The Canadian Society for Syriac Studies

JOURNAL

Volume 3 2003

●John H. Corbett - University of Toronto ●Herman Teule - Nijmegen University ●Susan Ashbrook Harvey - Brown University ●Kathleen E. McVey - Princeton Theological Seminary ●Geoffrey Greatrex - University of Ottawa

Toronto - Ontario - Canada Journal of the Canadian Society for Syriac Studies/ de la Société Canadienne des Etudes Syriaques

The Journal of the CSSS is published annually, and contains the transcripts of the public lectures presented at the Society and possibly other articles and book reviews.

Editor: Amir Harrak Assistant Editor: Adam Lehto Publisher: Antoine Hirsch

The Canadian Society for Syriac Studies La Société Canadienne des Etudes Syriaques

Society Officers 2002-2003

President: Amir Harrak Vice-President and Secretary-Treasurer: Khalid Dinno

Members of the Board of Directors:

Samir Basmaji, Khalid Dinno, Grant Frame, Robert Hanna, Amir Harrak, Antoine Hirsch, Adam Lehto, Albert Tarzi

The aim of the CSSS is to promote the study of the Syriac culture which is rooted in the same soil from which the ancient Mesopotamian and biblical literatures sprung. The CSSS is purely academic, and its activities include a series of public lectures, one yearly sympo- sium, and the publication of its Journal. The Journal is distributed free of charge to the members of the CSSS who have paid their dues, but it can be ordered by other individuals and institutions for the following fees: $25.00 for individuals and $50.00 for institutions. Payment must be made in US dollars for orders from outside Canada. See the address of the CSSS on the back cover. © The Canadian Society for Syriac Studies 2003

ISSN 1499-6367

Cover Picture

Monastery of Mar Behnam the Martyr (Iraq): The small gate leading to the sanctuary The Canadian Society for Syriac Studies

Table of Contents

From the Editor 1

John H. Corbett, They do not Take Wives, or Build, or Work the Ground: Ascetic Life in the Early Syriac Church 3

Herman Teule, Gregory Barhebraeus and his Time: The Syrian Renaissance 21

Susan Ashbrook Harvey, Women in Syriac Christian Tradition 44

Kathleen E. McVey, Images of Joy in Ephrem’s Hymns on Paradise: Returning to the Womb and the Breast 59

Geoffrey Greatrex, Khusro II and the Christians of his Empire 78

Members of the CSSS for 2002-2003 89

______

FROM THE EDITOR

he third issue of our Journal con- University (Netherlands) discusses the intel- tains the transcripts of public lec- lectual career of the 13th century author tures given at the Canadian Soci- Gregory Bar-Hebraeus, who was also the ety for Syriac Studies in 2002 and highest Syriac Orthodox authority in the T2003. Thanks to its members and the finan- East. Bar-Hebraeus exploited Arabic trea- cial support of the online journal Zinda, the tises and was even influenced by some Mus- CSSS managed to invite our distinguished lim authors such as Ghazali, at the scientific, lecturers to share their academic research literary and religious levels. Teule’s article with us, and we are grateful to them for ac- highlights two facets of the personality of cepting our invitation to come to Toronto. Bar-Hebraeus. His open-mindedness led Professor John Corbett of the University him not only to accept all the other Christian of Toronto sheds additional light on the 4th denominations without reservation, but also century Syriac Book of Steps. Members will to appreciate the virtues found in other relig- recall Dr. Robert Kitchen’s lecture given at ions, such as Islam. His encyclopedic intel- the CSSS Symposium I (2001) on the ma- lect never prevented him from benefiting turing of asceticism in the Book of Steps (see from sources of knowledge written in lan- J-CSSS 2 [2002], pp. 30-45)—his English guages other than his native Syriac. While translation of this important source is also some modern scholars have dubbed him a now in press. Corbett demonstrates that the “vulgarizer”, he managed to write a Syriac biblical and New Testamental theme of encyclopedia of knowledge that covered all Holy War provides a fundamental symbolic the sciences known in his time. structure for the ascetic ideal in the Book of Professor Susan Ashbrook Harvey of Steps. This is a welcome discussion since Brown University discusses women in Fr. Robert Murray had already shown in his Syriac Christianity, gathering information very useful book Symbols of Church and from a variety of literary sources, none of Kingdom (1975) that the primary rationale them written by women. Her article clearly for the ascetic life in the Syriac tradition in shows, nevertheless, that in the Syriac general draws extensively on the same Christian culture women did not live on the theme, though this tradition seemed to him margins of their society but played pivotal absent from the Book of Steps. roles in the life of the church and in the Professor Herman Teule of Nijmegen community, as teachers, deaconesses, and

______Journal of the Canadian Society for Syriac Studies 3 (2003) - Page 1 From the Editor ______counselors. This picture contrasts sharply spects, and a useful complement to contem- with the fact that Near Eastern culture was porary theology. normally dominated by men, in which case Finally, the article by Dr. Geoffrey women played no role other than being Greatrex of the University of Ottawa dis- “bearers of sons”. cusses the attitude of the 7th century Persian Professor Kathleen McVey of the king Khusro II toward the Christians of his Princeton Theological Seminary discusses empire. After conquering the Roman Near images of joy so numerous in St Ephrem’s East this king ruled over the largest Chris- Hymns on Paradise. This collection of po- tian community on earth, and he was forced ems is made accessible to the English- to deal with many conflicting Christian sects speaking public by Dr. Sebastian Brock of and denominations. Khusro remained neu- Oxford in his book St. Ephrem the Syrian: tral vis-à-vis the conflicts that occurred be- Hymns on Paradise (1990). McVey is par- tween quarreling Christian communities. A ticularly suited to talk about Ephrem since pragmatist, he favoured no one at the ex- she published other Hymns of this great poet pense of another. Despite the fact that he is in her Ephrem the Syrian: Hymns (1989). depicted by sources as a tyrant, he knew Her article explores specific analogies used Christianity better than any previous Persian by Ephrem in Hymns 9 to 11, where he in- king. vokes the bliss of infancy—mother, womb, And finally, on a celebratory note: our breast, milk, etc.—so as to describe Para- Society is three years old! We hope that it dise. She compares these themes with Near will continue to serve Syriac studies for Eastern wisdom literature, Jewish- many years to come. Christianity, and Stoic allegory, but finds Ephrem’s vision to be unique in many re- A.H.

______Journal of the Canadian Society for Syriac Studies 3 (2003) - Page 2

______

THEY DO NOT TAKE WIVES, OR BUILD, OR WORK THE GROUND: ASCETIC LIFE IN THE EARLY SYRIAC CHURCH

JOHN H. CORBETT UNIVERSITY OF TORONTO

ecent work on the Book of Steps traditions in the Hebrew Bible (and the New (or Liber Graduum) has brought Testament), in a seminal article which still out the central role in the early has not received the attention it deserves. Syriac Christian tradition of the For those who follow Murray’s lead and Rsearch for Perfection in the ascetic life. link the ascetic practices and values of the What evidence does the Book of Steps give early Syriac Church to scriptural antece- us for the origins and structure of these as- dents in the Hebrew Bible, there remains the cetic practices and values? More bluntly, do central question of the structure and function these practices and values have a scriptural of the Gospel tradition, with respect on the basis in the Hebrew Bible and/or the New one hand to the traditions of the Hebrew Testament, beyond the ever present teach- Bible and, on the other, to the beliefs and ings and example of Jesus (or the words of practices of the early Syriac Church. These Paul)? beliefs and practices seem to richly reflect From the perspective of a historian of the Gospel tradition—but (with the excep- religion much of the belief and behaviour of tion of the homily in Aphrahat) only much the early Church seems to make a radical more opaquely do they attest to the structur- break with scriptural traditions in the He- ing presence of conceptions central to the brew Bible and the practices of late Second Hebrew Bible; in both cases the central or- Temple Judaism, for instance with regard to ganizing structures are rather obscure. fasting, celibacy, redemptive suffering (self- Following Murray and extending his ar- sacrifice), or from another perspective what gument,1 I will argue that conceptual struc- was described by non-Christians as tures associated with the Deuteronomic “promiscuous affection”. “Call to Holy War” underlie the tradition of Some time ago Father Robert Murray the ascetic life in the early Syriac Church, as shone a bright new light on some central will be evident from a close reading of the traditions of the very early Syriac Church in Book of Steps. What is more, I will suggest his study of an old midrashic homily embed- that the Gospel traditions in this Syriac ded in the work of Aphrahat; he showed Christian ascetic literature are consistent how these traditions drew on some central with the older biblical conceptions evident

______Journal of the Canadian Society for Syriac Studies 3 (2003) - Page 3 THEYThey Do DO Not NOT Take TAKE Wives, WIVES, or Build, OR or BUILD, Work the OR Ground WORK THE GROUND ______

in the Deuteronomic call to holy war, both Earlier discussions missed the true con- with regard to the vocation to abandon fam- text of Dem. VII: not ecclesiastical penance ily and home and labour (for holy war) and but exhortation to those wounded in spiri- with regard to the summons into the bridal tual combat: they should return to their com- chamber (for the messianic banquet). The mitment. They are “single ones”, children of study of early Syriac Christianity thus the Covenant and the consecrated. Their makes a unique contribution to our wider lapses are essentially from celibacy.4 In understanding of the continuity of Christian Dem. VII Aphrahat appeals to the memory tradition with its biblical antecedents and of their past commitment, in words which with Jewish practices. closely follow Deut. 20:5-8.5 There follows a midrashic homily on Gideon’s test (col. I. An ancient ascetic tradition 344, 2-9; cf. Judges 7:4-8) where it is ex- in Syriac Christianity plicitly asserted that Gideon’s test of his men by their manner of drinking water pre- A controversial passage in Aphrahat Dem- figures baptism: “it is the type (tupsa) of onstration VII has long attracted the atten- baptism, symbol (raza) of the contest and tion of modern scholars: it seems to reserve the likeness (dmuta) of the single ones baptism for celibate ascetics, either virgins (ihidaye)” (col. 344, 22-25). Then Aphrahat or married people who had renounced sex- addresses another exhortation to the “whole ual intercourse to become “children of the Covenant of God before baptism”, to virgins Covenant” (bnay qyama).2 New work on the and to the consecrated (with explicit refer- Dead Sea Scrolls, and the traditions of vari- ence to desire for marriage and love of pos- ous early Christian dualists (Gnostics and sessions as causes of defeat and death in the Manichaeans), together with an increasing contest in words which clearly echo the understanding of Jewish Christianity have Deuteronomic Call to Holy War). We are led to the realization that Syrian asceticism reminded of other uses of this theme in later was not derivative from Egypt but probably parts of the Hebrew Bible and other Jewish much older. It has now been recognized that texts;6 we are reminded, too, of ascetic celi- the passage in Aphrahat Dem. VII is a tradi- bacy in sectarian Judaism of the later Sec- tional midrashic homily on Deuteronomy ond Temple period, apparently an extension 20:1-9, Joshua’s “Call to Holy War”. Beck of the nazirate and the ritual purity required noted strong echoes of this tradition in for Holy War, also of the NT imagery of Ephrem’s Epiphany Hymns, and a wider ascetical athlesis and of warfare.7 search of early traditions (Syriac, Judaeo- Several texts of Ephrem show a very Christian and Manichaean) has enable close connexion to Aphrahat’s exhortation, Murray to identify a “cycle of especially the baptismal hymns in the col- themes” (fixed phrases belonging to a com- lection On Epiphany. Epiphany Hymn 7 mon tradition rather than the creative work alludes to Gideon’s test and his victory in of a single writer). This cycle of themes is battle (qraba) or contest (agona) as a type of widely dispersed in early literature;3 but pas- baptism (esp. EpiHymns 7.8). In Hymn 8 sages from Aphrahat and Ephrem give the Ephrem develops the image of the fire of the most comprehensive presentation. Holy Spirit (esp. 8.4-8; cf 8.15 for the

______Journal of the Canadian Society for Syriac Studies 3 (2003) - Page 4 SyriacTHEYThey Do inDO NotInternational NOT Take TAKE Wives, Research WIVES, or Build, OR or BUILD, Work the OR Ground WORK THE GROUND ______

“hovering of the Holy Spirit) and that of the One” (monogenes). Thereby they join the “living sword which makes division of the Qyama (the “standers”) in the “Covenant” living among the dead” (esp. 8.16-17). And of Christ’s flock, putting on his crown and here there is explicit reference to people be- possessing him as treasure. When we go ing baptized and becoming consecrated. behind Aphrahat and Ephrem we find again Both Aphrahat and Ephrem in different and again in earlier texts from the Judaeo- ways suggest or state the special relationship Christian tradition more than one detail from of the ihidaya/monachos to the Ihidaya, this pattern coming together in a single con- Christ the “Single One”.8 And another pas- text: in the Old Syriac and Old Armenian sage in Aphrahat9 gives a very developed versions of the NT, in the Persian Diatessa- midrash associating (through syncrisis = ron, in the Gospel of Thomas, the Pseudo- “mixing together”) Jesus bar Nun, that is, Clementines and in Tertullian (Against Mar- Joshua, with Jesus the Saviour on the com- cion).11 Common here is the fusion of Matt. mon themes of circumcision and the stones 10 and Luke 12, which marks the crucial of witness. This midrash, in Murray’s view, connexion to the Gospel tradition: Those probably belongs to the same cycle of mate- separated from their families will “stand as rial as Aphrahat’s exhortation on Deut. 20.10 solitaries” (monachoi); “standing” is a spe- The tradition which accreted around the cial word in the context of commitment to Deuteronomic Call to Holy War had clearly vows of celibacy: in the words of the Gospel reached its flowering by the time of Aphra- of Thomas (Logion 75) “many are standing hat and Ephrem (4th century). Murray has at the door but the solitary (monachoi) are identified the main strands in this tradition: the ones who will enter the bridal cham- Baptism is the new circumcision (of the ber”.12 Common, too, is the developed ethos heart) achieved through the sword of the of ascetical warfare.13 Many of our major Word of God (cf. Heb. 4:12) – the antitype themes also are found in early Manichaean of Joshua’s stone sword. This is the sword literature, probably borrowed from Syriac which Christ said he would send with fire sources: warfare, contest (agon), standing, and division to families and hearts (Matt. crowning, single-mindedness and the epithet 10:34 & Luke. 12:49-53). Those who wish “only begotten”.14 to follow Christ (in the athletic contest and Notable for my purposes in this paper is in war) are challenged to return to marriage Murray’s assertion (p.74) that “this complex and possessions. Here, at the heart of the of themes seems entirely absent from the tradition we have explicit reference to the Liber Graduum”; that work, so Murray be- Call to Holy War in Deut. 20:1-9 esp. 5ff. lieves, reflects a very different context, typi- Those who survive this challenge go down cally Syriac but distinct from both the world to the “waters of testing” (Gideon in Judges of the Qyama and that of the Acts of Judas 7:5ff) and there they “take their stand”. Thomas. To anticipate my own conclusions They submit to the dividing sword becom- very briefly, let me note that the Qyama is in ing “single ones” (ihidaye) in a threefold fact known to the author of the Book of way: as single from spouse or family Steps (LG col. 265,19; 776, 14-15); even (monachos), as single in heart (monotropos), more important, the Deuteronomic Call to as united with the Only Begotten “Single Holy War can be shown to have a primary

______Journal of the Canadian Society for Syriac Studies 3 (2003) - Page 5 SyriacTHEYThey Do inDO NotInternational NOT Take TAKE Wives, Research WIVES, or Build, OR or BUILD, Work the OR Ground WORK THE GROUND ______

role in structuring the ascetic experience— ing as regards married people”.17 Almost all though it would be correct to note that no- early Syriac literature is written by conse- where in the Book of Steps does this theme crated ascetics. They never speak about ho- show the literary flowering so evident in the liness in marriage except, I would note, for literature which Murray has studied. But the image of union with the heavenly bride- then the Book of Steps is much more practi- groom. Many Christians, even as late as the cal in its orientation. 5th century, remained unbaptized while Is there too much imagination at work in sexually active—they were exhorted to be- Murray’s synthesis? The elements in the lieve that they could be restored to testimony tradition (Jordan, sword, fire, di- “virginity” by baptism.18 Only for ascetics vision), he admits, are only somewhat tenu- did baptism come to equal celibacy (that is, ously joined to the symbolism of warfare self-consecration) and ihidayuta. But a thematic link is found In many particulars this world corre- in the fused quotation of Matt. 10 and Luke sponds to the world which we know so well 12. Only Aphrahat and Ephrem unite the from the Book of Steps. There a self- two parts of the tradition in explicitly asceti- consecrated elite define themselves in terms cal contexts (but the fusion, once recog- of the Deuteronomic Call to Holy War, leav- nized, is reflected in Origen and Theodoret). ing wife and family, possessions and home The context, however, is explicitly estab- to follow their vocation. These Perfect are in lished by Aphrahat; and it demands explana- the world, but not of it. As we shall see, they tion. Murray has tried—successfully to my are to do no work – not even the work of mind—to demonstrate that a range of tradi- charity; rather they should follow the law of tional imagery in earlier authors was love and humility, bringing the word of God “technical” vocabulary in primitive Judaeo- to everyone, good and bad alike. Charitable Christian asceticism. There is no discontinu- work of every sort remains in the hands of ity, so he asserts, (at least in Aramaic areas) the Just or Upright; these are married house- between the original discipleship of the holders who work in the world for profit and homeless and celibate Jesus and the asceti- devote much of their wealth to charity, that cal self-consecration so central in early is, to social good work. The two groups are Syriac literature. However it may be that our not always on the best of terms – but to- deficient understanding of Gospel traditions gether they seem to make up the Church. is a barrier here! The concept of ihidayuta But this is to anticipate our examination of seems to grow straight out of primitive dis- the rationale for the ascetic life presented in cipleship.15 Three aspects are primary: sin- the Book of Steps. First it will be useful to gleness from our dear ones (through separation review what we know more generally of that by the sword of Christ), singleness of mind work. (through spiritual circumcision, an association already made in James), and singleness of put- II. The ascetic tradition ting on the only begotten and sole beloved.16 in the Book of Steps: Becoming Perfect What was the relationship of baptism to vows of celibacy? Aphrahat’s rite was The Book of Steps (ktaba dmasqata) is a probably still in use; “but times were chang- collection of 30 homilies (memre) first writ-

______Journal of the Canadian Society for Syriac Studies 3 (2003) - Page 6 SyriacTHEYThey Do inDO NotInternational NOT Take TAKE Wives, Research WIVES, or Build, OR or BUILD, Work the OR Ground WORK THE GROUND ______

ten in Syriac by an anonymous author in the more inclusive Church. In the usual Syriac later 4th century, according to common way these ascetics are commonly called scholarly opinion.19 A single passage makes “solitaries”22. The Book of Steps thus docu- reference to the lower Zab River, the area ments the social role(s) and struggles of the known in ancient times as Adiabene (LG two elements which together make up the 896,2). The collection describes the life and Church. The thirty homilies deal with a sub- behaviour both of the Just/Upright (kene) stantial range of topics: the rules of conduct and of the Perfect (gmire), giving advice to for both Perfect and Upright (homilies 1-8), guide their conduct in theological discourse developed biblical exposition (9 & 23), ad- supported by biblical exposition. We are not vice for the larger faith community (10, 25 well informed regarding the later history of & 29), and current controversies on sexual- the Book of Steps.20 It appears from the ity and marriage (12 & 15). Even more in- manuscript tradition that the Book of Steps teresting are the sermons which encourage was known in the Syriac world from the the ministry of the Upright (26, 27, 28, 30), time of its composition to the 12th century – guide the relationship between Upright and and so indeed to our own time. Many mod- Perfect (14) and direct the latter on the path ern scholars have had suspicions regarding to advanced Perfection, in their growth as the orthodoxy of the Book of Steps.21 I do Perfect Ones (11, 13, 16-22, 24). These lat- not find very much in the Book of Steps ter sermons are of especial interest and im- which sets it apart from the mainstream of portance to modern students concerned, as Christian tradition. And I must confess that we are, to understand the rationale for the in many particulars its faith seems to me to ascetic life in the Syriac Christian tradition. be exemplary. In any case the Perfect are no “cultural The Just or Upright are ordinary believ- elite”, but rather spirit-filled (or charismatic) ers, married householders, parents of chil- ascetics, while the Upright, married and liv- dren and active in the world. The standard ing in the world, use their resources to do of conduct expected of them would be good, feeding, clothing, helping and healing judged very high by a fair-minded modern the needy in the wider community.23 The critic. Not only were they to be hardwork- Perfect, as we shall see, had no active minis- ing, productive and responsible; they were try: they were forbidden to work and to ac- also expected to arrange for and support all quire property; they begged and taught, me- charity in the community and the material diated conflicts and prayed without cease. It activities of the Church. The Perfect, by is evident that many of the Upright were contrast, were to be devoted to the word of little short of Perfection – but the Book of God in preaching, teaching, and possibly in Steps insists on the distinction between their healing and exorcism though these activities two vocations. The Perfect, by contrast, find little explicit mention here. Both groups found their major challenge in their own are engaged in a struggle at once internal inactivity and the threat of spiritual compla- and external, for self-development and in cency (or in the temptation to acquire prop- the larger world. The author appears to have erty and with it social power).24 The obliga- been the leader of a (premonastic) Christian tion to love others is primary here as else- ascetic community in the wider context of a where in the work. Rationalizing disobedi-

______Journal of the Canadian Society for Syriac Studies 3 (2003) - Page 7 SyriacTHEYThey Do inDO NotInternational NOT Take TAKE Wives, Research WIVES, or Build, OR or BUILD, Work the OR Ground WORK THE GROUND ______

ence, spiritualizing ascetic practice—such (i.e. desire without love) comes together wiles of Satan cause the would-be Perfect to with marriage, as a consequence of the lapse 25 forget that he is a “Child of the Covenant”. from Perfection of Adam and Eve, evident The schemes of the evil one, so evident in their arrogant desire to become like God. in the relaxed discipline of the ascetic, can- not be dealt with by routine. Satan con- III. The ascetic tradition in the vinces the Perfect to acquire property and a Book of Steps dwelling, or to plant a garden “under the pretext of providing comfort for the af- 1. The Call to Holy War 26 flicted.” Next the evil one pulls down the When you go out to battle … the officers Perfect even from Uprightness, through their shall speak to the people saying: “What man anxiety for the safety of their house, garden is there who has built a new house and has and flocks (memra 25). These arguments not dedicated it? Let him go back to his evidently resonate with the single-minded house, lest he die in battle and another man devotion of those who have left wife, home dedicate it. And what man is there who has and vineyard in response to the call to Holy planted a vineyard and has not enjoyed its 27 War. The mission of the Perfect is under- fruit? Let him go back to his house, lest he mined by their failure to treat every one die in the battle and another man enjoy its well, their refusal to speak with the unwor- fruit. And what man is there who has be- thy, and the manifold distortions of their trothed a wife and has not taken her? Let “Perfectionism”. Only a spiritless faith un- him go back to his house lest he die in battle derlies their action by rote. They do not fast and another man take her.” Deut. 20:1, 5-7 and make supplication to the Lord to be set Throughout the Book of Steps the call to free: they are sick and sleepy, drunken and the ascetic life is most commonly expressed 28 greedy (memra 29). They teach others but as an injunction to leave home and work, not themselves: they eat meat and drink wife and family in clear allusion to the Deu- wine, dress lavishly, possess wealth and are teronomic Call to Holy War. This injunction suspicious of strangers. These Perfect have also echoes the words of Jesus in the Gos- fallen below the Upright! God prefers the pels enjoining his followers to leave family “fast” of the Upright who, even though they and give up possessions to be sure; but the eat, “loose the bonds of iniquity” and set the three-fold injunction in the Book of Steps is oppressed free to the fasting of those who much closer to the text of Deuteronomy, refrain from eating only to do evil (citing which in any case was taken in the early 29 Isaiah 58:6). Syriac tradition to underlie the call of Jesus, The same critical intelligence is evident as Murray has so conclusively demon- in the author’s reflections on marriage and strated. In contexts of strong emphasis, the sexuality (memra 15: “On Adam’s marital three-fold injunction often appears in full. desire”). Celibacy and freedom from posses- Those who wish to go beyond even the great sions are central to the life of the Perfect.30 commandments of love will treat everyone The married Upright have their own voca- as family (memra 16.2), as the Lord was tion to self-improvement. Lust is not innate familiar with women (5), as children do not in their condition–it comes from Satan: lust look ill even on the wicked: Imitate the fool,

______Journal of the Canadian Society for Syriac Studies 3 (2003) - Page 8 SyriacTHEYThey Do inDO NotInternational NOT Take TAKE Wives, Research WIVES, or Build, OR or BUILD, Work the OR Ground WORK THE GROUND ______

despise yourself, do not have home, wife on the Holy War tradition, both directly and and property—not even clothes (7). The end as refracted through the teaching of Jesus. of the Law is love, partnership with Jesus in Possessions are consistently seen as a warfare with the armies of sin (9). Those barrier to Perfection: the Perfect do not will be Perfect who humble themselves and build or plant or own land or work for food renounce the world. In the Book of Steps, the and clothing (memra 14.1). Reconciliation necessary first step to Perfection is renuncia- with enemies, renunciation of possessions tion of home, family and property. Just as and purity of heart are three difficult steps Joshua’s warriors must distance themselves on the road to Perfection (memra 20.1): from care for home and wife and vineyard, unless the family of Adam leaves posses- so the ascetics in the Book of Steps are re- sions they will not be as Adam was at the peatedly enjoined against the entanglements beginning (20.6). The Perfect do not desire of the married householder. The first lust is land nor compete in the world, nor enter for material goods: the Perfect do not take matrimony (memra 25.3). Marriage, chil- wives, build or work the ground, or have dren and family life are certainly seen as possessions (memra 15.2,12,13). This path, barriers to Perfection, as we have seen in the of course, is the same as that along which four passages cited above (memra 15.13; Jesus directs those who love him: “Who 16.7; 19.14; 30.25): even for the Patriarchs, does not leave his wife and son and posses- Perfection required leaving home and family sions is not worthy of me” (memra 19, “On (memra 9.19). The first step along this path the way of Perfection”, 14, taken as echoing is saying goodbye to all your family (memra Matt. 10:37, where, however, there is no 19.9). The unmarried please the Lord reference to wife or possessions!). And he (19.15). The culmination of this line of adds an extra detail: the unmarried will be thought is evident, as we have seen: the un- like angels; they cannot die (ibid cf. Matt. married will be like angels—they cannot die 22:30). In the final sections of the Book of (19.14 cf. Matt. 22:30). Elsewhere we are Steps the author returns to these key injunc- told how the angels live: they don’t cultivate tions of Jesus: Leave your home, property the land (memra 25.8—but then again nei- and family (cf. Matt. 10:37; 19:29; Luke ther do they dress the naked or feed the hun- 14:26, with explicit mention of wife in gry!). It was the Devil who lured people into Luke)—and take up your cross (memra working; the Devil fooled people into mak- 30.25,26; cf. Matt. 10:38). That the words of ing houses and gardens (memra 25.4, 5— Jesus echo the Deuteronomic Call to Holy and he still works to corrupt even the Perfect War cannot be coincidence, given the an- with such a temptation). The blessed will cient tradition in the Syriac Church which so separate themselves from house and posses- richly develops the midrashic association of sions (memra 3)—the essential contrast is following Jesus with Joshua’s Holy War. between charismatic ascetics and married Murray may well be correct that the devel- householders (3, 4). The Just/Upright are oped literary syncrisis of these themes is imperfect because of their work and worry unknown to the Book of Steps. But there can and marriage. Despite the above, it should be no doubt that the rationale for the ascetic not be concluded that the Book of Steps is life presented in the Book of Steps is based unambiguously opposed to possessions,

______Journal of the Canadian Society for Syriac Studies 3 (2003) - Page 9 SyriacTHEYThey Do inDO NotInternational NOT Take TAKE Wives, Research WIVES, or Build, OR or BUILD, Work the OR Ground WORK THE GROUND ______

marriage and family life. Marriage was celebrating the advent of the bridegroom. given to men and women in compensation The messianic feast and its relationship to for the loss of Adamic innocence; work and fasting is a dimension of biblical narrative possessions allow the Upright to do the so- often overlooked or undervalued by modern cial good work which falls to their lot. as well as ancient observers, understandably Those who have property can dwell with so for those whose lives, like ours, are swal- God if only they do justice (i.e. “charity”: lowed up in the workaday world. The strict memra 30.29; cf. Psalm 15:1-2). logic of biblical narrative, however, requires Like Joshua’s Holy Warriors, those who the opposition of holy feasting to the holy would be Perfect humble themselves and fast. And both holy feast and holy fast are renounce the world (memra 16.12). The articulated around the ascetic vocation to solitaries or “single ones” (ihidaye) who live spiritual warfare. Let us now look more in a state of Perfection do not eat meat or closely at some further passages in the Book drink wine: like the prophets and nazirs of of Steps where the ascetic life is represented old they fast from food and wine (memra as warfare.

