North Caucasus, June 2009: a Targeted Blow
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No Justice for Journalists in Ukraine, Belarus and Russia September 2011
No Justice for Journalists in Ukraine, Belarus and Russia September 2011 ARTICLE 19 Free Word Centre 60 Farringdon Road London EC1R 3GA United Kingdom Tel: +44 20 7324 2500 Fax: +44 20 7490 0566 E-mail: [email protected] www.article19.org International Media Support (IMS) Nørregarde 18, 2nd floor 1165 Copenhagen K Denmark Tel: +45 88 32 7000 Fax: +45 33 12 0099 E-mail: [email protected] www.i-m-s.dk ISBN: 978-1-906586-27-0 © ARTICLE 19 and International Media Support (IMS), London and Copenhagen, August 2011 This work is provided under the Creative Commons Attribution-Non-Commercial-ShareAlike 2.5 licence. You are free to copy, distribute and display this work and to make derivative works, provided you: 1) give credit to ARTICLE 19 and International Media Support (IMS); 2) do not use this work for commercial purposes; 3) distribute any works derived from this publication under a licence identical to this one. To access the full legal text of this licence, please visit: http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-sa/2.5/ legalcode. ARTICLE 19 and International Media Support (IMS) would appreciate receiving a copy of any materials in which information from this report is used. This report was written and published within the framework of a project supported by the International Media Support (IMS) Media and Democracy Programme for Central and Eastern Europe and the Caucasus. It was compiled and written by Nathalie Losekoot, Senior Programme Officer for Europe at ARTICLE 19 and reviewed by JUDr. Barbora Bukovskà, Senior Director for Law at ARTICLE 19 and Jane Møller Larsen, Programme Coordinator for the Media and Democracy Unit at International Media Support (IMS). -
Download an Issue
RUSSIAN PRESIDENTIAL ACADEMY OF NATIONAL ECONOMY AND PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION RELIGION CHURCH Vol. 4 Vol. and STATE, Moscow, 2017 Moscow, ISSN (1) 2311 2017 – 3448 EDITORS Dmitry Uzlaner (editor-in-chief ), Marlyn Miller (editor), Alexander Agadjanian, Alexander Kyrlezhev DESIGN Sergei Zinoviev, Ekaterina Trushina LAYOUT Anastasia Meyerson State, Religion and Church is an academic peer- reviewed journal devoted to the interdisciplinary scholarly study of religion. Published twice yearly under the aegis of the Russian Presidential Academy of National Economy and Public Administration. EDITORIAL BOARD Alexey Beglov (Russia), Mirko Blagojević (Serbia), Thomas Bremer (Germany), Grace Davie (UK), Vyacheslav Karpov (USA), Vladimir Malyavin (Republic of China), Brian Horowitz (USA), Vasilios Makrides (Germany), Bernice Martin (UK), David Martin (UK), Alexander Panchenko (Russia), Randall A. Poole (USA), Kathy Rousselet (France), Kristina Stoeckl (Austria), Marianna Shachnovich (Russia), Mikhail Smirnov (Russia), Roman Svetlov (Russia), Olga Vasil’eva (Russia), Alexander Verkhovsky (Russia), Paul Werth (USA), Alexey Yudin (Russia). Address: State, Religion and Church Editorial Ofce. Institute of Public Administration and Management. Russian Presidential Academy of National Economy and Public Administration. Prospekt Vernadskogo 84. Building 8, Room 2023. 119606 Moscow, Russia. Web-site: www.srch.ranepa.ru E-mail: [email protected] Copyright © 2017 Russian Presidential Academy of National Economy and Public Administration All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means without permission in writing from the editor. The opinions of the authors expressed in this journal are their own and do not necessarily coincide with those of the editorial staf. Indexed in Erih Plus and ATLA Religion Database. -
The Future of the Caucasus After the Second Chechen War
