ECA 2 (2005), p. 121-126; doi: 10.2143 / ECA.2.0.2004554

Syrian Orthodox Attitudes to the Pilgrimage to Jerusalem

Herman TEULE

INTRODUCTION When we go somewhat back in history, we have much less evidence about the journey to Jerusalem, In the interesting and well documented study on the although again the infrastructure in Jerusalem sug- history of the monasteries and churches of Mardin gests a virtually permanent presence of Jacobite pil- and surroundings published by the Syrian Orthodox grims5. This is confirmed by the popularity of the priest, Gabriyel Akyüz, one finds a picture of a honorific title al-maqdisi, maqdsoyo or muqsi which proskynetarion, which some pious Syrian Orthodox was given, in Arabic, Syriac or ™uroyo, to West pilgrims had brought to their home city as a souvenir Syrian pilgrims to Jerusalem especially in the six- of their pilgrimage to Jerusalem. This proskynetarion teenth and seventeenth centuries, possibly in imita- now hangs on the wall of the venerable Church of tion of the Muslim title Ìajji 6. For the end of the Mart Smuni in the outskirts of Mardin1. Like the fifteenth century, we should mention the pilgrim- Christians of the other oriental and Eastern churches, age of some people from the village of Beth Sbirino the Syrian Orthodox were great supporters of a pil- in Tur ‘Abdin. An elaborate description of this long grimage to the Holy City. In their case, the journey and difficult journey is given in the appendix to was much facilitated by the presence of some infra- Gregory Bar ‘Ebroyo’s Chronicon civile 7. This vol- structure in Jerusalem, where they could find shelter ume devoted to the study of presents brought from in their own monasteries. This popularity is con- Jerusalem contains one interesting detail: when trav- firmed by an Arabic inscription, which commemo- elling back through Syria to their home village, the rates the renovation of St Mark’s Monastery and states pilgrims were, according to the chronicler, ill-treated that, in this monastery, ‘renowned among the Syri- by the Lord of the city of Gargar and deprived of ans in Jerusalem the Holy, to which people flock their ‘girdles, crosses (zunnore waÒlibe) and other from every region and (from all) countries … new provisions’. These girdles were not, as one transla- monks’ cells and courtyards and an iwan were built, tor seems to suggest, their personal belts, but rather, a lodging (manzil) for visitors, be they spiritual broth- together with the crosses, presents which they had ers or monks.’2. Apparently, St Mark’s Monastery taken from Jerusalem to distribute to the people of attracted many Jacobite visitors in the beginning of their village. the nineteenth century, the date of this inscription Apart from the infrastructure in Jerusalem we do (1833). Another inscription (in Karshuni) from this not have much information about the practical period informs us that important renovation works details of the pilgrimage to Jerusalem in the nine- in the same monastery were financed by the believ- teenth century. I would, therefore, like to discuss ers in Syria, an indication that the maintenance of a a Syrian Orthodox text on the pilgrimage to good infrastructure in Jerusalem was important to them3. Still another one, also in Karshuni, suggests a great number of visitors from Syria in the middle of 1 Akyüz 1998, 69. 2 the nineteenth century and refers to lumm t, travel- Palmer/van Gelder 1994, 40 and 41. a 3 Palmer/van Gelder 1994, 45: the Metropolitan of Edessa 4 ling parties, arriving at the monastery . Hopefully, undertook these renovations from his own money and that these lummat were more than just travelling parties of the believers in Syria. or tourists, but also included the spiritual brothers of 4 Palmer/van Gelder 1994, 47-48. 5 the previous inscription. From the same inscriptions Cf. Palmer 1991; Palmer 1992. 6 Kaufhold 1991, 49-53. it appears that in this period also many Jacobite 7 Wallis Budge 1932 (reprint 1976), l-lii (translation) and pilgrims from India visited the Holy City. fol. 200r, col 2-201r; cf. Palmer 1991, 21-24.