18.5; 29.16). We reprobates in the larger 2. Ascetic Life as Warfare community do consume meat and wine, ig- noring the contrast between our privilege According to the account in Deuteronomy and our brothers’ and sisters’ pain (29.3). (20:1, 5-7), the warriors who would follow Ultimately the life of the solitary is built on Joshua are enjoined to return home if their love: love is the one thing greater than faith thoughts are on their houses, vineyards and (see memra 30 for what follows). Perfection, wives. Only those who have chosen not to leading to the purification and building up return, leaving possessions, home and fam- of the Church, is based upon love. Indeed ily are suited for the Holy War. As we have the disciples of faith often attack the disci- seen, the Book of Steps consistently teaches ples of love (for their ignorance!)—a pro- that the ones who would be Perfect must phetic theme, I might add (e.g. in Amos); leave home and wife and property. Like they even do violence to those whose voca- Joshua’s warriors, they too have left the tion is love. There is much in the life of the vineyard behind: the Perfect do not drink Perfect which ordinary believers clearly do wine (apart from circumstances in which not understand. A most notable instance is they anticipate the Messianic banquet). the practice among the Perfect of drinking Their commitment is to the higher law of wine on occasion and, on occasion, talking love: all men and women are members of with women (memra 30.18-20). We are ex- our one family, even those who do wrong. plicitly warned that free eating and social The intention of the Perfect is to return to intercourse are only for those trained in faith the innocence of Adam and Eve, the inno- and love (30.20). If we suppose that the au- cence of children. So Joshua’s warriors–and thor of the Book of Steps follows the Bible the nazirs and prophets who follow them– in this matter of drinking wine and talking aspire to bring all of Israel to the Messianic to women, we can recognize here the messi- banquet (as represented in the conclusion of anic banquet to which Israel aspires (see e.g. Amos). Joshua’s warriors appear as the the conclusion of Amos) and the bridal feast Holy Ones who follow God when he arises

______Journal of the Canadian Society for Syriac Studies 3 (2003) - Page 10 SyriacTHEYThey Do inDO NotInternational NOT Take TAKE Wives, Research WIVES, or Build, OR or BUILD, Work the OR Ground WORK THE GROUND ______

to do battle, the human equivalent of the taken up as a loan word from the Greek, Host of Heaven. And thus, in the Book of displaces the Syriac qraba (itself cognate Steps, the Perfect become like angels: they with the usual Hebrew word for “battle”), do not die. but the effect of this association of biblical Throughout the Book of Steps the ascetic qraba with the Pauline agon is to deeply life of the Perfect is presented as (spiritual) enrich the symbolic expression of the ascetic warfare. The repertory of themes in which vocation: already in Classical Greek usage their vocation is expressed draws on power- agon denotes the redemptive struggle and ful symbolic structures central to the He- suffering of the hero, a perspective unknown brew Bible; preeminent among them are to Christian scholars.32 Elsewhere the Per- themes of standing up/arising, waging war fect are described as “standing in the Lord against the powers of evil in the cosmos and and fasting from the world” (memra 4). in our life on earth, fasting, understood here They are to pray for their brothers and sis- as always in a very comprehensive sense, ters: a long, apocryphal saying of Jesus is and not least the solitary life of the chosen adduced as support for this step on the diffi- “single ones”. cult road to Perfection. Jesus is represented as enjoining us: “pray for the wicked that 3. Standing up/arising they may arise!” (20, esp. 12). The same memra deploys the image of warfare for the In the Hebrew Bible God is very often mani- struggle against sin—even to blood in the fest through his arising, as Lord of Hosts, agon, to martyrdom, as it would appear with the Host of Heaven; on this model the (20.4). The athlete of the Lord is to stand up prophets declare their allegiance by “taking in the agon (20.4 with allusion to Hebrews a stand” for the Lord (always expressed by 12:14). words derived from the verbal root qayam).

This theme of standing as a sign of purpose- 4. Waging war ful action and allegiance also proved power- fully attractive to the community of the Warfare is the essential expression of the Dead Sea Scrolls and in the Syriac Christian ascetic vocation (whether expressed as tradition, where it gives rise to the concepts qraba or as agona). This warfare has a cos- of qyama (covenant) and qyamta mic dimension: it is warfare with the armies (resurrection), the latter universal in Chris- of sin (16.9), in which we fight and defeat tian thought (anastasis in Greek, resurrectio Satan (12.7). This warfare is also a personal in Latin —both with the meaning “standing struggle, a battle for the way up, fought with up again”)31. So in the Book of Steps we see vigils, fasting, tears and self-humiliation this image consistently deployed to express (20.8). Jesus showed us how we should fight the vocation of the ascetic Perfect. Memra with Satan, as we have seen (20.12, with the 18 (“The Tears of Prayer”) strongly ex- apocryphal saying attributed to Jesus, presses this vocation of the solitaries, the quoted above). This warfare is necessarily “Heroes in Christ”, whose law is to follow personal: in human life all wars come from Perfection. They are enjoined: “Let us arise the feeling that one has been wronged (22.3, and do battle (agona) against sin!” (18.3). where the context is a diatribe against the Very commonly the Pauline term agon, Jews, counseling forgiveness in place of

______Journal of the Canadian Society for Syriac Studies 3 (2003) - Page 11 SyriacTHEYThey Do inDO NotInternational NOT Take TAKE Wives, Research WIVES, or Build, OR or BUILD, Work the OR Ground WORK THE GROUND ______

vengeance!). From the perspective of the this is their fasting (29.16). Only to those believer, however, our personal struggle who truly fast come the great qualities of against sin and Satan is only one dimension “singleness” (ihidayuta) and holiness of the cosmic war, the war which takes (29.13): they humble themselves with fast- place in Heaven: God made Satan to do bat- ing and prayer; they empty themselves and tle (23.2, with reference to Job 40:19)—a make themselves holy, “lifting up their cosmic dualism very close to the worldview crosses” (ibid). We see, thus, that fasting is of the Dead Sea Scrolls sect! a very comprehensive concept in the Book of Steps, as it is in the Hebrew Bible and the 5. Fasting practice of ancient Judaism; it amounts to withdrawal from the world, becoming al- A principal weapon in our warfare is fast- most the central synonym for the ascetic ing: when we take a stand for the Lord, we vocation. commit ourselves to fasting from the world

(memra 4). As memra 10 explains, fasting 6. The solitary life and humility are the rewards which we re- ceive for suffering evil as we do good: fast- Thus it is the solitaries/single ones above all ing, prayer and humility cleanse us, body who do not eat and drink (10, 3; cf. 18, 3). and soul (10.3). While it is good for the soli- Memra 9 argues at length that the prophets taries (single ones) not to eat meat and drink acted in conformity with the teaching of Je- wine (with reference to Romans 14:21), the sus; the Perfection of the Patriarchs was evi- Book of Steps follows the great teaching in dent in their leaving of home and family Isaiah 58 which describes true “fasting” as (memra 9, esp. 19 for the Patriarchs; cf. doing good to all (ibid; 29.5,12). As Isaiah 9.12,13 for a whole series of apocryphal suggests, fasting from food while doing evil sayings attributed to Jesus on the Perfection is worthless. Fasting can be secret or open of the Patriarchs): Elijah appears here as the (12.1). It is the special vocation of the Per- model of Perfection—his charismatic virtue fect; the Just/Upright do not work on heav- is evident in the effectiveness of his prayers enly things by fasting (19.13). In its exposi- for rain (echoing a central theme of the He- tion of the way of Perfection addressed to brew Bible). And a rationale for the solitary the solitaries/single ones memra 19 thus es- ascetic life of the single ones is also offered tablishes fasting as the central activity which here (memra 9) from Lamentations (3:26-8): distinguishes the Perfect from other believ- those who wait for the Lord and his salva- ers. Above all, when we fast, we follow the tion will sit alone (badad), giving their example of Jesus, our model in fasting and cheek to the smiter. Those who persist in prayer; he made himself a stranger (xenios = their vocation will receive blessing abun- pilgrim) to the world, as the Perfect do, set- dantly, rainfall and fruitful fields: “The ting themselves off by their fasting (20.10). sower and the harvester will rejoice to- When the Book of Steps turns to teach us gether” (John 4:36) with an evident allusion how to “castigate our bodies” (memra 19), to the messianic restoration foretold in fasting has a central role (29.3,5,12). Of Amos 9, a restoration to be celebrated in the course, the solitaries/single ones refrain messianic banquet! Only those who truly from bread and wine – much greater than fast will deserve to attain the attributes of

______Journal of the Canadian Society for Syriac Studies 3 (2003) - Page 12 SyriacTHEYThey Do inDO NotInternational NOT Take TAKE Wives, Research WIVES, or Build, OR or BUILD, Work the OR Ground WORK THE GROUND ______

“singleness” and “holiness” (29.13). And for protagonists has its own intrinsic unity, but those who attain that status an even greater it is also firmly founded in the Hebrew Bi- reward remains: we are told that would-be ble. As we have seen, a rationale for leaving solitaries/single ones are “children of the home is drawn from Lamentations (3:26-8): house of the Lord” (19.1). This ancient im- Elijah is presented as a model, and the mes- age, already well known to the Hebrew Bi- sianic banquet is held out as a reward (John ble, was adopted by Judaism and the early 4:36, citing Amos 9). All these associations Church (both east and west) to describe the appear in memra 9 on the prophets and pa- believer: he or she became a servant of the triarchs. Memra 29 (“The Castigation of the Lord, but also his foster child and intimate Body”) draws on Isaiah 58:5 for the essen- favourite. tial distinction between false fasting —from food alone—and the true fasting which con- 7. The ascetic vocation: Hebrew Bible sists in (fasting and) doing good. As we have seen, memra 20 echoes the Psalms and Standing up, waging war, fasting, living the prophets in promising God’s children a re- single or solitary life—all these actions are turn to their home. Imagery of standing up closely linked in the Book of Steps as stages and waging war is so universal in the He- or aspects of the ascetic vocation. Standing brew Bible that it does not require detailed up, fasting and warfare are linked explicitly substantiation for the author of the Book of in memra 18 (“The Tears of Prayer”), fast- Steps—or for us. ing and warfare in memra 12. Leaving home is, of course, often associated with the sin- 8. The ascetic vocation: Gospel gle/solitary life (memre 9,16,19). Memra 16 suggests that leaving home, wife and prop- On the other hand there are clearly elements erty is the necessary preparation for warfare in this symbolic complex which reflect their against the armies of sin. This scenario, so further development in the words of Jesus plausible in itself, is developed in great de- and the teaching of Paul. As the Syriac tra- tail in memra 20, which outlines some diffi- dition clearly teaches, the words of Jesus cult steps on the road to the city of God: counselling his followers to leave their fami- renunciation of possessions (20.1) leads to lies intentionally echo the Deuteronomic standing up in the agon (20.3,4). The theme call to Holy War: the sword of his word, like of warfare is represented at length the sword of Joshua, will bring division to (20.3,4,5,8,9,12). Fasting on the example of families.34 And, indeed, such an allusion is Jesus is a major weapon in the struggle inherently plausible. But the call to Holy (20.8,10). And this struggle, in turn, is War, as the core of a powerful symbolic clearly redemptive—it leads to the arising complex in the Gospel tradition, deserves even of the wicked (as a result of the prayers close study in its own right: its role in shap- of the Perfect on the model of Jesus; ing the teaching of Jesus cannot be said to 20.12).33 Many of the same elements are be well understood in the modern Christian also closely linked in memra 25 (which world. The Book of Steps, by contrast, un- counsels the Perfect to distinguish the voice derstands these associations very well, as we of God from that of Satan). This core narra- have seen (e.g. memra 19.14, citing Matt. tive in which the followers of God act as 10:37). The Book of Steps also understands

______Journal of the Canadian Society for Syriac Studies 3 (2003) - Page 13 SyriacTHEYThey Do inDO NotInternational NOT Take TAKE Wives, Research WIVES, or Build, OR or BUILD, Work the OR Ground WORK THE GROUND ______

the central symbolic role of standing up/ designation of Christian ascetics as “single arising in the Gospel tradition; standing up ones”, which we find so commonly in the is commonly recognized as the first step Book of Steps,36 as elsewhere in Syriac tradi- towards battle: “Let us arise and do battle tion, does indeed have roots in the Hebrew (agona) against sin!” (18.3; cf. 20.4 echoing Bible—in the designation of Isaac as only Heb 12:14). This struggle is clearly redemp- begotten, in which role he serves as the type tive: Jesus is represented as enjoining us to of Jesus, and also in some puzzling refer- pray for the wicked—that they may arise ences to “single ones” or solitaries who have (20.12). Those who stand up become a special relationship to the Lord.37 The “children of the standing”, that is “members Dead Sea Scrolls community also recog- of the covenant”, eligible for re-surrection, nized the special resonance of this complex that is “standing up again”. Warfare is when they chose a cognate term as their sometimes denoted by the biblical qraba self-designation (i.e. yahad = the unique (e.g. 23.2), more often by the powerful community). Greek loan word agon, introduced by Paul to denote the redemptive struggle of Jesus 9. The banquet of the King and the and his followers (e.g. 20.3,4; cf. Heb. 12:14 bridal chamber with reference to martyrdom; cf. 18.3; Ascetic warfare, fasting and the solitary life 20.5,9). The whole homily in memra 20, (of the single ones) are the vocation of the “Difficult Steps on the Road to the City of followers of Jesus, in the Gospels and cer- the Lord”, focuses on the agon as the ulti- tainly in Syriac Christian tradition. But they mate redemptive struggle. Some other ele- are not the goal of our striving, as the Book ments in this symbolic complex of Holy of Steps understands very well: our goal is War in the Gospels appear uniquely Chris- to come to the banquet of the king and to tian: in this tradition, the Book of Steps com- enter into the bridal chamber! Here, too, we monly identifies the followers of Jesus as have a symbolic complex rooted in the He- those who take up the cross. Taking up the brew Bible, which is appropriated in the cross is associated with leaving home Gospels to express our ultimate union with (30.25,26 in the powerful conclusion of the the Lord. whole work); humility and the hard road to The goal of all believers is to stand up perfection are symbolized by the cross and approach the door of the bridal cham- (25.7; 29.13). Only those who take up the ber, but the single ones (ihidaye) have a spe- cross and follow the Lord will be worthy of cial claim to enter in. In the Gospel of Tho- him (20.15). This symbolic complex seems mas (logion 75) this tradition is expressed in foreign to the Hebrew Bible; but the author the strong form characteristic of that text: of the Book of Steps can adduce Enoch as a “Many are standing at the door, but the soli- model of the one who renounces posses- tary (monachoi) are the ones who will enter sions and takes up his cross (13.4). And the bridal chamber.” The Book of Steps rec- Martin Hengel has taught us to recognize in ognizes this aspiration very clearly. Memra Jesus’ injunction to take up the cross an 7 sets out precepts to guide the conduct of echo of the religious propaganda of the zeal- the Just, beginning with the fundamental ots contemporary with Jesus.35 Finally the teaching of Jesus, here expressed in the for-

______Journal of the Canadian Society for Syriac Studies 3 (2003) - Page 14 SyriacThey Do in NotInternational Take Wives, Research or Build, or Work the Ground ______

mulation of Hillel: “What you hate, do not the city of the Lord”. If we persist in evil, do to your neighbour”. Every believer is we will not be able to enter the bridal cham- encompassed by this teaching. And the goal ber (20.14 with specific mention of the of every believer (“in his/her own grade,” bridegroom, wedding garment and the bridal 7.21) is to come to the “kingdom whose chamber). Only those who take up their marriage chamber will never be stripped”. cross and follow the Lord will be worthy of Memra 24 is more explicit: everyone who him (20.15). They will come to the banquet repents can “taste the sweetness of the world of the king (20.16), having been saved from to come” (24.1 with reference to Heb. 6:5, the slavery of sin and adopted as children already widely used by the Montanists). (20.17). Penitence, true fasting, humility, Even Judas Iscariot could have been saved and for the spiritual elite, the solitary life of by penitence (24.1). The path leads through a single one lead through the seal of bap- the seal (of baptism) and taking on the cove- tism, the covenant and the great command- nant (24.2), repudiating anger (24.6). Every- ments of love to the wedding feast with the one is summoned to the bridal feast, even bridegroom and to the bridal chamber, those “without a wedding garment” (24.7). where the experience of union with the Lord We must watch and take care, “castigating is left unexpressed, because inexpressible, the body” with true fasting and humility not through any excessive discretion of the (memra 29), for singleness (ihidayuta) and teacher, we may presume. holiness are the attributes of those who truly Here we have already entered into the fast (29.13). We must watch and take care, Holy of Holies, that is, the erotic experience for we do not know “when the thief will at the heart of the Song of Songs (as Akiva come” (29.9)—that is, in the Gospel idiom, taught)—so clearly echoed in the teaching of we must watch and take care, for the bride- Jesus. Sad to say, for many modern Christians groom comes when we least expect it, “like this symbolic complex of the wedding feast, so a thief in the night”. At the wedding feast central to Rabbinic Judaism and to the Gospel we rejoice, celebrating with food and drink, tradition, is even more obscure than the sym- as in the messianic banquet of the Hebrew bolic complex of Holy War. Modern schol- Bible (e.g. Amos 9). Love is greater than all arship may overcome this deficiency; just gifts: only the great commandments of love recently we have been reminded at great lead to the house of the Lord and to his bri- length of the central importance of this dal chamber, but the minor commandments erotic imagery in the biblical traditions, an- never do so (memra 19, esp. 36). Only when cient and medieval.38 The Syriac tradition the bridegroom is taken away, will the disci- makes its own unique contribution to the ples fast (19.21; cf. Mark 2:20 etc.). This articulation of these symbolic structures. great homily (memra 19) expounding the The Book of Steps expounds these themes of road to Perfection is addressed to the would- Holy War and erotic feasting with an as- be solitary. And this teaching is strongly tounding clarity and detail, the more so extended in the next homily (memra 20), since the aim of the work is strictly practical which outlines “difficult steps on the road to rather than midrashic or speculative.

______Journal of the Canadian Society for Syriac Studies 3 (2003) - Page 15 SyriacTHEYThey Do inDO NotInternational NOT Take TAKE Wives, Research WIVES, or Build, OR or BUILD, Work the OR Ground WORK THE GROUND ______

IV. Conclusions structures—the Book of Steps. As Kitchen has shown so well, the Book of Steps serves When Aphrahat summons his brothers and as a practical guide for both the Just/Upright sisters to repentence, he makes use of a tra- (kene) and the Perfect (gemire) on the road ditional midrashic homily, based on the to a more perfect love, faith, and way of life. Deuteronomic call to Holy War. In Aphra- Murray is quite correct to insist that the hat’s time, quite probably, the commitment compressed and poetic form of this tradition to separation from wife, home, and work seems “completely absent” from the Book of was no longer a requirement for Christian Steps. It is my hope that I have demon- baptism. But such a separation remained a strated here how all the essential elements of prerequisite for the ascetic life understood as the Holy War tradition are well known Holy War. From this we infer that the Holy to the Book of Steps. It is possible that they War tradition was very old, indeed continu- are known primarily by way of the Gospel ous with the teaching of Jesus in the Gospel, midrash on Deuteronomy 20: Jesus’ call for as Murray has demonstrated. Ephrem very those who love him to separate from home clearly worked in the same tradition, apply- and family certainly echoes the Deuter- ing his own poetic genius to develop an in- onomic call. But the careful way in which herited symbolic structure. How much of the Book of Steps deploys complex biblical what we read in Ephrem’s poetry is original themes such as standing up and fasting sug- to him, it is difficult to say. But the wide- gests strongly that the anonymous author spread recurrence of the Holy War theme in has the Hebrew Bible very much in mind, as at least fourteen text traditions attests that is indeed likely. Not only is the Holy War this symbolic structure was primary in the tradition well known to the Book of Steps; it Syriac tradition and elsewhere in the Church serves as an essential symbolic system, un- –and this supports the assumption that it was derlying and structuring the whole teaching. ancient. I also believe that the narrative im- Sufficient evidence has been presented to plicit in this tradition is primary, that is, support that assertion. generative of other narratives and symbolic My efforts, however, have produced only systems in the Christian tradition. Accord- a preliminary analysis, which is far from ing to this primary (or core) narrative, those complete or conclusive. Suffice it here to who most strongly love the Lord will sepa- say that I have undertaken a much broader rate from family, home and the workaday study of the Holy War tradition in the He- world; they will stand up for the Lord, un- brew Bible, the Dead Sea Scrolls, rabbinic dertake his holy warfare with fasting and the Judaism and the early Church. The evidence solitary life (as “single ones”)—they will for the dominant role of this tradition is rich take up the cross and prepare for the agon, and convincing. Semeio-structural analysis even if it leads to martyrdom and death. And will clearly demonstrate how the Call to according to the same narrative, they rise Holy War (with its associated themes of again, come to the banquet of the king and standing up, ascetic warfare, fasting and the enter into the bridal chamber. single life–together, of course, with the mes- There can be no question that this pri- sianic banquet and the bridal chamber) gen- mary narrative underlies—and, indeed, erates the fundamental symbolic structure

______Journal of the Canadian Society for Syriac Studies 3 (2003) - Page 16 SyriacTHEYThey Do inDO NotInternational NOT Take TAKE Wives, Research WIVES, or Build, OR or BUILD, Work the OR Ground WORK THE GROUND ______

underlying the complex text of the Book the faith of Christians to biblical and rab- of Steps. In any case it will be clear that binic traditions, with a clarity and force the Syriac tradition preserves and docu- unequalled elsewhere in the broad Chris- ments central Christian traditions linking tian world.

______Journal of the Canadian Society for Syriac Studies 3 (2003) - Page 17 They Do Not Take Wives, or Build, or Work the Ground ______

NOTES

1 It should be noted that Murray believes the and wife against husband” to the Gospel account conceptual structures of the Holy War tradition of division in families. to be “entirely absent” from the Book of Steps— 13 See Murray pp. 71-72. Many, often com- a position with which I take issue below. plex, echoes of this tradition are found in the 2 Vööbus suggested that it was a “liturgical early and eloquent Odes of Solomon with refer- text” from an earlier period: “its restrictive im- ence to “holy ones” (hasya not qaddisha), “war”, plications were no longer in force”; for this and “covenant” and “victory” (Ode 9, esp. 6-12). what follows see R. Murray “The Exhortation to And this theme is common throughout the Odes Candidates for Ascetical Vows at Baptism in the as are the themes circumcision of heart, the Ancient Syriac Church,” NTS 21, 1975, pp. 59- sword, standing up/arising, and separation of the 80, here p. 59. living from the dead (details in Murray pp. 72- 3 Echoes are found by Murray in 14 text tra- 73). Though there is no explicit use of ihidaya/ ditions: see his Table on p. 69. monachos, the Odes certainly do emphasize the 4 In Dem. VI cols. 256-261, sons and daugh- special relationship with Christ, and the ters of the Covenant are told to marry rather than “undivided” spirit of the believer (ibid). Com- to live together, as they seem to be doing. pare also the Acts of Judas Thomas with some- 5 With the substitution of agona from I Cor what veiled allusions to “purity”/sexual absti- 9, 24ff etc. nence and singleness (Murray p. 74). 6 II Chron 20: Jehoshaphat; I Macc 3, 56: 14 Murray pp. 74-77. Judas Maccabaeus’ call to holy war; War Scroll 15 Drawing directly on the conceptual system col. 10, 2ff; the War Scroll especially shows of the Hebrew Bible, which also underlies in a “the developed ideology of eschatological similar way the thought world of the Dead Sea war” (Murray p. 63). Scrolls. 7 For ascetical athlesis see e.g. I Cor 9, 24- 16 Early Syriac asceticism, because of the 27; II Tim 4, 7-8; for warfare Eph 6, 10-17; I Pet “intensely personal focus of its aspiration to un- 5, 7-9. ion with the heavenly bridegroom”, suffered 8 Cf monogenes = only begotten, Hebrew from a defective social sense, so argues Murray yahid as applied to Isaac; see Murray p. 65. (p. 79)—a defect which weakened the cohesive- 9 Dem. XI 501,11-26; 504,14-21; Murray p. ness of eastern Christianity. But precisely this 66 for the translation. biblical element, union with the heavenly bride- 10 Unfortunately Joshua’s “stone sword” is groom, is widely underrated in the western not explicitly present in the Epiphany Hymns; Church, as Murray has noted in an unpublished see Murray pp. 66-67 for details. But the asso- paper “What happened to love of the body”; cf. ciation of the “Living Word” in Heb 4, 12 with A. Green “Shekinah, the Virgin Mary, and the Joshua’s second circumcision by typological Song of Songs; Reflections on a Kabbalistic exposition is, beyond doubt, widespread and Symbol in Its Historical Context,” in AJS Re- important (Murray, ibid). view 61 (2002) pp. 1-52. The Qyama stands at 11 Murray gives an overview of the major the heart of the Church; “often the Bnay Qyama themes as they are found in 14 texts; see Murray were not solitaries in the social sense”, and Table I p. 69. sometimes Qyama almost comes to correspond 12 Murray p. 70. We should note that the tra- to the Church. But only in one instance does dition recorded in the Pseudo-Clementine Rec- self-consecration have a clearly social context ognitions (11, 28, 2) adds “husband against wife (Murray p. 79, citing Ephrem Epiphany Hymns

______Journal of the Canadian Society for Syriac Studies 3 (2003) - Page 18 They Do Not Take Wives, or Build, or Work the Ground ______

8, 16-17. occasion Murray noted the sectarian, isolated 17 Murray p. 79. and defensive character of the book: “it protests 18 Murray pp. 79-80, citing the homily by too much to be a completely orthodox Isaac of Antioch. book” (Kitchen n. 25 citing Murray, Symbols, 19 For this and what follows see R.A. 35, cf. 34, 263-269). With all respect, I feel that Kitchen, “Becoming Perfect: The maturing of these criticisms and concerns are exaggerated. asceticism in the Liber Graduum,” Journal of the 22 Or “single ones”, i.e. ihidaye; cf. below for Canadian Society for Syriac Studies 2 (2002) pp. the evidence. 30-45, here p. 30. 23 Like any other “village patron”, of the sort 20 One later work refers to the collection in described by Brown; cf. Kitchen n. 12. an exegetical context (Ms British Library Add. 24 Kitchen’s further detailed examination of 17193, ff 3a-3b; cf. Kmosko LG Praefatio xi-xiii the teaching in the Book of Steps seems to em- for text and Latin translation), claiming that it phasize its orthodoxy. Homilies 1-8 set out the was written by an otherwise unknown Eusebius fundamental rules for an ascetically oriented the Solitary. In the 6th century Philoxenus of society, comparing and contrasting the major Mabbug refers to the institution of the Perfect and minor mandates of Scripture (and exploring and the Upright in his Ascetical Homilies—but the evident dissonance between these categories the context of his work is already a monastic in a very suggestive way). Here the author is community very different from the world of the concerned to define the characteristics and duties Book of Steps. Philoxenus gives no direct cita- of both Upright and Perfect. In Homily 9 tion in his homilies, but the two works are joined he defends the paradigmatic authority of the bib- in a major manuscript of the 12th century (BN lical prophets for the Perfect—a theme of some de Paris Syrus 201). importance to my inquiry. The “first discordant 21 Kmosko, the editor of the standard modern note” is raised in memra 10, On fasting and hu- edition, raised doubts a century ago. And more mility of body and soul. Addressing his audience recently it has been argued anew that the Book of as “my brothers” the author attacks a Steps “was the lost Asceticon of the Messalian “spiritualizing or quietistic approach to asceti- movement” or, at least, tainted with Messalian cism” (Kitchen p. 35). Some physical fasting is attitudes and values: hostility to ecclesiastical disdained by brothers who believe that they are institutions and to the sacraments, exclusive em- superior to the body. In contrast he strongly em- phasis on ceaseless prayer (see Kitchen pp. 33- phasizes the benefits of fasting and prayer for 34 for these charges in modern scholarly litera- soul and body (Kitchen p. 35): “one cannot de- ture, esp. the work of V. Desprez and B. Colless; clare that one … is fasting spiritually without Kitchen nn. 22 & 23). I do not share these suspi- fasting physically in the body” (ibid). No dual- cions. Already 50 years ago Arthur Vööbus ar- ism of body and soul is admitted here: the soul gued against the assumption that the Book of fasts from evil while the body fasts from food Steps was Messalian. We must judge the work in and pleasure. an open-minded way, looking closely at its ideas 25 Bar Qyama; cf. LG col. 265, 19. and arguments—and even more so at its funda- 26 Kitchen p. 36. mental symbolic structure—against the back- 27 The mature commitment of the Upright is ground of the Bible and what we know of the closer to Jesus’ example of Perfection and to the early Church especially in the Syriac tradition. holiness of Adam at creation. Such Perfection, We have already seen that Father Murray at one indeed, is the goal of all mankind: if we had time considered the Book of Steps to stand apart maintained our initial purity, God would have from the cycle of themes which he has identified given us food and clothing—even children with- in Aphrahat, Ephrem and elsewhere. On another out marriage or lust! Marriage was given by God

______Journal of the Canadian Society for Syriac Studies 3 (2003) - Page 19 They Do Not Take Wives, or Build, or Work the Ground ______for the worldly—and through marriage came of death, adopted as children and returned to adultery and fornication. The Upright by their their home: 20, 15, 16 and 17; cf. Psalm 102, actions will gain eternal life. 17ff, Jer 31, 17. 28 Cf. Kitchen pp. 37ff. 34 Cf. especially Matt 10 and Luke12, dis- 29 Cf. the apocryphal saying of Jesus de- cussed by Murray pp. 67-8. nouncing the false fasting of evildoers: LG col. 35 M. Hengel, The Zealots, English edition 844, 11-17. (Edinburgh 1989) 30 Cf. Kitchen p. 39 for the supposed 36 For single ones/solitaries, i.e. ihidaye, see “muting” of these values “for the sake of the Book of Steps 9;10, 3; 18, 3; 19, 1; 25, 8; 29, 13. developing Upright who live in the world”! In memra 9 Elijah is adduced as a model of Per- 31 Cf. Murray pp. 77-78: Excursus: Standing, fection in a context which offers a rationale Qyama and Baptism. for the (ascetic) life of the solitaries/single ones; 32 Cf G. Nagy Pindar’s Homer (Baltimore in memra 29, 13 “singleness” (ihidayuta) 1990) Chap. 5, esp. pp. 140-141. is described as the attribute of those who truly 33 As we shall soon see, only those who take fast. up the cross and follow the Lord will come to the 37 Cf. Brown, Driver, Briggs s. v. yahid. banquet of the King, be saved from the slavery 38 See Green cited in n. 16 above.

