one that kept the boat; but him selfe gott abord very sore wounded, & they had cut of his head upon ye cudy of his boat, had not ye man reskued him with a sword. And so they got away, & made shift to gett into Virginia, wher he dyed; whether of his wounds or ye diseases of ye cuntrie, or both togeather, is uncertaine. [60] By all which it may appeare how farr these people were from peace, and with what danger this plantation was begune, save as ye powerfull hand of the Lord did protect them. These things were partly the reason why they kept aloofe & were so long before they came to the English. An other reason (as after them selvs made know̅ ) was how FOUNDING WRITERS SUPPLEMENT Dr. Bill Thierfelder 31 aboute 3. years before, a French-ship was cast away at Cap-Codd, but ye men gott ashore, & saved their lives, and much of their victails, & other goods; but after ye Indeans heard of it, they geathered togeather from these parts, and never left watching & dogging them till they got advantage, and kild them all but 3. or 4. which they kept, & sent from one Sachem to another, to make sporte with, and used them worse then slaves; (of which ye foresaid Mr. Dermer redeemed 2. of them;) and they conceived this ship was now come to revenge it.
Also, (as after was made knowne,) before they came to ye English to make freindship, they gott all the Powachs of ye cuntrie, for 3. days togeather, in a horid and divellish maner to curse & execrate them with their cunjurations, which asembly & service they held in a darke & dismale swampe.
But to returne. The spring now approaching, it pleased God the mortalitie begane to cease amongst them, and ye sick and lame recovered apace, which put as it were new life into them; though they had borne their sadd affliction with much patience & contentednes, as I thinke any people could doe. But it was ye Lord which upheld them, and had beforehand prepared them; many having long borne ye yoake, yea from their youth. Many other smaler maters I omite, sundrie of them having been allready published in a Jurnall made by one of the company; and some other passages of jurneys and relations allredy published, to which I referr those that are willing to know them more perticulerly. And being now come to ye 25. of March I shall begine ye year 1621.
Anno. 1621.
They now begane to dispatch ye ship away which brought them over, which lay tille aboute this time, or ye begining of Aprill. The reason on their parts why she stayed so long, was ye necessitie and danger that lay upon them, for it was well towards ye ende of Desember before she could land any thing hear, or they able to receive any thing ashore. Afterwards, ye 14. of Jan: the house which they had made for a generall randevoze by casulty fell afire, and some were faine to retire abord for shilter. Then the sicknes begane to fall sore amongst them, and ye weather so bad as they could not make much sooner any dispatch. Againe, the Govr & cheefe of them, seeing so many dye, and fall downe sick dayly, thought it no wisdom to send away the ship, their condition considered, and ye danger they stood in from ye Indeans, till they could procure some shelter; and therfore thought it better to draw some more charge upon them selves & freinds, then hazard all. The mr. and sea-men likewise, though before they hasted ye passengers a shore to be goone, now many of their men being dead, & of ye ablest of them, (as is before noted,) and of ye rest many lay sick & weake, ye mr. durst not put to sea, till he saw his men begine to recover, and ye hart of winter over.
Afterwards they (as many as were able) began to plant ther corne, in which servise Squanto stood them in great stead, showing them both ye maner how to set it, and after how to dress & tend it. Also he tould them excepte they gott fish & set with it (in these old grounds) it would come to nothing, and he showed them yt in ye midle of Aprill they should have store enough come up ye brooke, by which they begane to build, and taught them how to take it, and wher to get other provissions necessary for them; all which they found true by triall & experience. Some FOUNDING WRITERS SUPPLEMENT Dr. Bill Thierfelder 32
English seed they sew, as wheat & pease, but it came not to good, eather by ye badnes of ye seed, or latenes of ye season, or both, or some other defecte.
In this month of Aprill whilst they were bussie about their seed, their Govr (Mr. John Carver) came out of ye feild very sick, it being a hott day; he complained greatly of his head, and lay downe, and within a few howers his sences failed, so as he never spake more till he dyed, which was within a few days after. Whoss death was much lamented, and caused great heavines amongst them, as ther was cause. He was buried in ye best maner they could, with some vollies of shott by all that bore armes; and his wife, being a weak woman, dyed within 5. or 6. weeks after him.
Shortly after William Bradford was chosen Gover in his stead, and being not yet recoverd of his ilnes, in which he had been near ye point of death, Isaak Allerton was chosen to be an Asistante unto him, who, by renewed election every year, continued sundry years togeather, which I hear note once for all.
May 12. was ye first mariage in this place, which, according to ye laudable custome of the Low- Cuntries, in which they had lived, was thought most requisite to be performed by the magistrate, as being a civill thing, upon which many questions aboute inheritances doe depende, with other things most proper to their cognizans, and most consonante to ye scripturs, Ruth 4. and no wher found in ye gospell to be layed on ye ministers as a part of their office. "This decree or law about mariage was published by ye Stats of ye Low-Cuntries Ano: 1590. That those of any religion, after lawfull and open publication, coming before ye magistrats, in ye Town or Stat-house, were to be orderly (by them) maried one to another." Petets Hist, fol: 1029. And this practiss hath continued amongst, not only them, but hath been followed by all ye famous churches of Christ in these parts to this time,—Ano: 1646.
Haveing in some sorte ordered their bussines at home, it was thought meete to send some abroad to see their new friend Massasoyet, and to bestow upon him some gratuitie to bind him ye faster unto them; as also that hearby they might veiw ye countrie, and see in what maner he lived, what strength he had aboute him, and how ye ways were to his place, if at any time they should have occasion. So ye 2. of July they sente Mr. Edward Winslow & Mr. Hopkins, with ye foresaid Squanto for ther guid, who gave him a suite of cloaths, and a horsemans coate, with some other small things, which were kindly accepted; but they found but short com̅ ons, and came both weary & hungrie home. For ye Indeans used then to have nothing so much corne as they have since ye English have stored them with their hows, and seene their industrie in breaking up new grounds therwith. They found his place to be 40. miles from hence, ye soyle good, & ye people not many, being dead & abundantly wasted in ye late great mortalitie which fell in all these parts aboute three years before ye coming of ye English, wherin thousands of them dyed, they not being able to burie one another; ther sculs and bones were found in many places lying still above ground, where their houses & dwellings had been; a very sad spectackle to behould. But they brought word that ye Narighansets lived but on ye other side of that great bay, & were a strong people, & many in number, living compact together, & had not been at all touched with this wasting plague. FOUNDING WRITERS SUPPLEMENT Dr. Bill Thierfelder 33
About ye later end of this month, one John Billington lost himself in ye woods, & wandered up & down some 5. days, living on berries & what he could find. At length he light on an Indean plantation, 20. mils south of this place, called Manamet, they conveid him furder of, to Nawsett, among those peopl that had before set upon ye English when they were costing, whilest ye ship lay at ye Cape, as is before noted. But ye Gover caused him to be enquired for among ye Indeans, and at length Massassoyt sent word wher he was, and ye Gover sent a shalop for him, & had him delivered. Those people also came and made their peace; and they gave full satisfaction to those whose come they had found & taken when they were at Cap-Codd.
Thus ther peace & aquaintance was prety well establisht wth the natives aboute them; and ther was an other Indean called Hobamack come to live amongst them, a proper lustie man, and a man of accounte for his vallour & parts amongst ye Indeans, and continued very faithfull and constant to ye English till he dyed. He & Squanto being gone upon bussines amonge ye Indeans, at their returne (whether it was out of envie to them or malice to the English) ther was a Sachem called Corbitant, alyed to Massassoyte, but never any good friend to ye English to this day, mett with them at an Indean towne caled Namassakett 14. miles to ye west of this place, and begane to quarell wth them, and offered to stabe Hobamack; but being a lusty man, he cleared him selfe of him, and came run̅ ing away all sweating and tould ye Govr what had befalne him, and he feared they had killed Squanto, for they threatened them both, and for no other cause but because they were freinds to ye English, and servisable unto them. Upon this ye Gover taking counsell, it was conceivd not fitt to be borne; for if they should suffer their freinds & messengers thus to be wronged, they should have none would cleave unto them, or give them any inteligence, or doe them serviss afterwards; but nexte they would fall upon them selves. Whereupon it was resolved to send ye Captaine & 14. men well armed, and to goe & fall upon them in ye night; and if they found that Squanto was kild, to cut of Corbitants head, but not to hurt any but those that had a hand in it. Hobamack was asked if he would goe & be their guid, & bring them ther before day. He said he would, & bring them to ye house wher the man lay, and show them which was he. So they set forth ye 14. of August, and beset ye house round; the Captin giving charg to let none pass out, entred ye house to search for him. But he was goone away that day, so they mist him; but understood yt Squanto was alive, & that he had only threatened to kill him, & made an offer to stabe him but did not. So they withheld and did no more hurte, & ye people came trembling, & brought them the best provissions they had, after they were aquainted by Hobamack what was only intended. Ther was 3. sore wounded which broak out of ye house, and asaid to pass through ye garde. These they brought home with them, & they had their wounds drest & cured, and sente home. After this they had many gratulations from diverce sachims, and much firmer peace; yea, those of ye Iles of Capawack sent to make frendship; and this Corbitant him selfe used ye mediation of Massassoyte to make his peace, but was shie to come neare them a longe while after.
After this, ye 18. of Septembr: they sente out ther shalop to the Massachusets, with 10. men, and Squanto for their guid and interpreter, to discover and veiw that bay, and trade with ye natives; the which they performed, and found kind entertainement. The people were much affraid of ye Tarentins, a people to ye eastward which used to come in harvest time and take away their corne, & many times kill their persons. They returned in saftie, and brought home a good quanty of beaver, and made reporte of ye place, wishing they had been ther seated; (but it seems ye Lord, who assignes to all men ye bounds of their habitations, had apoynted it for an other use). And FOUNDING WRITERS SUPPLEMENT Dr. Bill Thierfelder 34 thus they found the Lord to be with them in all their ways, and to blesse their outgoings & incom̅ ings, for which let his holy name have ye praise for ever, to all posteritie.
They begane now to gather in ye small harvest they had, and to fitte up their houses and dwellings against winter, being all well recovered in health & strenght, and had all things in good plenty; for as some were thus imployed in affairs abroad, others were excersised in fishing, aboute codd, & bass, & other fish, of which yey tooke good store, of which every family had their portion. All ye som̅ er ther was no wante. And now begane to come in store of foule, as winter aproached, of which this place did abound when they came first (but afterward decreased by degrees). And besids water foule, ther was great store of wild Turkies, of which they tooke many, besids venison, &c. Besids they had aboute a peck a meale a weeke to a person, or now since harvest, Indean corne to yt proportion. Which made many afterwards write so largly of their plenty hear to their freinds in England, which were not fained, but true reports.
In Novembr, about ye time twelfe month that them selves came, ther came in a small ship to them unexpected or loked for, in which came Mr. Cushman (so much spoken of before) and with him 35. persons to remaine & live in ye plantation; which did not a litle rejoyce them. And they when they came a shore and found all well, and saw plenty of vitails in every house, were no less glade. For most of them were lusty yonge men, and many of them wild enough, who litle considered whither or aboute what they wente, till they came into ye harbore at Cap-Codd, and ther saw nothing but a naked and barren place. They then begane to thinke what should become of them, if the people here were dead or cut of by ye Indeans. They begane to consulte (upon some speeches that some of ye sea-men had cast out) to take ye sayls from ye yeard least ye ship should gett away and leave them ther. But ye mr. hereing of it, gave them good words, and tould them if any thing but well should have befallne ye people hear, he hoped he had vitails enough to cary them to Virginia, and whilst he had a bitt they should have their parte; which gave them good satisfaction. So they were all landed; but ther was not so much as bisket-cake or any other victialls for them, neither had they any beding, but some sory things they had in their cabins, nor pot, nor pan, to drese any meate in; nor overmany cloaths, for many of them had brusht away their coats & cloaks at Plimoth as they came. But ther was sent over some burching-lane suits in ye ship, out of which they were supplied. The plantation was glad of this addition of strenght, but could have wished that many of them had been of beter condition, and all of them beter furnished with provissions; but yt could not now be helpte.
In this ship Mr. Weston sent a large leter to Mr. Carver, ye late Gover, now deseased, full of complaints & expostulations aboute former passagess at Hampton; and ye keeping ye shipe so long in ye country, and returning her without lading, &c., which for brevitie I omite. The rest is as followeth.
Part of Mr. Westons letter.
I durst never aquainte ye adventurers with ye alteration of ye conditions first agreed on betweene us, which I have since been very glad of, for I am well assured had they knowne as much as I doe, they would not have adventured a halfe-peny of what was necesary for this ship. That you sent no lading in the ship is wonderfull, and worthily distasted. I know your weaknes was the cause of it, and I beleeve more weaknes of judgmente, then weaknes of hands. A quarter of ye FOUNDING WRITERS SUPPLEMENT Dr. Bill Thierfelder 35 time you spente in discoursing, arguing, & consulting, would have done much more; but that is past, &c. If you mean, bona fide, to performe the conditions agreed upon, doe us ye favore to coppy them out faire, and subscribe them with ye principall of your names. And likwise give us accounte as perticulerly as you can how our moneys were laid out. And then I shall be able to give them some satisfaction, whom I am now forsed with good words to shift of. And consider that ye life of the bussines depends on ye lading of this ship, which, if you doe to any good purpose, that I may be freed from ye great sums I have disbursed for ye former, and must doe for the later, I promise you I will never quit ye bussines, though all the other adventurers should.
We have procured you a Charter, the best we could, which is beter then your former, and with less limitation. For any thing yt is els worth writting, Mr. Cushman can informe you. I pray write instantly for Mr. Robinson to come to you. And so praying God to blesse you with all graces nessessary both for this life & that to come, I rest
Your very loving frend, Tho. Weston. London, July 6. 1621.