121 Jerusalem, which was composed as early as in the long as one has not performed the pilgrimage to thirteenth century, but, judging from the number of Jerusalem, seems exaggerated and is certainly not manuscripts copied in the eighteenth and nineteenth corroborated by what we find in the literary sources. centuries, must have been extremely popular in the To give an example: we are relatively well-informed period under discussion. The original language was about the ascetical practices of the West Syrian Syriac, but its popularity is also shown by the fact monks, many collections of ascetic rules have been that in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries at preserved, with detailed descriptions of the life of a least three different translations were made into Ara- monk, inside and outside a monastery, but no allu- bic, mainly in the region of Damascus, where the sion can be found to the pilgrimage to Jerusalem10. Syrian Orthodox no longer understood Syriac. We Apparently, the journey to the Holy City was not have seen that the Jerusalem pilgrimage was espe- important enough to deserve a place in the differ- cially popular among the Christians from Syria. ent sets of monastic rules. The same holds true for In order to have a better understanding of the the chronicles of monasteries or the juridical com- mentality and even the spirituality of the Syrian pilations. The reason is simple and is given by Bar Orthodox pilgrimage to Jerusalem in the seven- ‘Ebroyo, who approvingly quotes a letter written by teenth and eighteenth centuries, it seems worth- some anonymous solitary from the East and while to investigate this text more closely. It is found addressed to one of his colleagues: ‘Everyone tries in the Ethicon a well-known book by Gregory Bar hard to go to Jerusalem on high; how could you ‘Ebroyo (b al-’Ibri), which can best be characterized leave for Jerusalem on earth? Such a matter would as a work on spirituality rather than on ethics, as not be the desire of a watchful mind …. Stay there- the title suggests. It was written not only for monks fore in your cell and strive to abide in your inner and priests – and this makes it unique and explains self …, for you are Jerusalem yourself!’11. its popularity –, but also for laymen, ‘olmoye, secu- lar people living in the world. It is divided into four But this is not all. Bar ‘Ebroyo, a man of great pas- parts. The first memro deals with a number of devo- toral experience – this is exactly why he wrote his tional practices such as prayer, singing, fasting, spir- Book of Ethics –, recognizes that not all believers are itual retreat, etc. The ninth and last chapter of this up to this ‘sublime opinion’, as he puts it, of monks memro is devoted to the pilgrimage to Jerusalem, and ascetics. Therefore, one should not reject the the last but one to travelling in general8. practice of many of them, the bnay Qyomo, the covenanters, or secular people, who leave for THE PILGRIMAGE TO JERUSALEM IN BARHEBRAEUS’S Jerusalem in order to be blessed by their visit to the ETHICON Lord’s Sepulchre or the other Holy Places. For Bar ‘Ebroyo, a general disapproval of the pilgrimage The author begins this chapter with a discussion would be all the more misplaced, since one has to whether the pilgrimage to the Holy City is allowed recognize that many people really benefit from their and not detrimental to spiritual life. This should not journey to Jerusalem and grow in ardour for good surprise us. In the spiritual literature written by the works. Syrians we hardly find any reference to the pilgrim- He therefore composes a number of qonune, age to Jerusalem. One should certainly not think rules, which indicate the best conditions for the that great numbers of monks and ascetics crowded journey. together towards the Holy City. The statement of The first is that, before leaving, the pilgrim Father Fiey9 that one cannot be a genuine monk as should repent of what he has done wrong. If there remain affairs to be settled with the people who stay behind, he should do so. He should leave for 8 For a discussion of the different Arabic versions, see Ethicon Jerusalem without ulterior motives, such as selling (transl.), XIII-XVII. For the number of Syriac mss of the or buying goods, for, with a word-play in Syriac, 18th and 19th cent, see Ethicon (text), V-XXII and H. Taka- worldly (‘olmonoyo) trade is an impediment to hashi in the bibliographical appendix to his dissertation eternal (‘olminoyo) commerce. The pilgrim should (Takashaki 2002, 59*-62*). 9 Fiey 1969, 126. take with him enough honestly earned money; if 10 Cf. Teule 1994. possible he should think of taking something extra 11 Ethicon, 122 (transl.: 104). in order to help less privileged travellers.