______Journal of the Canadian Society for Syriac Studies 3 (2003) - Page 20

______

GREGORY BARHEBRAEUS AND HIS TIME: THE SYRIAN RENAISSANCE

HERMAN TEULE UNIVERSITY OF NIJMEGEN

When reading, exploring and meticu- has been edited,—though not always lously investigating these books, one according to modern scientific standards,3— discovers the powerful language, the a systematic study of some of these, e.g. the eloquence, art and ability of a writer, 1 Chronicles or the collection of Poems, based and how wise he was and how much on the precise identification of the sources, he excelled in sciences and the power- 4 ful way in which he had acquired wis- has not yet been carried out. dom as well as fame among those A more modest aim of this article is, internal and external.2 firstly, to make a few general comments on the sources used by Barhebraeus. Insight t is with these words that Barsaumō into the way he handles his numerous Sāfī concludes the impressive list of sources is one of the first steps on the way to works—and more generally the biog- understanding his writings. Secondly, we raphy—of his elder brother Gregory shall try to situate Barhebraeus within the Barhebraeus,I who had died shortly before context of his time. This will help us to bet- (1286) and whom he would succeed as ter evaluate the originality of this “bishop- Maphrian of the Syrian-Orthodox Church. scholar’, who all too often has been por- “Exploring and meticulously investigat- trayed, mainly by western scholars, as a ing” Barhebraeus’ works is not an easy task skillful compiler, but hardly an original 5 and it can certainly not be the objective of thinker. the present article to give an overall picture of the literary output of someone who was 1. Barhebraeus and his Sources undoubtedly one of the most productive au- thors in the field of Syriac letters and who, One of the first things that strike students of in addition, contributed substantially to the work of Barhebraeus is the great number Christian Arabic literature. The main reason of quotations of and references to many dif- why it is too early to think of presenting an ferent sources and authorities. In most cases, overall picture, and certainly of formulating these sources are used anonymously or are a final judgment, is the fact that although the indicated with not very precise appellations great majority of his more important works such as malfōnō or “one of the fathers”. In

______Journal of the Canadian Society for Syriac Studies 3 (2003) - Page 21 Gregory Barhebraeus and his Time ______the case of Islamic sources, he is frequently translations from Arabic into Syriac gives us even less precise and speaks vaguely of a glimpse into the linguistic situation of the “some excellent person” or even “an Elder”. Syrian-Orthodox of his time, in which ap- Only very incidentally does he mention ti- parently not all Suryōyē knew this language. tles of books. How did these works, origi- Barhebraeus himself was able to write nally composed in different languages directly in Arabic, e.g. his historiographical (Greek, Arabic, Syriac, Persian), covering work mukhtasar ta’rīkh al-duwal, to trans- various scientific and spiritual disciplines late from Arabic into Syriac, e.g. Avi- (theology, historiography, science) and cenna’s kitāb al-Išārāt wa l-Tanbīhāt,10 or originating in different cultural and religious vice versa11 and he made extensive use of contexts (East- and West-Syrian, Islamic, Arabic sources. Hellenistic) reach Barhebraeus? Was he able His knowledge of the Persian language is to consult directly and personally the confirmed by the fact that he knew ‘Ala al- sources used in his writings or did he rely Dīn ‘Ata Malek Jovaini’s world chronicle, rather on compilations and translations? the Tarikh-e Jahangoša, which he calls a “marvelous work in Persian”. However, the 1.1 Languages known to Barhebraeus exact relationship of this work with Bar- hebraeus’ civil chronicle has not yet been To answer this question, we should first in- studied properly. He also seems to have vestigate the problem of what languages been acquainted with the Malik-nāma12, but were known to Barhebraeus. In the foreword especially his extensive use of the Akhlāq- to his so-called Civil Chronicle6, we read e Nāsiri of Nāsir al-Dīn al-Tūsī in his that for the composition of this work, he had Cream of Wisdom leaves no doubt as to his the opportunity to consult “many volumes thorough knowledge of Persian.13 of the Syrians, the Saracens and the Per- In the Life of Barhebraeus composed sians” in the library of Marāgha in Azarbay- by Dioscorus d-Gōzartō, whom he ordained jan, capital of the Mongol Il-Khanids and a bishop in 1285, we read that the one of his favorite places of residence. “Paraclete, the giver of wisdom (or science) Syriac was of course Barhebraeus’ nor- to the Apostles overshadowed him and im- mal literary language, in which he com- parted to him the knowledge of tongues, viz. posed most of his writings. Arabic comes in the four languages of the Syrians, the Arme- second place. At the time of Barhebraeus nians, the Saracens and the Persians,”14 thus and in the regions where he lived,7 it was also mentioning Armenian as one of lan- certainly not normal for Syrian Orthodox guages available to Barhebraeus. There is ecclesiastics to know this language. We are however no evidence in his writings, e.g. in told that Barhebraeus had to accompany his his historiographical work, that he used Ar- Patriarch to Damascus to assist him in his menian sources.15 On account of the close contacts with the Muslim rulers.8 In his relations between the Armenians and the chronicles he gives some examples of the Syrian-Orthodox at different levels and both weak knowledge of Arabic among several positive and negative, he may have had dignitaries of his days.9 Furthermore, the some working knowledge of it.16 fact that he felt obliged to make a number of Though not mentioned by Dioscorus and

______Journal of the Canadian Society for Syriac Studies 3 (2003) - Page 22 GregorySyriac in InternationalBarhebraeus Research and his Time ______

by Barhebraeus himself in his remark about Kiphō; this probably also holds true for his the Library in Marāgha, on account of the references to the Greek text of the Bible, great number of references to Greek since he knows of a Syriac version of the sources, both pagan and Christian, we must Septuagint. The patristic quotations in the raise the question whether Barhebraeus was Candelabrum of the Sanctuary and the Book able to consult these works in their original of Rays are taken from the work of Moses language. Recent research has demonstrated bar Kiphō, as will be shown in the next that at least in some of his most important paragraph. writings, he used extant Syriac—and possi- In a recent study N. Serikoff proposes a bly Arabic—translations of originally Greek new approach to this problem.22 On the ba- works. This is true for the Cream of Wis- sis of an analysis of the transcriptions of dom, where Barhebraeus used a Syriac ver- Greek words in the mukhtasar ta’rīkh al- sion of the Compendium of Aristotelian Phi- duwal, which he consulted in the first edi- losophy by Nicolaos of Damascus17 and the tion of Salhānī (Beirut, 1890), he observes Physiognomica by Polemon of Laodicea.18 that Barhebraeus’ transliterations and some- For the Swōd Sufyā and related works, times interpretations are closer to the Greek Jansen observes that Barhebraeus knew the original than is usual in his Arabic source works of (ps-)Aristotle through the com- texts. This brings Serikoff to the conclusion mentaries and Syriac translations of authors that Greek was “not unknown to him”.23 It is such as Paul the Persian or Athanasius of however problematic that his analysis is Balad or by the commentaries available in based on the unsatisfactory edition of Arabic.19 Both the Ethicon and the Book of Salhānī; especially in the case of transcrip- the Dove (kt. d-yawnō) are characterized by tions of loanwords one normally finds many a great many references to originally Greek variants between the different copyists, spiritual and theological authorities, such as which may tell more about the copyist’s Gregory Nazianzen, John Klimakos, Basil familiarity with Greek words than the the Great, Athanasius of Alexandria, the author’s. Secondly, when comparing the Apophtegmata Patrum and especially Eva- Arabic text composed by Barhebraeus with grius of Pontus. For all quotations, it can be the Arabic of his Muslim sources, one can- demonstrated that he used extant Syriac ver- not rule out the possibility that Barhebraeus’ sions, which he had probably found in one rendering of certain words was influenced of the numerous spiritual florilegia that cir- by extant Syriac transcriptions of Greek culated in the Syrian-Orthodox monasteries words, e.g. in Greek-Syriac lexica.24 His of his time.20 The numerous patristic quota- explanation or use of certain terms may also tions of e.g. Gregory Thaumaturgus, Diony- just have been common knowledge or prac- sius Areopagita, Athanasius of Alexandria, tice among Oriental Christians.25 We cannot etc. in Barhebraeus’ elaborate letter-poem of course exclude the possibility, that, as in addressed to the East Syrian Catholicos the case of Armenian, he had some practical Denhā I (d. 1281) also refer to extant Syriac knowledge of Greek, which he could have translations.21 In the field of exegesis he acquired, for example, in his native town of generally relies on earlier Syriac sources, Melitene or through his contacts with the such as the Hexaemeron of Moses bar Greek-Orthodox in and around Antioch,

______Journal of the Canadian Society for Syriac Studies 3 (2003) - Page 23 GregorySyriac in InternationalBarhebraeus Research and his Time ______

Tripoli and Aleppo, though most of them in the times before Barhebraeus, the exact will have expressed themselves rather in work used by him cannot be indicated.30 Arabic, which had become the normal lan- Trying to establish the immediate guage of the Antiochian Melkites.26 sources used by Barhebraeus will help us to There is at least no evidence that he was evaluate where Barhebraeus makes his own able to consult Greek sources directly. contribution concerning a particular subject and where he just limits himself to follow- 1.2 Christian Sources ing his predecessors or copies the general In his Book of Ethics, Barhebraeus gives knowledge of his time. Thus, assuming that quotations from no less than twelve different the numerous spiritual quotations in the works of Evagrius of Pontus along with Ethicon—Egyptian Fathers, Evagrius, as- many other citations from spiritual authori- cetical works of Ephrem, John of Dalyatha, ties of his Church. In the 12th Base of the Isaac of Nineveh and others—can be Candelabrum of the Sanctuary, “On Para- accounted for by the fact that he used one of dise”, one finds a series of testimonies on the spiritual anthologies circulating in the the location of the Paradise in the East, Syrian-Orthodox monasteries,31 one discov- which are borrowed from Basil, Gregory of ers that Barhebraeus tries to give a new im- Nyssa, Severus of Antioch and Ephrem;27 in petus to the spiritual life of the monks—and the first Base, “On Knowledge”, he men- laymen—of his Church by introducing John tions Basil of Caesarea, Ephrem, Jacob of Klimakos’ Ladder of the Paradise. This Sarug, Theodore of Mopsuestia and work, originally composed in Greek, was Severus.28 Indeed, the majority of Bar- popular reading among Melkite monks, who hebraeus’ writings abound with references had translated it into Syriac.32 In Syrian Or- to the Fathers. It is undoubtedly this aspect, thodox circles, however, it does not seem to as well as the faithful way in which he have enjoyed great popularity—it was not epitomizes his sources, which has led a normally included in the spiritual antholo- number of western scholars to denounce his gies of the 9th-13th centuries—until Bar- lack of originality. One must ask, however hebraeus discovered the importance of this whether his originality is not be found else- major spiritual treatise and decided to use it where: in the selection of his sources. in his Ethicon. In the case of the Base “On Paradise” in His independent approach, at least in the Candelabrum, it can be demonstrated that spiritual matters, also appears from the fact Barhebraeus took most of these quotations that he used and, to a certain degree, appre- —directly or indirectly (?)—from Moses b. ciated the so-called Book of the Holy Hiero- Kiphō’s commentary on the Hexaemeron.29 theos.33 Patriarch Theodosius had composed For the Book of the Dove and the Ethicon it a detailed commentary on this mystical is not so easy to find a comparable common work by Stephen Bar Sudaili in the 9th source. For the numerous juridical citations century. In later times, however, it sunk into found in this latter work, he probably con- oblivion and was certainly not included in tented himself with using a single canonical the normal spiritual reading of the monks of compendium, though on account of our Barhebraeus’ times, as appears from the fact defective knowledge of the juridical literature that no extracts are found in the common

______Journal of the Canadian Society for Syriac Studies 3 (2003) - Page 24 GregorySyriac in InternationalBarhebraeus Research and his Time ______

spiritual anthologies34 and that at the request acuteness of their comprehension. of a monk of the monastery of Mar Mattay Placing them on no other foundation Barhebraeus had to search different libraries than on Greek basements, they per- in order to find a complete copy.35 fected the buildings of wisdom and In the field of historiography, one might science (hekmtōnōyē), which were great on account of their very refined mention that he did not limit himself to up- language (leksis) and their most skilful dating the work of Michael the Syrian, the investigations.37 main source of his Syriac civil and ecclesi- astical chronicles, but also described the Hence, it should not surprise us that in vicissitudes of the Church of the East exten- his younger years Barhebraeus received part sively and, especially for the later periods, of his training outside the monasteries—in with great objectivity. He thus appears to be Tripoli he studied logic and medicine with 38 the first West-Syrian author to have used an East Syrian teacher (around 1245) — East-Syrian historiographical material so and worked with Muslim teachers, such as extensively. at the famous Bimaristan of Nūr al-Dīn al- 39 Only by comparing Barhebraeus’ indi- Zengī in Damascus. As bishop and vidual writings with the encyclopedias and maphrian he remained in contact with Is- compilations circulating in his time and the lamic scholars and learned institutions. His works of his immediate predecessors, such predilection for Marāgha as place of resi- as the so far insufficiently studied Bar dence was possibly not dictated in the first Shakkō, Dionysius b. Salībī or Michael the place by political reasons—it was one of the Syrian, will one be able to determine his capitals of the Mongol rulers—but by the originality—or lack of it—in the choice of fact that the renowned academy and obser- his sources. vatory founded by Nāsir al-Dīn al-Tūsī were established there. It seems probable that the 1.3 Islamic Sources. Overview scientific career of Khwāja Nāsir inspired Barhebraeus to devote himself to similar 40 In the 13th century the cultural and scien- studies. In H. Koffler’s introduction to his tific standards were set by Muslims and no partial translation of the tenth Base of the longer by Christians. This is recognized by Candelabrum, “The Resurrection of the Barhebraeus himself when he states in his Bodies”, it is pointed out that Barhebraeus’ civil chronicle that the Syrian Christians, literary output was to a large extent parallel 41 who in the days of old had given wisdom to that of Tūsī, and—may we add—was to and science to the Arabs through translators a certain degree influenced by him. Both who had all been Syrians (suryōyē), found it authors wrote extensively on theology, mys- necessary in his days to ask for wisdom and ticism, jurisprudence and ethics, composed science from them.36 The high esteem of commentaries on Euclides, the Almagest of Barhebraeus for Islamic culture appears Ptolemaeus and wrote works in the field of clearly from the following passage: practical philosophy, logic, and astron- omy. In these latter writings Barhebraeus There arose among them philoso- relied heavily on al-Tūsī, as can be demon- phers, mathematicians and physicians strated by the example of his Book on the who surpassed the Ancients by the

______Journal of the Canadian Society for Syriac Studies 3 (2003) - Page 25 GregorySyriac in InternationalBarhebraeus Research and his Time ______

Ascension of the Mind (Sullōqō d-hawnō), tioned Jovaini’s world History. Other Is- which is based on Tūsī’s Tadhkira fī ‘ilm al- lamic sources include al-Qiftī and, in his hai’a, or by parts of the Cream of Wis- Arabic History (see below), Ibn al-Athīr.49 dom.42 Also the fact that Barhebraeus under- Using Islamic chronicles as sources in took to make a Syriac translation of Syriac historiography is certainly not new. Avicenna’s Kitāb al-išārāt wa l-tanbīhāt Elias of Nisibis (d. 1046), the author of a can partly be explained by the fact that this well-known bilingual (Syriac-Arabic) work was much studied in the philosophical Chronicle, had already allowed himself to circles of Marāgha and was commented use Islamic material, such as the Annals of upon by Nāsir himself, but also by Qutb al- at-Tabarī or works of Abū Bakr as-Sūlī, Abū Dīn al-Šīrāzī (1236-1311), a younger con- Bakr al-Khwārizmī and others.50 Michael temporary of Barhebraeus, whom he may the Syrian also referred to Arabic-Muslim have met in Marāgha.43 material.51 Innovative, however, is the sys- As for other Muslim authors, Takahashi tematic way in which Barhebraeus describes has recently demonstrated Barhebraeus’ de- and, if appropriate, praises the work and pendence on Gazali’s Maqāsid al-falāsifa achievements of a great number of Islamic for his philosophical treatise Tegrat tegrōtō, scholars, sometimes even comparing them whereas much earlier Baumstark had al- to the great Christian authorities in a par- ready shown the relationship of this work ticular field. to ibn Sina’s ‘Uyūn al-Hikma.44 In the field If on account of the cultural situation of of science, we may further mention that he his time it was normal for Barhebraeus to used the latter’s Kitāb al-Šifā’ in the Books turn to the works of Muslim scholars, espe- of Minerals and Meteorology of the Cream cially in the fields of the exact sciences of Wisdom as well as the Kitāb al-mu‘tabar (astronomy, medicine, mathematics), phi- of Abū l-Barakāt al-Baghdādī45 and the losophy and historiography, it is much less a Mabāhith al-mašriqiyya of Fakhr al-Dīn al- matter of course that this Muslim influence Rāzī in the meteorological part of the Can- can also be found in other fields. One of delabrum of the Sanctuary. But also in the these is the study of the Syriac language. “Book of Incarnation” of the Candelabrum Barhebraeus, much concerned about the lan- he sometimes follows the opinions of al- guage of the “Christian Arameans”, is the Rāzī as expressed in the latter’s Muhassal,46 author of several grammatical and lexico- whereas the k. al-Šifā’ was also largely ex- graphical works, the most important being ploited in the Swōd Sufyā.47 In the field of the so-called Book of Splendors (kt. d-Semhē).52 medicine we may mention Barhebraeus’ It is astonishing to discover that this work, unfinished translation into Syriac of Ibn with its division into four parts, is modeled Sina’s Qānūn al-Tibb and the compendium on the kitāb al-Mufassal of Zamakhšarī, one which he made of al-Ghāfiqī’s Book of Sim- of the normative grammars of the Arabic ple Drugs.48 language, thus, at least partly, abandoning His familiarity with Islamic sources and the more traditional grammatical approach Islamic culture in general appears most to the Syriac language. In the same way, in prominently in his Chronicles. For his the field of adab, he composed a collection Syriac Chronicle we have already men- of “amusing stories” (tunnōyē mgahhkōnē)

______Journal of the Canadian Society for Syriac Studies 3 (2003) - Page 26 GregorySyriac in InternationalBarhebraeus Research and his Time ______

culled from different sources, e.g. biblical Meals, which belongs to the Revival of reli- and patristic ones. Its main source is how- gious Sciences (Ihyā’ ‘ulūm al-Dīn), the ever the kitāb nathr al-durr, a work in Ara- principal work of al-Ghazali (d. 1111). The bic by the Persian author Abū Sa‘d Mansūr juxtaposition of both texts speaks for itself. b. Husayn Abī (d. ca. 1030).53 Under its influence, Barhebraeus’ Syrian readership is Barhebraeus, Ethicon, Memrō II,1.557 treated to some tales, which, on account of their realistic and true to life character, one When someone is on a journey and comes would not expect in the work of a monk and to visit a brother, he should not expect to bishop, but are understandable when one get to him at the time of his meal, for it is realizes that Barhebraeus was also a physi- said: the food of anyone who eats from a cian and the author of some medical works. meal at which he is not invited, comes from Barhebraeus excuses himself for this, by fraud and theft. But if, when he enters, he admitting that some stories may be “beyond happens to find him eating, he should not the path of chastity”, and are therefore not eat as long as he is not given permission. After getting permission he should verify if recommended reading in the houses of 54 he is invited with pleasure. If this is the priests. Also in the field of poetry, espe- case, he may accept. If someone invites cially in his philosophical poems, he aban- him out of shame, he should apologize and dons tradition and introduces new styles and not draw near. themes, which are traditionally not found in But if somebody is hungry and he has a Syriac literature.55 brother who is a real friend, and he knows In the same way, problems and customs that the latter would not be offended when pertaining to the field of daily life, such as he eats from what belongs to him, he is education, marriage, hospitality, hygiene, allowed to enter and to eat freely, even if health etc.,56 are discussed not only on the such a master of the house should not be basis of the classical Christian authorities, there. But this host must not treat his visiting such as Gregory Nazianzen or Basil of guest beyond his capacities. When a Caesarea, but much more with the help of brother in Scete received a certain bishop, Islamic sources. One reason is undoubtedly he offered him bread and salt, saying that generally speaking the Christian spiri- “forgive me, O my Father, that I have noth- tual authors, who were monks or solitaries, ing else to put before you”. The bishop said were hardly interested in issues of this kind “I wish that when I come another year, I and had only paid superficial attention to shall even not find this with you”.58 them. Barhebraeus is probably the first Syr- When a host does not have anything, he ian author to deal with them in such detail. should therefore not borrow something. In Since this aspect of his work has not yet the same way, if he has only what is neces- been studied, it is worthwhile, by way of an sary for his own support and that of his family, he must not offer everything, but example, to translate such a passage about only a portion of it. daily life, e.g. the fragment in the Ethicon It is not becoming for a visiting guest to on the way how food should be offered to expect that his host has all kinds of food. It guests, and to compare it with its Islamic is told that when a traveler came to some- source, the Book of Good Manners at one who offered him a cake of barley and

______Journal of the Canadian Society for Syriac Studies 3 (2003) - Page 27 GregorySyriac in InternationalBarhebraeus Research and his Time ______

some ground salt, the traveler said “salt is It belongs to affected behavior (takalluf) to delicious with thyme”. Then the brother offer everything one has in house but to went out, pawned his cloak (kutinō) and harm one’s own family. bought thyme. When they had finished The visitor must not suggest something their meal, the traveler said: “glory to God or order it out of himself (…). Al-A‛maš who has nourished me according to my told about Abū Wā’il that the latter has wishes”. The hosting brother said to him: said: I went with a friend to visit Salmān, had you not eaten according to your and he offered us barley bread and ground wishes, then my cloak would not have been salt. My friend said: it would be better if pawned. there had been some thyme in this salt. When the master of the house exhorts Salmān went out and pawned his washing and lovingly urges the traveler to tell him basin (mathara) and bought thyme. When what he should prepare for him, the latter we had eaten, my friend said: “glory to should ask for what he knows to be easy God who has given us satisfaction with for him. what he has given us to eat. Salmān said: The host should not say to the traveler had you been satisfied with what has been “do you wish to eat?”, but, provided that he given to you by God, my washing basin has something, offer it to him without would not been pawned. asking. The visited person should arouse the appetite of the visiting brother and ask al-Ghazali, Ihyā’ ‘ulūm al-Dīn, Part II, 1.359 from him to indicate whatever would be good to prepare for him (…) It is not sunna to visit people and to await One should not say to him; “shall I offer the time of the meal (…). There exists a h you something?”, but, if there is something, adīth who goes to a meal at which he is not offer it (…). invited goes as a sinner and eats forbidden food (harāman). But the visitor who (…) Another field where Muslim influence is happens to find him at his meal, is right to be found is that of canon law. This is not when he does not eat as long he is not in- surprising, since the Muslim authorities ex- vited. And when they say to him “eat”, he pected bishops and Patriarchs not only to be must look, and when he knows that they spiritual leaders, but also to be judges and to invite him to help him out of love, he may deal with matters which regulate all aspects accept help, but if they invite him out of of the internal life of the members of their shame, he should not eat, but apologize. ecclesiastical community. ‘Abdišo‘ bar But if he is hungry and goes to some brother in order to be given food by him, Brika, the East-Syrian bishop of Nisibis and there is no objection that he does not wait a contemporary of Barhebraeus, mentions for the time of the meal (…). When he en- that he was stimulated to compose one of his ters and he does not find the master of the collections of canon law, the Tukkās dinē w- house and is sure of his friendship and nāmosē ‘edtānāyē, by the fact that some knows that he would be glad if he would Muslims boasted that the Christians did not eat from his food, he may eat without his posses detailed juridical compilations.60 permission. Barhebraeus seems to have cherished some- (…) Adab is (…) offering only what one what mixed feelings about these extensive has. juridical works. On the one hand, he men- If [the host] does not have anything, he tions, in his Civil Chronicle, that: should therefore not borrow something (…)