This ship (caled ye Fortune) was speedily dispatcht away, being laden with good clapbord as full as she could stowe, and 2. hoggsheads of beaver and otter skins, which they gott with a few trifling comodities brought with them at first, being alltogeather unprovided for trade; neither was ther any amongst them that ever saw a beaver skin till they came hear, and were informed by Squanto. The fraight was estimated to be worth near 500li. Mr. Cushman returned backe also with this ship, for so Mr. Weston & ye rest had apoynted him, for their better information. And he doubted not, nor them selves neither, but they should have a speedy supply; considering allso how by Mr. Cushmans perswation, and letters received from Leyden, wherin they willed them so to doe, they yielded to afforesaid conditions, and subscribed them with their hands. But it proved other wise, for Mr. Weston, who had made ye large promise in his leter, (as is before noted,) that if all ye rest should fall of, yet he would never quit ye bussines, but stick to them, if they yeelded to ye conditions, and sente some lading in ye ship; and of this Mr. Cushman was confident, and confirmed ye same from his mouth, & serious protestations to him selfe before he came. But all proved but wind, for he was ye first and only man that forsooke them, and that before he so much as heard of ye returne of this ship, or knew what was done; (so vaine is the confidence in man.) But of this more in its place.
A leter in answer to his write to Mr. Carver, was sente to him from ye Govr, of which so much as is pertenente to ye thing in hand I shall hear inserte.
Sr: Your large letter writen to Mr. Carver, and dated ye 6. of July, 1621, I have received ye 10. of Novembr, wherin (after ye apologie made for your selfe) you lay many heavie imputations upon him and us all. Touching him, he is departed this life, and now is at rest in ye Lord from all those troubls and incoumbrances with which we are yet to strive. He needs not my appologie; for his care and pains was so great for ye commone good, both ours and yours, as that therwith (it is thought) he oppressed him selfe and shortened his days; of whose loss we cannot sufficiently complaine. At great charges in this adventure, I confess you have beene, and many losses may sustaine; but ye loss of his and many other honest and industrious mens lives, cannot be vallewed FOUNDING WRITERS SUPPLEMENT Dr. Bill Thierfelder 36 at any prise. Of ye one, ther may be hope of recovery, but ye other no recompence can make good. But I will not insiste in generalls, but come more perticulerly to ye things them selves. You greatly blame us for keping ye ship so long in ye countrie, and then to send her away emptie. She lay 5. weks at Cap-Codd, whilst with many a weary step (after a long journey) and the indurance of many a hard brunte, we sought out in the foule winter a place of habitation. Then we went in so tedious a time to make provission to sheelter us and our goods, aboute wch labour, many of our armes & leggs can tell us to this day we were not necligent. But it pleased God to vissite us then, with death dayly, and with so generall a disease, that the living were scarce able to burie the dead; and ye well not in any measure sufficiente to tend ye sick. And now to be so greatly blamed, for not fraighting ye ship, doth indeed goe near us, and much discourage us. But you say you know we will pretend weaknes; and doe you think we had not cause? Yes, you tell us you beleeve it, but it was more weaknes of judgmente, then of hands. Our weaknes herin is great we confess, therfore we will bear this check patiently amongst ye rest, till God send us wiser men. But they which tould you we spent so much time in discoursing & consulting, &c., their harts can tell their toungs, they lye. They cared not, so they might salve their owne sores, how they wounded others. Indeed, it is our callamitie that we are (beyound expectation) yoked with some ill conditioned people, who will never doe good, but corrupte and abuse others, &c.
The rest of ye letter declared how they had subscribed those conditions according to his desire, and sente him ye former accounts very perticulerly; also how ye ship was laden, and in what condition their affairs stood; that ye coming of these people would bring famine upon them unavoydably, if they had not supply in time (as Mr. Cushman could more fully informe him & ye rest of ye adventurers). Also that seeing he was now satisfied in all his demands, that offences would be forgoten, and he remember his promise, &c.
After ye departure of this ship, (which stayed not above 14. days,) the Gover & his assistante haveing disposed these late com̅ ers into severall families, as yey best could, tooke an exacte accounte of all their provissions in store, and proportioned ye same to ye number of persons, and found that it would not hould out above 6. months at halfe alowance, and hardly that. And they could not well give less this winter time till fish came in againe. So they were presently put to half alowance, one as well as an other, which begane to be hard, but they bore it patiently under hope of supply.
Sone after this ships departure, ye great people of ye Narigansets, in a braving maner, sente a messenger unto them with a bundl of arrows tyed aboute with a great sneak-skine; which their interpretours tould them was a threatening & a chaleng. Upon which ye Govr, with ye advice of others, sente them a round answere, that if they had rather have warre then peace, they might begine when they would; they had done them no wrong, neither did yey fear them, or should they find them unprovided. And by another messenger sente ye sneake-skine back with bulits in it; but they would not receive it, but sent it back againe. But these things I doe but mention, because they are more at large allready put forth in printe, by Mr. Winslow, at ye requeste of some freinds. And it is like ye reason was their owne ambition, who, (since ye death of so many of ye Indeans,) thought to dominire & lord it over ye rest, & conceived ye English would be a barr in their way, and saw that Massasoyt took sheilter allready under their wings. FOUNDING WRITERS SUPPLEMENT Dr. Bill Thierfelder 37
But this made them ye more carefully to looke to them selves, so as they agreed to inclose their dwellings with a good strong pale, and make flankers in convenient places, with gates to shute, which were every night locked, and a watch kept, and when neede required ther was also warding in ye day time. And ye company was by ye Captaine and ye Govr advise, devided into 4. squadrons, and every one had ther quarter apoynted them, unto which they were to repaire upon any suddane alarme. And if ther should be any crie of fire, a company were appointed for a gard, with muskets, whilst others quenchet ye same, to prevent Indean treachery. This was accomplished very cherfully, and ye towne impayled round by ye begining of March, in which evry family had a prety garden plote secured. And herewith I shall end this year. Only I shall remember one passage more, rather of mirth then of waight. One ye day called Chrismasday, ye Govr caled them out to worke, (as was used,) but ye most of this new-company excused them selves and said it wente against their consciences to work on yt day. So ye Govr tould them that if they made it mater of conscience, he would spare them till they were better informed. So he led- away ye rest and left them; but when they came home at noone from their worke, he found them in ye streete at play, openly; some pitching ye barr, & some at stoole-ball, and shuch like sports. So he went to them, and tooke away their implements, and tould them that was against his conscience, that they should play & others worke. If they made ye keeping of it mater of devotion, let them kepe their houses, but ther should be no gameing or revelling in ye streets. Since which time nothing hath been atempted that way, at least openly.
Anno 1622.
At ye spring of ye year they had apointed ye Massachusets to come againe and trade with them, and begane now to prepare for that vioag about ye later end of March. But upon some rumors heard, Hobamak, their Indean, tould them upon some jealocies he had, he feared they were joyned wth ye Narighansets and might betray them if they were not carefull. He intimated also some jealocie of Squanto, by what he gathered from some private whisperings betweene him and other Indeans. But they resolved to proseede, and sente out their shalop with 10. of their cheefe men aboute ye begining of Aprill, and both Squanto & Hobamake with them, in regarde of ye jelocie betweene them. But they had not bene gone longe, but an Indean belonging to Squantos family came runing in seeming great fear, and tould them that many of ye Narihgansets, with Corbytant, and he thought also Massasoyte, were coming against them; and he gott away to tell them, not without danger. And being examined by ye Govr, he made as if they were at hand, and would still be looking back, as if they were at his heels. At which the Governor caused them to take armes & stand on their garde, and supposing ye boat to be still within hearing (by reason it was calme) caused a warning peece or 2. to be shote of, the which yey heard and came in. But no Indeans apeared; watch was kepte all night, but nothing was scene. Hobamak was confidente for Massasoyt, and thought all was false; yet ye Govr caused him to send his wife privatly, to see what she could observe (pretening other occasions), but ther was nothing found, but all was quiet. After this they proseeded on their vioge to ye Massachusets, and had good trade, and returned in saftie, blessed be God.
But by the former passages, and other things of like nature, they begane to see yt Squanto sought his owne ends, and plaid his owne game, by putting ye Indeans in fear, and drawing gifts from them to enrich him selfe; making them beleeve he could stur up warr against whom he would, & make peece for whom he would. Yea, he made them beleeve they kept ye plague buried in ye FOUNDING WRITERS SUPPLEMENT Dr. Bill Thierfelder 38 ground, and could send it amongs whom they would, which did much terrifie the Indeans, and made them depend more on him, and seeke more to him then to Massasoyte, which proucured him envie, and had like to have cost him his life. For after ye discovery of his practises, Massasoyt sought it both privatly and openly; which caused him to stick close to ye English, & never durst goe from them till he dyed. They also made good use of ye emulation yt grue betweene Hobamack and him, which made them cary more squarely. And ye Govr seemed to countenance ye one, and ye Captaine ye other, by which they had better intelligence, and made them both more diligente.
Now in a maner their provissions were wholy spent, and they looked hard for supply, but none came. But about ye later end of May, they spied a boat at sea, which at first they thought had beene some Frenchman; but it proved a shalop which came from a ship which Mr. Weston & an other had set out a fishing, at a place called Damarins-cove, 40. leagues to ye eastward of them, wher were yt year many more ships come a fishing. This boat brought 7. passengers and some letters, but no vitails, nor any hope of any. Some part of which I shall set downe.
Mr. Carver, in my last leters by ye Fortune, in whom Mr Cushman wente, and who I hope is with you, for we daly expecte ye shipe back againe. She departed hence, ye begining of July, with 35. persons, though not over well provided with necesaries, by reason of ye parsemonie of ye adventurers. I have solisited them to send you a supply of men and provissions before shee come. They all answer they will doe great maters, when they hear good news. Nothing before; so faithfull, constant, & carefull of your good, are your olde & honest freinds, that if they hear not from you, they are like to send you no supplie, &c. I am now to relate ye occasion of sending this ship, hoping if you give credite to my words, you will have a more favourable opinion of it, then some hear, wherof Pickering is one, who taxed me to mind my owne ends, which is in part true, &c. Mr. Beachamp and my selfe bought this litle ship, and have set her out, partly, if it may be, to uphold ye plantation, as well to doe others good as our selves; and partly to gett up what we are formerly out; though we are otherwise censured, &c. This is ye occasion we have sent this ship and these passengers, on our owne accounte; whom we desire you will frendly entertaine & supply with shuch necesaries as you cane spare, and they wante, &c. And among other things we pray you lend or sell them some seed corne, and if you have ye salt remaining of ye last year, that yu will let them have it for their presente use, and we will either pay you for it, or give you more when we have set our salt-pan to worke, which we desire may be set up in one of ye litle ilands in your bay, &c. And because we intende, if God plase, (and ye generallitie doe it not,) to send within a month another shipe, who, having discharged her passengers, shal goe to Virginia, &c. And it may be we shall send a small ship to abide with you on ye coast, which I conceive may be a great help to ye plantation. To ye end our desire may be effected, which, I assure my selfe, will be also for your good, we pray you give them entertainmente in your houses ye time they shall be with you, that they may lose no time, but may presently goe in hand to fell trees & cleave them, to ye end lading may be ready and our ship stay not.
Some of ye adventurers have sent you hearwith all some directions for your furtherance in ye com̅ one bussines, who are like those St. James speaks of, yt bid their brother eat, and warme him, but give him nothing; so they bid you make salt, and uphold ye plantation, but send you no means wherwithall to doe it, &c. By ye next we purpose to send more people on our owne accounte, and to take a patente; that if your peopl should be as unhumane as some of ye FOUNDING WRITERS SUPPLEMENT Dr. Bill Thierfelder 39 adventurers, not to admite us to dwell with them, which were extreme barbarisme, and which will never enter into my head to thinke you have any shuch Pickerings amongst you. Yet to satisfie our passengers I must of force doe it; and for some other reasons not necessary to be writen, &c. I find ye generall so backward, and your freinds at Leyden so could, that I fear you must stand on your leggs, and trust (as they say) to God and your selves.
Subscribed, your loving freind, Tho: Weston. Jan: 12. 1621.
Sundry other things I pass over, being tedious & impertinent.
All this was but could comfort to fill their hungrie bellies, and a slender performance of his former late promiss; and as litle did it either fill or warme them, as those ye Apostle James spake of, by him before mentioned. And well might it make them remember what ye psalmist saith, Psa. 118. 8. It is better to trust in the Lord, then to have confidence in man. And Psa. 146. Put not you trust in princes (much less in ye marchants) nor in ye sone of man, for ther is no help in them. v. 5. Blesed is he that hath ye God of Jacob for his help, whose hope is in ye Lord his God. And as they were now fayled of suply by him and others in this their greatest neede and wants, which was caused by him and ye rest, who put so great a company of men upon them, as ye former company were, without any food, and came at shuch a time as they must live almost a whole year before any could be raised, excepte they had sente some; so, upon ye pointe they never had any supply of vitales more afterwards (but what the Lord gave them otherwise); for all ye company sent at any time was allways too short for those people yt came with it.
Ther came allso by ye same ship other leters, but of later date, one from Mr. Weston, an other from a parte of ye adventurers, as foloweth.
Mr. Carver, since my last, to ye end we might ye more readily proceed to help ye generall, at a meeting of some of ye principall adventurers, a proposition was put forth, & alowed by all presente (save Pickering), to adventure each man ye third parte of what he formerly had done. And ther are some other yt folow his example, and will adventure no furder. In regard wherof ye greater part of ye adventurers being willing to uphold ye bussines, finding it no reason that those yt are willing should uphold ye bussines of those that are unwilling, whose backwardnes doth discourage those that are forward, and hinder other new-adventurers from coming in, we having well considered therof, have resolved, according to an article in ye agreemente, (that it may be lawfull by a generall consente of ye adventurers & planters, upon just occasion, to breake of their joynte stock,) to breake it of; and doe pray you to ratifie, and confirme ye same on your parts. Which being done, we shall ye more willingly goe forward for ye upholding of you with all things necesarie. But in any case you must agree to ye artickls, and send it by ye first under your hands & seals. So I end
Your loving freind, Tho: Weston. Jan: 17. 1621. FOUNDING WRITERS SUPPLEMENT Dr. Bill Thierfelder 40
Another leter was write from part of ye company of ye adventurers to the same purpose, and subscribed with 9. of their names, wherof Mr. Westons & Mr. Beachamphs were tow. Thes things seemed strang unto them, seeing this unconstancie & shufling; it made them to thinke ther was some misterie in ye matter. And therfore ye Govr concealed these letters from ye publick, only imparted them to some trustie freinds for advice, who concluded with him, that this tended to disband & scater them (in regard of their straits); and if Mr. Weston & others, who seemed to rune in a perticuler way, should come over with shiping so provided as his letters did intimate, they most would fall to him, to ye prejudice of them selves & ye rest of the adventurers, their friends, from whom as yet they heard nothing. And it was doubted whether he had not sente over shuch a company in ye former ship, for shuch an end. Yet they tooke compassion of those 7. men which this ship, which fished to ye eastward, had kept till planting time was over, and so could set no corne; and allso wanting vitals, (for yey turned them off wthout any, and indeed wanted for them selves,) neither was their salt-pan come, so as yey could not performe any of those things which Mr. Weston had apointed, and might have starved if ye plantation had not succoured them; who, in their wants, gave them as good as any of their owne. The ship wente to Virginia, wher they sould both ship & fish, of which (it was conceived) Mr. Weston had a very slender accounte.