CEPS Working Document No. 148 The Future of the Caucasus after the Second Chechen War Papers from a Brainstorming Conference held at CEPS 27-28 January 2000 Edited by Michael Emerson and Nathalie Tocci July 2000 A Short Introduction to the Chechen Problem Alexandru Liono1 Abstract The problems surrounding the Chechen conflict are indeed many and difficult to tackle. This paper aims at unveiling some of the mysteries covering the issue of so-called “Islamic fundamentalism” in Chechnya. A comparison of the native Sufi branch of Islam and the imported Wahhaby ideology is made, in order to discover the contradictions and the conflicts that the spreading of the latter inflicted in the Chechen society. Furthermore, the paper investigates the main challenges President Aslan Maskhadov was facing at the beginning of his mandate, and the way he managed to cope with them. The paper does not attempt to cover all the aspects of the Chechen problem; nevertheless, a quick enumeration of other factors influencing the developments in Chechnya in the past three years is made. 1 Research assistant Danish Institute of International Affairs (DUPI) 1 1. Introduction To address the issues of stability in North Caucasus in general and in Chechnya in particular is a difficult task. The factors that have contributed to the start of the first and of the second armed conflicts in Chechnya are indeed many. History, politics, economy, traditions, religion, all of them contributed to a certain extent to the launch of what began as an anti-terrorist operation and became a full scale armed conflict. The narrow framework of this presentation does not allow for an exhaustive analysis of the Russian- Chechen relations and of the permanent tensions that existed there during the known history of that part of North Caucasus. -
The Siloviki in Russian Politics
The Siloviki in Russian Politics Andrei Soldatov and Michael Rochlitz Who holds power and makes political decisions in contemporary Russia? A brief survey of available literature in any well-stocked bookshop in the US or Europe will quickly lead one to the answer: Putin and the “siloviki” (see e.g. LeVine 2009; Soldatov and Borogan 2010; Harding 2011; Felshtinsky and Pribylovsky 2012; Lucas 2012, 2014 or Dawisha 2014). Sila in Russian means force, and the siloviki are the members of Russia’s so called “force ministries”—those state agencies that are authorized to use violence to respond to threats to national security. These armed agents are often portrayed—by journalists and scholars alike—as Russia’s true rulers. A conventional wisdom has emerged about their rise to dominance, which goes roughly as follows. After taking office in 2000, Putin reconsolidated the security services and then gradually placed his former associates from the KGB and FSB in key positions across the country (Petrov 2002; Kryshtanovskaya and White 2003, 2009). Over the years, this group managed to disable almost all competing sources of power and control. United by a common identity, a shared worldview, and a deep personal loyalty to Putin, the siloviki constitute a cohesive corporation, which has entrenched itself at the heart of Russian politics. Accountable to no one but the president himself, they are the driving force behind increasingly authoritarian policies at home (Illarionov 2009; Roxburgh 2013; Kasparov 2015), an aggressive foreign policy (Lucas 2014), and high levels of state predation and corruption (Dawisha 2014). While this interpretation contains elements of truth, we argue that it provides only a partial and sometimes misleading and exaggerated picture of the siloviki’s actual role. -
The North Caucasus: the Challenges of Integration (III), Governance, Elections, Rule of Law
The North Caucasus: The Challenges of Integration (III), Governance, Elections, Rule of Law Europe Report N°226 | 6 September 2013 International Crisis Group Headquarters Avenue Louise 149 1050 Brussels, Belgium Tel: +32 2 502 90 38 Fax: +32 2 502 50 38 [email protected] Table of Contents Executive Summary ................................................................................................................... i Recommendations..................................................................................................................... iii I. Introduction ..................................................................................................................... 1 II. Russia between Decentralisation and the “Vertical of Power” ....................................... 3 A. Federative Relations Today ....................................................................................... 4 B. Local Government ...................................................................................................... 6 C. Funding and budgets ................................................................................................. 6 III. Elections ........................................................................................................................... 9 A. State Duma Elections 2011 ........................................................................................ 9 B. Presidential Elections 2012 ...................................................................................... -