______Journal of the Canadian Society for Syriac Studies 3 (2003) - Page 28 GregorySyriac in InternationalBarhebraeus Research and his Time ______

regarding their books of Law, viz. the can- the Christians, such as trade or land prop- ons of marriage, different kinds of separa- erty. However, we also find this Islamic in- tion and divorce (furšōnē), the ablutions, fluence in other fields, such as the law of the manner of (performing) prayers, the inheritance, where Barhebraeus is the first amount of alms, the different kinds of mer- Syrian author to accept the Islamic and even chandise and loans, the division of inheri- tances and the liberation of slaves, the Qur’anic principle that men inherit the dou- ble of women in the case of the same degree (Muslims) have dilated upon these matters 64 to such a degree that not one of them, even of consanguinity. though he has occupied himself with these The last and the most astonishing field (subjects) during the whole period of his where we find this Islamic influence is that life, is able to make juridical decisions of Christian practice and spirituality. (šu’ōlē w-funnōyē) about these matters in a Christian practice and asceticism are es- 61 fitting way. pecially dealt with in the first memrō65 of the Ktōbō d-Itiqūn, Barhebraeus’ Book of On the other hand, he is himself the au- Ethics, written for monks as well as lay peo- thor of a very detailed juridical compilation, ple. It deals with subjects like prayer, fast- the second —“civil”—part of which is ing, the reading of spiritual books, vigils or largely based on Islamic sources. He called the pilgrimage to the Holy City, themes that this work ktōbō d-Huddōyē, the Book of are of course also extensively treated in the Directions, in imitation of comparable Is- writings of the traditional spiritual Fathers, lamic works, such as the k. al Hidāyā of both Greek and Syriac, and which were well Burhān al-Dīn al-Marghinānī (d. 1197), one known to Barhebraeus, who refers to Basil of the most popular handbooks of the of Caesarea, Gregory Nazianzen, Evagrius Hanafite School of Law, which was the pre- and other monks of the Egyptian Desert, but vailing juridical madhhab in most of the also to Isaac the Syrian and John of territories where Barhebraeus lived.62 Dalyatha, his most important Syriac sources. The main Islamic source of the Book of In many cases, however, Barhebraeus again Directions, however, is al-Ghazali, possibly prefers the insights of Abū Hāmid al- his kitāb al-Wajīz, an abridged compendium Ghazali, as formulated in the latter’s opus of law, which together with the more elabo- magnum, the Revivification of Religious rate, but now lost, kitāb al-Wasīt was con- Sciences (Ihyā’ ‘ulūm al-Dīn). Thus, the sidered an important work of the Shafi‘ite remedies against distraction during prayer School of Law in Barhebraeus’ times. Nal- are not discussed in the first place with the lino has demonstrated that many decisions help of, for example, the Collection of and regulations formulated in the second Homilies by Isaac the Syrian—a work “secular” part of the Nomocanon (chapters known to him, be it only as a secondary 8-40) are based on especially Shafi‘ite, but, source—but analyzed on the basis of the if necessary or useful, also Hanafite juris- corresponding passage in the first Book of prudence.63 This is of course understandable the Ihyā’.66 for those fields of life where traditional The same holds true for his description Christian material was lacking or unsatisfac- of the different ways to acquire “pure tory in an Islamic society, which had a great prayer”. This concept goes back to Evagrius impact on certain aspects of the daily life of

______Journal of the Canadian Society for Syriac Studies 3 (2003) - Page 29 GregorySyriac in InternationalBarhebraeus Research and his Time ______

of Pontus,67 but was taken over by the great the times of Barhebraeus was virtually un- East-Syrian Mystics, such as Isaac of Nine- known in the Syriac monastic world. It was veh and John of Dalyatha. Barhebraeus was undoubtedly inspired by the Islamic concep- familiar with the writings of these authors, tions as well as the practice of dhikr.70 which were accessible to him in the already In the mystical field, dealt with in memrō mentioned spiritual and ascetical compila- IV of the Ethicon as well as in the Book of tions circulating in the monasteries of his the Dove, his insights about the Love of days. It is therefore strange to discover that God and of one of its most fundamental the six “spiritual matters” (purity of characteristics, “freedom of speech” (farrhisiā; thoughts, understanding the words said dur- Gr. parrhisia) are a combination of inspiring ing prayer, the soul praising the Lord on theories, which he found in the work of account of God’s magnificence and one’s own Ghazali and in the writings of Christian humble nature, awe [deheltō], shame, and authors, such as Joseph Hazzāyā, John of hope), which characterize this “pure Dalyatha and Stephen b. Sudaylī.71 prayer”, were borrowed from the Islamic And to conclude this incomplete survey, spiritual tradition rather than from the Chris- in order to describe the existential crisis tian one, more particularly from Ghazali’s which befell him at the end of his life, he Book of the Mysteries of Prayer (kitāb asrār again allowed himself to consider Ghazali as al-Salāt).68 an example by imitating in his Book of the Several other examples could be given. Dove the autobiographical description of the Especially noteworthy is that Barhebraeus latter’s spiritual crisis in his Munqidh min develops a highly original spirituality of the al-Dalāl.72 pilgrimage to Jerusalem based on Ghazali’s description of the Hajj. Though in the Syriac 1.4 Faithfulness to the Sources spiritual tradition the pilgrimage to Jerusa- lem was generally not considered as a rec- As mentioned above, many scholars agree ommendable act of devotion,69 in the Ethi- that Barhebraeus was a most skillful con Barhebraeus speaks approvingly of the epitomist. Investigating the way in which “secular believers and the Members of the Gregory generally deals with his sources, Covenant (Bnay Qyōmō), whose souls thirst one cannot but conclude that he generally after seeing the Holy Places”. This is clearly uses them in a most careful and respectful an attempt to give the pilgrimage to Jerusa- way. Hidemi Takahashi has recently demon- lem a religious status comparable to the strated this for the Books of Minerals and Muslim Hajj, the scenario of which is the Meteorology in the Cream of Wisdom. As a basis of his description of the pilgrim’s visit matter of fact, many important passages are to Jerusalem. Another example is that he literal, slightly abridged or paraphrasing introduces a form of prayer, called ‘uhdōnō quotations from the source-text. In the case d-Alōhō, the remembrance of God, which of Arabic sources, the Syriac text is some- resembles the later forms of Jesus-prayer in times nothing more than a literal translation the Greek-Orthodox tradition, but which in of the Arabic.

______Journal of the Canadian Society for Syriac Studies 3 (2003) - Page 30 GregorySyriac in InternationalBarhebraeus Research and his Time ______

This faithfulness to his sources some- For different views or descriptions of times leads Barhebraeus into self- events found in different writings, I give an contradiction. Any author, of course, has the example taken from the Chronicles. As right to develop his way of thinking, to cor- mentioned earlier, Barhebraeus is both the rect previous errors or simply to change his author of the Civil Chronicle, the maktbōnūt mind. In the case of Barhebraeus, however, zabnē, composed in Syriac around the year one sometimes wonders whether certain 1276,74 as well as of a History in Arabic, new ideas, which contradict those formu- entitled mukhtasar ta’rīkh al-duwal, which lated at other occasions, are rather to be at- he wrote by the end of his life at the request tributed to his dependence on the sources of some Muslim friends in Marāgha.75 On used. This self-contradiction can be found account of a passage in Barhebraeus’ biog- within the same work or between different raphy by his brother Barsaumo, who writings on the same theme. mentions that some Tayyōyē had requested An example of the first can be found in to translate the Syriac chronicle into the the Ethicon, where Gregory develops a po- “Saracen language”, it has long been litical philosophy, dealing with the issue of thought that the mukhtasar was an abbrevi- the obligation to adopt a critical attitude to- ated translation of the maktbōnūt zabnē. Re- wards morally corrupt leaders. It is, how- cent research has demonstrated that the Ara- ever, strange to find three contradicting bic history not only describes certain events views. Firstly, he recommends executing at much more elaborately than the Syriac all time the orders of the Prince or the King, chronicle, but also contains material that is whether they be good or bad. Secondly, in not found in the latter work. However, even another passage he suggests to adopt rather in the case of Barhebraeus relating the same a policy of restraint; in order to avoid a pos- events or describing the same characters, sible moral dilemma, one should avoid as one finds, surprisingly, some important dif- much as possible any contact with the au- ferences. One of the reasons for this could thorities. And, finally, it is the task of eccle- be that Barhebraeus gives a different inter- siastical leaders not to shun confrontation, pretation according to the public he has in but to denounce the bad deeds of the Prince, mind. This is the thesis of A. Lüders.76 even at the risk of their own lives. It seems Thus, the Crusaders would have been de- to me that an explanation for these differ- picted negatively in the Mukhtasar in order ences can be found in the fact that Gregory not to shock—or from fear of—his Muslim develops the first attitude, that of compli- readership, but positively in the Civil ance, under the influence of Nāsir al-Dīn al- Chronicle, where they are considered as his Tūsī, who managed to survive several politi- coreligionists. But L. Conrad has recently cal systems, the attitude of restraint under argued that the Mukhtasar was written in the influence of Ghazali, who had retired the first place for Christians.77 It would from public life himself, and finally the atti- seem to me that a better explanation of these tude of confrontation under the inspiration differences is the fact that in both Chroni- of the great examples of political criticism cles Barhebraeus relies very closely on the found in the writings of the Church Fathers, sources, which he had at his disposal and such as Athanasius or John Chrysostom.73 which were different for the Syriac and Ara-

______Journal of the Canadian Society for Syriac Studies 3 (2003) - Page 31 GregorySyriac in InternationalBarhebraeus Research and his Time ______

bic chronicles. It was e.g. of no concern to the Mukhtasar, had entirely adopted a cer- him, that for his description of the skir- tain Muslim view of Muhammad and aban- mishes between Nūr al-Dīn and the Frankish doned the criticism formulated in the Civil knight Joscelin, the latter is portrayed as Chronicle. In the Mukhtasar he simply a man of courage and character in the contented himself with transcribing his im- Mukhtasar—a description based on b. al- mediate, in this case Muslim, source, with- Athīr’s Complete Chronicle—but in the out bothering to harmonize it with his previ- Syriac Chronicle as a fearful person. ous views.81 Another more important example is his description of Muhammad and, conse- 1.5 Critical use of the sources quently, the opinion he has about him. In the Mukhtasar78 one finds an account, which is The fact that Barhebraeus strictly follows entirely based on yet to be identified Mus- his sources, limiting himself to the role of lim sources, and hence depicts Muhammad compiler and translator, should not obscure in a most positive way. For example, the the fact that he frequently deals with them in battle of Badr is considered to be a great quite a creative way. Many instances can be event, where the Muslims, despite being a cited in which he combines different minority, routed the Mekkan polytheists. sources, thus creating a new and original Apparently, God had helped Muhammad, work. who was an instrument in the hands of God. A good example of his independent ap- When, however, one studies the passage on proach to the sources is again the Ethicon, Muhammad in the Syriac Civil Chronicle,79 which follows, as mentioned earlier, the one finds quite a different picture. Though general pattern of Ghazali’s Ihyā’ ‘ulūm al- Barhebraeus admits that Muhammad had Dīn, but which, for the elaboration of certain brought monotheism to the people of Arabia themes, uses both known Syrian tradition —and in this respect was an instrument in and less known Christian sources. The latter the hands of God—he also mentions the are sometimes referred to quite literally, but forced conversions “with the sword” and also critically. By way of an example, I that many Arabs became followers of come back to the passage on the Love of Muhammad for reasons of profit. In the God and Freedom of Speech, mentioned Mukhtasar, it is emphasized that the Prophet earlier. of Islam participated personally in the first In order to describe the highest mystical raids; in the maktbōnūt zabnē one only finds state, Barhebraeus refers to the work known that he dwelt in honor in Medina. In this as the “Book of the Holy Hierotheos” com- case, his information, and consequently the posed in the 5th century by Stephen bar view he had of Mohammed, seems mainly Sudayli, of which he had made a sort of based on Christian sources. These have not compendium and systematized its ideas yet been identified, but must have been shortly before writing the Ethicon (1279). In (partly?) the same as those used by Diony- order to describe the mystical union, sius bar Salibi in his treatise Against the Stephen uses two different terms (in the Muslims (Luqbal tayyōyē).80 It seems im- Ethicon, Bar-hebraeus considers Hierotheos, probable that Bar-hebraeus, when he wrote the putative disciple of Dionysius the Are-

______Journal of the Canadian Society for Syriac Studies 3 (2003) - Page 32 GregorySyriac in InternationalBarhebraeus Research and his Time ______

opagite, to be the author): firstly hadōyutō, a very pointed description of the term the state of unification, followed by another durrōšō, which is normally translated as state, called hbikutō, meaning literally disputation, mainly a religious disputation. “commingling”. This state is characterized For Gregory, it means an attempt to over- by the disappearance of the distinction be- come the adversary with verbal ingenuity. tween the lover and the beloved. When Bar- Hence, the love of durrōšō is one of the hebraeus himself uses several strong expres- gateways through which sin can creep into sions, saying, for example, that love and the soul.83 delectation will disappear, because the lover This attitude is remarkable, since we and the beloved become the same person, know that disputations between the adher- whereas love still presupposes a certain dis- ents of the different Christian communities tinction, he seems to come quite close to the were a regularly occurring phenomenon up heretical, pantheistic notions of Stephen. to Barhebraeus’ time. Barhebraeus alludes However, this is not the case. Barhebraeus to this fact, when he states that novices— intentionally avoids the term hbikutō and and monks—should refrain from discus- states—and here he follows Ghazali—that sions about “natures and hypostases” (kyōnē mystic utterances and expressions such as wa-qnūmē),84 an allusion to Christological “the son of God (i.e. the mystic) becoming discussions, but that as a bishop he could as receiving all prayers and no longer as one not escape engaging himself in who prays” or also the biblical “I and the “disquisitions and disputations with the Father are one” (John 17:21) are allowed, heads of other confessions”.85 if one considers them as expressions of the This is probably one of the reasons why “freedom of speech” (farrhisyā), which is a he composed his important treatise on Chris- gift granted to the mystics, using a language tology as part of his general theological of love, which may shock the ears of the Summa, the Candelabrum of the Sanctuary. common believers, but which is allowed of In this work, Gregory is still very much the Gnostics, who are capable of not inter- aware of the importance of the Christologi- preting them in a literal way.82 cal differences between the Christian com- munities. When the West Syriac bishop of 2. Barhebraeus Gōzartō, Ignatius, was interrogated by the and the Period of the Syrian Renaissance East Syriac Patriarch about certain dangers inherent to a “miaphysite” Christology and 2.1 Open Attitude to other Christian he dismissed this kind of discussions as be- confessions ing merely sophisms, Gregory reproaches him for this attitude and tells him exactly In order to be able to situate Barhebraeus in what he should have answered to the Patri- the general movement of the so-called Syr- arch.86 A comparable attitude can be found ian Renaissance, it is important to mention in the already mentioned Christological let- briefly his ecumenical attitude as a corollary ter addressed to Catholicos Denha I. Despite to what was said about his receptivity to the the very courteous tone, Barhebraeus re- intellectual and spiritual world of Islam. minds the Catholicos, that the only ortho- In his Book of Ethics, Gregory gives dox Christological position is to profess

______Journal of the Canadian Society for Syriac Studies 3 (2003) - Page 33 GregorySyriac in InternationalBarhebraeus Research and his Time ______

only one nature in Christ. He even ascribes peoples, notwithstanding their differences, to Denha the intention to admit not only are in concord with each other”.91 two natures, but even two sons (trēn Barhebraeus even devoted a few lines of bnayō), the classical–and utterly unfair— poetry to the subject of debating and disput- reproach to the East-Syrians in the mouth of ing (‘al-drōšō w-ōru‘ūtō) on christological their adversaries.87 issues. It is an admonition against someone At the same time, Barhebraeus tries to who apparently had tried to bring confusion get out of the Christological deadlock which to the community of the faithful: had kept the Christian communities divided Fervent in love for Lord Jesus is for almost eight centuries. He did so by pro- 92 posing an ingenious Christological compro- Theophilus, but not in love for Nestorius or Cyril. mise, that of the one “double nature out of How does err the one in whose ears two natures, divine and human” (Syr.: kyōnō 88 Paul has cried: ‘affifō d-men trēn kyōnīn alōhōyō w- We are of Christ! Who is Paul and 89 nōšōyō), thus trying to do justice to the who Apollos? (cf. 1 Cor 1:12) Chalcedonian and East Syriac sensitivity No chains will ever separate me from about the duality of natures as well as to the the love of the Lord, West Syriac feelings about the oneness of no terror of fire nor sword, said Paul the nature of Christ. That he, unlike many of (cf. Rom 8:35). his predecessors, did not treat as heretics the But see, in our times, the love of Nes- members of the other important Christian torius and Cyril communities, such as the Franks, the East- has separated from the Lord a multi- tude of fools. Syrians and the Greek-Orthodox, appears Who would not weep?93 from the last chapter of his treatise on Chris- tology, where he states that the different After having established Barhebraeus’ extant Christian tawdyōtō of his time may irenic approach to the traditional christologi- use various terms (kunnōyē) to express the cal dissensions, we must again raise the mystery of the union of Christ’s humanity problem of Barhebraeus’ originality. Was and divinity, but have basically sound and his ecumenism, as is sometimes stated, new non-heretical Christological views.90 This and original, or was he in this respect a ecumenical intuition is even more explicitly product of his time? expressed in the Book of the Dove, where When we look at one of Barhebraeus’ he states: predecessors, Dionysius b. Salibi (d. 1171), “All (sc. the Christian communities, Ma- bishop of Amida and held in high esteem by ronites, Greek-Orthodox, East-Syrians, West- Gregory who portrayed him as “an eloquent Syrians and Armenians) profess indeed that doctor and the star of his times”, we find a Christ our Lord is perfect God and perfect strong opponent of any overture towards man, without mixture, confusion and cor- people who did not belong to his own West- ruption of natures. Some use the term nature Syrian community. In his important Book of for this type of conjunction, others call it Refutations he not only attacks Jews and substance and still others speak about per- Muslims, but also the members of those son. Thus I discovered that all Christian Christian communities which were most

______Journal of the Canadian Society for Syriac Studies 3 (2003) - Page 34 Gregory Barhebraeus and his Time ______prominently found around Amida and (firq) or division (infisāl) between the two.95 Melitene, his native town, the Chalcedo- A similar ecumenical attitude is also nians, as well as the East Syriacs and even found in the Church of the East. Though not the Armenians, who professed a miaphysite as outspoken as in the case of Arfādi and christology like the West Syrians.94 At least Barhebraeus, a number of East Syrian theo- in the sections against the Chalcedonians logians seem to have been advocates of a and the Armenians, his argumentation is certain openness to other Christian confes- very poor and a repetition of classical argu- sions, especially to the Latin Church. Some ments, which are not always of a theological remarkable theological treatises seem to re- nature. The sharpness of Dionysius’ lan- flect the ecumenical spirit of this period.96 guage may be explained by the fact that he Thus, Išo‛yahb bar Malkon, the metropoli- felt that a new period had dawned and that tan of Nisibis in the first quarter of the 12th increasing numbers of Christians no longer century, and especially his successor, considered the former christological dissen- ‘Abdišo‘ bar Brika (d. 1318), have very bal- sions as relevant for their times. An example anced views about the theological terms of of this new attitude is a certain Rabban Išu‘, the other parties. In his Book of the Pearl who rejected the opinion that only the West ‘Abdišo‘ explains that the difference be- Syriacs should be called orthodox and that tween Chalcedonians and East-Syrians is all other Christians were heretics, a point of partly a matter of language, due to the dif- view which was not much appreciated by ferent connotations a term may have in a Dionysius. In the case of Rabban Išu‘, we Greek or Syriac context. And Išo‘yahb can only speak of a certain ecumenical leaves some room for the use of the expres- “intuition”, since his convictions do not sion “Mother of God”, since he states that seem to have been based on a serious theo- the only reason why it is preferable to speak logical investigation of the christology of of Mary as the “Mother of Christ” is his the chalcedonian church. However, this is concern about using a clear and unequivocal different with Al-Arfādi. This West Syrian terminology, since “Mother of God” can be theologian of the 11th or 12th century and interpreted as meaning “Mother of the Trin- originating from Northern Syria is the au- ity”. Both authors seem to accept a certain thor of a short treatise, written in Arabic, pluralism with regard to the theological with the significant title: on the Concor- terms used by the different communities and dance in Faith among the Christians and the thus come close to the opinion of Bar- Essence of Religion (k. ijtimā‘ al-amāna hebraeus and Arfādi. wa-‘unsur al-diyāna). In this work the au- We may conclude, then, that while it is thor analyzes the different christological true that Barhebraeus is a remarkable repre- positions of the Chalcedonians, the West sentative of this open attitude towards the Syriacs and the East Syriacs and comes to a other Christian confessions—and this aspect conclusion which resembles the statement of his character was very much appreciated formulated by Barhebraeus in the Book of by the members of the other Churches as the Dove: all agree in confessing the appears from the presence of East Syriacs, divinity and humanity of Christ, his unity Chalcedonians and Armenians at his funeral (ittihād), and do not accept any separation in Marāgha—his ecumenical attitude was

______Journal of the Canadian Society for Syriac Studies 3 (2003) - Page 35 GregorySyriac in InternationalBarhebraeus Research and his Time ______

not unique. In this respect, Gregory is a wor- knew Arabic, since he studied with the Mus- thy representative of the Syrian Renais- lim philosopher Kamāl al-Dīn b. Yūnus. sance, one of the characteristics of which The same holds probably true for Dionysius seems to have been a willingness on the part b. Salibi. His literary output is entirely in of theologians and church leaders to put Syriac, but his information on the Islamic their own convictions into perspective and religion, including the Qur’an, is so precise to promote a new approach to the traditional and to the point, that it is difficult to imag- divisions among Christians. ine that he bases himself entirely on Syriac sources, especially since there exists no evi- 2.2 Openness to “Islam” dence of such works containing detailed information on Islam. Barhebraeus fits well In order to have more insight into Bar- into this category of scholars who were fa- hebraeus’ openness to Islam, which stood miliar with both Syriac and Arabic and out against the general contemporary atti- some of whom were even capable of writing tude towards Islamic culture and religion, it in both languages. is useful to distinguish different levels. The second level is that of receptivity to A first level is that of the knowledge of Islamic learning and culture. The already Arabic. We have already pointed out (supra mentioned fact that the scientific and cul- 1.1) that in the time of Gregory it was not tural standards were no longer set by Chris- common for the people in the regions where tians not only explains why Syriac scholars, he lived to know this language. Knowing such as b. Šakko, b. Wajīh or Barhebraeus this leksis sqiltā, this refined language, is, himself, received part of their training from however, considered important by Bar- Muslim teachers, but also why Gregory hebraeus for church leaders. He mentions thought it important to make Syriac how Bar Ma‘dani (d. 1263) studied Arabic translations or adaptations of major Muslim in Baghdad, when the latter was already scientific works, thus making Islamic sci- Maphrian, and praises his good style.97 ence accessible to those students that did When Gregory describes the career of Saliba not know Arabic. The systematic way in b. Ya‘qūb Wajīh, his former fellow student which Barhebraeus devoted himself to this in Tripoli and probably in Damascus, he task distinguishes him from other Syriac also emphasizes his excellent knowledge of scholars. Arabic.98 In the field of literature, we find a Another aspect is the influence of Is- number of authors who were able to write lamic culture. Several examples can be both in Syriac and in Arabic.99 Besides John given of how the Syrians imitated certain bar Ma‘dani, the most prominent bilingual cultural expressions. In particular, one of theologians were East-Syrians, such as Elias Barhebraeus’ contemporaries, ‘Abdišo‘ b. of Nisibis, Catholicos Elias III (Abū Halīm), Brika, has to be mentioned here. His poem Išo‛yahb bar Malkon, ‘Abdišo‘ bar Brika or the Paradise of Eden rivals in complexity also Catholicos Denha I. Though Jacob b. the Maqāmāt of al-Harīrī. He is moreover Šakko, one of the outstanding representa- the author of an Arabic translation of the tives of the 13th century Syrian Renais- Gospel in saj‘.101 Though one of the reasons sance,100 only wrote in Syriac, he surely to compose such a translation was probably

______Journal of the Canadian Society for Syriac Studies 3 (2003) - Page 36 GregorySyriac in InternationalBarhebraeus Research and his Time ______

apologetic, (i.e. to counter the Islamic argu- nize some genuine religious and spiritual ment of í‘jāz, the miracle of the inimitability values, which made him an “original of the Qur’an), it is also proof that some thinker” and not merely a skillful compiler. Christians authors tried hard to adapt them- selves to Muslim adab and general cultural Concluding remark expressions. Bar Ma‘dani is a good example on the West Syrian side.102 Barhebraeus’ One of the objectives of this general survey acceptance of Muslim styles in his poetry, of the Life and Works of Barhebraeus was his composition of the Laughable Stories to situate him in the general context of his and even the fact that he based his Syriac time. Following Baumstark, I have charac- grammar on the work of Muslim-Arabic terized this period positively as a “Syrian grammarians are also expressions of this Renaissance”, the main characteristics of mentality. which are openness towards fellow Chris- The greatest originality of Barhebraeus, tians as well as receptivity to the world of however, is situated on the third level, that Islam.103 One should bear in mind however of religion. Barhebraeus not only has a re- that this idea of flourishing and revival is markable knowledge of the religion of Islam not generally accepted. J.B. Chabot104 has a and of its great thinkers—this is to a certain different appreciation of this acceptation of extent also found in the works of other foreign influences and speaks rather of a Christian authors, such as Elias of Nisibis or period of literary decline on account of the Dionysius b. Salibi—but as seen above is rapid increase of the use of Arabic. also prepared to consider certain expressions These divergent judgments are of course of Islamic spirituality and piety as relevant only possible on account of the fact that the for his own Christian tradition. Both his literary Syriac and bilingual (Syriac-Arabic) Ethicon and Book of the Dove explain cer- production of this time has not yet been tain aspects of the spiritual life of Christian studied sufficiently. Major works of impor- monks and laymen with the help of formula- tant authors, such as b. Šakko, b. Salibi, b. tions and ideas borrowed from Islam. Wahbun, b. Ma‘dani, the immediate prede- It is probable that Barhebraeus’ personal cessors or contemporaries of Barhebraeus, admiration for Ghazali, whom he praises for are only vaguely known to scholars and are his spiritual and non-legalistic approach to often not yet available in critical editions. religion, plays a role in this attitude. As a It is clear that in order to come to a bal- matter of fact, it is this extraordinary open- anced judgment of Barhebraeus’ originality, ness to a representative of a “spiritual Is- more research into the period of the so- lam” in whose work he was able to recog- called Syrian Renaissance is much needed.