After this came another of his ships, and brought letters dated ye 10. of Aprill, from Mr. Weston, as followeth.
Mr. Bradford, these, &c. The Fortune is arived, of whose good news touching your estate & proceēings, I am very glad to hear. And how soever he was robed on ey way by ye Frenchmen, yet I hope your loss will not be great, for ye conceite of so great a returne doth much animate ye adventurers, so yt I hope some matter of importance will be done by them, &c. As for my selfe, I have sould my adventure & debts unto them, so as I am quit of you, & you of me, for that matter, &c. Now though I have nothing to pretend as an adventurer amongst you, yet I will advise you a litle for your good, if you can apprehend it. I perceive & know as well as another, ye dispositions of your adventurers, whom ye hope of gaine hath drawne on to this they have done; and yet I fear yt hope will not draw them much furder. Besids, most of them are against the sending of them of Leyden, for whose cause this bussines was first begune, and some of ye most religious (as Mr. Greene by name) excepts against them. So yt my advice is (you may follow it if you please) that you forthwith break of your joynte stock, which you have warente to doe, both in law & conscience, for ye most parte of ye adventurers have given way unto it by a former letter. And ye means you have ther, which I hope will be to some purpose by ye trade of this spring, may, with ye help of some freinds hear, bear ye charge of trāsporting those of Leyden; and when they are with you I make no question but by Gods help you will be able to subsist of your selves. But I shall leave you to your discretion.
I desired diverce of ye adventurers, as Mr. Peirce, Mr. Greene, & others, if they had any thing to send you, either vitails or leters, to send them by these ships; and marvelling they sent not so much as a letter, I asked our passengers what leters they had, and with some dificultie one of them tould me he had one, which was delivered him with great charge of secrecie; and for more securitie, to buy a paire of new-shoes, & sow it betweene ye soles for fear of intercepting. I, taking ye leter, wondering what mistrie might be in it, broke it open, and found this treacherous letter subscribed by ye hands of Mr. Pickering & Mr. Greene. Wich leter had it come to your FOUNDING WRITERS SUPPLEMENT Dr. Bill Thierfelder 41 hands without answer, might have caused ye hurt, if not ye ruine, of us all. For assuredly if you had followed their instructions, and shewed us that unkindness which they advise you unto, to hold us in distruste as enimise, &c., it might have been an occasion to have set us togeather by ye eares, to ye distruction of us all. For I doe beleeve that in shuch a case, they knowing what bussines hath been betweene us, not only my brother, but others also, would have been violent, and heady against you, &c. I mente to have setled ye people I before and now send, with or near you, as well for their as your more securitie and defence, as help on all occasions. But I find ye adventurers so jealous & suspitious, that I have altered my resolution, & given order to my brother & those with him, to doe as they and him selfe shall find fitte. Thus, &c.
Your loving freind, Tho: Weston. Aprill 10. 1621.
Some part of Mr. Pickerings letter before mentioned.
To Mr. Bradford & Mr. Brewster, &c.
My dear love remembred unto you all, &c. The company hath bought out Mr. Weston, and are very glad they are freed of him, he being judged a man yt thought him selfe above ye generall, and not expresing so much ye fear of God as was meete in a man to whom shuch trust should have been reposed in a matter of so great importance. I am sparing to be so plaine as indeed is clear against him; but a few words to ye wise.
Mr. Weston will not permitte leters to be sent in his ships, nor any thing for your good or ours, of which ther is some reason in respecte of him selfe, &c. His brother Andrew, whom he doth send as principall in one of these ships, is a heady yong man, & violente, and set against you ther, & ye company hear; ploting with Mr. Weston their owne ends, which tend to your & our undooing in respecte of our estates ther, and prevention of our good ends. For by credible testimoney we are informed his purpose is to come to your colonie, pretending he comes for and from ye adventurers, and will seeke to gett what you have in readynes into his ships, as if they came from ye company, & possessing all, will be so much profite to him selfe. And further to informe them selves what spetiall places or things you have discovered, to ye end that they may supres & deprive you, &c.
The Lord, who is ye watchman of Israll & slepeth not, preserve you & deliver you from unreasonable men. I am sorie that ther is cause to admonish you of these things concerning this man; so I leave you to God, who bless and multiply you into thousands, to the advancemente of ye glorious gospell of our Lord Jesus. Amen. Fare well.
Your loving freinds, Edward Pickering. William Greene.
I pray conceale both ye writing & deliverie of this leter, but make the best use of it. We hope to sete forth a ship our selves with in this month. FOUNDING WRITERS SUPPLEMENT Dr. Bill Thierfelder 42
The heads of his answer.
Mr. Bradford, this is ye leter yt I wrote unto you of, which to answer in every perticuler is needles & tedious. My owne conscience & all our people can and I thinke will testifie, yt my end in sending ye ship Sparrow was your good, &c. Now I will not deney but ther are many of our people rude fellows, as these men terme them; yet I presume they will be governed by such as I set over them. And I hope not only to be able to reclaime them from yt profanenes that may scandalise ye vioage, but by degrees to draw them to God, &c. I am so farr from sending rude fellows to deprive you either by fraude or violence of what is yours, as I have charged ye mr. of ye ship Sparrow, not only to leave with you 2000. of bread, but also a good quantitie of fish, &c. But I will leave it to you to consider what evill this leter would or might have done, had it come to your hands & taken ye effecte ye other desired.
Now if you be of ye mind yt these men are, deale plainly with us, & we will seeke our residence els-wher. If you are as freindly as we have thought you to be, give us ye entertainment of freinds, and we will take nothing from you, neither meat, drinke, nor lodging, but what we will, in one kind or other, pay you for, &c. I shall leave in ye countrie a litle ship (if God send her safe thither) with mariners & fisher-men to stay ther, who shall coast, & trad with ye savages, & ye old plantation. It may be we shall be as helpfull to you, as you will be to us. I thinke I shall see you ye next spring; and so I comend you to ye protection of God, who ever keep you.
Your loving freind, Tho: Weston.
Thus all ther hops in regard of Mr. Weston were layed in ye dust, and all his promised helpe turned into an empttie advice, which they apprehended was nether lawfull nor profitable for them to follow. And they were not only thus left destitute of help in their extreme wants, haveing neither vitails, nor any thing to trade with, but others prepared & ready to glean up what ye cuntrie might have afforded for their releefe. As for those harsh censures & susspitions intimated in ye former and following leters, they desired to judg as charitably and wisly of them as they could, waighing them in ye ballance of love and reason; and though they (in parte) came from godly & loveing freinds, yet they conceived many things might arise from over deepe jealocie and fear, togeather with unmeete provocations, though they well saw Mr. Weston pursued his owne ends, and was imbittered in spirite. For after the receit of ye former leters, the Govr received one from Mr. Cushman, who went home in ye ship, and was allway intimate with Mr. Weston, (as former passages declare), and it was much marveled that nothing was heard from him, all this while. But it should seeme it was ye difficulty of sending, for this leter was directed as ye leter of a wife to her husband, who was here, and brought by him to ye Govr. It was as followeth.
Beloved Sr: I hartily salute you, with trust of your health, and many thanks for your love. By Gods providence we got well home ye 17. of Feb. Being robbed by ye French-men by ye way, and carried by them into France, and were kepte ther 15. days, and lost all yt we had that was worth taking; but thanks be to God, we escaped with our lives & ship. I see not yt it worketh any discouragment hear. I purpose by Gods grace to see you shortly, I hope in June nexte, or before. In ye mean space know these things, and I pray you be advertised a litle. Mr. Weston hath quite FOUNDING WRITERS SUPPLEMENT Dr. Bill Thierfelder 43 broken of from our company, through some discontents yt arose betwext him and some of our adventurers, & hath sould all his adventurs, & hath now sent 3. smale ships for his perticuler plantation. The greatest wherof, being 100. tune, Mr. Reynolds goeth mr. and he with ye rest purposeth to come him selfe; for what end I know not.
The people which they cary are no men for us, wherfore I pray you entertaine them not, neither exchainge man for man with them, excepte it be some of your worst. He hath taken a patente for him selfe. If they offerr to buy any thing of you, let it be shuch as you can spare, and let them give ye worth of it. If they borrow any thing of you, let them leave a good pawne, &c. It is like he will plant to ye southward of ye Cape, for William Trevore hath lavishly tould but what he knew or imagined of Capewack, Mohiggen, & ye Narigansets. I fear these people will hardly deale so well with ye savages as they should. I pray you therfore signifie to Squanto, that they are a distincte body from us, and we have nothing to doe with them, neither must be blamed for their falts, much less can warrente their fidelitie. We are aboute to recover our losses in France. Our freinds at Leyden are well, and will come to you as many as can this time. I hope all will turne to ye best, wherfore I pray you be not discouraged, but gather up your selfe to goe thorow these dificulties cherfully & with courage in yt place wherin God hath sett you, untill ye day of refreshing come. And ye Lord God of sea & land bring us comfortably togeather againe, if it may stand with his glorie.
Yours, Robart Cushman.
On ye other sid of ye leafe, in ye same leter, came these few lines from Mr. John Peirce, in whose name the patente was taken, and of whom more will follow, to be spoken in its place.
Worthy Sr: I desire you to take into consideration that which is writen on ye other side, and not any way to damnifie your owne collony, whos strength is but weaknes, and may therby be more infeebled. And for ye leters of association, by ye next ship we send, I hope you shall receive satisfaction; in ye mean time whom you admite I will approve. But as for Mr. Weston's company, I thinke them so base in condition (for ye most parte) as in all apearance not fitt for an honest mans company. I wish they prove other wise. My purpose is not to enlarge my selfe, but cease in these few lins, and so rest
Your loving freind, John Peirce.
All these things they pondred and well considered, yet concluded to give his men frendly entertainmente; partly in regard of Mr. Weston him selfe, considering what he had been unto them, & done for them, & to some, more espetially; and partly in compassion to ye people, who were now come into a willdernes, (as them selves were,) and were by ye ship to be presently put a shore, (for she was to cary other passengers to Virginia, who lay at great charge,) and they were alltogeather unacquainted & knew not what to doe. So as they had received his former company of 7. men, and vitailed them as their owne hitherto, so they also received these (being aboute 60. lusty men), and gave housing for them selves and their goods; and many being sicke, they had ye best means ye place could aford them. They stayed hear ye most parte of ye som̅ er till FOUNDING WRITERS SUPPLEMENT Dr. Bill Thierfelder 44 ye ship came back againe from Virginia. Then, by his direction, or those whom he set over them, they removed into ye Massachusset Bay, he having got a patente for some part ther, (by light of ther former discovery in leters sent home). Yet they left all ther sicke folke hear till they were setled and housed. But of ther victails they had not any, though they were in great wante, nor any thing els in recompence of any courtecie done them; neither did they desire it, for they saw they were an unruly company, and had no good govermente over them, and by disorder would soone fall into wants if Mr. Weston came not ye sooner amongst them; and therfore, to prevente all after occasion, would have nothing of them.
Amids these streigths, and ye desertion of those from whom they had hoped for supply, and when famine begane now to pinch them sore, they not knowing what to doe, the Lord, (who never fails his,) presents them with an occasion, beyond all expectation. This boat which came from ye eastward brought them a letter from a stranger, of whose name they had never heard before, being a captaine of a ship come ther a fishing. This leter was as followeth. Being thus inscribed.
To all his good freinds at Plimoth, these, &c.
Freinds, cuntrimen, & neighbours: I salute you, and wish you all health and hapines in ye Lord. I make bould with these few lines to trouble you, because unless I were unhumane, I can doe no less. Bad news doth spread it selfe too farr; yet I will so farr informe you that my selfe, with many good freinds in ye south-collonie of Virginia, have received shuch a blow, that 400. persons large will not make good our losses. Therfore I doe intreat you (allthough not knowing you) that ye old rule which I learned when I went to schoole, may be sufficente. That is, Hapie is he whom other mens harmes doth make to beware. And now againe and againe, wishing all those yt willingly would serve ye Lord, all health and happines in this world, and everlasting peace in ye world to come. And so I rest,
Yours, John Hudlston.
By this boat ye Govr returned a thankfull answer, as was meete, and sent a boate of their owne with them, which was piloted by them, in which Mr. Winslow was sente to procure what provissions he could of ye ships, who was kindly received by ye foresaid gentill-man, who not only spared what he could, but writ to others to doe ye like. By which means he gott some good quantitie and returned in saftie, by which ye plantation had a duble benefite, first, a present refreshing by ye food brought, and secondly, they knew ye way to those parts for their benifite hearafter. But what was gott, & this small boat brought, being devided among so many, came but to a litle, yet by Gods blesing it upheld them till harvest. It arose but to a quarter of a pound of bread a day to each person; and ye Govr caused it to be dayly given them, otherwise, had it been in their owne custody, they would have eate it up & then starved. But thus, with what els they could get, they made pretie shift till corne was ripe.
