SEX WORKERS : PART of the SOLUTION Cheryl Overs. 2002
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SEX WORKERS : PART OF THE SOLUTION An analysis of HIV prevention programming to prevent HIV transmission during commercial sex in developing countries Cheryl Overs. 2002 CONTENTS Definitions 3 Summary 4 Commercial Sex and HIV 5 HIV epidemics The role of sex work Research gaps Rates of infection – women sex workers Rates of infection – men and transgendered sex workers Rates of infection – clients A Paradigm Shift 9 A new conceptual universe Strategies 11 Individual / cognitive interventions Participation and empowerment Enabling environment Operationalising Issues arising Impact on the community Challenges 23 Gender Migration and mobility Drug use Other factors Linking prevention and care Informal commercial sex Replication and Expansion 34 Participatory Site Assessment Participatory Research and Action Priorities and Policies 36 Working with governments Networking and participation Footnotes 38 Bibliography 40 1 DEFINITIONS Commercial sex is the exchange of money or goods for sexual services. It always involves a sex worker and a client and it frequently also involves a third party. Sex work is the provision of sexual services for money or goods. Sex workers are women, men and transgendered people who receive money or goods in exchange for sexual services, and who consciously define those activities as income generating even if they do not consider sex work as their occupation. The words “women”, “men” and “people” in this document include sexually active adolescents. Children who have not reached the age of puberty may also engage in sex work but they are not the focus of this document. Clients are people (usually men) who pay with cash or other resources for sexual services either explicitly or within an agreed package that includes other services such as entertainment or domestic service. Transgender describes people with a range of identities and behaviours, including both transvestism and transsexualism. Transgender identities, behaviours, legal status and physical states vary in different cultures and places. For the purposes of discussion of public health issues, transgender is a general term for people whose self–identity crosses gender. Third parties are people who play ancillary roles in commercial sex. These include arranging meetings between sex workers and clients and/or providing resources and services. These roles vary from place to place and in terms of influence and power over commercial sex and sex workers. The commercial sex industry is the combined phenomenon of individuals, establishments, customs and messages – explicit and implicit, desired and undesired – involved in commercial sex. 2 SUMMARY It has become increasingly clear that in many places the role of commercial sex is significant in sustaining and expanding HIV epidemics, albeit in different ways and at different rates. Knowledge and experience about how to work with sex workers on health issues remains incomplete and controversial. However, by bringing together epidemiological data, operations and behavioural research, project reports and, most importantly, information from communities themselves, practical strategies, guiding principles and measures of success can be identified. A degree of consensus has emerged among frontline projects and key agencies, including many governments, about which combination of policies and programmes reduce HIV transmission during commercial sex. This paper reviews these ideas and principles and presents examples of how they work in practice. It identifies processes for adapting, combining and implementing strategies to maximise their impact on epidemics locally and nationally and raises a series of challenges and questions for implementing agencies and policy makers. 3 COMMERCIAL It has long been recognised that unprotected commercial sex is SEX AND HIV has a significant role in many HIV epidemics. There is also considerable evidence that HIV transmission can be dramatically reduced during commercial sex and such a reduction makes a significant impact on the broader dynamics of the epidemic. However, gaps in our knowledge regarding the exact nature of transmission during commercial sex, stigmatisation of sex workers, and a failure to identify and work closely with large numbers of clients, have prevented many communities from developing effective prevention campaigns for sex workers and their clients. HIV epidemics The World Bank classifies HIV epidemics as ‘nascent’ where infection rates are below 5% in all known risk groups, including sex workers, ‘concentrated’ where rates are above 5% in high risk groups but below 5% in the sentinel populations such as urban antenatal clinics, and ‘generalised’ where rates of more than 5% are found among antenatal clinics attendees. 1 Nearly half of the 4.8 billion people in developing countries live in areas where HIV infection is not yet widespread, even among people most likely to be exposed to the virus. An effective response in these countries would contain the epidemic within the nascent or concentrated stages and spare billions of people the ravages of the epidemic.2 That response must include appropriate interventions for sex workers and their clients. The role of sex work Preventing transmission among those with high rates of partner change is desirable and cost effective because it prevents more secondary cases per primary case averted than interventions directed at those who practise low risk sex. This applies not only to sex workers, but also to men who acquire HIV during unprotected commercial sex and transmit it during non–commercial sexual networking frequently enough to form a significant “epidemiological bridge” to a broader population. Where epidemics are already generalised, sex workers are usually more affected than others. Care and treatment that integrates effective prevention activities and protects HIV positive sex workers from discrimination has an important role in reducing the epidemic in the longer term and for future generations. This means that whatever the state of the epidemic, expanding efforts to prevent HIV transmission during commercial sex should be a high priority. Even in industrialised countries with small epidemics and universal access to health care, maintaining awareness around HIV in the sex industry is still necessary. In such settings, sexual health can and should be integrated into the routine business of occupational health and safety. 4 Research gaps Academics and programme implementers frequently criticise the quality of behavioural and social research into commercial sex. Problems include: ?? lack of an agreed definition of ‘sex worker’: some studies have defined sex workers as people with as few as three sexual contacts per year, even where those involved do not identify those sexual transactions as commercial or even income generating; ?? assumption that every client has penetrative sex: condom use rates are frequently interpreted without considering non– penetrative sex and other services that sex workers offer;3 ?? differences in the level of risk posed by unprotected anal, vaginal and oral sex are often not modelled appropriately; ?? incidence of sexually transmitted infections among sex workers is often recorded but little is known about the types of STI or duration of infections and virtually nothing about STI patterns in clients. Qualitative data and anecdotal information can help fill some of these gaps but limited data has been published, at least partly because non-governmental organisations and others working in the field have few resources to do so.4 Rates of infection – women sex workers It is difficult to quantify HIV among sex workers and clients, partly because it is almost impossible to identify how many people in any one country sell or buy sex, how many of these have HIV, and how many are likely to transmit the virus to others. Commercial sex is frequently clandestine, sex workers and clients are often mobile and many people sell sex only occasionally and away from recognisable commercial sex settings. In some countries statistics are available from law enforcement agencies or health service registers. However, these may not be reliable because they tend to record only women sex workers and there are strong incentives for those selling sex to avoid having their names appear on such registers. Even less information is gathered about clients. Where information is available, it shows that at one extreme, rates of HIV infection among women sex workers above 80% have been reported in Zimbabwe and Kenya, above 60% in Malawi, Côte d’Ivoire and Ethiopia and above 40% in Tanzania, Benin and Mali. In Asia high rates have been reported among sex workers in parts of India, Cambodia and Thailand5. Sampling, however, is often biased and non-random. In many other countries, however, HIV rates among women sex workers have remained low. These include 1.4% among female brothel workers in Malaysia6, 1% in Peru7, 0.06% in Bangladesh 8 and none in Mauritius thirteen years after the virus was identified in that country9. Reasons for low prevalence are not clear, although it has been suggested that they result from lower levels 5 although it has been suggested that they result from lower levels of patronage of female sex workers and a lower number of clients per worker in the Philippines10 and Senegal11, and possibly as a result of early, intensive and ongoing prevention interventions. National seroprevalence data for women sex workers, particularly in large countries, such as Russia (15%) and India (51%)12, should be