122 A number of canons are devoted to the inner too, like Mary Magdelene, cry out Hosanna in the attitude of the pilgrim. His act of devotion must be Highest, when like the children you go through the a conscious one and he must be aware of the reli- streets of Jerusalem, and (again with a word-play in gious reasons of his pilgrimage: ‘In his heart, the Syriac) drink (asti) with him vinegar, so that you (pilgrim) must reflect on where he is going and to may rejoice at the wedding banquet (mastuto), die Whom and for what reason.’12. with him so that, like him, you will be raised at his This inner disposition should become visible in resurrection. his behaviour towards others, being friendly, hum- ble, without much talking. If possible, one should It is one of the strongest texts on the spiritual mean- travel on foot, since riding an animal is a sign of ing of the journey to Jerusalem, making it a real pil- wealth and luxury. In the same way, his clothing grimage rather than merely the tourist journey of should be simple and not meant to distinguish him- the travelling parties mentioned above. self from the other pilgrims. A next point is the best moment for the pilgrim- ISLAMIC INFLUENCES age. It is obvious that the Syrian Orthodox also tried to be in Jerusalem during Holy Week and at When reading these different prescriptions and Easter. Bar ‘Ebroyo even recommends special injunctions, of course, one is inclined to ask after clothes for the pilgrims who are in Jerusalem dur- their origin. Partly, one recognizes echoes of what ing this period: white cotton for the seculars, and, can be found in the writings of the Fathers. For quite astonishingly, white clothes of pure wool if the instance, the last paragraph on the synchronic pilgrim happens to be a monk. I shall come back approach of the great events of the past bear some to this prescription later. resemblance to some passages from Gregory of Of course, prayer is an important aspect of the Nazianzus’ homily 38 (Eis ta Theofania). But most pilgrimage. Different psalms are to be recited dur- material is new when compared with the former tra- ing the journey or when the pilgrim enters the Holy dition. In his translation of Bar ‘Ebroyo’s Book of City. During his visit to the Sanctuary – the Syriac the Dove, A. Wensinck has drawn the attention to has hayklo –, apparently the Church of the Holy the great influence of the Islamic scholar Abu Sepulchre, he must recite the prayer which is nor- Îamid al-Ghazali on the spiritual and mystical mally said by a priest when he prepares himself to thinking of Bar ‘Ebroyo13. This influence is also felt enter the sanctuary of a church in order to celebrate in the Ethicon14. As a matter of fact, many of the the Eucharist: ‘into your house, O God, have I prescriptions concerning the Jerusalem pilgrimage entered and before your altar have I worshipped, O are Christian adaptations of injunctions and spiri- heavenly King, forgive me all my sins’, an original tual rules formulated by al-Ghazali in his kitab asrar application of a well-known liturgical prayer. al-Îajj, the Book of the Mysteries of the Îajj15. The last section of this chapter is devoted to the One should even consider the possibility that the manner in which a pilgrim should meditate at the idea of the promotion of the Jerusalem pilgrimage Holy Places. This beautiful text reveals a deep spir- as an important act of devotion among Syrian itual attitude and deserves to be quoted in full: Christian lay people was borrowed from the world of Islam, since the Jacobite Church with its strong When you walk at the Holy Places, where our Lord emphasis on the ascetical and monastic tradition completed his economy in the flesh, you must not was not particularly interested in the spiritual life investigate them carelessly, nor just be an external of secular people. observer. Meditate rather with your intellect as if you The Muslim spiritual world can be viewed on were one of the observers and servants of the Word three different levels. Firstly, the attitude towards and the Gospel itself. Wherever you come, at any holy place, think as if you were a partaker of the particu- lar event that happened there. In Bethlehem, at the 12 Ethicon, 126 (transl.: 107). grotto, present gifts together with the magi; when you 13 Wensinck 1919. For an overview of Barhebraeus and his attitude to the world of Islam, see Teule 2003, 21-43. are in the temple, like old Simeon, receive him in 14 Ethicon (translation), appendix I, 112-145. your arms, take him up and kiss him and inhale his 15 This work belongs to al-Ghazali’s magnum opus, the IÌya’ odour that gives life to everything. Wash you his feet ‘ulum al-din (Cairo, A.H. 1337), vol. I, 214-244.