This som̅ er they builte a fort with good timber, both strong & comly, which was of good defence, made with a flate rofe & batllments, on which their ordnance were mounted, and wher they kepte constante watch, espetially in time of danger. It served them allso for a meeting house, and was fitted accordingly for that use. It was a great worke for them in this weaknes and time of wants; FOUNDING WRITERS SUPPLEMENT Dr. Bill Thierfelder 45 but ye deanger of ye time required it, and both ye continuall rumors of ye fears from ye Indeans hear, espetially ye Narigansets, and also ye hearing of that great massacre in Virginia, made all hands willing to despatch ye same.
Now ye wellcome time of harvest aproached, in which all had their hungrie bellies filled. But it arose but to a litle, in comparison of a full years supplie; partly by reason they were not yet well aquainted with ye man̅ er of Indean corne, (and they had no other,) allso their many other imployments, but cheefly their weaknes for wante of food, to tend it as they should have done. Also much was stolne both by night & day, before it became scarce eatable, & much more afterward. And though many were well whipt (when they were taken) for a few ears of corne, yet hunger made others (whom conscience did not restraine) to venture. So as it well appeared ye famine must still insue ye next year allso, if not some way prevented, or supplie should faile, to which they durst not trust. Markets there was none to goe too, but only ye Indeans, and they had no trading comodities. Behold now another providence of God; a ship comes into ye harbor, one Captain Jons being cheefe therin. They were set out by some marchants to discovere all ye harbors betweene this & Virginia, and ye shoulds of Cap-Cod, and to trade along ye coast wher they could. This ship had store of English-beads (which were then good trade) and some knives, but would sell none but at dear rates, and also a good quantie togeather. Yet they weere glad of ye occasion, and faine to buy at any rate; they were faine to give after ye rate of cento per cento, if not more, and yet pay away coat-beaver at 3s. perli, which in a few years after yeelded 20s. By this means they were fitted againe to trade for beaver & other things, and intended to buy what corne they could.
But I will hear take liberty to make a litle digression. Ther was in this ship a gentle-man by name Mr. John Poory; he had been secretarie in Virginia, and was now going home passenger in this ship. After his departure he write a leter to ye Govr in the postscrite wherof he hath these lines.
To your selfe and Mr. Brewster, I must acknowledg my selfe many ways indebted, whose books I would have you thinke very well bestowed on him, who esteemeth them shuch juells. My hast would not suffer me to remember (much less to begg) Mr. Ainsworths elaborate worke upon ye 5. books of Moyses. Both his & Mr. Robinsons doe highly commend the authors, as being most conversante in ye scripturs of all others. And what good (who knows) it may please God to worke by them, through my hands, (though most unworthy,) who finds shuch high contente in them. God have you all in his keeping.
Your unfained and firme friend, John Pory. Aug. 28. 1622.
These things I hear inserte for honour sake of ye authors memorie, which this gentle-man doth thus ingeniusly acknowledg; and him selfe after his returne did this poore-plantation much credite amongst those of no mean ranck. But to returne.
Shortly after harvest Mr. Westons people who were now seated at ye Massachusets, and by disorder (as it seems) had made havock of their provissions, begane now to perceive that want would come upon them. And hearing that they hear had bought trading comodities & intended to FOUNDING WRITERS SUPPLEMENT Dr. Bill Thierfelder 46 trade for corne, they write to ye Govr and desired they might joyne with them, and they would imploy their small ship in ye servise; and furder requested either to lend or sell them so much of their trading comodities as their part might come to, and they would undertake to make paymente when Mr. Weston, or their supply, should come. The Govr condesended upon equall terms of agreemente, thinkeing to goe aboute ye Cap to ye southward with ye ship, wher some store of corne might be got. Althings being provided, Captaint Standish was apointed to goe with them, and Squanto for a guid & interpreter, about ye latter end of September; but ye winds put them in againe, & putting out ye 2. time, he fell sick of a feavor, so ye Govr wente him selfe. But they could not get aboute ye should of Cap-Cod, for flats & breakers, neither could Squanto directe them better, nor ye mr. durst venture any further, so they put into Manamoyack Bay and got what they could ther. In this place Squanto fell sick of an Indean feavor, bleeding much at ye nose (which ye Indeans take for a simptome of death), and within a few days dyed ther; desiring ye Govr to pray for him, that he might goe to ye Englishmens God in heaven, and bequeathed sundrie of his things to sundry of his English freinds, as remembrances of his love; of whom they had a great loss. They got in this vioage, in one place & other, about 26. or 28. hogsheads of corne & beans, which was more then the Indeans could well spare in these parts, for ye set but a litle till they got English hows. And so were faine to returne, being sory they could not gett about the Cap, to have been better laden. After ward ye Govr tooke a few men & wente to ye inland places, to get what he could, and to fetch it home at ye spring, which did help them something.
After these things, in Feb: a messenger came from John Sanders, who was left cheefe over Mr. Weston's men in ye bay of Massachusets, who brought a letter shewing the great wants they were falen into; and he would have borrowed a ħħ of corne of ye Indeans, but they would lend him none. He desired advice whether he might not take it from them by force to succore his men till he came from ye eastward, whither he was going. The Govr & rest deswaded him by all means from it, for it might so exasperate the Indeans as might endanger their saftie, and all of us might smart for it; for they had already heard how they had so wronged ye Indeans by stealing their corne, &c. as they were much incensed against them. Yea, so base were some of their own company, as they wente & tould ye Indeans yt their Govr was purposed to come and take their corne by force. The which with other things made them enter into a conspiracie against ye English, of which more in ye nexte. Hear with I end this year.
[The complete text is available on my website under WILLIAM BRADFORD in SESSIONS 1 & 2]
FOUNDING WRITERS SUPPLEMENT Dr. Bill Thierfelder 47
SESSION TWO: REMINDER NOTE: Full biographies of each writer may be found on my website: www.makingwings.net Go to FOUNDING WRITERS in the top menu and choose the session you want in the drop down. There are separate pages for SESSIONS 1 & 2; SESSIONS 3 & 4; and SESSIONS 5 & 6. You will see the links to the biographies under each author’s name. In addition, there are links to the complete versions of many of the works that we’ll be discussing in this class should you wish to explore further. ------
SAMUEL SEWALL (1652--1730)
From The Diary of Samuel Sewall, 1674-1729 FOUNDING WRITERS SUPPLEMENT Dr. Bill Thierfelder 48
NOTE: Sewall (pronounced Sue-el) was a judge, businessman, and printer in Massachusetts Bay, best known for his involvement in the Salem witch trials--for which he later apologized-- and for his essay The Selling of Joseph (1700), which criticized slavery. He served for many years as the chief justice of the Massachusetts Superior Court, the province's high court.
SALEM WITCH TRIALS BACKGROUND: “In January of 1692, the daughter and niece of Reverend Samuel Parris of Salem Village became ill. When they failed to improve, the village doctor, William Griggs, was called in. His diagnosis of bewitchment put into motion the forces that would ultimately result in the death by hanging of nineteen men and women. In addition, one man was crushed to death; seven others died in prison, and the lives of many were irrevocably changed. To understand the events of the Salem witch trials, it is necessary to examine the times in which accusations of witchcraft occurred. There were the ordinary stresses of 17th-century life in Massachusetts Bay Colony. A strong belief in the devil, factions among Salem Village fanatics and rivalry with nearby Salem Town, a recent small pox epidemic, and the threat of attack by warring tribes created a fertile ground for fear and suspicion. Soon prisons were filled with more than 150 men and women from towns surrounding Salem. Their names had been “cried out” by tormented young girls as the cause of their pain. All would await trial for a crime punishable by death in 17th-century New England, the practice of witchcraft. In June of 1692, the special Court of Oyer (to hear) and Terminer (to decide) sat in Salem to hear the cases of witchcraft. Presided over by Chief Justice William Stoughton, the court was made up of magistrates and jurors (including Samuel Sewall). The first to be tried was Bridget Bishop of Salem who was found guilty and was hanged on June 10. Thirteen women and five men from all stations of life followed her to the gallows on three successive hanging days before the court was disbanded by Governor William Phipps in October of that year. The Superior Court of Judicature, formed to replace the “witchcraft” court, did not allow spectral evidence. This belief in the power of the accused to use their invisible shapes or spectres to torture their victims had sealed the fates of those tried by the Court of Oyer and Terminer. The new court released those awaiting trial and pardoned those awaiting execution. In effect, the Salem Witch Trials were over.” © https://salemwitchmuseum.com/history-education/
SOMETHING TO THINK ABOUT: While Sewall maintained a dairy from his early 20s until his death over 50 years later, the few brief entries that we’re looking at deal with one of the darkest episodes of early America: The Salem Witch Trials of 1692. He eventually apologized publicly as one of the entries indicates. What do you think led him towards an apology?
Selected excerpts from Collections of the Massachusetts Historical Society, Vol. 5, Series 5, 1878, pages 358 - 464.
April 11th 1692. Went to Salem, where, in the Meeting-house, the persons accused of Witchcraft were examined; was a very great Assembly; it was awfull to see how the afflicted persons were agitated. Mr. Noyes prayed at the beginning, and Mr. Higginson concluded. [In the margin] Witchcraft.
FOUNDING WRITERS SUPPLEMENT Dr. Bill Thierfelder 49
May 24th 1692. First general Council, Saltonstall, Major Gedny, Walley, Hutchinson, Lothrop, Alcot, Sewall took their Oaths together, presently after Major Appleton took his. Justices of the Peace were nominated for the Province.
July 20th 1692. Fast at the house of Capt. Alden, upon his account. Mr. Willard prayed. I read a Sermon out of Dr. Preston, 1st and 2d Uses of God is All sufficiency. Capt. Scottow prayed, Mr. Allen came in and prayed, Mr. Cotton Mather, then Capt. Hill. Sung the first part 103.Ps., concluded about 5. o’clock. Brave Shower of Rain while Capt. Scottow was praying, after much Drought. Cous. Daniel Gookin sups with us, and bespeaks my marrying of him tomorrow.
July 30, 1692. Mrs. Cary makes her escape out of Cambridge Prison, who was Committed for Witchcraft.
Augt. 19th 1692. This day the Liet. Governour, Major Phillips, Mr. Russel, Capt. Lynde and my self went to Watertown. Advisíd the Inhabitants at their Town-Meeting to settle a Minister; and if could not otherwise agree, should first have a Town-Meeting to decide where the Meetinghouse should be set. Many say Whitneyís Hill would be a convenient place.
This day [in the margin, Dolefull! Witchcraft] George Burrough, John Willard, John Procter, Martha Carrier and George Jacobs were executed at Salem, a very great number of Spectators being present. Mr. Cotton Mather was there, Mr. Sims, Hale, Noyes, Chiever, &c. All of them said they were innocent, Carrier and all. Mr. Mather says they all died by a Righteous Sentence. Mr. Burrough by his Speech, Prayer, protestation of his Innocence, did much move unthinking persons, which occasions their speaking hardly concerning his being executed.
Augt. 25. Fast at the old First Church, respecting the Witchcraft, Drought, &c.
Monday, Sept. 19, 1692. About noon, at Salem, Giles Corey was pressed to death for standing Mute; much pains was used with him two days, one after another, by the Court and Capt. Gardner of Nantucket who had been of his acquaintance: but all in vain.
Sept. 20. Now I hear from Salem that about 18 years ago, he was suspected to have stampd and pressed a man to death, but was cleared. Twas not remembered till Anne Putnam was told of it by said Corey’s Spectre the Sabbath-day night before the Execution. FOUNDING WRITERS SUPPLEMENT Dr. Bill Thierfelder 50
Sept. 21. A petition is sent to Town in behalf of Dorcas Hoar, who now confesses: Accordingly, an order is sent to the Sheriff to forbear her Execution, notwithstanding her being in the Warrant to die to morrow. This is the first condemned person who has confessíd.
Thorsday, Sept. 22, 1692. William Stoughton, Esqr., John Hathorne, Esqr., Mr. Cotton Mather, and Capt. John Higginson, with my Brother St., were at our house, speaking about publishing some Trials of the Witches. Mr. Stoughton went away and left us, it began to rain and was very dark, so that getting some way beyond the fortification, was fain to come back again, and lodgd here in Capt. Henchmanís Room. Has been a plentiful Rain, blessed be God. Mr. Stoughton went away early in the morn so that I saw him not. Read the 1 Jno 1. before went to bed.
Oct. 11, 1692. Went to the Funeral of Mrs. Sarah Oliver, widow, aged 72. years; buried in the new burying place; a very good, modest, humble, plain, liberal Matron. Bearers, Sam. Sewall, Major John Walley, Capt. Joshua Scottow, Capt. James Hill, Capt. Jacob Eliot, Capt. Theophilus Frary. Scarvs and Gloves.
Read Mr. Willard’s Epistle to Mr. Mather’s (a book), as to Cases of Conscience touching Witchcraft.
Satterday, Oct. 15th Went to Cambridge and visited Mr. Danforth, and discoursed with Him about the Witchcraft; thinks there cannot be a procedure in the Court except there be some better consent of Ministers and People. Told me of the woman’s coming into his house last Sabbath- day sennight at Even.
Oct. 26, 1692. A Bill is sent in about calling a Fast, and Convocation of Ministers, that may be led in the right way as to the Witchcrafts. The season and manner of doing it, us such, that the Court of Oyer and Terminer count themselves thereby dismissed. 29 Nos, and 33 yeas to the Bill. Capt. Bradstreet and Lieut. True, Wm Huchins and several other interested persons there, in the affirmative.
Nov. 22, 1692. I prayd that God would pardon all my Sinfull Wanderings, and direct me for the future. That God would bless the Assembly in their debates, and that would choose and assist our Judges, &c., and save New England as to Enemies and Witchcrafts, and vindicate the late Judges, consisting with his Justice and Holiness, &c., with Fasting. Cousin Anne Quinsy visited FOUNDING WRITERS SUPPLEMENT Dr. Bill Thierfelder 51 me in the Evening, and told me of her childrenís wellfare. Now about, Mercy Short grows ill again, as formerly.
Monday, June 12, 1693. I visit Capt. Alden and his wife, and tell them I was sorry for their Sorrow and Temptations by reason of his Imprisonment, and that I was glad of his Restauration.