______Journal of the Canadian Society for Syriac Studies 3 (2003) - Page 37 GregorySyriac in InternationalBarhebraeus Research and his Time ______

NOTES

1 Read: ethakam, not ethakas as found in the thèque de la Faculté de Philosophie et Lettres de edition of Abbeloos and Lamy (see next note). l’Université de Liège LXXV (Liège 1937), p. 30. 2 Abbeloos J. and Th. Lamy, Gregorii Barhe- 11 Cf. the request to Barhebraeus by some braei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, I-III (Paris- Arabs in Marāgha to translate his Syriac Chroni- Louvain, 1872-77); abbr.: chron.eccl. For this cle into Arabic (chron. eccl., III, 469). As a mat- passage of Barsaumō, III, p. 481. ter of fact, the Arabic chronicle rather seems to 3 Especially a reliable critical edition of his be an independent work, based on partly differ- Poems as one of the as yet little explored sources ent sources than the Syriac chronicle, see infra of Barhebraeus’ life is much needed. par. 1.4. 4 A most complete survey of editions, trans- 12 Cf. Cl. Cahen, “Le malik-nameh et l’his- lations and studies of the works of Barhebraeus toire des origines Seljukides,” in Oriens 2 will be available in H. Takahashi, Bibliography ( 1949), p. 32 of Barhebraeus (to be published, Gorgias Press). 13 Cf. especially M. Zonta, Fonti greche e 5 To give only the judgment of J.B. Chabot: orientali dell’Economia di Bar-Hebraeus nell’op- “ses livres manquent d’originalité, mais c’est un era ‘La Crema della Scienza’, Supplemento n. 70 vulgarisateur clair et précis;” La littérature agli Annali, Vol. 52 (1992), (Napoli 1992), pp. syriaque (Paris 1934), p. 133. J.B. Segal: “his 50ff. Many passages in the Cream are in fact writings are not distinguished by great ability or very literal translations. by originality of thought or style;” EI2, s.v. Ibn al- 14 Dionysius d-Gōzartō, Mīmrō ‘al- qaddīšō ‘Ibri. J.M. Fiey portrays him as a “vulgarisateur Grigoryos Mafriyōnō d-hū Bar ‘Ebrōyō, de génie” (!) in his Chrétiens syriaques sous les (Glanerbrug 1985), p. 39. Mongols (Il-Khanat de Perse, XIIIe-XIVe s.), 15 In chron. eccl. (I, 689) one finds a quota- CSCO 363 (Leuven 1975), p. 101. tion from a letter of the Cilician King Haythum 6 Cf. E. Wallis Budge, The Chronography of to the West Syrian Patriarch, but it is not clear Gregory Abu’l-Faraj Barhebraeus, I, English whether Barhebraeus quotes and translates di- Translation I (London 1932), p.3; for the Syriac rectly from the Armenian original. text, see Maktbōnūt zabnē, ed. Monastery St 16 Cf. H. Takhashi, Aristotelian Meteorology Ephrem the Syrian (Glanerbrug 1987), p. 1b in Syriac. Barhebraeus, Butyrum sapientiae, (abbrev.: chron. civ.). Books of Minerals and Meteorology. Edition, 7 The situation was much different for the Translation and Commentary, PhD thesis, ined. West-Syrians living more to the south, in Bagh- (Frankfurt a.M., 2002), p. 19f. Takahashi refers dad (cf. the literary production of authors like to the fact that the sermon of Barhebraeus on the Yahya b. ‘Adi, Ibn Zur‘a and his pupil Yahya b. occasion of his enthronement as Maphrian in Sis Jarīr, who seem to have written only in Arabic (!), was translated into Armenian by a different already by the end of the first millennium). person. The fact that, in a passage of his Civil 8 Chron. eccl. I, 717. The patriarch is Diony- Chronicle, Barhebraeus understood the meaning sius ‘Angur. of the Armenian word khog (thief) must not be 9 E.g. Chron. eccl, I, 663. interpreted as an indication of his knowledge of 10 Apart from the works, which are meant to Armenian, since this seems rather general be translations, important parts of some of his knowledge, cf. S. Dadoyan, “The Armenian In- other Syriac writings are in fact also literal ren- termezzo in Bilad al-Sham between the fourth/ derings from the Arabic, see e.g. H. Janssens, tenth and sixth/twelfth Centuries” in D. Thomas “L’entretien de la sagesse. Introduction aux oeu- (ed.), Syrian Christians under Islam. The First vres philosophiques de Barhebraeus,” Biblio- Thousand Years (Leiden 2001), p. 164. In chron.

______Journal of the Canadian Society for Syriac Studies 3 (2003) - Page 38 GregorySyriac in InternationalBarhebraeus Research and his Time ______

eccl. III, col. 421 one finds an example that in ‘Manārat al-Aqdās’,” in Dirāsāt 23 (1988), pp. the time of Barhebraeus at least some dayrōyē of 117-134. Alwan also raises the general problem the Monastery of Mar Mattay understood some of Barhebraeus’ direct and indirect sources. Armenian. 28 “Le candélabre des Sanctuaires,” ed./trans. 17 See Takahashi, Aristotelian Meteorology, J. Bakos, Patrologia Orientalis 22,4 (Paris p. 113. 1930), pp. 596 (cf. p. 496). 18 Cf. Zonta, o.c., p. 26ff. 29 Alwan, o. c., p. 133. 19 H. Janssens, o.c., p. 32f. 30 H. Teule, “Juridical Texts in the Ethicon of 20 See H. Teule, Spiritual Sources in the Ethi- Barhebraeus,” in Oriens Christianus 79 (1995), con of Barhebraeus (forthcoming). pp. 23-47. 21 J.B. Chabot, “Une lettre de Bar Hébréus au 31 H. Teule, Spiritual Sources in the Ethicon Catholicos Denha Ier,” in Journal Asiatique, IXe of Barhebraeus (forthcoming) sér., XI (1898), pp. 75-128. 32 See H. Teule, “L’échelle du paradis de Jean 22 N. Serikoff, “Einige Aspekte der Climaque dans la tradition syriaque: premières griechischen Grammatik des Barhebräus,” in investigations,” Parole de l’Orient 20 (1995), 279- Jahrbuch des Österreichischen Byzantinistik 37 293. The quotations in the Ethicon and the Book (Wien 1987), pp. 101-135. of the Dove correspond to this Melkite version. 23 G. Furlani (“La psicologia di Barhebreo 33 H. Teule, “L’amour de Dieu dans l’oeuvre secondo il libro La Crema della Sapienza,” in de Bar ‘Ebroyo,” in CERO (ed.), Dieu Miséri- Rivista degli Studi Orientali XIII (1931), pp. 24- corde, Dieu Amour, Actes du colloque VIII 52, here p. 51) uses the same argument, referring (Antélias 2003), pp. 257-276. to the fact that Barhebraeus sometimes gives 34 H. Teule, “Les compilations monastiques more precise transliterations of Greek technical syriaques” in R. Lavenant (ed.), Symposium terms than other Syriac authors. Syriacum VII, Orientalia Christiana Analecta 256 24 Takahashi, Aristotelian Meteorology, p. 22. (Rome 1998), p. 249-264. 25 E.g. the word rasūl was a normal term 35 See F. Marsh, The Book which is called the among the Arabic speaking Christians of Bar- Book of the Holy Hierotheos, with extracts from hebraeus’ time to indicate the Apostles and is not the prolegomena and Commentary of Theodo- to be taken as an original literal rendering of the sius of Antioch and from the “Book of Excerpts” Greek apostolos, as suggested by Serikoff, p. 120. and other Works of Gregory Bar-Hebræus Also the fact that Barhebraeus knew the etymol- (Oxford 1927), pp. 194f. ogy of certain Greek biblical names, such as 36 Cf. Chron. civ., p. 90b (transl. p. 92). Theophilus (see infra, the poem quoted in par. 37 Chron civ., ibid. 2.1) or even Theos is not an argument in favour 38 Cf. Chron. eccl. II, 667. of his knowing Greek, since these etymologies 39 Mukhtasar ta’rīkh al-duwal (ed. A. Salhānī, were common knowledge among West-Syrian Beirouth 1898), p. 274, cf. Takahashi, o.c., p. 12. exegetes. 40 But Janssens (o.c., p. 31) ascribes to Bar- 26 Cf. Kl.-Peter Todt, Region und griechisch- hebraeus the ambition to be the Avicenna of his orthodoxes Patriarchat von Antiocheia in mittel- people! byzantinischer Zeit im Zeitalter der Kreuzzüge 41 H. Koffler, “Die Lehre des Barhebräus von (969-1204), vol. I (Wiesbaden 1998), p. 448f. der Auferstehung der Leiber,” Orientalia Chris- 27 “Le candélabre du Sanctuaire. XII. Du tiana Analecta 28 (Rome 1932), p. 30. Cf art. Paradis, suivi du livre des Rayons, traité X”, ed./ Al-Tūsī, Nāsir al-Dīn (by H. Daiber/F.Ragep) transl. N. Sed, Patrologia Orientalis 40,3 in EI2. (Turnhout 1981), pp. 12-15. Cf. Kh. Alwan, 42 Cf. Takahashi, Aristotelian Meteorology, “Ba‘du masādir Ibn al-‘Ibrī al-suryāniyya fī p. 63; for other examples of the influence of

______Journal of the Canadian Society for Syriac Studies 3 (2003) - Page 39 GregorySyriac in InternationalBarhebraeus Research and his Time ______

Tūsī, see supra par. 1.1 and Zonta, o. c. (note 53 U. Marzolph, “Die Quelle der Ergötzlichen 13). Erzählungen des Bar Hebräus,” Oriens Chris- 43 H. Teule, “The Transmission of Islamic tianus 69, 1985, pp. 81-125. For the possibility Culture to the World of Syriac Christianity: Bar- of other Arabic sources of this work, see P.G. hebraeus’ Translation of Avicenna’s kitāb al- Borbone, “Un Capitolo siriaco di fisiognomica išārāt wa l-tanbīhāt. First Soundings,” in J. van tra gli anedotti divertenti di Bar Hebraeus,” in Ginkel, H. Murre (eds), Redefining Christian Egitto e Vicino Oriente XXV (2002), pp. 189-202. Identity (Leiden, in press). 54 The Laughable Stories, ed. J. Cicek 44 H. Takahashi, “Barhebraeus und seine (Glanerbrug 1984), p. 149 (cf. E. A. Wallis islamischen Quellen. Têgrat têgrata (Tractatus Budge, Chron. civ., p. lii). tractatuum) und Gazalis Maqāsid al-falāsifa,” in 55 G. Behnām, Yuhannā b. al-‘Ibrī: Hayātuhu M. Tamcke (ed.), Syriaca. Zur Geschichte, The- waši‘ruhu, Aleppo 1984 (= republished by Y. ologie, Liturgie und Gegenwartslage der Ibrāhīm in Dirāsāt Suryāniyya 17). It is recom- syrischen Kirchen. 2. Deutsches Syrologen- mendable to consider some of Barhebraeus’ po- Symposium (Juli 2000, Wittenberg), Studien zur ems not in the first place as adab, but to relate Orientalischen Kirchengeschichte 17 (Münster them to his philosophical and mystical writings, 2002), pp. 147-175. e.g. the poem on divine love compared to wine, 45 Cf. Takahashi, Aristotelian Meteorology, comparable to Sufi poetry such as b. al-Farīd’s p. 111. Khamriyya. 46 J. Khoury, “Le candélabre du sanctuaire de 56 H. Teule, Gregory Barhebraeus. Ethicon. Grégiore Abou’lfaradj dit Barhebraeus. Memra I, CSCO 535 (Leuven 1993), p. XX-XXI. Quatrième base: de l’incarnation,” Patrologia 57 P. Bedjan (ed.), Ethicon seu Moralia orientalis 31, p. 118. Gregorii Barhebraei (Paris-Leipzig 1898), p. 128f. 47 Cf. Janssens, Entretien de la sagesse, 58 This quotation is taken from the Paradisus passim. Patrum of ‘Enanišo‘, ed. P. Bedjan in Acta Mar- 48 Chron . eccl., III, p. 479 tyrum et Sanctorum VII (Paris-Leipzig 1897), p. 49 A systematic study of the sources of the 499 (nr 160) . individual sections of Barhebraeus’ histo- 59 Edition of Cairo, A.H. 1337, p. 9f. (cf. H. riographical work is still much needed. A gen- Kindermann, Über die guten Sitten beim Essen eral synopsis of both the direct and indirect und Trinken (Leiden 1964). sources of Barhebraeus’ chronicles is found in 60 Cf. I-M. Vosté, “Ordo iudiciorum ecclesi- Y. Ishaq, “Masādir Abī l-Faraj al-Malatī al- asticorum collectus …a Mar ‘Abdišo,‘” in Fonti tārikhiyya,” in Aram 1,1 (Oxford 1989), pp. 149- Ser. II Fasc. XV (Città del Vaticano 1940), p. 24. 172, esp. p. 163ff. 61 Chron. civ., 90b (transl., p. 92). Budge 50 See E. Brooks, Eliae Metropolitae Nisibi- translates furšōnē by “gifts”. As a juridical term nae Opus chronologicum, Pars prior, CSCO 63 furšōnē indicates however the termination of (Paris-Leipzig 1910), p. III. marriage on account of natural (e.g. death) or 51 E.g. J.B. Chabot, Chronique de Michel le legal grounds (adultery, etc.), see Barhebraeus’ Syrien, Patriarche West Syriac d’Antioche (Paris Nomocanon (ed. Cicek, 1986), p. 86. The juridi- 1899-1907); III, p. 213ff.; IV, p. 603ff., cal term for a donation is rather mawhabtō. 52 Cf. A. Moberg, Le livre des splendeurs, La 62 See art. Hanafiyya (W. Heffening and J. grande grammaire de Grégoire Barhebraeus Schacht) and Marghināni (W. Heffening) in (Lund 1922 [= ed.]), and id., Buch der Strahlen. EI2. Die grössere Grammatik des Barhebräus. Einlei- 63 Cf. C. Nallino, “Il diritto musulmano nel tung und 2. Teil (Leipzig 1907), 1. Teil und Stel- Nomocanone siriaco cristiano di Barhebreo,” in lenregister (Leipzig 1913). Rivista degli StudiOrientali IX (Roma 1921-23),

______Journal of the Canadian Society for Syriac Studies 3 (2003) - Page 40 Gregory Barhebraeus and his Time ______p. 512-580 (rep. in M. Nallino [ed.], C. Nallino, Ghazali’s Munqidh, cf. Khoury, o. c., p. 118. Raccolta di scritti editi e inediti. IV Diritto 73 See H. Teule, “La critique du prince. musulmano. Diritti cristiani, Roma 1942, pp. Quelques aspects d’une philosophie politique 214-290). Barhebraeus Kt. d-Huddoye was ed- dans l’oeuvre de Barhebraeus” in G. J. Reinink ited by J. Cicek, Glanerbrug, 1986 and by P. & A.C. Klugkist (eds.), After Bardaisan. Studies Bedjan, Gregorii Barhebraei Nomocanon, Paris- on Continuity and Change in Syriac Christianity Leipzig, 1898. in Honour of Professor Han J.W. Drijvers, Ori- 64 Cf. Nallino, o. c., p. 266. entalia Lovaniensia Analecta 89 (Louvain 1999), 65 Edited and transl. by H. Teule, CSCO 534- pp. 297-294. 5 (Louvain 1993). 74 Cf. Takahashi, Aristotelian Meteorology., p. 60. 66 Id., p. 11f. (Syr. text), pp. 10 (transl.) and 75 Edited by A. Salhānī under the title ta’rīkh 113-115. mukhtasar al-duwal (Beirut, 1890, 19582). For 67 Cf. R. Beulay, La lumière sans forme. In- the correct title, see Kh. Samir, “Trois manu- troduction à l’étude de la mystique chrétienne scrits de la chronique arabe de Barhébraeus à syro-orientale, Chevetogne n.d. [1987], p. 21 Istanbul,” Orientalia Christiana Periodica 46 and passim. (1980), pp. 142-44. 68 This belongs to the Ihyā’ ‘ulūm al-Dīn 76 A. Lüders, “Die Kreuzzüge im Urteil (o. c., I, pp. 144-46), where one finds: 1. syrischer und armensicher Quellen,” Berliner “presence of the heart” (concentration), 2. under- Byzantinistische Arbeiten 29 (Berlin 1964). standing the meaning of the words of prayer, 3. 77 L. Conrad, “On the Arabic Chronicle of praising God on account of His greatness and Barhebraeus: His Aims and Audience,” in Pa- one’s own lowness, 4. awe and fear (haybah role de l’Orient XIX (1994), pp. 319-378. On wakhawf), 5. hope, based on God’s mercy, and this issue, see also H. Teule, “The Crusaders 6. shame on account of one’s shortcomings. Cf. in Barhebraeus’ Syriac and Arabic Secular Ethicon, p. 115 (transl.) Chronicles. A different approach,” in K. Cig- 69 Ibid. p. 121 (Syr. text), pp. 104 and 142- gaar, A. Davids and H. Teule (eds.), East and 145. Cf. H. Teule, “The Perception of the Jerusa- West in the Crusaderstates. Context-Contacs- lem Pilgrimage in Syriac Ascetical Circles,” in Confrontations, Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta R. Lavenant (ed.), VI Symposium Syriacum 1992, 75 (Leuven 1996), pp. 39-49. Orientalia Christiana Analecta 247, p. 311-321. 78 Ed. Salhānī, p. 161. For an analysis of 70 H. Teule, “Al-Ghazali et BarEbrōyō. some passages on Muhammad in the Mukhtasar, Spiritualités comparées” in CERO (ed.), Actes see S. K. Samir, “The Prophet Muhammad as du colloque VII (Antélias 2001). seen by Timothy I and other Christian Arab Au- 71 H. Teule, “L’amour de Dieu dans l’oeuvre thors,” in D. Thomas (ed.), Syrian Christians de Bar ‘Ebrōyō,” in CERO (ed.), Dieu Miséri- under Islam. The first thousand years (Leiden corde, Dieu Amour, Actes du colloque VIII 2001), pp. 87-91. (Antélias 2003), pp. 257-276. 79 O. c., p. 90ff. (Syr.: 89ff.) For a translation and study of the treatise of 80 This treatise is still unedited. I used a the Love of God in the Ethicon, see A.J. Wen- manuscript (seemingly containing a number of sinck, Bar Hebraeus’s Book of the Dove together lacunae), written by Skandar b. Safr from Tur- with some chapters from his Ethicon (Leiden ‘Abdin in 1983. For the passage on Muhammad, 1919), pp. 85ff. Syriac text: P. Bedjan, Ethicon, see page 166ff. (with many thanks to G. Aziz pp. 473ff. and the monks of the St Ephrem Monastery in 72 Wensinck, o.c., p. 60. Also in the treatise Glanerbrug [Netherlands], who provided me On Incarnation of the Candelabrum of the Sanc- with a copy of this ms). A comparison of the tuary Barhebraeus gives proof of knowing relevant passages of the Civil Chronicle and Bar

______Journal of the Canadian Society for Syriac Studies 3 (2003) - Page 41 Gregory Barhebraeus and his Time ______

Salibi’s treatise shows that Barhebraeus cannot in The Harp IV, 1-3 (1991), p. 106. have used Dionysius directly. For a first descrip- 90 This last chapter of Barhebraeus’ treatise tion of the latter’s important work, see S. Grif- on the Incarnation was edited separately by F. fith, “Dionysius Bar Salibi on the Muslims” in Nau in his “Textes monophysites,” Patrologia H. Drijvers e.a. (eds), IV Symposium Syriacum orientalis XIII, 2 (1919), pp. 248-269; see esp. p. 1984, Orientalia Christiana Analecta 247 (1994), 264. pp. 311-327. 91 Book of the Dove, ed. Bedjan, p. 577f. (cf. 81 The differences and contradictions be- transl. Wensinck, p. 60). tween Barhebraeus’ philosophical and theologi- 92 Apparently a symbolic name, referring to cal works (cf. Janssens, Entretien de la sagesse, any God-loving Christian. p. 9ff.) might be explained in the same way. 93 Barhebraeus, Mušhōtō, ed. H. Dolabani, However, to a certain extent this is unsatisfac- Glanerbrug 1983 (reprint of Jerusalem 1929), p. tory, since Barhebraeus himself is very much 157 Cf. Takahashi, p. 32ff. These lines of poetry aware of the different kind of knowledge and the are to be compared with the end of the letter to approach of philosophers (filōsufē barrōyē) and Catholicos Denha I (lines 962-72): “be fervent in “ecclesiastical doctors (malfōnē ‘edtōnōyē), cf. love for the Lord, God, ho theos, o ?? Philos (sic) Ethicon (ed. P. Bedjan, p. 212, the section on the [possibly to be corrected into Theophilos] and different categories of persons possessing not in love for Cyril or Nestoryanos (sic). No knowledge). See also Takahashi, o. c., p. 29. The chains will separate me from Jesus nor oppress complicated relationship between Barhebraeus me, are the words of the apostle Paul, crying in a as a philosopher and theologian deserves closer loud voice. And see, in our feeble days, how examination. many fools did the love of Nestorius and Cyril 82 See H. Teule, Dieu-Amour (supra, note separate from the Lord. Who would not weep or 71); for the popularity of the Book of Hierotheos mourn?” in the time of Barhebraeus, see G. Reinink, 94 The already mentioned treatise luqbal “Origenism in thirteenth-century Northern Iraq,” Tayyōyē belongs to this work. For Dionysius’ in J. Reinink & A.C. Klugkist (eds.), After Bar- inner-Christian polemics, see P. van der Aalst, daisan. Studies on Continuity and Change in “Denis bar Salibi, polémiste” in Proche orient Syriac Christianity in Honour of Professor Han chrétien IX,1 (1959), pp. 10-23. For his unex- J.W. Drijvers, Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta pectedly open attitude towards the Latin Chris- 89 (Leuven 1999), pp. 237-252. tians and a survey of the ecumenical attitudes in 83 Cf. Ethicon, ed. Bedjan, p. 221. the West-Syrian Church, see H. Teule, “It is not 84 Ethicon, ed. Bedjan, p. 230. right to call ourselves orthodox and the others 85 Book of the Dove, ed. Bedjan, p. 577f./ heretics. Ecumenical Attitudes in the Jacobite transl. Wensinck, p. 60. Church in the Time of the Crusaders,” in K. 86 Khoury, o. c., p. 192. Ciggaar and H. Teule (eds), East and West 87 Cf. Chabot, Lettre, p. 86, l. 372. Unfortu- in the Crusader States. Context-Contacts- nately, the letter of Denha, which provoked Bar- Confrontations II, Orientalia Lovaniensia Ana- hebraeus’ reaction, is not preserved. lecta 92 (Leuven 1999), pp. 13-27. 88 Kyōnō ‘affīfō is opposed to kyōnō pšītō (cf. 95 See G. Troupeau, “Le livre de l’unanimité Khoury, o. c., p. 184). The same theory is ex- de la foi de ‘Ali ibn Dawud al-Arfadi”, Melto 2 pressed in the Book of Rays; cf. J. S. Assemani, (Kaslik 1969), pp. 197-219 (republished in G. Bibliotheca orientalis clementino-vaticana II Troupeau, “Etudes sur le christianisme arabe au (Rome 1721), p. 297. Moyen Age,” Collected Studies Series (Alder- 89 Khoury, o. c., p. 190. Cf. W. Hage, “Ecu- shot 1995), nr XII. menical Aspects of Barhebraeus’ Christology,” 96 See H. Teule, “Saint Louis and the East

______Journal of the Canadian Society for Syriac Studies 3 (2003) - Page 42 Gregory Barhebraeus and his Time ______

Syrians, the Dream of a Terrestrial Empire. East- II. Band, Studi e Testi 133 (Città del Vaticano Syrian Attitudes to the West,” in K. Ciggaar and 1947), pp. 202-219; 267-281. H. Teule (eds.), East and West in the Crusader 100 Cf. O. Schrier, “Name and function of States. Context-Contacts-Confrontations III, Jacob bar Shakko. Notes on the History of the Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta (Leuven 2003) Monastery of Mar Mattay,” in R. Lavenant (ed.), (in press). V Symposium Syriacum, Orientalia Christiana 97 Chron. eccl. III, p. 411. Cf Barhebraeus’ Analecta 236 (1990). pp. 215-228, esp. p. 216 remarks about the “extraordinary knowledge of and Chron. eccl. III, p. 411. Arabic” of the East Syriac Patriarch Abū Halīm 101 Kh. Samir, “Une réponse implicite à l’i‘ğaz (d. 1190), whose Arabic turgāmē were also ap- du Coran. L’évangéliaire rimé de ‘Abdišu,‘” in preciated by the West Syriacs (Chron. eccl. III, Proche Orient Chrétien 35 (1985), pp. 225-237. S. p. 369). This is strangely enough one of the rare Khoury, “L’évangéliaire rimé de ‘Abdišu‘ de passages, where Barhebraeus gives proof of a Nisibe et son importance cultuelle et culturelle,” certain knowledge of the Christian Arabic litera- in Proche Orient Chrétien 22 (1997), 381-390. ture. His works seem hardly influenced by the 102 S. Khalil Samir, “Cheminement d’Ibn great West Syrian authors before him, writing in al‘Ibri (1226-1286),” in Proche Orient Chrétien Arabic, such as Yahya b. Jarīr or Yahya b. ‘Adī. XXXVII (1987), pp. 71-89, esp. p. 83. 98 Chron. eccl. III, p. 418. 103 Cf. H. Teule, “La renaissance syriaque,” 99 Cf. A. Baumstark, Geschichte der syrischen in Irenikon, Literatur (Bonn 1922), pp. 302-323; G. Graf, 104 J.B. Chabot, Littérature syriaque (Paris “Geschichte der christlichen arabischen Literatur.” 1934), pp. 114-115.