123 the pilgrimage: Bar ‘Ebroyo’s emphasis on the right Sbirino or the proskynetarion in the Church of Mart inner disposition resembles the Muslim concept of Smuni in Mardin suggests that not all Jacobites niyya, the right intention to perform a religious could resist this temptation. This is confirmed by act16. In the same way, the manner of meditation at another chapter in the Ethicon, which deals with the Holy Places, which the pilgrim should approach aksnoyuto, expatriation for religious purposes: mak- as if he were a witness of what happened there in ing yourself a foreigner to everything in the world18. the time of Christ and the Apostles, may be com- Here one also finds detailed prescriptions with pared to the attitude of the Mecca pilgrim when vis- many quotations from the writings of the great iting the tomb of MuÌammad in Medina: ‘meet ascetical authorities within the Jacobite tradition, in him being dead as if you meet him alive.’17. On this particular Evagrius of Pontus, whose works were level, Bar ‘Ebroyo and Ghazali meet each other in read by all Jacobite ascetics, John of Dalyata and their spiritual conception of devotional practices, Isaac of Niniveh. In the section ‘on the material but the resemblance is too general to speak of direct rules of travellers on the roads’ Bar ‘Ebroyo exhorts Muslim influence on Bar ‘Ebroyo. This is different, the returning aksnoye not to forget to bring some however, on the second level, the spiritual rules presents for the relatives who stayed behind. He which are to be observed before and during the pil- even indicates which ones: biscuits, raisins, combs, grimage, where Bar ‘Ebroyo summarizes a number belts and needles, and, if the journey was to of injunctions found in the work of al-Ghazali. The Jerusalem, small crucifixes in mother-of-pearl. fact that Bar ‘Ebroyo adapts the Muslim rules to Christian practice shows that there is no friction CONCLUSION between the Muslim background of these rules and their Christian implementation. On the third level, By way of a conclusion I should like to mention that of practical prescriptions, Bar ‘Ebroyo is inno- three points. Firstly, on account of its popularity in vative and formulates some really new canons. The the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, the text most obvious example is the injunction that the of the Ethicon is relevant for the subject studied at Jerusalem pilgrims, including the monks, should the Hernen symposium. However, it is difficult to wear white clothes. Despite some biblical quota- say to what extent the recommendations or rules tions, Bar ‘Ebroyo introduces an unambiguously were put into practice. Muslim practice, namely the adoption of the state Secondly, Bar ‘Ebroyo’s work and the influence of iÌram (consecration) during the Mecca pilgrim- of the Muslim Ìajj upgraded the practice of the age. Traditionally, the colour of the garment of the Jerusalem pilgrimage to an event of great spiritual West Syrian monks, sometimes called abile, mourn- and social importance. ers, was black. I do not know whether in later times Thirdly, despite some allusions to monks in the this prescription was ever put into practice. Perhaps Ethicon, Bar ‘Ebroyo considered the Jerusalem Pil- only in the Church of the Resurrection, but this is grimage essentially as a devotion intended for lay not confirmed by literary sources. people. This is apparent from the fact that he does not mention the pilgrimage in his Book of the Dove, GIFTS AND PRESENTS which is a selection of spiritual texts taken from the Ethicon, but of relevance only for iÌidoye, solitaries The Hernen symposium was convened to study and monks. These people should stay in their cells. some physical material pertaining to the Jerusalem From the wall inscriptions described by Palmer we pilgrimage. Our text in the Ethicon deals with many know that this recommendation was not always put aspects of the spirituality of the Jerusalem Pilgrim- into practice. age but remains silent on the practice of buying souvenirs. The story of the pilgrims from Beth BIBLIOGRAPHY

Akyüz, G. 1998, Mardin Ili’nin merkezinde civar köylerinde ve 16 A. Wensinck, art. ‘Niyya’, EI2 VIII, 66-67. Ghazali even ilçelerinde bulunan kiliselerin ve manastırların tarihi, states that devotional acts (‘ibadat) without niyya are not Mardin. valid. Ethicon. Edition and annotated translation by H. Teule. 17 Al-Ghazali, IÌya’ I, 244. Gregory Barhebraeus. Ethicon (Memra I), CSCO 534-535, 18 Ethicon, 110-120 (transl.: 95-103). Louvain 1993.

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