Fourth-day Augt 12, 1696. Mr. Melyen, upon a slight occasion, spoke to me very smartly about the Salem Witchcraft: in discourse he said, if a man should take Beacon Hill on his back, carry it away; and then bring it and set it in its place again, he should not make any thing of that.
September 16. Keep a day of Prayer in the East end of the Town-House, Govr, Council and Assembly. Mr. Morton begun with Prayer, Mr. Allin prayíd, Mr. Willard preached: “If God be with us who can be against us?” Spake smartly at last about the Salem Witchcrafts, and that no order had been suffered to come forth by Authority to ask God’s pardon. [Meaning: “I apologized of my own volition and asked for God’s pardon.”]
Copy of the Bill I put up on the Fast day; giving it to Mr. Willard as he passed by, and standing up at the reading of it, and bowing when finished; in the Afternoon.
Samuel Sewall, sensible of the reiterated strokes of God upon himself and family; and being sensible, that as to the Guilt contracted, upon the opening of the late Commission of Oyer and Terminer at Salem (to which the order for this Day relates) he is, upon many accounts, more concerned than any that he knows of, Desires to take the Blame and Shame of it, Asking pardon of Men, And especially desiring prayers that God, who has an Unlimited Authority, would pardon that sin and all other his sins; personal and Relative: And according to his infinite Benignity, and Soveraignty, Not Visit the Sin of him, or of any other, upon himself or any of his, nor upon the Land: But that He would powerfully defend him against all Temptations to Sin, for the future; and vouchsafe him the efficacious, saving Conduct of his Word and Spirit.
Sixth-day, Novr 19. Mr. Higginson coms as far as Brothers to see me; which I wonderíd at. Mr Hale and I lodged together: He discoursíd me about writing a History of the Witchcraft; I fear lest he go into the other exream. Came home with the Majr General, diníd at Madam Paiges; there found Hancock, Allen, and Sam. Haugh. Found all well, Laus Deo. At Col. Paiges was told of the Death of Mrs. Thatcher. When came home, Mr. Cooke told me of the death of Mr. Hooker of Farmington. FOUNDING WRITERS SUPPLEMENT Dr. Bill Thierfelder 52
May, 3. I went not to court in the morning because of my Letters. Dr. Mather sends me Mr. Daniel Neal’s History of New-England: It grievs me to see New England’s Nakedness laid open in the business of the Quakers, Anabaptists, Witchcraft. The Judges Names are mentioned, p. 502. My Confession, p.536. Vol. 2. The Good and Gracious God to be pleased to save New- England, and me and my family!
------COTTON MATHER (1633--1728)
From MEMORABLE PROVIDENCES, RELATING TO WITCHCRAFTS AND POSSESSIONS (1689)
NOTE: Mather was an influential New England Puritan minister, prolific author, and pamphleteer. He left a scientific legacy due to his promotion of inoculation for disease prevention. He is most frequently remembered today for his involvement in the Salem Witch Trials. He was subsequently denied the presidency of Harvard College which his father, Increase Mather, had held. SOMETHING TO THINK ABOUT: This document, published three years before the Salem Trials was used by the Oyer and Terminer Court to help determine who was and who wasn’t a witch. How does the following section of the longer works give you a flavor of the terror that struck the hearts of people regarding witchcraft? (The complete text is available at www.makingwings.net) What is the tone of the passage? What kind of vocabulary does Mather use?
Witchcrafts and Possessions. The First Exemple.
Section I. There dwells at this time, in the south part of Boston, a sober and pious man, whose Name is John Goodwin, whose Trade is that of a Mason, and whose Wife (to which a Good FOUNDING WRITERS SUPPLEMENT Dr. Bill Thierfelder 53
Report gives a share with him in all the Characters of Vertue) has made him the Father of six (now living) Children. Of these Children, all but the Eldest, who works with his Father at his Calling, and the Youngest, who lives yet upon the Breast of its mother, have laboured under the direful effects of a (no less palpable than) stupendous Witchcraft. Indeed that exempted Son had also, as was thought, some lighter touches of it, in unaccountable stabbs and pains now and then upon him; as indeed every person in the Family at some time or other had, except the godly Father, and the sucking Infant, who never felt any impressions of it. But these Four Children mentioned, were handled in so sad and strange a manner, as has given matter of Discourse and Wonder to all the Countrey, and of History not unworthy to be considered by more than all the serious or the curious Readers in this New-English World.
Sect. II. The four Children (whereof the Eldest was about Thirteen, and the youngest was perhaps about a third part so many years of age') had enjoyed a Religious Education, and answered it with a very towardly Ingenuity.' They had an observable Affection unto Divine and Sacred things; and those of them that were capable of it, seem'd to have such a Resentment, of their eternal Concernments as is not altogether usual. Their Parents also kept them to a continual Employment, which did more than deliver them from the Temptations of Idleness, and as young as they were, they took a delight in it) it may be as much as they should have done. In a word, Such was the whole Temper and Carriage of the Children, that there cannot easily be any thing more unreasonable, than to imagine that a Design to Dissemble could cause them to fall into any of their odd Fits; though there should not have happened, as there did, a thousand Things, wherein it was perfectly impossible for any Dissimulation of theirs to produce what scores of spectators were amazed at.
Sect. III. About Midsummer, in the year 1688, the Eldest of these Children, who is a Daughter, saw cause to examine their Washerwoman, upon their missing of some linnen which twas fear'd she had stollen from them; and of what use this linnen might bee to serve the Witchcraft intended, the Theef's Tempter knows! This Laundress was the Daughter of an ignorant and a scandalous old Woman in the Neighbourhood; whose miserable Husband before he died, had sometimes complained of her, that she was undoubtedly a Witch, and that whenever his Head was laid, she would quickly arrive unto the punishments due to such an one. This Woman in her daughters Defence bestow'd very bad Language upon the Girl that put her to the Question; immediately upon which, the poor child became variously indisposed in her health, an visited with strange Fits, beyond those that attend an Epilepsy or a Catalepsy, or those that they call The Diseases of Astonishment.
Sect. IV. It was not long before one of her Sisters, an two of her Brothers, were seized, in.Order one after another with Affects' like those that molested her. Within a few weeks, they were all four tortured every where in a manners very grievous, that it would have broke an heart of stone to have seen their Agonies. Skilful Physicians were consulted for their Help, and particularly our worthy and prudent Friend Dr. Thomas Oakes, who found himself so affronted by the Dist'empers of the children, that he concluded nothing but an hellish Witchcraft could be the Original of these Maladies. And that which yet more confirmed such Apprehension was, that for one good while, the children were tormented just in the same part of their bodies all at the same time together; and tho they saw and heard not one anothers complaints, tho likewise their pains FOUNDING WRITERS SUPPLEMENT Dr. Bill Thierfelder 54 and sprains were swift like Lightening, yet when (suppose) the Neck, or the Hand, or the Back of one was Rack't, so it was at that instant with t'other too.
Sect. V. The variety of their tortures increased continually; and tho about Nine or Ten at Night they alwaies had a Release from their miseries, and ate and slept all night for the most part indifferently well, yet in the day time they were handled with so many sorts of Ails, that it would require of us almost as much time to Relate them all, as it did of them to Endure them. Sometimes they would be Deaf, sometimes Dumb, and sometimes Blind, and often, all this at once. One while their Tongues would be drawn down their Throats; another-while they would be pull'd out upon their Chins, to a prodigious length. They would have their Mouths opened unto such a Wideness, that their Jaws went out of joint; and anon they would clap together again with a Force like that of a strong Spring-Lock. The same would happen to their Shoulder-Blades, and their Elbows, and Hand-wrists, and several of their joints. They would at times ly in a benummed condition and be drawn together as those that are ty'd Neck and Heels;' and presently be stretched out, yea, drawn Backwards, to such a degree that it was fear'd the very skin of their Bellies would have crack'd. They would make most pitteous out-cries, that they were cut with Knives, and struck with Blows that they could not bear. Their Necks would be broken, so that their Neck-bone would seem dissolved unto them that felt after it; and yet on the sudden, it would become, again so stiff that there was no stirring of their Heads; yea, their Heads would be twisted almost round; and if main Force at any time obstructed a dangerous motion which they seem'd to be upon, they would roar exceedingly. Thus they lay some weeks most pittiful Spectacles; and this while as a further Demonstration of Witchcraft in these horrid Effects, when I went to Praver by one of them, that was very desireous to hear what I said, the Child utterly lost her Hearing till our Prayer was over.
Sect. VI. It was a Religious Family that these Afflictions happened unto; and none but a Religious Contrivance to obtain Releef, would have been welcome to them. Many superstitious proposals were made unto them, by persons that were I know not who, nor what, with Arguments fetch't from I know not how much Necessity and Experience; but the distressed Parents rejected all such counsils, with a gracious Resolution, to oppose Devils with no other weapons but Prayers and Tears, unto Him that has the Chaining of them; and to try first whether Graces were not the best things to encounter Witchcrafts with. Accordingly they requested the four Ministers of Boston, with the Minister of Chai-Istown, to keep a Day of Prayer at their thus haunted house; which they did in the Company of some devout people there. Immediately upon this Day, the youngest of the four children was delivered, and never felt any trouble as afore. But there was yet a greater Effect of these our Applications unto our God!
Sect. VII. The Report of the Calamities of the Family for which we were thus concerned arrived now unto the ears of the Magistrates, who presently and prudently apply'd themselves, with a just vigour, to enquire into the story. The Father of the Children complained of his Neighbour, the suspected ill woman, whose name was Glover; and she being sent for by the Justices, gave such a wretched Account of her self, that they saw cause to commit her unto the Gaolers Custody. Goodwin had no proof that could have done her any Hurt; but the Hag had not power to deny her interest in the Enchantment of the Children; and I when she was asked, Whether she believed there was a God? her Answer was too blasphemous and horrible for any Pen of mine to mention. An Experiment was made, Whether she could recite the Lords Prayer; and it was found, that tho FOUNDING WRITERS SUPPLEMENT Dr. Bill Thierfelder 55 clause after clause was most carefully repeated unto her, yet when she said it after them that prompted her, she could not Possibly avoid making Nonsense of it, with some ridiculous Depravations. This Experiment I had the curiosity since to see made upon two more, and it had the same Event. Upon Commitment of this extrordinary Woman, all the Children had some present ease, until one (related unto her) accidentally meeting one or two of them, entertained them with her Blessing, that is, Railing; upon which Three of them fell ill again, as they were before.
Sect. VIII. It was not long before the Witch thus in the Trap, was brought upon her Tryal; at which, thro' the Efficacy of a Charm, I suppose, used upon her, by one or some of her Cruel the Court could receive Answers from her in one but the Irish, which was her Native Language; altho she under-stood the English very well, and had accustomed her whole Family to none but that Language in her former Conversation; and therefore the Communication between the Bench and the Bar,' was now cheefly convey'd by two honest and faithful men that were interpreters. It was long before she could with any direct Answers plead unto her Indictment and; when she did plead, it was with Confession rather than Denial of her Guilt. Order was given to search the old womans house, from whence there were brought into the Court, several small Images, or Puppets, or Babies, made of Raggs, and stuff't with Goat's hair, and other such Ingredients. When these were produced, the vile Woman acknowledged, that her way to torment the Objects of her malice, was by wetting of her Finger with her Spittle, and streaking of those little Images. The abused Children were then present, and the Woman still kept stooping and shrinking as one that was almost prest to Death with a mighty Weight upon her. But one of the Images being brought unto her, immediately she started up after an odd manner, and took it into her hand; but she had no sooner taken it, than one of the Children fell into sad Fits, before the whole Assembly. This the Judges bad their just Apprehensions at; and carefully causing the Repetition of the Experiment, found again the same event of it. They asked her, Whether she had any to stand by her: She replied, She had; and looking very pertly in the Air, she added, No, He's gone. And she then confessed, that she had One, who was her Prince, with whom she maintained, I know not what Communion. For which cause, the night after, she was heard expostulating with a Devil, for his thus deserting her; telling him that Because he had served her so basely and falsly, she had confessed all. However to make all clear, The Court appointed five or six Physicians one evening to examine her very strictly, whether she were not craz'd in her Intellectuals, and had not procured to her self by Folly and Madness the Reputation of a Witch. Diverse hours did they spend with her; and in all that while no Discourse came from her, but what was pertinent and agreeable: particularly, when they asked her, What she thought would become of her soul? she reply'd "You ask me, a very solemn Question, and I cannot well tell what to say to it." She own'd her self a Roman Catholick; and could recite her Pater Noster in Latin very readily; but there was one Clause or two alwaies too hard for her, whereof she said, "She could not repeat it, if she might have all the world." In the up-shot, the Doctors returned her Compos Mentis; and Sentence of Death was pass'd upon her.