______Journal of the Canadian Society for Syriac Studies 3 (2003) - Page 43

______

WOMEN IN SYRIAC CHRISTIAN TRADITION

SUSAN ASHBROOK HARVEY BROWN UNIVERSITY

he study of women in Syriac tra- women's choirs. Like the dramatic legends dition is highly problematic. For of women saints and martyrs, these presen- the period of the ancient and me- tations both exalted the memory of women's dieval Syriac churches, it seems contribution to the history of holy works, Tthat no known text written by a woman sur- and also provided models for how women vives to us.1 There is much general evidence should be ideally understood in the social about women, but none of it appears to come community. Third, I hope to suggest that we from women themselves. Instead, all of our can use both concrete and imaginative evi- evidence about the “many women” who were dence in the effort to better understand the “also there”—to use the words of Matthew's occasional accounts we have of women Gospel (27: 55-6)—survives in texts written whose religious contributions to the civic by men. What makes this problematic is that life of ancient Syriac Christianity proved to these writers often had a different focus of be genuinely profound. interest, or others agendas, and so mention women only in passing and without detail. I. Women in the Christian Community Nonetheless, women made their mark on Syr- ian Christianity.2 We may lack their own Perhaps the most important element of earli- words, but their story can be told at least in est Christianity as far as women were con- part. It is a powerful one, indeed. cerned was the emphasis on virginity. Mar- In this essay I will focus on three types riage had been, in effect, the only life avail- of evidence for women in ancient Syriac able to women in the ancient world. But the Christianity. First, I will consider the evi- apostle Paul had advocated the celibate life dence we have for women's activities in the of service to God (especially in 1 Corin- churches—what roles they played, what of- thians 7). Early Christians understood Paul’s ficial titles they held, and what work was words together with the model of Christ’s ascribed to them. Second, I will consider a own “singleness”, and with the imagery different type of material, that of the models taken from the marriage parables of the of biblical women as imaginatively pre- Heavenly Kingdom (Mt 25: 1-13, Lk 14: 7- sented in Syriac hymns and homilies deliv- 14), saw Christ as the Heavenly Bridegroom ered to church congregations, and some- to whom each believer was betrothed. From times sung in town and village churches by this perspective, virginity was a redirection

______Journal of the Canadian Society for Syriac Studies 3 (2003) - Page 44 Women in Syriac Christian Tradition ______of sexuality, sexual faithfulness to one's true people of one's community, far beyond one's spouse. own household. This same understanding of For women, virginity held profound singleness, or singleheartedness, was carried practical implications. Mortality rates in in the basic concept of Syrian monasticism, childbirth and in early childhood were high ihidayuta, and applied to a much larger scale in the ancient world, and family duties were of Christian activity than that of the strictly heavy for wives and mothers.3 Freed from contemplative life. Accordingly, it was not those dangers and responsibilities, women celibacy by itself that determined sanctity in who chose to serve the church through a life Syrian tradition. Ephrem Syrus could speak of virginity also found themselves freed for of consecrated virgins who would be shut new vistas of activity, made possible by out of paradise because their virginity had valuing the individual apart from her or his not been adorned with good works among sexual identity. Celibacy made possible a the poor and suffering, while married life of active service and works: the life to women who instead proved to be exemplars which Syrian women understood themselves of the holy life would be let in, because their to be called as Christians. work among the needy expressed their per- Into the third century and perhaps longer, fect devotion to Christ.5 celibacy was often a vow Syriac-speaking Syrian Christianity, like the wider men and women took at baptism, or later church, developed a variety of defined posi- after having one or two children. Two cate- tions for women. Thus we find women iden- gories of celibacy were recognized: the tified in “official” capacities as widows con- bthule (“virgins”), and the qaddishe (“holy secrated to the care and service of the ones”), the married who practiced conti- church, women deacons, consecrated virgins nence after their children were born. From of different types, and later as nuns.6 Some- this basic starting point, Syriac Christians times these ministries were specifically de- developed a rich understanding of what the fined as ministries performed by women, for Christian life should be. In their view, it women. In different collections of church should be a life of singlehearted devotion to rules used in Syriac churches during late God, as Christ himself had been “single” antiquity, both widows and women deacons and “single-hearted”; and that singlehearted- were accorded two major responsibilities. ness should be demonstrated through service The first was liturgical, to assist in the bap- to the community, enacted in village or tism of women. In this case, the concern was city.4 Lifelong virginity (btuluta) or chastity to maintain the social propriety of ritual re- in marriage (qaddishuta); an ascetic life of quirements. Since adult baptism was the simplicity in food, clothing, and posses- more usual form until the sixth century or sions; a life of prayer, understood to include later, and since baptism required an anoint- both the study of scripture and the providing ing of the entire body as well as full immer- of care for the poor, sick, and suffering— sion under water, the role of the woman dea- these were the active traits of early Syrian con (or, in some instances, the widow) was Christian devotion for women and men to assist the priest so that the ritual itself did both. It was a public life: it required one's not violate codes of sexual protocol: she presence and active involvement with the would anoint the candidate before she en-

______Journal of the Canadian Society for Syriac Studies 3 (2003) - Page 45 SyriacWomen in in International Syriac Christian Research Tradition ______

tered the font, and receive her as she came Qyama.11 The office was found throughout out. To this ritual function was added an Syriac-speaking territories east and west, instructional one, for women deacons also and lasted well into medieval times. These had the task of educating women in their men and women took vows of poverty and faith. Women deacons and sometimes the celibacy, lived in separate households within widows also had the responsibility of visit- the Christian community, and worked in the ing Christian women who lived in non- service of the parish priest or bishop. In Christian homes, particularly in instances of times of persecution, whether in Roman ter- illness. Here again there was a dual func- ritory or outside, the Daughters of the Cove- tion, of practical works of mercy (bathing nant are named as having been specially the sick woman) and the offering of spiritual picked out for imprisonment and martyrdom instruction in a situation where a male cleric along with clergy and bishops.12 Such sin- could not respectfully be present.7 gling out in times of crisis would seem to By the sixth century, church canons pre- indicate a strong public profile for these scribe increasing limitations for the activi- women, and a position of high honor in the ties of widows and women deacons, and the eyes of the townspeople. office of widow gradually disappears from In the fifth century, we find canons that the sources.8 The work of the woman dea- explicate more clearly the roles and func- con is more clearly described in relation to tions of the Members of the Covenant. The the sacramental life of the church. In addi- canons ascribed to the bishop Rabbula of tion to assisting with baptisms of women Edessa (bishop c. 411-434/5) contain fairly and providing religious instruction for extensive legislation for Sons and Daughters women, she further stood at the door of the of the Covenant.13 These canons might be women's section of the church during the viewed as restricting the role of the Daugh- liturgy, to prevent the unbaptized from en- ters of the Covenant, for among their regula- tering. In some regions, women deacons tions are some which severely limit their served as abbesses in the convents of nuns, public activity, their interaction with other and in that capacity were also able to distrib- people, and their rules of conduct. Yet, these ute communion in the absence of a bishop, canons also show a decisive concern to pro- priest, or deacon; in some areas, they wore a tect the essentially religious meaning of the stole as did the deacons.9 Other canons pre- work done by the Daughters of the Cove- scribe rules indicating how the women dea- nant. Canon 3, for example, admonishes that cons should clean the sacred vessels and “priests, deacons, and Sons of the Covenant sanctuary of the churches.10 Over the course shall not compel the Daughters of the Cove- of late antiquity, the work of the women nant to weave garments for them by force,” deacons became increasingly interwoven and Canon 4 flatly rules that “The priests with that of the consecrated virgins known and deacons shall not be served by women as the Daughters of the Covenant. and particularly not by the Daughters of the A distinctive feature of Syriac Christian- Covenant.”14 From these canons we may ity was the development by the third century guess that the Daughters of the Covenant of an office known as the Sons and Daugh- were at times reduced to serving as mere ters of the Covenant, the Bnay and Bnat housekeepers for the clergy and bishops

______Journal of the Canadian Society for Syriac Studies 3 (2003) - Page 46 SyriacWomen in in International Syriac Christian Research Tradition ______

(and perhaps often, if the ruling was neces- services or, as directed in the Rabbula can- sary in this form). The Rabbula Canons are ons, chanting the madrashe, the doctrinal concerned, in contrast, to maintain the reli- hymns. Yet, women’s singing was not an gious integrity of the office. The Daughters uncontested event in Syriac Christianity. In of the Covenant are mandated in these can- the late third century, Paul of Samosata had ons to have the task of singing the psalms been disciplined for his use of women's and especially the doctrinal hymns choirs in Antioch. Canonical manuals like (madrashe) of the church (canon 20), and to the Didascalia and Testament of Our Lord observe the worship services of the church were translated into Syriac and widely circu- including the daily offices together with the lated from the third century onwards; both other clergy and the Sons of the Covenant repeated the apostolic injunction against (canon 27). Elsewhere we are told that the women teaching and specified that doctrinal Daughters of the Covenant also served in matters were especially forbidden. the women's hospital Rabbula founded, as- But Syriac canons at least between the sisting the deaconesses in their ministry to fifth and seventh centuries accorded Daugh- women.15 ters of the Covenant and women deacons— The rise of monasticism did not absorb consecrated women—the task of liturgical the Members of the Covenant until much singing in civic churches, that is, in the vil- later. Rather, these continued to be a visible lage, town, and city churches that gathered and valued part of parish life, serving a dif- the larger Christian community, male and ferent purpose than that of monks or nuns in female, together. Women's choirs, then, their interactions with the Christian laity and were a form of public ministry not restricted ecclesiastical structure. Among the canons to women's communities or women's con- of the Persian Synod of 410, a number ad- gregations. Other literature provides occa- dress the importance of cultivating the order sional glimpses of these women's choirs at of the Sons and Daughters of the Covenant work. St. Ephrem himself was credited with particularly in the villages, to provide a pool establishing the practice. In his panegyrical for clergy and to assist in the maintenance of homily on St. Ephrem, St. Jacob of Serug a devotional life for the churches in sparsely claimed Ephrem had trained choirs of conse- populated regions.16 Further canons man- crated virgins to sing the madrashe in the dated that every town church must have an liturgy explicitly for instructing the congre- order (taxis) of sisters (canon 41). The gation in right doctrine.18 Roughly contem- Daughters of the Covenant were to be under porary with Jacob's discussion, the sixth the direction of a superior chosen from century Syriac Life of Ephrem described among them and made a deaconess for ser- Ephrem convening the Daughters of the vice at baptisms; under her supervision, they Covenant for morning and evening services were to be instructed in Scripture and in the in the church and at the memorial services chanting of Psalms.17 of saints and martyrs, saying that he trained Fifth, sixth and seventh century sources these choirs to sing a variety of hymnogra- from both east and west Syriac territories phy in order to compete with the choirs of make repeated references to Daughters of heretics.19 Both depictions are striking for the Covenant singing psalms in the worship their emphasis on the instructional role these

______Journal of the Canadian Society for Syriac Studies 3 (2003) - Page 47 SyriacWomen in in International Syriac Christian Research Tradition ______

choirs played in educating the larger Chris- You labored to devise two harps for tian community in matters of orthodoxy and two groups; heresy. you treated men and women as one to give praise.22 In fact, the Life of Ephrem goes on to explain that the Daughters of the Covenant Jacob cites Mary the Second Eve as jus- were trained to sing on matters explicating tification for women's liturgical singing, and the entire salvation drama, as well as the also the typology of Moses having led the devotional life of Christians, and about the Hebrew women in song after the crossing of saints20—almost exactly the list of topics the the Red Sea. But he also ties this role to the Didascalia canons had forbidden women to sacramental life of the church, to the mean- teach.21 Perhaps we might understand the ing of baptism and communion. He portrays prominent educational task of these choirs Ephrem addressing the women: as a development of the canonical tradition You [O women] put on glory from the that set women deacons and Daughters of midst of the waters like your the Covenant to be instructors in the faith brothers, for women—although if choirs in the regu- render thanks with a loud voice like lar liturgical cycles of the church were a them also. medium for that task, then those instructed You have partaken of a single forgiv- were not only the women but the gathered ing body with your brothers, church community, men and women. and from a single cup of new life you The importance of this situation, as well have been refreshed. as its surprising nature, are addressed at A single salvation was yours and length in Jacob of Serug's Homily on St. theirs (alike); why then Ephrem. At one point, Jacob rhetorically have you not learned to sing praise with a loud voice? addresses Ephrem himself: Your silent mouth which your mother

Our sisters also were strengthened by Eve closed, you to give praise; is now opened by Mary, your sister, to for women were not allowed to speak sing praise... in church. Uncover your faces to sing praise Your instruction opened the closed without shame mouths of the daughters of Eve; to the One who granted you freedom of speech by his birth.23 and behold, the gatherings of the glo- rious (church) resound with their Jacob’s words from this homily are the melodies. boldest presentation we have in witness to A new sight of women uttering the the ancient participation of women in Syriac proclamation (karuzuta); liturgical life. The musical ministry of the and behold, [these women] are called teachers (malpanyatha) among the Daughters of the Covenant is confirmed in congregations. later canonical sources, but the evidence wears Your teaching signifies an entirely thin. In the Middle Ages, the term Daughter of new world; the Covenant appears to have become synony- for yonder in the kingdom, men and mous with “nun”. Yet these were choirs women are equal. whose function had been to instruct the con-

______Journal of the Canadian Society for Syriac Studies 3 (2003) - Page 48 SyriacWomen in in International Syriac Christian Research Tradition ______

gregation through hymnography in the sub- lengths were often incorporated into homi- stance and form of right belief. lies and hymns.24 A much loved tradition of late antique II. Biblical Women Syriac hymns was the dialogue poem, the soghitha, a form of the madrashe. These A second type of evidence must be added to were hymns in which two characters from a the first. Canons and clerical admonitions biblical story would be presented in alter- tell us something about the activities women nate stanzas in a long dialogue—an argu- were urged, allowed, or recognized to do for ment, in which one character argued for the ancient Syriac churches. But what in- God's truth and the other argued against un- struction came from religious poetry? Spe- til the first prevailed.25 Of the many dia- cifically, what did the women's choirs sing? logue hymns that survive to us, most are of For if the hymns chanted by Syriac women's anonymous authorship; it is possible—but choirs had the purpose of doctrinal instruc- not certain—that women may have written tion for the congregations, then their content some, or some of the verses. These dialogue was as important for guiding women in the hymns were sung antiphonally by two faith as the canonical decisions of councils, choirs. Often, in Syriac churches at least or the exhortations of priests and bishops. In between the fourth and the ninth centuries, the ancient church, as in ancient Judaism, a they were specifically sung by the women's favorite way of teaching scripture was choirs as part of their consecrated minis- through the elaboration of biblical stories: try.26 There are numerous examples of these filling in gaps and exploring missing con- hymns, but I will focus on two groups: dia- versations, thoughts, or experiences that logue hymns about the Virgin Mary, and “must have” accompanied biblical events. those about the Sinful Woman. Syriac preachers and hymn-writers were The Virgin Mary often especially interested in biblical women as characters, although often in the scrip- In Syriac hymns, the Virgin Mary has a tures women have little if anything to say. prominent place. She is often portrayed as Imagining what a biblical character might speaking about matters of theological import have said was an engaging way to tell a concerning Christ her son, especially about story, and a good story could be an effective the wondrous paradox of her condition as way of teaching. Syriac writers sometimes virgin and mother of God.27 In some hymns, chose to do this in verse homilies called however, the act of Mary's speech takes on mimre, or in madrashe, the stanzaic hymns heightened significance. For Syriac writers, of different meters that dealt with doctrinal the power of Mary's speech lay in its con- matters. For these, the verses were sung by a trast to Eve's alleged silence when the ser- soloist, punctuated with choral responses; pent came to tempt her. In their view, Eve or, the stanzas would alternate with verses had listened to the Serpent and received his of the Psalms, sung antiphonally by choirs. words uncritically, that is, in silence. To Among the favored devices of these Syriac undo the fall, a woman was needed who liturgical pieces was the use of dramatic dia- would listen, question, and speak in order to logue. Speeches or dialogues of different initiate God's saving plan. That woman was

______Journal of the Canadian Society for Syriac Studies 3 (2003) - Page 49 SyriacWomen in in International Syriac Christian Research Tradition ______

Mary, the Second Eve.28 In hymns that pre- In his charge to the angel, God admonishes sent what dialogue might have taken place him bluntly: between Mary and the Archangel Gabriel at the Annunciation, or between Mary and Jo- Do not stand up to Mary or argue, for she is stronger than you in argument; seph when he learns she is pregnant, we can do not speak too many words to her, see that Mary’s story provoked social ten- for she is stronger than you in her replies.... sions among ancient Syriac Christians (and If she starts to question you closely, others) when they thought about what she disclose to her the Mystery, and then be off.32 29 must have said. In one anonymous dialogue hymn, for However, in a dialogue hymn between example, Gabriel arrives and Mary receives Mary and Joseph, the roles are reversed as him with suspicion, asking how his words Mary now argues the position of faith and announcing her conception of a son can be Joseph that of reason which cannot be- true. The angel replies that Mary should lieve.33 Unlike the humorous tones of the keep silence, for God will act as He wills. dialogue with the angel, here the exchange Much to his chagrin, she will not halt her is heavy with pain. The verses are laced questioning until he has given her adequate with the burden of a virtuous bride opposing explanation of the event to come.30 her righteous husband. Mary explains her In some hymns, the dialogue between conception by the Holy Spirit; Joseph orders Mary and Gabriel takes on a humorous tone. her to be silent. She will not: “I repeat the In a dialogue hymn for the Sunday of the very same words—/ I have no others to Annunciation,31 the Angel greets Mary with say.” Joseph replies, “You should not con- gracious announcement. Mary is not im- tradict;” Mary answers, “You should believe pressed: “Who are you, Sir?/ And what is my words.” The disputation continues in this that you utter?/ What you are saying is bitter if stately argumentation until Joseph remote from me,/ and what it means I have finally is persuaded. In triumph Mary sings, no idea.” (v. 12) Gabriel tries again; Mary is “Now I shall pour out my words” (v 40). nonplussed. Gabriel cites the authority of Clearly Syriac hymn writers worried God who sent him; Mary demurs and will about the tension between “women keeping not be moved. By this point, the Angel is silent” and Mary “speaking up.” The great exasperated: why, he asks, is she answering Syriac hymnographer of the sixth century back? How can she deny the message he Jacob of Serug commented on this very was sent to bring? Mary refuses to accept problem. He said that it was Mary's words what sounds to her impossible. The angel with Gabriel that brought us salvation: for if pleads, “It is appropriate you should keep Mary had not asked Gabriel how her con- silence, and have faith too,/ for the will of ception could happen, how a virgin could the Father cannot be gainsaid.” (v. 25) Mary become a mother, then “We would not have wrestles until finally she receives the Holy learned the explanation of the matter of the Spirit overshadowing her, and by that action Son Jesus Christ.”34 is convinced. Jacob himself wrote a homily depicting In an anonymous homily, God himself the scene of the Visitation between Mary prepares Gabriel for exactly such a scenario. and her cousin Elizabeth.35 In it, he played

______Journal of the Canadian Society for Syriac Studies 3 (2003) - Page 50 SyriacWomen in in International Syriac Christian Research Tradition ______

upon the paradox that in the biblical story The Sinful Woman the women speak and understand while their men are silent and uncomprehending (in the Another favorite subject for Syriac writers gospel account, Luke 1-2, Elizabeth's hus- was the Sinful Woman of Luke 7: 36-50, band Zechariah is struck dumb in punish- who came to Jesus at the house of Simon the ment for not believing the archangel Pharisee, washed his feet with her tears, Gabriel, and Joseph is simply absent). In dried them with her hair, and anointed them Jacob's telling of the story, elaborating the with fine ointment. In the gospel, the Sinful short biblical account, not only do Mary Woman does not speak; she is silent, she and Elizabeth talk together, but they read the weeps, she offers her tears and her perfume. scriptures and interpret the prophecies. Nor do we know anything about her: she is Speaking, reading, interpreting, telling, nar- nameless. The gospel simply describes her rating, prophesying, revealing: with a multi- arrival at the house of Simon and her peni- tude of verbal actions Mary and Elizabeth tent supplications at the feet of Christ. express and explain God's salvific plan in a Syriac hymn writers filled in the silences, celebration of words. When Mary returns to providing her words to speak, and even a Joseph, she must then convince him, in ar- story of her own: a past, a present and a dent dialogue, of what she and Elizabeth changed future—all the result of the words know to be true about her pregnancy. Hav- they imagined she might have said. ing laid out the jarring picture of Mary's A verse homily wrongly attributed to St. strength of speech, Jacob then constrains her Ephrem (but probably written soon after his into a more appropriate mode. Mary's death in the later fourth century) proved im- speech, he tells us, had in fact been in the mensely influential in this regard both for privacy of domestic space. Had she dared to Syriac and Greek writers, and eventually speak in public, she would surely have been medieval Latin. The homily retells the gos- castigated by people for her impudent bold- pel story in a form that soon became popular ness; therefore God had given her a just hus- throughout the Syriac speaking world, and band who would speak in public on her be- then beyond. It begins with the moment at half and defend her innocence. which the Woman first hears the news of Thinking about what Mary might have Christ’s visit to Simon the Pharisee.36 Im- said—imagining her speech—raised prob- mediately she repents of her life and vows to lems in the Syriac mind. Yet, in the dialogue seek healing—salvation—from Christ him- hymns as in Jacob's homilies, Mary is self. Her words initiate her actions. Strip- canny, intelligent, thoughtful, independent. ping off her garments of harlotry, the Her words are powerful: they can undo the Woman clothes herself in the apparel of work of Eve, they can bring about or stymie mourning. Taking her gold, earned in perdi- God’s intended action. This was a profound tion, she vows in prayer, “With this, O Lord, model for women: in hymns and homilies that I have gained from iniquity, I will pur- Mary speaks, and her words were voiced to chase salvation for myself.” men and women both in the shared space of The homily then presents the Woman in the gathered church community, intoned by a series of dialogues with male characters homilist and sung by women's choirs. who want to halt her course and prevent her

______Journal of the Canadian Society for Syriac Studies 3 (2003) - Page 51 SyriacWomen in in International Syriac Christian Research Tradition ______

chosen goal: these are verbal battles she enjoyed in his company; he begs her to re- must win in order to gain entry to Christ’s turn to him. To each statement of Satan, the presence. First she seeks out the Perfume Woman replies in steadfast argument. Her Seller, from whom to buy the precious oint- faith is unshakable that she can in fact ment with which to anoint her Lord’s feet. change her life, that Christ will indeed re- The Perfume Seller is astounded by her ceive her, that he will freely show compas- changed appearance and odd request: every sion and mercy, that he will heal her of her day she had come to him in rich clothes and sins; she declares that Christ is now her only buying cheap perfume; now suddenly she is lover and she is his betrothed; she will not in “sordid weeds” seeking his most expen- be turned from her purpose. It is a classic sive scent. The Woman will not be deterred. tale: the fallen woman redeemed by love. Convincing him of her need, she fills her But consider again the imagined dia- alabaster flask and moves on. Satan then logues by which the gospel story was ex- stops her, taking the guise of a former lover; plored. The voices of opposition to the Sin- by turns pleading, wheedling, and upbraid- ful Woman's course of action are all male; ing her, he threatens her with the thought all speak as representatives of standard theo- that no one will believe she has changed her logical and social positions. They are the ways. With blunt speech and fervent faith, obstacles to her conversion; they are the the Woman perseveres. Satan then moves to normative voices of their society. It is the Simon's house, instructing the Pharisee on Woman who takes the initiative and acts, the public scandal that will ensue if the and she acts most effectively through plain Woman is allowed to enter his house while speech. Not only does she speak of faith as Christ is there. The Woman must then do opposed to reason, she also voices the role verbal battle with Simon, her final obstacle of free will, the conviction that we can on the course. Finally she gains entry and choose to change our lives. No archangel her place at Christ's feet. The homily closes comes to guide her course; no divine power with Christ's forgiveness of her sins. overshadows her to infuse her with strength Here was a story rich in drama and dia- beyond her own. There is no divine inter- logue both, and it gave rise to many versions vention to protect her. Christ is not present in hymns and homilies. Two dialogue or active until she arrives at his feet—and hymns focus just on the dialogue between she must arrive there by her own achieve- the Woman and Satan.37 In these, Satan ment. In many respects, hers was a character represents “normal” social views. He insists more challenging to social convention than that everyone knows the Woman's reputa- the figure of the Virgin Mary. tion, that no one will believe she has In the Syriac dialogue hymns I have changed her life, that in fact she cannot mentioned, the speech of women is imag- change her life; he warns that a God as just ined as a way to teach about scripture. In the and righteous as Christ will have no mercy instances of these biblical women, their on one so sinful as she is; he threatens that imagined words are used to express right the disciples will try to kill her rather than teaching, intelligent reflection, autonomy, allow the scandal of her presence with their agency, and free will, while the words spo- Lord; he reminds her of the pleasures she ken by men represent social convention,

______Journal of the Canadian Society for Syriac Studies 3 (2003) - Page 52 SyriacWomen in in International Syriac Christian Research Tradition ______

restrictive tradition, and normative social ecclesiastical authority, and the more vision- roles—the dead weight of habit. Female ary voice intoned by women's choirs. In- speech argues the freedom of faith, male deed, the infrequent but not altogether rare speech argues the constraining shackles of accounts of personal memories have much custom. Here is a profound and powerful to say in this regard. model for women. But what relation could these biblical III. The Public Quality women have to the real world—where of Women's Ministry women cooked, washed dishes, mended, cleaned house, and cleaned churches? And Two examples of women's ministerial ser- what authority did these imagined voices vices in the Syriac Christian communities of carry? In the liturgy, men and women heard late antiquity will make the point. Both sur- these hymns, and heard them sung by vive to us in accounts written by men who women's choirs. In the ritual space of the knew the women personally. Both are strik- church—not in the mundane space of mar- ing demonstrations of a publicly visible ketplace or kitchen—women gave voice to presence of women's religious activities in models offered by scriptural tradition or by the civic communities of cities, towns, and the saints. In that different space (of reli- villages. Both consequently tell us some- gious ritual, not daily life), and in these dif- thing about the social expectations of ferent voices (of biblical women, and not of women's religious behaviour that accompa- ordinary women), we can sense the social nied this presence. tensions present in the ancient Syriac Chris- One was the holy woman Euphemia, of tian community. The foundational model for the city of Amida (modern Diyarbekr, in Syriac Christianity was one of devotion to eastern Turkey) discussed at length by the God exemplified through active service in bishop John of Ephesus in a collection of the public domain. Such activity seemed to portraits he wrote in the late sixth century; go against inherited social traditions regard- John knew her well.38 Euphemia had been ing women's proper place and work: tradi- widowed early in her marriage, and left with tions we see reflected in “official” canonical one daughter, Maria. Without apparently prescriptions delimiting the roles and duties receiving any official ecclesiastical identity of designated women in church offices. In (Daughter of the Covenant, Widow as an the “safe space” of ritual and hymn, those office, woman deacon, or nun), Euphemia tensions were negotiated by the Christian organized her home so that she and Maria community in terms that allowed for social effectively followed a monastic routine of critique through doctrinal lenses. Jacob of daily prayer and scripture study; she also Serug had said (sung) that men and women taught her daughter reading, writing, and stand equal “yonder in the Kingdom.” Yon- how to chant the psalms. der was located somewhere else than here. At the same time, Euphemia began to However, we have a third area of evidence conduct an extensive ministry among the to consider, and therein, I would suggest, poor and sick of Amida's streets. Keeping lies the bridge between the apparent restric- her daughter in seclusion at home, as befit a tions designated to women's service by good mother at the time, Euphemia sold

______Journal of the Canadian Society for Syriac Studies 3 (2003) - Page 53 Women in Syriac Christian Tradition ______yarn to the noblewomen of the city which women's devotional activities.40 Her house- she and her daughter wove. From the money hold arrangements with her daughter Maria they earned, Euphemia used some for their accord with what was prescribed in canons own needs and the rest to attend to the poor, for Daughters of the Covenant—the conse- the abandoned, the sick, and those in prison crated virgins who lived in the city with or hospital. Over time, she came to direct their families and worked in service to the what appears to have been the entire social local priest and parish. Her work among the service network of the city, supplementing sick and poor resembles the canonically as- the earnings from Maria's yarn with dona- signed duties of the Daughters of the Cove- tions from the city's wealthier population. nant and the women deacons, although ex- She was criticized for leaving her daughter tending the more “normal” pattern of alone all day while she went out to work women's ministry to women, to include ser- (the “working mother” syndrome, in antiq- vice to suffering men as well. In other uity!), but Maria herself defended her words, while Euphemia may have been a mother on the grounds of the importance of particularly inspiring figure, her work was her work. made possible by a public context in which For roughly thirty years, mother and the public presence and activity of women daughter continued in this shared life of in the service of the church was a standard household religious devotion and prayer part of daily life. People expected that there routine combined with public ministry. would be women doing these things. When religious persecutions broke out in the An equally notable example was the holy eastern provinces, Euphemia opened her woman Shirin, who in the later sixth century house as a refuge for exiled monks and lived in the village of Halmon in northern priests seeking safe asylum. It was this ac- Iraq. We know about Shirin because the east tivity that led to the arrest of her and her Syriac monastic writer Martyrios (Sahdona) daughter on charges of heresy. However, recalls her in his Book of Perfection as a officials were unprepared for the enormity significant influence on his childhood and of public outcry on behalf of the two subsequent religious life.41 Martyrios re- women; the civic authorities complained, members Shirin as already in her 80s when “These women are upsetting this city— he knew her in his youth. Again, she is not why, the citizens revere and honor them identified as having been granted any reli- more than the bishops!”39 Officials had no gious office. She lived alone, following a choice but to exile the women from the city. life of simple asceticism and regimented For their part, Euphemia and Maria took up prayer practice, chanting the psalms and the a life of wandering ascetic devotion for their daily services, studying scripture and mo- remaining years, travelling about the Holy nastic literature as well as the lives of saints. Land. But she also served as spiritual counsellor John of Ephesus emphasizes Euphemia's and guide for the people of the village and forceful and lively personality. However, it for the monastic communities of the region. would also appear that Euphemia's ascetic Martyrios reports that monks and abbots practice followed the patterns familiar to the would travel from throughout the vicinity to larger Syrian Christian community for seek her counsel and receive her blessing

______Journal of the Canadian Society for Syriac Studies 3 (2003) - Page 54 SyriacWomen in in International Syriac Christian Research Tradition ______

“as spiritual mother.” instruction, and counsel—including monas- Honored by the male religious luminar- tic leaders and monks. Not one word of her ies of the day, Shirin was also venerated by teachings survives in written form, and yet the lay community. Martyrios tells us, here was a woman of unparalleled reputa- “Women in particular frequented her com- tion in her day precisely for the wisdom of pany, seeing that she was someone to whom her words. What we have, instead, is the they found access easy, in view of the status memory of someone whose life course was they had in common. They greatly profited profoundly affected by the personal impact from her, both from talking with her and of her work. from just seeing her; and they were drawn to Women could be, and were, visible, ac- imitate her zealously, insofar as was possi- tive, and venerable participants in the public ble.”42 Martyrios’ own mother was a fre- and individual religious lives of the Chris- quent visitor, often taking him in his child- tian community in its civic contexts in the hood and exhorting him repeatedly to take late antique Syrian Orient. Their devotional Shirin as his model in life—as he in fact work and ministry were clearly not confined claims to have done. to women's monastic communities, nor even Once again, the account of Shirin's devo- to laywomen in the cities, towns, and vil- tional activities shows great similarity with lages where they lived. Accounts like those the practices and domestic patterns of the about Euphemia and Shirin, while not fre- Daughters of the Covenant, women deacons, quent, indicate a social situation in which and nuns. She is not identified as any of women's religious service was a familiar these. Yet clearly the conduct of her life was part of Syrian Christian life in its broader familiar to the broader Christian populace, social setting throughout the late antique in many respects, because of the ministry of period. It may well be that in their examples women in those offices. At the same time, we see the fruits of a shared liturgical par- she too seems to have exceeded the confines ticipation, one that gave voice to models of of those offices as canonically defined. Men faith offered by women whose own voices as well as women came for guidance, have been silenced by the weight of time.