Fusiongps???] Are Worse Than Prostitutes
From: Nellie Ohr (b)(6) Sent: Monday, December 4, 2017 9:06 PM To: Holtyn, Lisa (OCDETF) Subject: Re: Invitation: The Oligarchs Strike Back? The Challenge of Anti-Corruption Reform in Ukraine – Thursday, December 7, 4:00 pm-5:30 pm Thanks for the heads-up! It's pretty depressing to attend these things :-) I hope you are well -----Original Message----- From: Holtyn, Lisa (OCDETF) (OCDETF) To: Nellie Ohr ; Ohr, Bruce (ODAG) (ODAG) Sent: Mon, Dec 4, 2017 4:47 pm Subject: FW: Invitation: The Oligarchs Strike Back? The Challenge of Anti-Corruption Reform in Ukraine – Thursday, December 7, 4:00 pm-5:30 pm Thought this might interest you both, time-permitting. From: Hudson Institute [mailto:[email protected]] Sent: Monday, December 04, 2017 4:45 PM To: Holtyn, Lisa (OCDETF) (b)(6) Subject: Invitation: The Oligarchs Strike Back? The Challenge of Anti-Corruption Reform in Ukraine – Thursday, December 7, 4:00 pm-5:30 pm □□□ The Oligarchs Strike Back? The Challenge of Anti- Corruption Reform in Ukraine 106 Thursday, December 7th 4:00 to 5:30 pm Register Hudson Institute Stern Policy Center Add to Calendar 1201 Pennsylvania Avenue, N.W. Suite 400 Washington, DC 20004 Four years after Ukraine's Revolution of Dignity began, Ukraine continues to work on an ambitious refmm agenda tackling conuption and stimulating the economy. Thanks to public pressure, civic engagement, and encomagement from international financial organizations, the government has introduced an open procurement process, created oversight and enforcement bodies throughout government, and required public officials to declare their wealth and assets. However, progress has slowed as anti-conuption agencies including the National Anti-Conuption Bureau (NABU) and Specialized Anti-Conuption Prosecutor's Office (SAPO) have come under attack from pariies within the government as well as the oligarchic interests that remain entrenched in the countly. -
Health Sector Field Directory
HEALTH SECTOR FIELD DIRECTORY Republic of Chechnya Republic of Ingushetia Russian Federation June 2004 World Health Organization Nazran, Republic of Ingushetia TABLE OF CONTENTS ORGANIZATION 1. Agency for Rehabilitation and Development (ARD/Denal) 2. CARE Canada 3. Centre for Peacemaking and Community Development (CPCD) 4. Danish Refugee Council/Danish Peoples Aid (DRC/DPA) 5. Hammer FOrum e. V. 6. Handicap International 7. International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) 8. International Humanitarian Initiative (IHI) 9. International Medical Corps (IMC) 10. Islamic Relief (IR) 11. International Rescue Committee (IRC) 12. Medecins du Monde (MDM) 13. Medecins Sans Frontieres – Belgium (MSF-B) 14. Error! Reference source not found. 15. Medecins Sans Frontieres - Holland (MSF-H) 16. Medecins Sans Frontieres - Switzerland (MSF-CH) 17. Memorial 18. People in Need (PIN) 19. Polish Humanitarian Organisation (PHO) 20. Save the Generation 21. SERLO 22. UNICEF 23. World Vision 24. World Health Organization (WHO) 2 Agency for Rehabilitation and Development (ARD/Denal) Sector: Health; Food; Non-Food Items; Education Location: Chechnya and Ingushetia Objectives: To render psychosocial support to people affected by the conflict; to provide specialised medical services for women and medical aid for the IDP population; to support education and recreational activities; to supply supplementary food products to vulnerable IDP categories with specific nutritional needs; to provide basic hygienic items and clothes for new-born; to help the IDP community to establish a support system for its members making use of available resources. Beneficiaries: IDP children, youth, women and men in Ingushetia and residents in Chechnya Partners: UNICEF, SDC/SHA CONTACT INFORMATION: INGUSHETIA Moscow Karabulak, Evdoshenko St. -