Sect. IX. Diverse dayes were passed between her being Arraigned and Condemned. In this time one of her Neighbours had been giving in her Testimony of what another of her Neighbours had upon her Death related concerning her. It seems one Howen about Six years before, had been cruell bewitched to Death; but before she died, she called one Hughes unto her, Telling her that she laid her Death to the charge of Glover; That she had seen Glover sometimes come down her FOUNDING WRITERS SUPPLEMENT Dr. Bill Thierfelder 56
Chimney; That she should remember this, for within this Six years she might have Occasion to declare it. This Hughes now preparing her Testimony, immediately one of her children, a fine boy, well grown towards Youth, was taken ill, just in the same woful and surprising manner that Goodwins children were. One night particularly, The Boy said he saw a Black thing with a Blue Cap in the Room, Tormenting of him; and he complained most bitterly of a Hand put into the Bed, to pull out his Bowels. The next day the mother of the boy went unto Glover, in the Prison, and asked her, Why she tortured her poor lad at such a wicked rate? This Witch replied, that she did it because of wrong done to her self and her daughter. Hughes denied (as well she might) that she had done her any wrong. "Well then," sayes Glover, "Let me see your child and he shall be well again." Glover went on, and told her of her own accord, "I was at your house last night." Sayes Hughes, "In what shape?" Sayes Glover, "As a black thing with a blue Cap." Sayes Hughes, "What did you do there?" Sayes Glover,"with my hand in the Bed I tryed to pull out the boyes Bowels, but I could not." They parted; but the next day Hughes appearing at Court, had her Boy with her; and Glover passing by the Boy, expressed her good wishes for him; tho' I suppose, his Parent had no design of any mighty Respect unto the Hag, by having him with her there. But the Boy had no more Indispositions after the Condemnation of the Woman
Sect. X. While the miserable old Woman was under Condemnation, I did my self twice give a visit unto her. She never denyed the guilt of the Witchcraft charg'd upon her; but she confessed very little about the Circumstances of her Confederacies with the Devils; only, she said, That she us'd to be at meetings, which her Prince and Four more were present at. As for those Four, She told who they were; and for her Prince, her account plainly was, that he was the Devil. She entertained me with nothing but Irish ', which Language I had not Learning enough to understand without an Interpreter; only one time, when I was representing unto her That and How her Prince had cheated her, as her self would quickly find; she reply'd, I think in English, and with passion too, "If it be so, I am sorry for that!" I offer'd many Questions unto her, unto which, after long silence, she told me, She would fain give me a full Answer, but they would not give her leave. It was demanded, "They! Who is that They?" and she return'd, that They were her Spirits, or her Saints, (for they say, the same Word in Irish signifies both). And at another time, she included her two Mistresses, as she call'd them in that They, but when it was enquired, Who those two were, she fell into, a Rage, and would be no more urged. I Sett before her the Necessity and Equity of her breaking her Covenant with Hell, and giving her self to the Lord Jesus Christ, by an everlasting Covenant; To which her Answer was, that I spoke a very Reasonable thing, but she could not do it. I asked her whether she would consent or desire to be pray'd for; To that she said, If Prayer would do her any good, shee could pray for her self. And when it was again propounded, she said, She could not unless her spirits (or angels) would give her leave. However, against her will I pray'd with her, which if it were a Fault it was in excess of Pitty. When I had done, shee thank'd me with many good Words; but I was no sooner out of her sight, than she took a stone, a long and slender stone, and with her Finger and Spittle fell to tormenting it; though whom or what she meant, I had the mercy never to understand.
Sect. XI. When this Witch was going to her Execution, she said, the Children should not be relieved by her Death, for others had a hand in it as well as she; and she named one among the rest, whom it might have been thought Natural Affection would have advised the Concealing of. It came to pass accordingly, That the Three children continued in their Furnace as before, and it grew rather Seven times hotter than it was. All their former Ails pursued them still, with an FOUNDING WRITERS SUPPLEMENT Dr. Bill Thierfelder 57 addition of (tis not easy to tell how many) more, but such as gave more sensible Demonstrations of an Enchantment growing very far towards a Possession by Evil spirits.
Sect. XII. The Children in their Fits would still cry out upon They and Them as the Authors of all their Harm; but who that They and Them were, they were not able to declare. At last, the Boy obtain'd at some times a sight of some shapes in the room. There were Three or Four of 'em, the Names of which the child would pretend at certain seasons to tell; only the Name of One, who was counted a Sager Rag than the rest, he still so stammered at, that he was put upon some Periphrasis in describing her. A Blow at the place where the Boy beheld the Spectre was alwaies felt by the Boy himself in the part of his Body that answered what might be stricken at; and this tho his Back were turn'd; which was once and again so exactly tried, that there could be no Collusion in the Business. But as a Blow at the Apparition alwaies hurt him, so it alwaies help't him too; for after the Agonies, which a Push or Stab of That had put him to, were over, (as in a minute or 2 they would be) the Boy would have a respite from his Fits a considerable while ' and the Hobgoblins disappear. It is very credibly reported that a wound was this way given to an Obnoxious woman in the town, whose name I will not expose: for we should be tender in such Relations lest we wrong the Reputation of the Innocent by stories not enough enquired into.
[The complete text is available on my website under COTTON MATHER in SESSIONS 1 & 2]
------ROBERT BEVERLEY (1673--1722)
From THE HISTORY AND PRESENT STATE OF VIRGINIA (1705) FOUNDING WRITERS SUPPLEMENT Dr. Bill Thierfelder 58
NOTE: Beverley was an historian of early colonial Virginia, as well as a planter and political figure. He was born in Jamestown and died in King and Queen County, Virginia. His History and Present State of Virginia, published originally in London in 1705, documents the history of early life in the Virginia colony.
SOMETHING TO THINK ABOUT: Book I of the HISTORY, which runs about 90 pages in the original edition, discusses the founding of Virginia and the struggles to form a working government. Beverley’s title for Book II is: Natural Productions and Conveniences of Virginia in its unimproved state, before the English went thither. How is the following section from Book II similar to--and/or different from--Bradford’s history of Plymouth or Smith’s history of New England? Might there be an “agenda” to this section of Beverley’s work; if so, what might it be? Book III deals with the Indigenous Peoples. What is the tone regarding Indians? Why do you think Beverley wanted illustrations of the native people included? from BOOK II.
OF THE NATURAL PRODUCT AND CONVENIENCES OF VIRGINIA IN ITS UNIMPROVED STATE, BEFORE THE ENGLISH WENT THITHER.
CHAPTER II.
OF THE WATERS.
§ 4. The largeness of the bay of Chesapeake, I have mentioned already. From one end of it to the other, there is good anchorage, and so little danger of a wreck, that many masters, who have never been there before, venture up to the head of the bay, upon the slender knowledge of a common sailor. But the experience of one voyage teaches any master to go up afterwards without a pilot.
Besides this bay, the country is watered with four great rivers, viz: James, York, Rappahannock, and Potomac rivers, all which are full of convenient and safe harbors. There are also abundance of lesser rivers, many of which are capable of receiving the biggest merchant ships, viz: Elizabeth river, Nansemond, Chickahominy, Pocoson, Pamunkey, Mattapony, (which two last are the two upper branches of York river,) North river, Eastermost river, Corotoman, Wiccocomoco, Pocomoke, Chissenessick, Pungotegue, and many others. But because they are so well described in the large maps of Virginia, I shall forbear any farther description of them.
These rivers are of such convenience, that for almost every half dozen miles of their extent, there is a commodious and safe road for a whole fleet, which gives opportunity to the masters of ships to lie up and down straggling, according as they have made their acquaintance, riding before that gentleman's door where they find the best reception, or where 'tis most suitable to their business. FOUNDING WRITERS SUPPLEMENT Dr. Bill Thierfelder 59
§ 5. These rivers are made up by the conflux of an infinite number of crystal springs of cool and pleasant water, issuing everywhere out of the banks and sides of the valleys. These springs flow so plentifully, that they make the river water fresh fifty, threescore, and sometimes a hundred miles below the flux and reflux of the tides, and sometimes within thirty or forty miles of the bay itself. The conveniences of these springs are so many, they are not to be numbered. I shall therefore content myself to mention that one of supplying the country elsewhere, except in the lowlands, with as many mills as they can find work for; and some of these send forth such a glut of water, that in less than a mile below the fountain head, they afford a stream sufficient to supply a grist mill, of which there are several instances.
§ 6. The only mischief I know belonging to these rivers is, that in the month of June annually, there rise up in the salts, vast beds of seedling-worms, which enter the ships, sloops or boats wherever they find the coat of pitch, tar, or lime worn off the timber, and by degrees eat the plank into cells like those of a honey-comb. These worms continue thus upon the surface of the water, from their rise in June until the first great rains after the middle of July, but after that do no fresh damage till the next summer season, and never penetrate farther than the plank or timber they first fix upon.
The damage occasioned by these worms may be four several ways avoided.
1. By keeping the coat (of pitch, lime and tallow, or whatever else it is) whole upon the bottom of the ship or vessel, for these worms never fasten nor enter, but where the timber is naked.
2. By anchoring the large vessel in the strength of the tide, during the worm season, and hauling the smaller ashore; for in the current of a strong tide, the worm cannot fasten.
3. By burning and cleaning immediately after the worm season is over; for then they are but just stuck into the plank, and have not buried themselves in it; so that the least fire in the world destroys them entirely, and prevents all damage that would otherwise ensue from them.
4. By running up into the freshes with the ship or vessel during the five or six weeks that the worm is thus above water; for they never enter, nor do any damage in fresh water, or where it is not very salt.
****** BOOK III.
OF THE INDIANS, THEIR RELIGION, LAWS AND CUSTOMS, IN WAR AND PEACE.
CHAPTER I.
OF THE INDIANS AND THEIR DRESS. FOUNDING WRITERS SUPPLEMENT Dr. Bill Thierfelder 60
§ 1. The Indians are of the middling and largest stature of the English. They are straight and well proportioned, having the cleanest and most exact limbs in the world. They are so perfect in their outward frame, that I never heard of one single Indian that was either dwarfish, crooked, bandy- legged, or otherwise misshapen. But if they have any such practice among them as the Romans had, of exposing such children till they died, as were weak and misshapen at their birth, they are very shy of confessing it, and I could never yet learn that they had.
Their color, when they are grown up, is a chestnut brown and tawny; but much clearer in their infancy. Their skin comes afterwards to harden and grow blacker by greasing and sunning themselves. They have generally coal black hair, and very black eyes, which are most commonly graced with that sort of squint which many of the Jews are observed to have. Their women are generally beautiful, possessing shape and features agreeable enough, and wanting no charm but that of education and a fair complexion.
[Pg 128] § 2. The men wear their hair cut after several fanciful fashions, sometimes greased, and sometimes painted. The great men, or better sort, preserve a long lock behind for distinction. They pull their beards up by the roots with musselshells, and both men and women do the same by the other parts of their body for cleanliness sake. The women wear the hair of the head very long, either hanging at their backs, or brought before in a single lock, bound up with a fillet of peak, or beads; sometimes also they wear it neatly tied up in a knot behind. It is commonly greased, and shining black, but never painted.
The people of condition, of both sexes, wear a sort of coronet on their heads, from four to six inches broad, open at the top, and composed of peak, or beads, or else of both interwoven together, and worked into figures, made by a nice mixture of the colors. Sometimes they wear a wreath of died furs, as likewise bracelets on their necks and arms. The common people go bare- headed, only sticking large shining feathers about their heads, as their fancies lead them.
§ 3. Their clothes are a large mantle, carelessly wrapped about their bodies, and sometimes girt close in the middle with a girdle. The upper part of this mantle is drawn close upon the shoulders, and the other hangs below their knees. When that's thrown off, they have only for modesty sake a piece of cloth, or a small skin tied round their waist, which reaches down to the middle of the thigh. The common sort tie only a string round their middle, and pass a piece of cloth or skin round between their thighs, which they turn at each end over the string.
Their shoes, when they wear any, are made of an entire piece of buckskin, except when they sew a piece to the bottom to thicken the sole. They are fastened on with running strings, the skin being drawn together like a purse on the top of the foot, and tied round the ankle. The Indian name of this kind of shoe is moccasin.
But because a draught of these things will inform the [Pg 129] reader more at first view than a description in many words, I shall present him with the following prints drawn by the life. FOUNDING WRITERS SUPPLEMENT Dr. Bill Thierfelder 61
Lith. of Ritchies & Dunnavant Richmond, Va. Tab: 2 Book: 3 Pag 129
Tab. II. is an Indian man in his summer dress. The upper part of his hair is cut short to make a ridge, which stands up like the comb of a cock, the rest is either shorn off, or knotted behind his ear. On his head are stuck three feathers of the wild turkey, pheasant, hawk, or such like. At his ear is hung a fine shell with pearl drops. At his breast is a tablet, or fine shell, smooth as polished marble, which sometimes also hath etched on it a star, half moon, or other figure, according to the maker's fancy. Upon his neck and wrists hang strings of beads, peak and roenoke. His apron is made of a deer skin, gashed round the edges, which hang like tassels or fringe; at the upper end of the fringe is an edging of peak, to make it finer. His quiver is of a thin bark; but sometimes they make it of the skin of a fox, or young wolf, with the head hanging to it, which has a wild sort of terror in it; and to make it yet more warlike, they tie it on with the tail of a panther, buffalo, or such like, letting the end hang down between their legs. The pricked lines on his shoulders, breast and legs, represent the figures painted thereon. In his left hand he holds a bow, and in his right an arrow. The mark upon his shoulderblade is a distinction used by the Indians in traveling, to show the nation they are of; and perhaps is the same with that which Baron Lahontan calls the arms and heraldry of the Indians. Thus the several lettered marks are used by several other nations about Virginia, when they make a journey to their friends and allies.
The landscape is a natural representation of an Indian field. FOUNDING WRITERS SUPPLEMENT Dr. Bill Thierfelder 62
Lith. of Ritchie & Dunnavant Richmond. Fig. 2 Fig. 1 Tab. 3 Book 3 Pag. 129
Tab. III is two Indian men in their winter dress. Seldom any but the elder people wore the winter cloaks (which they call match-coats) till they got a supply of [Pg 130] European goods; and now most have them of one sort or other in the cold winter weather. Fig. 1 wears the proper Indian match-coat, which is made of skins, dressed with the fur on, sewed together, and worn with the fur inwards, having the edges also gashed for beauty sake. On his feet are moccasins. By him stand some Indian cabins on the banks of the river. Fig. 2 wears the Duffield match-coat bought of the English; on his head is a coronet of peak, on his legs are stockings made of Duffields: that is, they take a length to reach from the ankle to the knee, so broad as to wrap round the leg; this they sew together, letting the edges stand out at an inch beyond the seam. When this is on, they garter below knee, and fasten the lower end in the moccasin.
§ 4. I don't find that the Indians have any other distinction in their dress, or the fashion of their hair, than only what a greater degree of riches enables them to make, except it be their religious persons, who are known by the particular cut of the hair and the unusual figure of their garments; as our clergy are distinguished by their canonical habit.
The habit of the Indian priest is a cloak made in the form of a woman's petticoat; but instead of tieing it about their middle, they fasten the gatherings about their neck and tie it upon the right shoulder, always keeping one arm out to use upon occasion. This cloak hangs even at the bottom, but reaches no lower than the middle of the thigh; but what is most particular in it is, that it is constantly made of a skin dressed soft, with the pelt or fur on the outside, and reversed; FOUNDING WRITERS SUPPLEMENT Dr. Bill Thierfelder 63 insomuch, that when the cloak has been a little worn the hair falls down in flakes, and looks very shagged and frightful.