______Journal of the Canadian Society for Syriac Studies 3 (2003) - Page 55 SyriacWomen in in International Syriac Christian Research Tradition ______

NOTES

1 The authorship of ancient texts can be a yet forged its own distinct and rich cultural tra- complicated subject. We know of no women ditions. Syriac authors. However, an anonymous late 3 Although focused on the Greek and Roman antique memra may possibly have been written worlds, there is much overlap for the Syrian Ori- by a woman: there is a first person reference in ent in the useful study of Gillian Clark, Women the opening stanza that appears to be a rare form in Late Antiquity: Pagan and Christian Lifestyles of the first person feminine singular. See S. P. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1992). Brock, “Two Syriac Verse Homilies on the 4 See, e.g., Sidney H. Griffith, “Monks, Binding of Isaac,” Le Muséon 99 (1986), pp. 61- 'Singles', and the ‘Sons of the Covenant’: Reflec- 129 at pp. 98-99. The sixth century Life of tions on Syriac Ascetic Terminology,” in Febronia claims to have been written by Eulogema: Studies in Honor of Robert Taft, ed. Febronia’s companion Thomaïs, but this text is Ephrem Carr et alii, Studia Anselmiana 110 an epic romance and the narrator’s voice is nec- (Roma: Centro Studi S. Anselmo, 1993), pp. essary to the plot. See the discussion and transla- 141-160; S. A. Harvey, “Embodiment in Time tion in S. P. Brock and S. A. Harvey, Holy and Eternity: A Syriac Perspective,” St. Vladi- Women of the Syrian Orient, rev. ed. (Berkeley: mir's Theological Quarterly 43 (1999), pp. 105- University of California Press, 1998), xiv-xv, 130. 150-76. However, there is a huge body of anony- 5 Ephrem, Letter to Publius, 15. Trans. Ed- mous literature in Syriac, including hagiography ward G. Mathews, Jr., and Joseph P. Amar, St. and hymns, for which “authorship” as such is a Ephrem the Syrian: Selected Prose Works, Fa- difficult concept. As with the apocryphal acts, thers of the Church 91 (Washington, DC: the this is literature generated by and within commu- Catholic University of America Press, 1994), at nities, and to which women may well have con- p. 350. tributed. 6 See S. A. Harvey, “Women's Service in 2 I use the terms “Syriac Christianity” or Ancient Syriac Christianity,” in Mother, Nun, “Syrian tradition” to refer to those churches Deaconess: Images of Women according to which since the early Christian centuries have Eastern Canon Law, ed. Eva Synek, Kanon 16 used the Syriac language (a dialect of Aramaic) (Egling, 2000), pp. 226-41, for discussion as as their primary means of expression and liturgi- well as further references. I will draw from this cal celebration. In the early Christian era, the article for part of what follows. Syrian Orient—territory including a large popu- 7 Most important for the early legislation is lation of Syriac-speaking peoples—comprised a the Didascalia Apostolorum, ch. 14-15 on wid- large portion of the Middle East, then under Ro- ows, and ch. 16 on women deacons. The Didas- man dominion, as well as Persia (areas now calia Apostolorum in Syriac, ed. and trans. Ar- spread over Syria, Lebanon, Israel, eastern Tur- thur Vööbus, Vols. 1 and 2, CSCO 401-402/Scr. key, Iran and Iraq). Over the course of the first Syr. 175-176, and 407-408/Scr. Syr. 179-180 seven Christian centuries, Syriac missions spread (Louvain, 1979). Christianity beyond these territories to India, 8 Various collections were edited together Ethiopia, the Arabian peninsula, and to the far and added to over time. For this discussion I use east, through Turkistan, Mongolia, and into the canons as preserved in the West Syriac Syn- China, establishing a long and thriving Chris- odicon: The Synodicon in the West Syrian Tradi- tian community. Syriac Christianity thus de- tion 1, ed. and trans. Arthur Vööbus, CSCO 367- veloped in inherently multicultural contexts, 368/ Scr. Syr. 161-162 (Louvain, 1975).

______Journal of the Canadian Society for Syriac Studies 3 (2003) - Page 56 Women in Syriac Christian Tradition ______

9 “Chapters Written from the Orient,” 9, 11, 21 Didascalia, ch. 15, especially in reference trans. Vööbus, Synodicon, pp. 159, 242. to widows. Ch. 16 does mandate that women 10 “Testament of Our Lord,” 40, trans. deacons should teach women converts. Vööbus, Synodicon, p. 62; “Answers of Johan- 22 Jacob of Sarug, Homily on Ephrem , 40-45, nan to Sargis,” 32-41, trans. Vööbus, Synodicon, trans. Amar, Patrologia Orientalis 47, p. 35. pp. 202-4; “Answers of Ja'qob to Addai,” 41, 23 Jacob of Sarug, Homily on Ephrem, 102- trans. Vööbus, Synodicon, p. 242. 13, trans. Amar, Patrologia Orientalis 47, p. 49- 11 See, e.g., Naomi Koltun-Fromm, “Yokes 53. of the Holy-Ones: The Embodiment of a Chris- 24 I draw much of what follows from S. A. tian Vocation,” Harvard Theological Review 94 Harvey, “Spoken Words, Voiced Silence: Bibli- (2001), pp. 205-218; G. Nedungatt, “The Coven- cal Women in Syriac Tradition,” Journal of anters of the Early Syriac-Speaking Church,” Early Christian Studies 9 (2001), pp. 105-131, Orientalia Christiana Periodica 39 (1973), pp. where fuller discussion and further references 191-215, 419-444; Griffith, “Monks, ‘Singles’, may be found. and the ‘Sons of the Covenant’;” Harvey, 25 For an introduction see S. P. Brock, “Women's Service.” “Dialogue Hymns of the Syriac Churches,” 12 E.g., in the Martyrdom of Shmona and Sobornost/ Eastern Churches Review 5 (1983), Guria, sec. 1, sec. 70, in F. C. Burkitt, Euphemia pp. 35-45. and the Goth with the Acts of the Martyrdom of 26 As indicated in the Rabbula canons, “Rules the Confessors of Edessa (Oxford, 1913). For of the Qeiama,” canon 20. examples from Persia and Najran, see Brock and 27 Although not in the form of soghyatha, the Harvey, Holy Women, pp. 63-121. madrashe of Ephrem Syrus known as the Hymns 13 The Rabbula “Rules for Clergy and Mem- on the Nativity are notable for giving Mary bers of the Qeiama” are edited and translated in lengthy speeches and monologues on the theo- A. Vööbus, Syriac and Arabic Documents Re- logical significance of her son. These are edited garding Legislation Relative to Syrian Asceti- with German translation by Dom Edmund Beck cism (Stockholm: ETSE, 1960), pp. 34-50. in CSCO 196-187/ Scr. Syr. 182-183 (Louvain 14 “Rules for the Qeiama,” p. 38. 1959); and translated into English by Kathleen 15 Vita S. Rabbulae, ed. Paul Bedjan, Acta McVey, in Ephrem the Syrian: Hymns (New Martyrum et Sanctorum 4 (Paris, 1894), pp. 396- York: Paulist Press, 1989), pp. 61-217, 450, at p. 444. 28 This general perspective is classically for- 16 Ed. and trans. Arthur Vööbus, The Canons mulated in Jacob of Serug’s Homily 1 on the Ascribed to Maruta of Maipherqat and Related Blessed Virgin Mary, trans. Mary Hansbury, in Sources, CSCO 439-440/ Scr. Syr. 191-192 Jacob of Serug, On the Mother of God (Louvain, 1982). See, e.g., CSCO 440/ Scr. Syr. (Crestwood, NY: St. Vladimir's Seminary Press, 192, p. 65f. 1998), pp. 17-42. 17 Vööbus, Canons Ascribed to Maruta, 29 I will draw from the anonymous hymns CSCO 440/ Scr. Syr. 192, p. 72. collected in Sebastian P. Brock, Bride of 18 “A Metrical Homily on Holy Mar Ephrem Light: Hymns on Mary from the Syriac by Mar Jacob of Sarug,” ed. and trans. Joseph P. Churches, Mōrān 'Eth'ō 6 (Kerala, India: St. Amar, Patrologia Orientalis 47 (Turnhout, Ephrem Ecumenical Research Institute, 1995), pp. 5-76. 1994). 19 Joseph P. Amar, The Syriac “Vita” Tradi- 30 Brock, Bride of Light, Hymn 27, at p. 94. tion of Ephrem the Syrian (Ann Arbor: Univer- 31 Brock, Bride of Light, Hymn 41, pp. 111- sity Microfilms, 1988), pp. 158-159 (Syriac), 118. 298-299 (trans.). 32 Brock, Bride of Light, Hymn 45, pp. 134- 20 Amar, The Syriac “Vita”, pp. 158, 298. 140.

______Journal of the Canadian Society for Syriac Studies 3 (2003) - Page 57 Women in Syriac Christian Tradition ______

33 Brock, Bride of Light, Hymn 42, pp. 118- (1988), pp. 21-62. 124. 38 John of Ephesus, Lives of the Eastern 34 Trans. Hansbury, Jacob of Serug on the Saints, ch. 12. There is a translation in Brock and Mother of God, Homily 1, at p. 38. Harvey, Holy Women of the Syrian Orient, pp. 35 Jacob of Serug, Homily 2, trans. Hansbury, 122-133. pp. 43-64. 39 Brock and Harvey, Holy Women of the 36 There is an English translation by John Syrian Orient, at p. 131. Gwynn, in the Select Library of Nicene and 40 See Harvey, “Women’s Service in Ancient Post-Nicene Fathers, second series, Vol. 13, pp. Syriac Christianity.” 336-341. I have adapted the Gwynn translation 41 The account is translated in Brock and where I quote from the text. Harvey, Holy Women of the Syrian Orient, pp. 37 Edited and translated in Sebastian P. 177-181. Brock, “The Sinful Woman and Satan: Two 42 Brock and Harvey, Holy Women of the Syriac Dialogue Poems,” Oriens Christianus 72 Syrian Orient, 181.

______Journal of the Canadian Society for Syriac Studies 3 (2003) - Page 58

______

IMAGES OF JOY IN EPHREM’S HYMNS ON PARADISE: RETURNING TO THE WOMB AND THE BREAST

KATHLEEN E. MCVEY PRINCETON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY

THE PARADISE HYMNS AND these hymns.6 Among those concepts and THEIR STUDY TO DATE metaphors are the maternal images of the womb ܐܒ or ܐ, the act of giving birth phrem's fifteen Hymns on Para- ܐ, and suckling of infants or ̇ the dise belong to the earlier, Nisi- participle—in the Pe`al or Ethpe`el of the bene, phase of his life.1 They infant's action; in the Pa`el or Af`el of the abound in appealing images of mother's— and ܐ respectively. These Ebliss—most of them clearly rooted in the images figure prominently in every aspect of first chapters of the Biblical book of Gene- Ephrem's theology: the inner life of the De- sis. Ephrem superimposes the images of ity, creation, the incarnation, mariology, mountain and enclosed garden, both tradi- biblical history, the sacraments, and spiritual tional images across a broad swath of Near development.7 More important than the Eastern culture, to provide a rich and daz- mere occurrence of this symbolism in a zling mix of metaphors. In an enlightening wide variety of contexts is the vital integra- article, Nicolas Séd has sketched the resul- tive role these symbols play for his entire tant topography, and he has suggested links theological system. They have gained atten- with rabbinic and Kabbalistic literature.2 tion in his corpus in general, but their pres- Tryggve Kronholm has identified substantial ence in the Paradise Hymns has not yet been further materials shared with rabbinic exe- fully explored. That is my subject here. Af- getical traditions.3 Sebastian Brock has iden- ter a brief excursus on Ephrem's use of tified parallels in Greek patristic literature to metaphor, our question will be threefold: certain aspects of Ephrem's portrayal of 4 1) What is the particular content of the fe- paradise, and he and others have found male imagery in this group of hymns? similar concepts in a variety of later reli- gious literature—Jewish, Syriac and western 2) What is its contribution to his vision of Christian, and most recently Baha'i.5 Fi- paradise? nally, many of the concepts and metaphors 3) How is it related to female imagery else- central to Ephrem's theology are present in where in Ephrem's writings?

______Journal of the Canadian Society for Syriac Studies 3 (2003) - Page 59 Images of Joy in Ephrem’s Hymns on Paradise ______

METAPHOR AND LITERALISM IN on the sea's surface and do not sink” and EPHREM'S PARADISE HYMNS “fly through the air” on their chariots, the clouds (I:5-7). So he reiterates his convic- Ephrem is careful to emphasize that his de- tion that our senses are fundamentally inca- scriptions of Paradise, and by implication, pable of perceiving the world that awaits the the underlying Biblical portrayals, are not to blessed: “But because the sight of Paradise be construed literally. He begins the first is far removed, and the eye's range cannot hymn with this emphasis, and he returns to attain to it, I have described it over simply, it repeatedly. Scripture is, he observes, a making bold a little” (I:8.1-3). As soon as he “treasure house of revelations, wherein is has re-issued this warning not to take him revealed the tale of the Garden—described literally, he leaps back into a description of by things visible, but glorious for what lies the circular character of Paradise: “we hidden” (I.1). Torn between “yearning for should look upon paradise as being circular Paradise” and “awe at its majesty,” he de- too, having both sea and dry land encom- cides to combine reverence for the hidden passed within it” (I:8.5-6). with meditation on what has been revealed Séd has shown that the poet's descrip- 8 (I.2). Playing on the image of ascent both tions of mountain, circular enclosure, temple literally and figuratively, he describes being and garden, if superimposed and imagined transported to Paradise while reading the on intersecting horizontal and vertical axes, Scriptural text: “My tongue read the story's are compatible on a literal level, and indeed outward narrative, while my intellect took they resonate among themselves, each im- 9 wing and soared upward in awe.” age enriching the rest through multiple asso- Ephrem is quick to stress that neither this ciations. But this does not mean that inner, spiritual experience nor its description Ephrem gives a literal description of Para- can be taken literally, for his intellect dise.10 We can best understand his intention “perceived the splendor of Paradise—not by consulting the fourth hymn. There he indeed as it really is, but insofar as humanity resumes the theme of the indescribability of is granted to comprehend it.” Yet immedi- Paradise—again in his paradoxical fashion. ately following this word of caution, he First he appears to describe a feast for the launches into a vivid portrayal of Paradise senses: as a mountain: For the colors of Paradise are full of With the eye of my mind I gazed upon joy, Paradise; its scents most wonderful, The summit of every mountain is its beauties most desirable, lower than its summit, and its delicacies glorious (IV:7.5-6). The crest of the Flood reached only its

foothills (I:4.1-3). Then he insists that, although his tongue His stern warning of the limits of human cannot describe it, no mirror can reflect its words and experience is easily forgotten as beauty, no paints can portray it, still he has he proceeds to describe the resplendent done so for the profit of all who may be in- beauties of Paradise, its fragrance, the spired to live a manner of life that will bring abodes of the children of light, who “dance them to Paradise.11

______Journal of the Canadian Society for Syriac Studies 3 (2003) - Page 60 Images of Joy in Ephrem’s Hymns on Paradise ______

Even a casual acquaintance with womb—echoed by others within Paradise Ephrem's poetry makes it clear that there is and in the rest of creation—has both erotic more to his view than this apparently utili- and maternal overtones. For the sake of clar- tarian explanation would allow. The senses, ity, we will consider these two emphases their perceptions and verbal descriptions all seriatim, beginning with the erotic. play too central a role in his art for this to be In the thirteenth hymn Adam is portrayed the case. His manner of argument, both in as king and the garden as his ܐܓ these hymns and elsewhere, shows that the ܐܬܕ “chaste bridal chamber” (XIII:3). world perceptible to our senses is replete Instead of living in the sanctified and glori- with intimations of its Creator.12 Similarly, ous royal manner for which he was destined, despite the fact that Paradise is not suscepti- Adam (like Nebuchadnezzar) chose to live ble to any literal description, Ephrem seems like an animal. We, following him, have all to claim that his rich and sensually diverse “gone out from the glorious bridal chamber imagery has what might be called of Paradise” ܐܒ ܢܓ ܘܗ̇ “evocative validity”. That is, while not liter- ܐܕܕ to “live with wild beasts”.15 Here ally true, his portrayals are anagogically Ephrem has applied to the beginning of the true. Although he does not use this term drama of paradisal loss and restoration the characteristic of later Platonic mysticism, he traditional Near Eastern motif of royal mar- suggests a similar notion by his habit of al- riage, skewed in an ascetic direction by the ternating vivid descriptions with warnings notion of the “chaste bridal chamber.”16 We against literalism. The images are neither might expect to see this theme return when literally true nor are they simply scaled- our poet portrays the restoration of the saints down models of heavenly counterparts, yet to Paradise at the end of time. We will not they are not false or misleading. They are be disappointed in this expectation.17 intimations of ineffable truth. Or as he The second hymn begins with a vivid phrases it: Like the wind, powerful yet in- portrayal of Paradise itself as a woman who visible, Paradise is “both hidden and mani- yearns for her lover,18 “the man whose fest: while it can be perceived to exist, what goodness makes him beautiful:” it really is cannot be perceived.”13 This in- it engulfs him at its gateway, tellectual framework must be kept in mind it embraces him in its bosom, it as we enter the world of rich female meta- caresses him in its very phors in Ephrem's Paradise. womb;19

for it splits open and receives him 1.a. The Womb(s) of Paradise: erotic and into its inmost parts.20 maternal themes ܐܕ ܐܓܓܪ ܐܘܗܕ݂ ̇ ܝܗܒ ̇ ̇ For Ephrem Paradise itself may be imagined ܐ ܪܒ ܒܘ ܓܐܪܕ as having a womb. He portrays himself as ܪ ܒ ܒ ܒܒ ̈ ̇ transported through reading the Scriptural ܝܗ ܓܒ ܡܐܘ ܐܪܨ̇ account of the Creation from the “womb of Having set forth this provocative image the book to the Womb of Paradise” in these first lines, Ephrem does not con- ܐܕܕ ܒ ܐ ܘܗܕ̇ ܒ.14 That tinue to explore it in the rest of this hymn.

______Journal of the Canadian Society for Syriac Studies 3 (2003) - Page 61 Images of Joy in Ephrem’s Hymns on Paradise ______

Instead he finishes the strophe by introduc- The man who abstained, with under- ing a judgment motif: standing, from wine, will the vines of Paradise rush out to 25 But if there is someone it abhors, it meet, all the more joyfully, ̈̈ removes him and casts him out; ܐܕܕ ܝܗܓ This is the gate of testing that belongs as each one stretches out and proffers to Him who loves humankind.21 27 him her clusters; ̇ ܠܬܬܕ ܐ ܓ ܐ ܐܘ The refrain, which follows upon this first or if any has lived a life of virginity, strophe, announces the Christological theme him too they welcome28 into their that resolves the tension between the erotic 29 pure womb, motif and that of judgment: “Blessed is he ܝܐ̄ ܒܘܬ ܘܗ݂ ܐܘܒ ܕ ܢܐܘ who was pierced and so removed the sword ܐܕ ܒ ܓ from the entry to Paradise.” The female em- for the solitary such as he bracing, caressing and splitting open to re- has never lain in any womb30 nor upon ceive the beloved into her inmost parts is any marriage bed. now re-interpreted to point to the piercing of ܐ ܕ 22 Christ upon the cross. His suffering, un- ܐܓܘܘܙܕ ܐܘ ܐܒ ܓܒ ܐ conditional love re-opens the entry to Para- dise and to loving intimacy with God. The On the one hand, Ephrem here strikingly cross of Christ is the key that opens the way echoes the language of the Song of Songs, into Paradise through the Door, which is where the bride's breasts are compared to Christ.23 The threats of harsh judgment (“if the clusters of a palm tree and of a grape vine:31 there is someone it abhors, it removes him and casts him out”) are reconciled with the ܐܓ̈ ܕܬ̈ ܐ ܐܕ ܐܕܗܘ one “who loves humankind” through the ܐܓ̈̈ ܓ ܐ ܕܬ̈ ܢܘܘܘ ... image of Christ “the Door that welcomes The erotic intent of the Biblical passage is you smiles radiantly upon you; the Door, all clear, and since it provides a plausible back- discerning, conforms its measure to those ground for our Syriac poet's personified who enter it ... It shows by its dimensions grapevines, the erotic implication of his im- whether they are perfect, or lacking in some- agery seems assured as well. Still, to be cer- thing.”23 tain of his intent, we must consider the lar- A third and final instance of erotically ger context of this arresting image. The per- charged imagery is, again, in the context of sonified vines appear here in the midst of a the reward of the saints. In Parad. VII: 18 crowd of anthropomorphic trees and fruits, the man who in his earthly life has abstained who welcome various groups of saints— from wine is promised a greeting from the each group being received in a manner befit- (grammatically feminine) vines of paradise. ting its lifestyle. In turn, this broader scene These will offer him their clusters of grapes, must be viewed in the context of personifi- and they will “welcome into their pure cation of trees and plants in general in these womb (ܒ)” the man who has chosen 24 hymns and always with the poet's monitum the life of virginity: against literalism in mind.

______Journal of the Canadian Society for Syriac Studies 3 (2003) - Page 62 Images of Joy in Ephrem’s Hymns on Paradise ______

Ephrem personifies the trees of the Gar- Young and old, married and single, men and den several times in the Hymns on Para- women, the poor, the lame, blind and deaf dise.32 In the third hymn he begins by ob- all enter into this portrayal. Again, personi- serving that the summit of the mountain of fied trees appear, this time to greet certain Paradise, the place which is innermost as groups of Christians (or personifications of well as highest, the place where “the Glory their chosen manner of life) as appropriate dwells” is impossible to describe or imag- to their ways of life. “Virginity” is greeted ine: by the fig tree ܐܬܬ (fem.) which “rushes up

Not even its symbol to her and full of joy exclaims: ‘Put away can be depicted in man's thought; your ignorant childhood—the day when you 33 for what mind has the sensitivity to became naked and hid in my bosom. gaze upon it, Praise to Him who has clothed your naked- or the faculties to explore it, or the ness with the robe!’” (VII:6). To the capacity to attain to that Garden “fasters” who, like Daniel, have chosen a whose riches are beyond comprehen- “meager diet of vegetables” the trees of sion (III:1.3-6). Paradise will bow down as kings did to Here we find the Tree of Life, which is sun, Daniel; then they will “invit(e) them to turn sovereign and leader of the other trees: aside to the place where they grow, and take up their abode amid their boughs, bathe in Perhaps that blessed tree, the Tree of Life, their dew and rejoice in their is, by its rays, fruits” (VII:16). Likewise honored and the sun of Paradise ... soothed will be those who have given hospi- In the breezes the other trees tality, alms and care to the poor and sick bow down as if in worship (VII:17): before that sovereign and leader of the trees (III:2. 1-2, 5-6). Whoever has washed the feet of the saints Later in the same hymn the Tree of will himself be cleansed in that dew; Knowledge is personified as judge, commis- To the hand that has stretched out sioned by God to show Adam the conse- to give to the poor quences of his choice once it had been made will the fruits of the trees (III:10). Finally, after Adam's fall, all the themselves stretch out; trees of the Garden are presented as “clothed The very footsteps of him each in its own glory” yet all veiling them- who visited the sick in their affliction selves at the Glory [of God], covering their do the flowers make haste to crown with blooms, faces with their branches as the Seraphim jostling to see with their wings to avoid gazing upon their which can be the first to kiss his steps. Lord, and “blush(ing) at Adam who was suddenly found naked” (III:15). Here the trees, their fruits and flowers, In the seventh hymn, as Ephrem contem- all are given lively personification. And it is plates the joys that await the just in Para- just at this point in the hymn that we see the dise, he depicts the moment of arrival as it personified grapevines welcoming ascetics will unfold for various sorts of Christians. to intimate joys. What then, may we con-

______Journal of the Canadian Society for Syriac Studies 3 (2003) - Page 63 Images of Joy in Ephrem’s Hymns on Paradise ______clude? Ephrem does use erotic imagery in so together with the just, will He bless VII:18, but it is clearly in a poetic, almost Her too; whimsical, setting in which his evocative this nursing mother, along with her ̇ ̈ (and not literal) intent is obvious. children, ܒ ܐ shall He who is Good renew (IX: 1.4-6).

1.b. Maternal images of womb and The images of birth, rebirth and infancy nursing in the Paradise Hymns extend to many dimensions of life now and in the future. In the eighth hymn Ephrem Ephrem explores maternal as well as erotic elaborates the intimate relationship between dimensions of womb imagery, and he fre- soul and body and argues that neither the quently extends his consideration of this soul nor the body alone would be able to aspect with corresponding portrayals of experience Paradise. Since it can function nursing mothers. Here, too, we see examples only through healthy bodily senses, the soul of a correlation between maternal symbol- in the body resembles an embryo. Just as the ism in this world and in Paradise, between fetus is unable to speak or think since it is the visible everyday created order—now a not exposed to the needed stimuli, neither is fallen world—and the invisible ineffable the soul able to perceive except through the Paradise to come. bodily senses (VIII:5-6). Since even intel- Just as the womb of the clouds encloses lectual experience is dependent on sense and restrains the rain, he observes, so the perception, there is no way for a disembod- earth encloses and channels the rivers of ied soul to experience Paradise. Thus, souls Paradise. Whereas there in Paradise those will be denied entrance to Paradise until “fountains delight with their fragrance, they have been rejoined to their resurrected when they issue forth toward us they be- bodies. come impoverished in our country, since The moment of birth again captures they put on the savors of our land as we Ephrem's attention (in the fifth hymn) as a drink them” (II:8-9). This change of the riv- paradoxical model of death and entry into ers of Paradise for the worse is explained by Paradise. The earth, this world, is “mother the curse of the earth along with Adam, and of thorns” ܐܒܕ̈ ܐܐ ܐܪܐ and “mother so it will be reversed at the end of time. of suffering” ܐܕ̈ ܐܐ ܒܬ. Yet just as Ephrem expresses these ideas by introduc- “infants weep as they leave the womb— ing the image of Mother Earth, who nurses weeping because they come out from dark- us, her children, (presumably with the founts ness into light and from suffocation they flowing from within her). Long ago dis- 34 issue forth into this world”—so also “people graced along with Adam, at the End she weep because they are born out of this will be blessed. Both in the curse and in the world, the mother of suffering, into the Gar- blessing we are intimately linked with our den of splendors” (V: 13-14). mother: The final example of maternal imagery Upon our mother Earth ܐ ܐܪܐ, of the womb, which occurs in his descrip- along with us, did He lay disgrace tion of the dwellings of the just, brings us when He placed on her, with the sin- back into the company of personified trees. ner, the curse; In the fifth hymn, when Ephrem portrays

______Journal of the Canadian Society for Syriac Studies 3 (2003) - Page 64 Images of Joy in Ephrem’s Hymns on Paradise ______himself as transported through reading the The evil one mixed his cup, proffering Scriptural account of the Creation from the its bitterness to all; “womb of the book” to the “Womb of Para- in everyone's path has he set his dise,” he proceeds to describe his entry across snares, for everyone has he spread the bridge and through the gate into Eden, out his net; he has caused tares to spring up in where he sees the dwellings of the just. These order to choke the good seed. are not, as might perhaps be expected, vast (IX:2.1-3). and elegant structures,35 but fragrant little enclosures—huts or tents ܐ̈ (fem. pl.): This moral suffering, too, will have its reso-

36 lution and reward in Paradise: There too did I see the huts of the just But in His glorious Paradise He who ̈ ̈ ̄ ܐܕܙܕ ܐ ܒܘܬ ܘܗ ܬ is Good Dripping with unguents and fragrant will sweeten their bitter trials; their crowns He will make great; with scents, ܐܒ ̈̈ ܐܒ̈ ܙ because they have borne their crosses, He will escort them into Eden Garlanded with fruits, crowned with (IX:2.4-6). blossoms.