Caucasus Emirates
Caucasus Emirates The threats against the 2014 Winter Olympics put a spotlight on the Caucasus Emirates, a separatist Islamic extremist group in the Russian Federation loosely aligned with Al Qaeda. Although the Emirates’ purported primary aim is to create a state independent of Russia, its increased incorporation of extremist ideology and anti-Semitism into its mission heighten its inclination for acts of terrorism, while providing fodder for its growth. Founded in 2007 by Doku Umarov, former president of a self-proclaimed Chechen secessionist government, the Caucasus Emirates serves as an umbrella group for a number of smaller extremist and separatist organizations operating out of the Caucasus area, which includes Chechnya and Dagestan. Its stated goal is to create an independent Islamist theocracy in the Muslim-populated areas of Russia. The organization brought together a number of independent groups that had been fighting Russia for independence for decades, but whose leadership had been largely decimated by Russian forces. Although it was founded in 2007, the only emerged as a more active organization with a series of claimed attacks between 2009 and 2011. These attacks included a June 2009 sniper attack on the Dagestan Ministry of the Interior that resulted in three deaths; a September 2009 suicide bombing in Makhachkala, Dagestan that resulted in twelve deaths; the bombing of a train that resulted in 27 deaths and 100 injuries; a March 2010 bomb of the Moscow metro that resulted in 40 deaths and 100 injuries; an August 2010 attack by 60 militants 1 / 4 on a Chechen village that resulted in 6 deaths and 24 injuries; and a January 2011 bombing of the Domodedovo airport in Moscow that resulted in 37 deaths and 180 injuries. -
Organized Crime 1.1 Gaizer’S Criminal Group
INTRODUCTION ......................................................................................................... 4 CHAPTER I. ORGANIZED CRIME 1.1 Gaizer’s Criminal Group ..................................................................................6 1.2 Bandits in St. Petersburg ............................................................................ 10 1.3 The Tsapok Gang .......................................................................................... 14 Chapter II.CThe Corrupt Officials 2.1 «I Fell in Love with a Criminal» ................................................................20 2.2 Female Thief with a Birkin Bag ...............................................................24 2.3 «Moscow Crime Boss».................................................................................29 CONTENTS CHAPTER III. THE BRibE-TAKERS 3.1 Governor Khoroshavin’s medal «THE CRIMINAL RUSSIA PARTY», AN INDEPENDENT EXPERT REPORT «For Merit to the Fatherland» ..................................................................32 PUBLISHED IN MOSCOW, AUGUST 2016 3.2 The Astrakhan Brigade ...............................................................................36 AUTHOR: ILYA YASHIN 3.3 A Character from the 1990s ......................................................................39 MATERiaL COMPILING: VERONIKA SHULGINA HAPTER HE ROOKS TRANSLATION: C 4. T C EVGENia KARA-MURZA 4.1 Governor Nicknamed Hans .......................................................................42 GRAPHICS: PavEL YELIZAROV 4.2 The Party -
1222 RUS Khashiyev H/Exec Disappearance Cases
DIRECTORATE GENERAL HUMAN RIGHTS AND RULE OF LAW DIRECTORATE OF HUMAN RIGHTS DEPARTMENT FOR THE EXECUTION OF JUDGMENTS OF THE EUROPEAN COURT OF HUMAN RIGHTS H/Exec(2015)5 rev – 20 August 2015 ——————————————— Khashiyev and Akayeva v. Russian Federation (No. 57942/00) group of cases Overview of the Court’s judgments concerning enforced disappearances in the North Caucasus Memorandum prepared by the Department for the Execution of Judgments of the European Court of Human Rights ——————————————— The opinions expressed in this document are binding on neither the Committee of Ministers nor the European Court. This document contains an overview of the judgments delivered by the European Court against the Russian Federation concerning enforced disappearances in the North Caucasus between 1999 and 2006 (Khashiyev and Akayeva group of cases). It also indicates the fate of the disappeared persons, where known, at the time of the examination by the European Court. 