The cut of their hair is likewise peculiar to their function; for 'tis all shaven close except a thin crest, like a cock's comb, which stands bristling up, and runs in a semicircle from the forehead up along the crown to the nape of the neck. They likewise have a border of hair over the [Pg 131] forehead, which by its own natural strength, and by the stiffening it receives from grease and paint, will stand out like the peak of a bonnet.
Huskanaw pen. 3 Lith. of Ritchie & Dunnavant Richmond. Fig 2 a Priest Fig. 1 a Conjurer Tab 4 Book 3 Pag 131
Tab. IV. Is a priest and a conjurer in their proper habits. The priest's habit is sufficiently described above. The conjurer shaves all his hair off, except the crest on the crown; upon his ear he wears the skin of some dark colored bird; he, as well as the priest, is commonly grimed with soot or the like; to save his modesty he hangs an otter skin at his girdle, fastening the tail between his legs; upon his thigh hangs his pocket, which is fastened by tucking it under his girdle, the bottom of this is likewise fringed with tassels for ornament sake. In the middle between them is the Huskanawpen spoken of § 32.
§ 5. The dress of the women is little different from that of the men, except in the tieing of their hair. The women of distinction wear deep necklaces, pendants and bracelets, made of small FOUNDING WRITERS SUPPLEMENT Dr. Bill Thierfelder 64 cylinders of the conch shell, which they call peak: they likewise keep their skin clean and shining with oil, while the men are commonly bedaubed all over with paint.
They are remarkable for having small round breasts, and so firm, that they are hardly ever observed to hang down, even in old women. They commonly go naked as far as the navel downward, and upward to the middle of the thigh, by which means they have the advantage of discovering their fine limbs and complete shape.
Lith. of Ritchie & Dunnavant Richmond. Fig. 2 Fig. 1 Tab 5 Book 3 Pag. 131
Tab. V. Is a couple of young women. The first wearing a coronet, necklace and bracelet of peak; the second a wreath of furs on her head, and her hair is bound with a fillet of peak and beads. Between the two is a woman under a tree making a basket of silk grass after their own manner. FOUNDING WRITERS SUPPLEMENT Dr. Bill Thierfelder 65
Pipe of peace IV ch. I have seen. Lahontans Calumet of peace. a Birchen Canoe or Canoe of Bark Lith. of Ritchies & Dunnavant Richmond, Va. Tab. 6 Book 3 Pag. 132
Tab. VI. Is a woman and a boy running after her. One of her hands rests in her necklace of peak, and the other holds a gourd, in which they put water or other liquid.
[Pg 132] The boy wears a necklace of runtees, in his right hand is an Indian rattle, and in his left a roasting ear of corn. Round his waist is a small string, and another brought cross through his crotch, and for decency a soft skin is fastened before.
Runtees are made of the conch shell as the peak is, only the shape is flat and round like a cheese, and drilled edge ways.
------
[The complete text is available on my website under ROBERT BEVERLEY in SESSIONS 1 & 2]
FOUNDING WRITERS SUPPLEMENT Dr. Bill Thierfelder 66
JONATHAN EDWARDS (1703--1758)
From SINNERS IN THE HANDS OF AN ANGRY GOD (1741)
NOTE: Edwards was an American revivalist preacher, philosopher, and Congregationalist Protestant theologian. Like most of the Puritans, he held to a strict, fundamentalist Calvinist theology. Edwards delivered the sermon "Sinners in the Hands of an Angry God,” a classic of early American literature, during another revival in 1741. It is rooted in one of the principle tenents of Calvinist theology: Predestination. Every human is Predestined to heaven or hell. It thus serves every person well to believe in God and Jesus because you don’t know whether your destiny is salvation or damnation. However, there are “signs” about a person’s final destination--many people saw things such as illness or bad financial fortune as an indicator of damnation. Thus, people would continually plead for God’s mercy because God “delights” in damning evil doers.
SOMETHING TO THINK ABOUT: In this selection from SINNERS, what is the general “tone”? What is it about this sermon that inspired rigid Calvinists to scream from their pews? Certainly not the delivery. Edwards was NOT a “fire and brimstone” teacher. Rather, according to contemporary sources, he tended speak in a deliberate. methodical, and intellectual manner. He let his rhetorical genius and his remarkable verbal imagery do the talking. But there is more to this sermon than sophisticated literary technique. Its message is immediately universal and personal. For sinners, hell is the consequence of lost opportunities. The first edition was printed in 1741 with the following title on the first page: "Mr. Edwards's SERMON On the Danger of the UNCONVERTED." In the following section, how does Edwards lay out his argument? Is it clear and logical? What might “scare” the original audiences of this sermon? How is this prose sermon different from/similar to Wigglesworth’s verse “sermon” THE DAY OF DOOM?
FOUNDING WRITERS SUPPLEMENT Dr. Bill Thierfelder 67
DOCTRINE: There is nothing that keeps wicked men, at any one moment, out of hell, but the mere pleasure of God.
By "the mere pleasure of God," I mean his sovereign pleasure, his arbitrary will, restrained by no obligation, hindered by no manner of difficulty, any more than if nothing else but God's mere will had in the least degree, or in any respect whatsoever, any hand in the preservation of wicked men one moment.
The truth of this observation may appear by the following considerations.
I. There is no want of power in God to cast wicked men into hell at any moment. Men's hands can't be strong when God rises up: the strongest have no power to resist him, nor can any deliver out of his hands.
He is not only able to cast wicked men into hell, but he can most easily do it. Sometimes an earthly prince meets with a great deal of difficulty to subdue a rebel, that has found means to fortify himself, and has made himself strong by the numbers of his followers. But it is not so with God. There is no fortress that is any defense from the power of God. Though hand join in hand, and vast multitudes of God's enemies combine and associate themselves, they are easily broken in pieces: they are as great heaps of light chaff before the whirlwind; or large quantities of dry stubble before devouring flames. We find it easy to tread on and crush a worm that we see crawling on the earth; so 'tis easy for us to cut or singe a slender thread that anything hangs by; thus easy is it for God when he pleases to cast his enemies down to hell. What are we, that we should think to stand before him, at whose rebuke the earth trembles, and before whom the rocks are thrown down?
II. They deserve to be cast into hell; so that divine justice never stands in the way, it makes no objection against God's using his power at any moment to destroy them. Yea, on the contrary, justice calls aloud for an infinite punishment of their sins. Divine justice says of the tree that brings forth such grapes of Sodom, "Cut it down; why cumbreth it the ground" (Luke 13:7). The sword of divine justice is every moment brandished over their heads, and 'tis nothing but the hand of arbitrary mercy, and God's mere will, that holds it back.
III. They are already under a sentence of condemnation to hell. They don't only justly deserve to be cast down thither; but the sentence of the law of God, that eternal and immutable rule of righteousness that God has fixed between him and mankind, is gone out against them, and stands against them; so that they are bound over already to hell. John 3:18, "He that believeth not is condemned already." So that every unconverted man properly belongs to hell; that is his place; from thence he is. John 8:23, "Ye are from beneath." And thither he is bound; 'tis the place that justice, and God's Word, and the sentence of his unchangeable law assigns to him.
IV. They are now the objects of that very same anger and wrath of God that is expressed in the torments of hell: and the reason why they don't go down to hell at each moment, is not because God, in whose power they are, is not then very angry with them; as angry as he is with many of those miserable creatures that he is now tormenting in hell, and do there feel and bear the fierceness of his wrath. Yea, God is a great deal more angry with great numbers that are now on FOUNDING WRITERS SUPPLEMENT Dr. Bill Thierfelder 68 earth, yea, doubtless with many that are now in this congregation, that it may be are at ease and quiet, than he is with many of those that are now in the flames of hell.
So that it is not because God is unmindful of their wickedness, and don't resent it, that he don't let loose his hand and cut them off. God is not altogether such an one as themselves, though they may imagine him to be so. The wrath of God burns against them, their damnation don't slumber, the pit is prepared, the fire is made ready, the furnace is now hot, ready to receive them, the flames do now rage and glow. The glittering sword is whet, and held over them, and the pit hath opened her mouth under them.
V. The devil stands ready to fall upon them and seize them as his own, at what moment God shall permit him. They belong to him; he has their souls in his possession, and under his dominion. The Scripture represents them as his "goods" (Luke 11:21). The devils watch them; they are ever by them, at their right hand; they stand waiting for them, like greedy hungry lions that see their prey, and expect to have it, but are for the present kept back; if God should withdraw his hand, by which they are restrained, they would in one moment fly upon their poor souls. The old serpent is gaping for them; hell opens its mouth wide to receive them; and if God should permit it, they would be hastily swallowed up and lost.
VI. There are in the souls of wicked men those hellish principles reigning, that would presently kindle and flame out into hell fire, if it were not for God's restraints. There is laid in the very nature of carnal men a foundation for the torments of hell: there are those corrupt principles, in reigning power in them, and in full possession of them, that are seeds of hell fire. These principles are active and powerful, and exceeding violent in their nature, and if it were not for the restraining hand of God upon them, they would soon break out, they would flame out after the same manner as the same corruptions, the same enmity does in the hearts of damned souls, and would beget the same torments in 'em as they do in them. The souls of the wicked are in Scripture compared to the troubled sea (Isaiah 57:20). For the present God restrains their wickedness by his mighty power, as he does the raging waves of the troubled sea, saying, "Hitherto shalt thou come, and no further" [Job 38:11]; but if God should withdraw that restraining power, it would soon carry all afore it. Sin is the ruin and misery of the soul; it is destructive in its nature; and if God should leave it without restraint, there would need nothing else to make the soul perfectly miserable. The corruption of the heart of man is a thing that is immoderate and boundless in its fury; and while wicked men live here, it is like fire pent up by God's restraints, whenas if it were let loose it would set on fire the course of nature; and as the heart is now a sink of sin, so, if sin was not restrained, it would immediately turn the soul into a fiery oven, or a furnace of fire and brimstone.
VII. It is no security to wicked men for one moment, that there are no visible means of death at hand. 'Tis no security to a natural man, that he is now in health, and that he don't see which way he should now immediately go out of the world by any accident, and that there is no visible danger in any respect in his circumstances. The manifold and continual experience of the world in all ages, shows that this is no evidence that a man is not on the very brink of eternity, and that the next step won't be into another world. The unseen, unthought of ways and means of persons going suddenly out of the world are innumerable and inconceivable. Unconverted men walk over the pit of hell on a rotten covering, and there are innumerable places in this covering so weak FOUNDING WRITERS SUPPLEMENT Dr. Bill Thierfelder 69 that they won't bear their weight, and these places are not seen. The arrows of death fly unseen at noonday; the sharpest sight can't discern them. God has so many different unsearchable ways of taking wicked men out of the world and sending 'em to hell, that there is nothing to make it appear that God had need to be at the expense of a miracle, or go out of the ordinary course of his providence, to destroy any wicked man, at any moment. All the means that there are of sinners going out of the world, are so in God's hands, and so universally absolutely subject to his power and determination, that it don't depend at all less on the mere will of God, whether sinners shall at any moment go to hell, than if means were never made use of, or at all concerned in the case.
VIII. Natural men's prudence and care to preserve their own lives, or the care of others to preserve them, don't secure 'em a moment. This divine providence and universal experience does also bear testimony to. There is this clear evidence that men's own wisdom is no security to them from death: that if it were otherwise we should see some difference between the wise and politic men of the world, and others, with regard to their liableness to early and unexpected death; but how is it in fact? Ecclesiastes 2:16, "How dieth the wise man? as the fool."
IX. All wicked men's pains and contrivance they use to escape hell, while they continue to reject Christ, and so remain wicked men, don't secure 'em from hell one moment. Almost every natural man that hears of hell, flatters himself that he shall escape it; he depends upon himself for his own security; he flatters himself in what he has done, in what he is now doing, or what he intends to do; everyone lays out matters in his own mind how he shall avoid damnation, and flatters himself that he contrives well for himself, and that his schemes won't fail. They hear indeed that there are but few saved, and that the bigger part of men that have died heretofore are gone to hell; but each one imagines that he lays out matters better for his own escape than others have done: he don't intend to come to that place of torment; he says within himself, that he intends to take care that shall be effectual, and to order matters so for himself as not to fail.
But the foolish children of men do miserably delude themselves in their own schemes, and in their confidence in their own strength and wisdom; they trust to nothing but a shadow. The bigger part of those that heretofore have lived under the same means of grace, and are now dead, are undoubtedly gone to hell: and it was not because they were not as wise as those that are now alive; it was not because they did not lay out matters as well for themselves to secure their own escape. If it were so, that we could come to speak with them, and could inquire of them, one by one, whether they expected when alive, and when they used to hear about hell, ever to be the subjects of that misery, we doubtless should hear one and another reply, "No, I never intended to come here; I had laid out matters otherwise in my mind; I thought I should contrive well for myself; I thought my scheme good; I intended to take effectual care; but it came upon me unexpected; I did not look for it at that time, and in that manner; it came as a thief; death outwitted me; God's wrath was too quick for me; O my cursed foolishness! I was flattering myself, and pleasing myself with vain dreams of what I would do hereafter, and when I was saying, ‘Peace and safety,’ then sudden destruction came upon me" [1 Thessalonians 5:3].
X. God has laid himself under no obligation by any promise to keep any natural man out of hell one moment. God certainly has made no promises either of eternal life, or of any deliverance or preservation from eternal death, but what are contained in the covenant of grace, the promises FOUNDING WRITERS SUPPLEMENT Dr. Bill Thierfelder 70 that are given in Christ, in whom all the promises are yea and amen. But surely they have no interest in the promises of the covenant of grace that are not the children of the covenant, and that don't believe in any of the promises of the covenant, and have no interest in the Mediator of the covenant.
So that whatever some have imagined and pretended about promises made to natural men's earnest seeking and knocking, 'tis plain and manifest that whatever pains a natural man takes in religion, whatever prayers he makes, till he believes in Christ, God is under no manner of obligation to keep him a moment from eternal destruction.
So that thus it is, that natural men are held in the hand of God over the pit of hell; they have deserved the fiery pit, and are already sentenced to it; and God is dreadfully provoked, his anger is as great towards them as to those that are actually suffering the executions of the fierceness of his wrath in hell, and they have done nothing in the least to appease or abate that anger, neither is God in the least bound by any promise to hold 'em up one moment; the devil is waiting for them, hell is gaping for them, the flames gather and flash about them, and would fain lay hold on them, and swallow them up; the fire pent up in their own hearts is struggling to break out; and they have no interest in any mediator, there are no means within reach that can be any security to them. In short, they have no refuge, nothing to take hold of, all that preserves them every moment is the mere arbitrary will, and uncovenanted unobliged forbearance of an incensed God.
[The complete text is available on my website under JONATHAN EDWARDS in SESSIONS 1 & 2]
------
FEATURED WRITER: EDWARD TAYLOR (1644?--1729)
FOUNDING WRITERS SUPPLEMENT Dr. Bill Thierfelder 71
NOTE: Taylor was a colonial American poet, pastor, and physician. His work remained unpublished for over 200 years (when it was discovered in the Yale University Archives) but since then has established him as one of the foremost writers of his time. His poetry is now considered the equal of the great English Metaphysical poets like John Donne and George Herbert who wrote during the same period. In 1937, Thomas H. Johnson discovered the 7,000-page manuscript of Taylor's poetry and published a selection from it in The New England Quarterly. The appearance of these poems, wrote Taylor's biographer Norman S. Grabo, "established [Taylor] almost at once and without quibble as not only America's finest colonial poet, but as one of the most striking writers in the whole range of American literature." (Norman S. Grabo, Edward Taylor (New York, 1961), pp. 22–24, 30.)
SOMETHING TO THINK ABOUT: In literature, a conceit is an extended metaphor. (Quick refresher: A simile makes a comparison between one thing and another usually using the words “like” or “as”: The sun is like a big yellow lemon drop. A metaphor says that one thing actually is the other thing: The big yellow lemon drop in the sky was warm and sweet. A conceit takes a metaphor and extends it for many lines in a poem, story, or essay. EXAMPLES: “Ralph is clumsy as an ox (simile).” “Ralph is a clumsy ox (metaphor).” A conceit might be a lengthy description of an ox, making it clear that Ralph is that ox. Taylor builds many of his poems on the foundation of conceits. What is the conceit in HUSWIFERY (House-wifery)? What is the Spider a conceit for in UPON A SPIDER CATCHING A FLY?
HUSWIFERY
Make me, O Lord, Thy spinning-wheel complete. Thy holy word my distaff make for me. Make mine affections Thy swift flyers neat And make my soul Thy holy spool to be. My conversation make to be Thy reel And reel thy yarn thereon spun of Thy wheel.
Make me Thy loom then, knit therein this twine: And make Thy Holy Spirit, Lord, wind quills: Then weave the web Thyself. Thy yarn is fine. Thine ordinances make my fulling-mills. Then dye the same in heavenly colors choice, All pinked with varnished flowers of paradise.
Then clothe therewith mine understanding, will, Affections, judgement, conscience, memory, My words and actions, that their shine may fill My ways with glory and Thee glorify. Then mine apparel shall display before Ye That I am clothed in holy robes for glory.
FOUNDING WRITERS SUPPLEMENT Dr. Bill Thierfelder 72
UPON A SPIDER CATCHING A FLY
Thou sorrow, venom Elfe: Is this thy play, To spin a web out of thyselfe To Catch a Fly? For Why?
I saw a pettish wasp Fall foule therein: Whom yet thy Whorle pins did not clasp Lest he should fling His sting.
But as affraid, remote Didst stand hereat, And with thy little fingers stroke And gently tap His back.
Thus gently him didst treate Lest he should pet, And in a froppish, aspish heate Should greatly fret Thy net.
Whereas the silly Fly, Caught by its leg Thou by the throate tookst hastily And ‘hinde the head Bite Dead.
This goes to pot, that not Nature doth call. Strive not above what strength hath got, Lest in the brawle Thou fall.
This Frey seems thus to us. Hells Spider gets His intrails spun to whip Cords thus And wove to nets And sets.
FOUNDING WRITERS SUPPLEMENT Dr. Bill Thierfelder 73
To tangle Adams race In’s stratigems To their Destructions, spoil’d, made base By venom things, Damn’d Sins.
But mighty, Gracious Lord Communicate Thy Grace to breake the Cord, afford Us Glorys Gate And State.
We’ll Nightingaile sing like When pearcht on high In Glories Cage, thy glory, bright, And thankfully, For joy.
------
UPON A WASP CHILLED WITH COLD
NOTE: Taylor was a keen observer of nature. Here he looks at the wasp with eyes of wonder. Why does he want to become like the wasp?
The bear that breathes the northern blast Did numb, torpedo-like, a wasp Whose stiffened limbs encramped, lay bathing In Sol's warm breath and shine as saving, Which with her hands she chafes and stands Rubbing her legs, shanks, thighs, and hands. Her pretty toes, and fingers' ends Nipped with this breath, she out extends Unto the sun, in great desire To warm her digits at that fire. Doth hold her temples in this state Where pulse doth beat, and head doth ache. Doth turn, and stretch her body small, Doth comb her velvet capital. As if her little brain pan were A volume of choice precepts clear. As if her satin jacket hot Contained apothecary's shop Of nature's receipts, that prevails To remedy all her sad ails, As if her velvet helmet high FOUNDING WRITERS SUPPLEMENT Dr. Bill Thierfelder 74
Did turret rationality. She fans her wing up to the wind As if her pettycoat were lined, With reason's fleece, and hoists sails And humming flies in thankful gales Unto her dun curled palace hall Her warm thanks offering for all.
Lord, clear my misted sight that I May hence view Thy divinity, Some sparks whereof thou up dost hasp Within this little downy wasp In whose small corporation we A school and a schoolmaster see, Where we may learn, and easily find A nimble spirit bravely mind Her work in every limb: and lace It up neat with a vital grace, Acting each part though ne'er so small Here of this fustian animal. Till I enravished climb into The Godhead on this ladder do, Where all my pipes inspired upraise An heavenly music furred with praise.
------
UPON WEDOCK AND THE DEATH OF CHILDREN
NOTE: Taylor was twice married, first to Elizabeth Fitch, by whom he had eight children, five of whom died in childhood, and, after her death, to Ruth Wyllys, who bore six more children, five of whom were daughters who all married clergymen and a prominent clergyman son who lived until 1777 (age 69). "Upon Wedlock and Death of Children," written in 1682 or 1683, refers to the deaths of two of his first children and to his marriage to his first wife Elizabeth Fitch; he calls marriage a "True-Love Knot."
SOMETHING TO THINK ABOUT: Life has both its joys and sorrow; surely the death of a child is one of the greatest of those sorrows. Yet how does Taylor view the tragedy?
A Curious Knot God made in Paradise, And drew it out inamled neatly Fresh. It was the True-Love Knot, more sweet than spice And set with all the flowres of Graces dress. Its Weddens Knot, that ne’re can be unti’de. No Alexanders Sword can it divide.
FOUNDING WRITERS SUPPLEMENT Dr. Bill Thierfelder 75
The slips here planted, gay and glorious grow: Unless an Hellish breath do sindge their Plumes. Here Primrose, Cowslips, Roses, Lilies blow With Violets and Pinkes that voide perfumes. Whose beautious leaves ore laid with Hony Dew. And Chanting birds Cherp out sweet Musick true.
When in this Knot I planted was, my Stock Soon knotted, and a manly flower out brake. And after it my branch again did knot Brought out another Flowre its sweet breath’d mate. One knot gave one tother the tothers place. Whence Checkling smiles fought in each others face.
But oh! a glorious hand from glory came Guarded with Angells, soon did Crop this flowere Which almost tore the root up of the same At that unlookt for, Dolesome, darksome houre. In Pray’re to Christ perfum’de it did ascend, And Angells bright did it to heaven tend.
But pausing on’t, this sweet perfum’d my thought, Christ would in Glory have a Flowre, Choice, Prime,
And having Choice, chose this my branch forth brought. Lord, take’t. I thanke thee, thou takst ought of mine, It is my pledg in glory, part of mee Is now in it, Lord, glorifi’de with thee.
But praying ore my branch, my branch did sprout And bore another manly flower, and gay And after that another, sweet brake out, The which the former hand soon got away. But oh! the tortures, Vomit, screechings, groans, And six weeks fever would pierce hearts like stones.
Griefe o’re doth flow: and nature fault would finde Were not thy Will, my Spell, Charm, Joy, and Gem: That as I said, I say, take, Lord, they’re thine. I piecemeale pass to Glory bright in them. I joy, may I sweet Flowers for Glory breed, Whether thou getst them green, or lets them seed.
------
FOUNDING WRITERS SUPPLEMENT Dr. Bill Thierfelder 76
PREPATORY MEDITATIONS: SECOND SERIES, NO. 7
NOTE: A large number of Taylor’s poems (over 200) were Meditations that he prepared while he was writing his weekly sermons. Both the sermons and Meditations were based on that week’s Bible readings.
QUICK BACKGROUND: Joseph is an important figure in the Bible's Book of Genesis. Sold into slavery in Egypt by his jealous brothers (they were jealous of Joseph having received a brightly colored cloak from their father Jacob), he rose to become vizier, the second most powerful man in Egypt next to Pharaoh, where his presence and office caused Jacob (also called Israel) and his entire household of seventy people to leave Canaan and settle in Egypt. As the father and the brothers who had sold him approached Egyptian territory, they were directed into the province of Goshen and Joseph readied his chariot to meet his father and estranged brothers there. It had been over twenty years since Joseph had last seen his father and brothers. He forgave his brothers, and when he met his father, they embraced each other and wept. Jacob declared: “Now let me die, since I have seen your face, because you are still alive.” (Genesis 46:1-34) Afterward, Pharaoh honored their stay and even proposed that if there were any qualified men in their house, then they may elect a chief herdsman to oversee Egyptian livestock. Because the Pharaoh had such a high regard for Joseph, practically making him his equal, it had been an honor to meet his father. Thus, Jacob (Israel) was able to bless the Pharaoh. (Genesis 47:1-47:12) The family was then settled in Goshen.
(Psalms 105:17. He sent a Man before Them, even Joseph, who was Sold, etc.)
All dull, my Lord, my spirits flat, and dead, All water-soaked and sapless to the skin. Oh! Screw me up and make my spirit's bed Thy quickening virtue, for my ink is dim, My pencil blunt. Doth Joseph type out Thee? Heralds of angels sing out, 'Bow the knee.'
Is Joseph's glorious shine a type of Thee? How bright art Thou? He envied was as well. And so was Thou. He's stripped and picked, poor he, Into the pit. And so was Thou. They shell Thee of Thy kernel. He by Judah's sold For twenty bits; thirty for Thee he'd told.
Joseph was tempted by his mistress vile. Thou by the devil, but both shame the foe. Joseph was cast into the jail awhile. And so was Thou. Sweet apples mellow so. Joseph did from his jail to glory run. FOUNDING WRITERS SUPPLEMENT Dr. Bill Thierfelder 77
Thou from death's pallet rose like morning sun.
Joseph lays in against the famine, and Thou dost prepare the bread of life for Thine, He bought with corn for Pharaoh th' men and land. Thou with Thy bread mak'st such themselves consign Over to Thee, that eat it. Joseph makes His brethren bow before him. Thine too quake.
Joseph constrains his brethren till their sins Do gall their souls. Repentance babbles fresh. Thou treatest sinners till repentance springs, Then with him send'st a Benjamin-like mess. Joseph doth cheer his humble brethren. Thou Dost stud with joy the mourning saints that bow.
Joseph's bright shine th' Eleven Tribes must preach. And Thine Apostles now eleven, Thine. They bear his presents to his friends: Thine reach Thine unto Thine, thus now behold a shine. How hast Thou penciled out, my Lord, most bright Thy glorious image here, on Joseph's light.
This I bewail in me under this shine, To see so dull a color in my skin. Lord, lay Thy brightsome colors on me Thine. Scour Thou my pipes, then play Thy tunes therein. I will not hang my harp in willows by, While Thy sweet praise my tunes doth glorify.
------
I AM THE LIVING BREAD: MEDITATION EIGHT: JOHN 6:51
NOTE: John 6:51: [Jesus speaking] “I am the living bread that came down from heaven. Whoever eats this bread will live forever. This bread is my flesh, which I will give for the life of the world.” New International Version (NIV)
I kening through Astronomy Divine The Worlds bright Battlement, wherein I spy A Golden Path my Pensill cannot line, From that bright Throne unto my Threshold ly. And while my puzzled thoughts about it pore I finde the Bread of Life in't at my doore.
When that this Bird of Paradise put in FOUNDING WRITERS SUPPLEMENT Dr. Bill Thierfelder 78
This Wicker Cage (my Corps) to tweedle praise Had peckt the Fruite forbad: and so did fling Away its Food; and lost its golden dayes; It fell into Celestiall Famine sore: And never could attain a morsell more.
Alas! alas! Poore Bird, what wilt thou doe? The Creatures field no food for Souls e're gave. And if thou knock at Angells dores they show An Empty Barrell: they no soul bread have. Alas! Poore Bird, the Worlds White Loafe is done And cannot yield thee here the smallest Crumb.
In this sad state, Gods Tender Bowells run Out streams of Grace: And he to end all strife The Purest Wheate in Heaven, his deare-dear Son Grinds, and kneads up into this Bread of Life. Which Bread of Life from Heaven down came and stands Disht on thy Table up by Angells Hands.
Did God mould up this Bread in Heaven, and bake, Which from his Table came, and to thine goeth? Doth he bespeake thee thus, This Soule Bread take. Come Eate thy fill of this thy Gods White Loafe? Its Food too fine for Angells, yet come, take And Eate thy fill. Its Heavens Sugar Cake.
What Grace is this knead in this Loafe? This thing Souls are but petty things it to admire. Yee Angells, help: This fill would to the brim Heav'ns whelm'd-down Chrystall meele Bowle, yea and higher. This Bread of Life dropt in thy mouth, doth Cry. Eate, Eate me, Soul, and thou shalt never dy.