1 http://www.coe.int/t/dghl/monitoring/execution/ 2 Case name Disappeared Facts as established by the Criminal investigation file, as Fate of disappeared persons Violations Application no. persons (name Court noted in the Court’s judgment as indicated in the Court’s found Date of definitive and year of birth) judgments (where known) judgment Bazorkina Mr Khadzhi-Murat The applicant’s son was Case no. 19112 opened on 14 July Unknown. Art. 2 69481/01 Yandiyev (1975) detained on 2 February 2000 2001 by the Chechnya Prosecutor’s (substantive 11/12/2006 by State servicemen during a Office under Article 126 § 2 of the and counter-terrorist operation in Criminal Code (aggravated procedural), the village of Alkhan-Kala kidnapping). -
The Second Chechen War: the Information Component
WARNING! The views expressed in FMSO publications and reports are those of the authors and do not necessarily represent the official policy or position of the Department of the Army, Department of Defense, or the U.S. Government. The Second Chechen War: The Information Component by Emil Pain, Former Russian Ethno-national Relations Advisor Translated by Mr. Robert R. Love Foreign Military Studies Office, Fort Leavenworth, KS. This article appeared in The linked image cannot be displayed. The file may have been moved, renamed, or deleted. Verify that the link points to the correct file a Military Review July-August 2000 In December 1994 Russian authorities made their first attempt to crush Chechen separatism militarily. However, after two years of bloody combat the Russian army was forced to withdraw from the Chechen Republic. The obstinacy of the Russian authorities who had decided on a policy of victory in Chechnya resulted in the deaths of at least 30,000 Chechens and 5,000 Russian soldiers.1 This war, which caused an estimated $5.5 billion in economic damage, was largely the cause of Russia's national economic crisis in 1998, when the Russian government proved unable to service its huge debts.2 It seemed that after the 1994-1996 war Russian society and the federal government realized the ineffectiveness of using colonial approaches to resolve ethnopolitical issues.3 They also understood, it seemed, the impossibility of forcibly imposing their will upon even a small ethnoterritorial community if a significant portion of that community is prepared to take up arms to defend its interests. -
Russian Law Enforcement and Internal Security Agencies
September 14, 2020 Russian Law Enforcement and Internal Security Agencies Russia has an extensive internal security system, with Competition frequently leads to arrests and prosecutions, multiple, overlapping, and competitive security agencies often for real or imagined corruption allegations to undercut vying for bureaucratic, political, and economic influence. targeted organizations and senior leadership both Since Vladimir Putin assumed Russia’s leadership, these institutionally and politically. agencies have grown in both size and power, and they have become integral to the security and stability of the Russian Law Enforcement and Internal government. If Putin extends his rule beyond 2024, as is Security Agencies and Heads now legally permissible, these agencies could play a role in (as of September 2020) the leadership succession process and affect the ability of a transitional regime to quell domestic dissent. For Members Ministry of Interior (MVD): Vladimir Kolokoltsev of Congress, understanding the numerous internal security National Guard (Rosgvardiya, FSVNG): Viktor Zolotov agencies in Russia could be helpful in assessing the x Special Purpose Mobile Units (OMON) prospects of regime stability and dynamics of a transition x Special Rapid Response Detachment (SOBR) after Putin leaves office. In addition, Russian security agencies and their personnel have been targeted by U.S. x Interior Troops (VV) sanctions for cyberattacks and human rights abuses. x Kadyrovtsy Overview and Context Federal Security Service (FSB): Alexander Bortnikov