̈ ̈̄ ܐܒܒܒ ܐܒܒܐܒ ܓ Since Ephrem's subject here is not princi- In accord with a person's deeds37 such pally the suffering and strife that precedes 38 was his hut; Paradise but rather the bliss that awaits the ̄ ܗ ܗ ܐܕ ܐ just, he elaborates on life in the garden re- Thus one was humbly adorned,39 newed by the Divine blessing. Thus he again while another was resplendent in describes the dwellings of the just. As in the its beauty; fifth hymn, they are fragrant and luxurious ܐܓܕ ܐܘ ܗܒܨܒ̈ ܐܕ ܐ enclosures with flowers.41 Now he adds that ܗܒ they are up in the branches of the trees of One was but dim in its coloring, while Paradise (IX:3): another dazzled in its glory. ̇ ܐܘ ܓܒ ܐܕ݂ ܐܘ Should you wish to climb up a tree (m.), ܒܒ̇ ܐܕ ܐܐ ܓ ܐܒܨܬܕ ܘܐ 42 Ephrem returns to the description of these with its branches (m.) it will provide steps before your feet, fragrant little huts in his ninth hymn. There ̄ he adds a crucial association with personi- ܓ ܡ ܓܪ ܝܗܒ fied trees. and up in its womb43 it will coax you to lie That ninth hymn begins, as we have down 44 seen, with the image of Mother Earth and on the couch that (is) the summit of its her fate entwined with ours. As he contin- boughs. ܕ ܓܓ ܝܗܒ̄ ̈ ܓܒ ܘ ues, Ephrem alludes to the New Testament ̄ ̈ parable of the sower40 in order to reinterpret ܗܕ ܝܗܕ ܐܓ the curse on the earth in terms of inner, It is bent low and cupped, but thick with blossoms— ethical struggle:

______Journal of the Canadian Society for Syriac Studies 3 (2003) - Page 65 Images of Joy in Ephrem’s Hymns on Paradise ______

̈ ܐܒܒܒ ܒܘ ܘ disal vision includes both maternal wombs and for the one who reclines in it, it and flowing breasts. He portrays both him- becomes a womb, an infant's cradle. self and the happy residents of Eden as ܐܕ ܐ ܐ ܒ ܓ ܐܘܗܘ̇ suckling infants. In the first hymn he intro-

For any tree climber, young or old, this is duces this theme by depicting himself as a nursing infant: an appealing picture: a tree that makes it easy to climb up by providing lower And because my tongue overflows as branches like steps, a tree in which one may one who has been suckled on safely and comfortably lie down upon upper the sweetness of Paradise, let us por- 46 branches like a couch or bosom—since he tray it in diverse forms. ̇ uses here we may even imagine this ܗܬܕ ܘܗ ܐܘ ܚܪܐܕܘ ܐܒ ̈ ̇ cozy and safe bed as a womb.45 And indeed ܢܕ ܒ ܗܪܘ ܐܕܕ Ephrem encourages us to imagine it this way as he proceeds to describe the couch He does not, however, pursue the theme among the branches as “bent low and in detail until the ninth hymn, where, as we cupped” and, he adds, “for the one who re- have just seen, he portrays the paradisal clines in it, it becomes a womb, an infant's abode of the just as a fragrant enclosure cradle.” Here we might even translate an aloft in the branches of a tree. There “in the “embryo's resting place” since ܐ may very bosom (or womb) of a tree” ܒܒ mean “embryo or fetus” as readily as ܐܐܕ the “saints” dine at their ease: “with “infant”. fruit of every savor ranged for the hand to But just as readily the mind might wan- pluck. . . fruit to eat, and fruit to quench the der to an image of a young child climbing thirst; to rinse the hands there is dew, and into the lap of his/her mother, resting there leaves to dry them with after . . . below them safely. From the child's perspective she are blossoms, above them fruit; fruits serve would be “eager to make you recline in [her] as their sky, flowers as their earth.” Again, bosom above” and she would make it easy the trees come to life as gentle parental fig- to climb up. Perhaps, too, a mother's per- ures, perhaps even as mothers sharing the fume might be brought to mind by the im- task of nursing an infant: age of resting safely in a cozy perch “dense with flowers”. Given the extended portrayal Such is the flowing brook of delights of personified trees in the seventh hymn, it that, as one tree takes leave of you, The next one beckons to you; all of is reasonable to infer that such a maternal- them rejoice arboreal place of refuge is our poet's intent that you should partake of the fruit of in the ninth hymn. one and drink the juice of another, wash and cleanse yourself in the dew 1.c. Suckling images in Paradise of yet a third, anoint yourself with the resin of one Ephrem's maternal imagery does not end and breathe another's fragrance, with the moment of birth. Just as his consid- listen to the song of still another. eration of Mother Earth led from protective Blessed is He who gave joy to womb to nursing mother, so also his para- Adam! (IX:6).

______Journal of the Canadian Society for Syriac Studies 3 (2003) - Page 66 Images of Joy in Ephrem’s Hymns on Paradise ______

Since the grammatical gender of “tree” is breeze ܐܒ sates his thirst, another his masculine, the pronouns and verbs are all hunger.”49 For more than in any other hu- masculine so perhaps these must be viewed man context, it appears as if embryos in the as male personifications, hence fathers womb and infants at the breast receive their rather than mothers. But whatever their gen- food without any work. der, their behavior is much like that of As with paradisal wombs so also para- adults celebrating the presence of an infant disal suckling is foreshadowed not only by in their midst, and it is described from the the example of human maternity but also by child's viewpoint—being passed from one to a host of other examples drawn from a broad the next, being freely given food and drink, natural context. So Ephrem finds a metaphor breathing in their scents and listening to of maternal care in wheat and ears of corn their songs. nourished by the wind ܐܘܪ ܐ Soon Ephrem begins to describe the (IX:10.1-3). Like them “the seedlings of “delightful spirits” or “spirits of the Paradise” will be suckled by “winds full of 47 banquet” ܐܒܕ ܐܘ that provide blessing” ܐܪܒܕ ܐܘ ̈ (IX: 10.4-5). nourishment for the just in Paradise. At first “For that which is spiritual has the Spirit as he describes them as if they were women its nourishment” ܗܬܒ ܘܗ ܐܘܪܕ ܡܕ serving the food: “like Martha and Mary ܘܗ ܐܘܪ (IX:10.6). Although Ephrem they hasten with delicate foods”. Unlike briefly changes course to pursue a paternal “weary Martha” or any other human who metaphor when he states that the earthly waits on tables, however, these breezes (or wind impregnates the spikes of wheat to spirits) are tireless: “they never weary in produce new grain (IX:12.1-3), he quickly their service”(IX:7-8). Soon he portrays returns to the image of the nursing mother: them as nursing mothers: The breeze “nurtures [the seedlings] like a In a spiritual way do these spirits breast ܐܕܬ ܐ, so that herein may be suckle spiritual beings; depicted a type of how spiritual beings are ̈ ܐܘ ܐܘܪ ܐܘ nourished ܐܘ ܐܪ” (IX:12.5-6). Yet this is a feast where no hand labors or one more earthly model hints at the nature ever grows tired (IX:9.1-2). of the spiritual food of Paradise: the need of

fire to be nourished by air: The food and drink they offer is also mi- raculously free of drawbacks: “the teeth do Learn too from the fire how the air is not weary, the stomach never grows all-nourishing; heavy” (IX:9.3). Although he stresses that If fire is confined in a place without this is “spiritual” food,48 it is hardly coinci- air ܪܐܐ Its flame starts to flicker as it gasps dental that Ephrem has re-introduced the ̇ theme of suckling in his description of food for breath ܘ (IX:14.1-3). and drink effortlessly provided: “Who has ever reclined and enjoyed himself without When he reaches for the larger meaning of anyone slaving away? Who has eaten to sat- this everyday example, Ephrem seems to isfaction without any food, or drunk and describe a cosmic being who sustains the become merry without any drink? One universe as if she were a suckling mother.

______Journal of the Canadian Society for Syriac Studies 3 (2003) - Page 67 Images of Joy in Ephrem’s Hymns on Paradise ______

Who has ever beheld a mother who suckles to his introduction of contextual elements everything with her whole being? that mute or radically reinterpret the eroti- ܐܕ ܐܐ ܐ cism. When Adam is portrayed in his para- ܡ ̇ disal bridal chamber, it is a “chaste” bridal chamber. The loving womb of Paradise that Upon her depends the whole universe, while she depends on the One Who is awaits the good man is a mystery best un- the Power that nourishes all.50 derstood through the unconditional sacrifi- cial love of Christ on the cross. The female ܐ ܐܬ ܘܗ̄ ܒܘ̇ personages who greet the ascetics in Para- ܢܐܙ ܠܕ ܘܗ̄ ܐܕ ܐܬ ܒ ܝܗ dise and invite them to intimate joys are en- This maternal figure gives life to every- visaged as grapevines and constitute one of thing from reptiles to humans and even to several vividly imagined groups of personi- the stars since they, like other fires, need air fied trees and fruits there. ܪܐܐ for nourishment (IX.15). Even our Ephrem uses maternal images of womb souls need air ܪܐܐ to sustain their life in our and breast in many contexts of reality bodies (IX.16). The nourishment of Paradise whether envisaged as salvation history or as cosmology. Thus earth is a mother who ac- is a higher form of air—a “blessed air” ܪܐܐ companies us in our drama of loss and re- ܐܒ that will “give pleasure to spirits turn to Paradise. Paradise itself contains per- ܐܘ as they partake and drink of it, fly sonified trees with fragrant womblike enclo- about and swim in it—this veritable ocean sures in which we will be effortlessly nour- of delights” (IX:16). It is a “fragrance” ܐܪ ished. Tireless spirits will also suckle us that nourishes in place of bread, a “living with spiritual food. These spirits are prefig- breeze” ܐ ܐܒ that quenches thirst—all ured at several levels in the cosmic order, to the delight of the senses ܐܓ ܒ where seedlings are nourished by the wind, (IX:17). By it the soul ܐ will be both fire and human souls are fed by air, and “sustained on the waves of joy as its facul- a cosmic mother nourishes the stars perhaps ties are suckled at the breast of all wis- with another sort of air. The air of Paradise dom”ܐܕ̈̇ ܐܕܬ ܘܙ̈̈ will replace every need for food and drink (IX:23).51 while delighting our senses spiritually. In addition to these images of maternal 2. Female metaphor, infancy and womb, birth and suckling, Ephrem brings childhood themes and Ephrem's other references to childhood into the Para- vision of Paradise dise Hymns. He assumes the view that Adam and Eve were children and hence To summarize, Ephrem's Hymns on Para- more easily deceived by Satan.52 He extends dise include a broad array of female im- this idea to introduce restoration of youth as agery, both erotic and maternal. In rare in- a dimension of salvation. In this life the stances erotic imagery is used to suggest the process begins since through participation in joys of paradise. Each of these occasions is the Eucharist, Christ restores our youth.53 subject not only to the poet's warning not to Our exploration of maternal themes of rest- take his vivid descriptions literally but also ing in the womb and suckling implies a new

______Journal of the Canadian Society for Syriac Studies 3 (2003) - Page 68 Images of Joy in Ephrem’s Hymns on Paradise ______dimension of the motif of Adam and Eve as anced over against the infancy theme to pro- children. For he promises, in effect, that our vide mental rest for the conscientious. No final state will be like the blissful rest of one needs to worry about the needs of any- infancy. Without effort or concern we will one else at the end. Concerned parents, so- experience repose and satiation of our de- licitous hosts and hostesses may all rest sires. We will be safe not only from outward fully from their cares as if they were infants threats but also from even the inward anxi- again. ety of concern for others. No one need wait on the table to satisfy our hunger and thirst. 3. Unique aspects of Ephrem's use of We will be free to rest as if in the self- female imagery in these hymns absorbed contentment of an infant. Of course, even infants at the breast may stop As we have noted, female imagery pervades to gaze adoringly at their mothers, so the Ephrem's theological-poetic world. Yet solipsism should not be pressed too far. these Hymns on Paradise present certain There are many images of eating and images which are unusual or, perhaps, drinking associated with Paradise in biblical unique in his extant corpus. The first of tradition and elsewhere—eschatological these is his use of erotically charged womb banquets, wedding feasts, fruit trees in the imagery. Although it is infrequent, muted garden. Ephrem, who never allows one im- and re-interpreted through Christology and age to exclude others entirely, includes these asceticism, the mere presence of this im- themes in his hymns. But in the ancient agery sets this collection of hymns apart world and even today, images of festive so- from the rest of Ephrem's poetry. Of the cial gatherings with food call to mind the three passages noted here, only Parad. need for servants to wait upon the reclining VII:18 has received scholarly attention for guests. A unique feature of the maternal im- its apparent eroticism. This vivid anthropo- agery of nourishment—of wombs and morphic portrayal of the (grammatically breasts—is that it appears to be effortless feminine) vines welcoming the worthy as- both on the part of the one feeding and the cetic to intimacy was, Tor Andrae con- one being fed. This is evident and attractive tended, the forerunner and source of the to Ephrem. Especially in the ninth hymn houris of the Qur'anic Paradise.55 Edmund where images of suckling and feeding in a Beck refuted this view, arguing that sheltered womb abound, we find an empha- Ephrem's ascetic emphasis clearly contra- sis on the effortlessness of the process and dicted any notion of Paradisal joys of a sex- on the absence of any need for someone to ual nature.56 Scholarly opinion remains di- wait on the guests. The women who have vided as to the possibility of Ephrem's influ- given food to the poor are promised that ence on the Qur’an57 for two reasons: first, they, like the widow who fed Elijah and was because authorial intention (i.e., Ephrem's) rewarded with inexhaustible supplies of does not necessarily determine the reader's food and drink, will be fed from the bounti- (or the listener's) impression; second, be- ful boughs in Paradise.54 Thus the social and cause the original meaning of the Qur’an's communal dimension of Paradise is not ex- houris is obscure. The latter issue remains to cluded from his view. But it ought to be bal- be resolved within a broader discussion of

______Journal of the Canadian Society for Syriac Studies 3 (2003) - Page 69 Images of Joy in Ephrem’s Hymns on Paradise ______the text of the Qur’an and the traditions hymns is the portrayal of the dwellings of underlying it.58 Perhaps our discussion the saints as fragrant, hut-like enclosures. here of Parad. VII:18 in the context of These are, as we have seen, closely related Ephrem's use of female imagery, erotic to the personified trees of Ephrem's Para- and maternal, in these hymns will make dise. His description of the huts is also strik- a small contribution to this larger ingly reminiscent of the booths in which discussion. pious Jews made their homes during the A second unusual aspect of the female Feast of Tabernacles.63 Aromatic branches imagery in this collection of hymns is its of palm, myrtle and willow ornamented with association with personified trees, vines and citron were used to construct them. Ephrem fruits. This, too, obviously, is linked to mentions fragrant boughs ornamented with Parad. VII:18, its personified female grape- fruits and blossoms. The Peshitto names the vines, and the complex and unresolved rela- feast ܐܕ̈ ܐ —using the very word tionship between Ephrem's Paradise and the Ephrem chose for these little shelters.64 Qur’an's. But it may be useful to look also Since the feast commemorates the early to the more remote background of Ephrem's days of Israel's intimacy with Yahweh,65 vision. Particularly if Parad. IX:6 is under- these booths or huts would be apt dwellings stood to portray trees personified as nursing for the saints in Paradise. Further, the Mish- mothers, his notions may be related to the nah provides evidence that the booths con- widespread but much earlier archaeological structed Feast of Tabernacles were related, evidence of female figures portrayed as trees whether by imitation or by competition, to giving water and trees which suckle ani- the cult of Asherah as tree goddess. In the mals, usually caprids; these figures have discussion of the Feast of Tabernacles, the been found engraved on cylinder seals, pious are warned that in the construction of metal pendants, scarabs, and painted on pot- their booths “no palm ..., no myrtle ..., no tery throughout the Bronze Age.59 Othmar willow branch..., nor citron” can come from Keel and others have argued that these trees an Asherah.66 Here it seems clear that the represent the life-giving maternal goddess “Asherah” is a tree, apparently one dedi- known variously as Ašratum, Athirat and cated to the goddess and related to her cult. Asherah.60 Early inscriptional evidence as- Thus, the personified tree mothers of sociates Asherah with Yahweh,61 but it is Ephrem's Paradise may be descended from debated whether these references are to the the ancient Asherah, perhaps through cus- goddess as His consort, to her sacred tree or toms or notions preserved in the Jewish grove of trees, to her wooden cult pole— community in relation to the Feast of Taber- perhaps carved to represent her image—or nacles. Previous scholarship indicating the to a wooden cella or chapel.62 These materi- influence of rabbinic Judaism on Ephrem's als would seem to be far too remote in time Hymns on Paradise lends plausibility to this to be relevant to Ephrem were it not for their hypothesis.67 Indeed, I present it only as an association with rabbinic materials on the hypothesis, but as one which merits further Feast of Tabernacles, as we shall see. discussion. Another feature of the female imagery Finally, we come to Ephrem's arresting within Ephrem's corpus unique to these notion that air, wind or spirit constitutes a

______Journal of the Canadian Society for Syriac Studies 3 (2003) - Page 70 Images of Joy in Ephrem’s Hymns on Paradise ______sort of “milk” on which living beings are He has suckled the universe with life (Nat. IV:148-153).70 suckled at various levels of reality: in the mundane world, air is life-giving for plants, The association of Christ with Wisdom is fire and human souls; in Paradise spirit or well-established in Christian literature long air will provide spiritual nourishment. before Ephrem's time.71 Likewise both Wis- Ephrem seems to intend a distinction be- dom and Christ are attested in the role of tween the foods of these two realms (and suckling mother in the Alexandrian con- perhaps another distinction for the air pro- text.72 Although explicit reference to Christ vided to the fiery stars) since he specifies 68 as Wisdom is rare in the Greek and Latin that “that which is spiritual has spirit as its Christian theological literature of the fourth nourishment” (Parad. IX:10.6). But unlike century, it continues in devotional litera- the English his Syriac terminology does not ture.73 The Odes of Solomon attest the theme provide a clear distinction between of suckling in the Syriac Christian theologi- “wind” (or “breeze”) and “spirit”. In both cal context.74 Ephrem himself often uses this realms there seems to be a mother who theme, but he, like the author of the nine- suckles, but again, Ephrem gives no clear teenth Ode, uses the image without explicit indication whether these are distinctive be- mention of a female personification of Wis- ings, nor is it clear whether he intends only a dom.75 simile or some sort of cosmic or divine But what of the association of maternal being(s). In Ephrem's fourth Nativity Hymn imagery with the notion of air as life- a similar concept appears to be identified sustaining? For this the Stoics come to mind both with Wisdom and with the Son of God: for two reasons: First, they understood

The Lofty One became like a little breath or air (Greek pneuma) as the princi- child, yet hidden in him was ple of vitality both in the human being and 76 a treasure of all wisdom ܐܓ in the universe. Second, they associated air ܐܕ̈ 69 that suffices for all. with a female deity, Hera, and they ascribed He was lofty, but he was suckled with cosmogonic allegorical meaning to ancient Mary's milk, texts and images concerning her.77 There are and with His blessings all creation is other indications of Stoic influence on suckled. Ephrem's worldview.78 Again, I suggest a He is the Living Breast of living possible and partial explanation of the breath; Syriac poet-theologian's imagery here. by His life the dead were suckled, and Like his subject, the Paradise awaiting they revived. the faithful followers of an ineffable and Without the breath of air no one can live; mysterious God, Ephrem himself defies without the power of the Son no one analysis. His use of female imagery in the can rise. Hymns on Paradise is unique not only with Upon the living breath of the One respect to the recorded views of his Who vivifies all Christian contemporaries in other cultural depend the living beings above and environments but also with respect to his below. own rich imagery in the rest of his corpus. As indeed he was suckled with Mary's Yet despite his insistence on the elusiveness milk,

______Journal of the Canadian Society for Syriac Studies 3 (2003) - Page 71 Images of Joy in Ephrem’s Hymns on Paradise ______of these mysteries, we know that he wrote When that fails, the process may be reversed these hymns in Nisibis in the early fourth to use his words to provide evidence of century. Historians will continue to look for the intellectual environment of Nisibis in evidence of mundane influence on his thought. his time.

______Journal of the Canadian Society for Syriac Studies 3 (2003) - Page 72 Images of Joy in Ephrem’s Hymns on Paradise ______

NOTES

1 Edmund Beck, Des Heiligen Ephraem des Paradise, esp. pp. 49-74, 189-227; Edward G. Syrers Hymnen de Paradiso und contra Mathews, Jr., and Joseph P. Amar, eds. and Julianum, CSCO 174-175 (Louvain: Peet- trans. St. Ephrem the Syrian: Selected Prose ers,1957), and Sebastian Brock's fine English Works, Fathers of the Church 91 (Washington, translation, St. Ephrem the Syrian: Hymns on D.C.: Catholic University of America Press, Paradise (Crestwood, New York: St. Vladimir's 1994), esp. pp. 59-123. Seminary Press, 1990), constitute the basis for 7 Tanios Bou Mansour, La Pensée sym- the citations in this article; alternative readings bolique de Saint Ephrem le Syrien, Bibliothèque or translations will be noted as such. The early de l'Université Sainte-Esprit 16 (Kaslik: Univer- dating and presumption of authenticity are based sité Sainte-Esprit, 1988), pp. 81-83, 531 et pas- on their presence in early (6c.) manuscripts in sim; Brock, The Luminous Eye: The Spiritual association with the Hymns against Julian, with World Vision of Saint Ephrem the Syrian which they also share a melody; cf. Beck, CSCO (Kalamazoo, Michigan: Cistercian Publications, 174 (1957), pp. I-VII; Brock, Hymns on Para- 1992), pp. 25, 143-44, et passim; Kathleen E. dise, p. 35. McVey, “Ephrem the Syrian's Use of Female 2 Nicolas Séd, “Les hymnes sur le paradis de Metaphors to Describe the Deity,” Zeitschrift für saint Ephrem et les traditions juives,” Le Muséon Antikes Christentum 5 (2001), pp.261-288. 81 (1968), pp. 455-501. 8 A similar dynamic is at work in Ephrem's 3 Tryggve Kronholm, Motifs from Genesis 1- reluctance to speak of God, especially as repre- 11 in the Genuine Hymns of Ephrem the Syrian sented in his anti-Arian polemics; cf. Paul S. with particular reference to the influence of Jew- Russell, St. Ephraem the Syrian and St. Gregory ish exegetical tradition, Coniectanea Biblica, the Theologian Confront the Arians (Moran Old Testament series 11 (Uppsala: Almquist & Etho, 5; Kottayam, Kerala: St. Ephrem Ecumeni- Wiksell, 1978), esp. pp. 15-134, 215-224. cal Research Institute, 1994), esp. 121-45. 4 See Brock, Hymns on Paradise, pp. 49-57. 9 Similarly reading the text of Genesis trans- 5 Ibid., passim; Gary Anderson, The Genesis ports him to Paradise in Parad. V:3-5 and of Perfection: Adam and Eve in Jewish and VI:1-5. Christian Imagination (Louisville: Westminster 10 Nor do I imply that this is Séd's inference. John Knox Press, 2001). Further on Ephrem's 11 Parad. IV:9 and cf. XV:17.1-3. thought in the broader Syriac Christian environ- 12 I have used this phrase before in Ephrem ment, cf. Robert Kitchen, “Syriac Additions to the Syrian: Hymns, Classics of Western Spiritu- Anderson: The Garden of Eden in the Book of ality (New York: Paulist, 1989), p. 41; and I Steps and Philoxenus of Mabbug,” Hugoye 6.1 have developed the concept extensively in (January 2003). Christopher Buck, Paradise & “Ephrem the Syrian: A Theologian of the Pres- Paradigm: Key Symbols in Persian Christianity ence of God” Chapter 49 in The Early Christian and the Baha'i Faith (Albany: State University World, 2 vols. ed. Philip F. Esler (London: of New York Press, 1999), pp. 259-311. Routledge, 2000) pp.1228-1250. 6 Beck, Ephraems Hymnen über das Para- 13 Parad. XV:1. dies, übersetzung und Kommentar, Studia 14 This is my translation; Brock translates, Anselmiana 26 (1951); François Graffin, “from the bosom of the book to the very bosom Ephrem de Nisibe: Hymnes sur le Paradis, of Paradise.” Parad. V:3.6. Sources Chrétiennes 137 (Paris: Les Editions du 15 ܐܬ̈ Parad. XIII:10. Cerf, 1968), esp. pp. 7-32; Brock, Hymns on 16 Cf. Brock, Hymns on Paradise, pp.28-29,

______Journal of the Canadian Society for Syriac Studies 3 (2003) - Page 73 Images of Joy in Ephrem’s Hymns on Paradise ______

72, for a brief account of the concept and its mately be rendered with more erotic nuance: “to background in the New Testament and early long for, earnestly desire; to eagerly meet, or Syriac materials. await;” J. Payne Smith (Mrs. Margoliouth), A 17 Brock has noted (ibid.) two examples Compendious Syriac Dictionary founded upon where the bridal chamber is explicitly mentioned the Thesaurus Syriacus of R. Payne Smith in an eschatological setting: Hymns on Faith (Oxford: Clarendon, 1903), p. 364a. XIV:5 and the Letter to Publius 12; my concern 27 Brock chooses the more neutral but less in the present context is to find the eschatologi- literal “its clusters.” cal dimension of this theme in the Hymns on 28 Again, a more literal translation of the Paradise. Af`el “to make enter” would give a stronger 18 The Syriac is passive: “Blessed is the one erotic nuance. desired (emphatic state) by Paradise.” 29 Brock translates “bosom” rather than 19 Although I have followed Brock's transla- “womb”. Unlike other languages such as French tion here, both vocabulary and immediate con- (sein) or Latin (sinus) which maintain the ambi- text suggest synonymous parallelism in this line; guity of the Syriac ܐܒ, English forces a choice that is, both verbs mean “caress,” and both nouns between “bosom” and “womb”; my choice is mean “womb.” The Syriac is intensely erotic. consistent with the explicit mention of the mar- 20 Parad. II:1.1-4. riage bed in the last line. Brock has himself 21 Parad. II:1.5-6: Brock translates “man- noted the difficulties of rendering this particular kind” rather than “humankind”. word; cf. Brock, Hymns on Paradise, p. 75. 22 More on this theme of the piercing of 30 See previous note. Christ, based on John 19:34, and its importance 31 Song of Songs 7:7-9, Peshitto version; cf. for Ephrem's understanding of baptism and typo- RSV Song of Songs 7:6-8. I believe this allusion logical exegesis, cf. Brock, Hymns on Paradise, has gone unnoticed until now. 64-66, and further references ad loc. 32 For a consideration of the creativity and 23 On Christ the Door, cf. John 10:7-9. Brock coherence of Ephrem's interpretation of the trees has drawn attention to this theme: Hymns on here, see Tryggve Kronholm, “The Trees of Paradise, p. 190: Key and door in Parad. II:2. Paradise in the Hymns of Ephraem Syrus,” An- The “keys of doctrine” open the Scriptural ac- nual of the Swedish Theological Institute XI count of Creation in Parad. VI.1. The Refrains (1977-1978), pp. 48-56. of Parad. VI and VII show that the “keys” are 33 Again, the “bosom” of the tree might also equated with the Cross, which has opened equally be rendered as “womb.” up Paradise, “the Garden of Life”. In Parad. 34 Cf. Gen. 3:17-19. VIII:2 the thief is said to have “freely received 35 As were, for example, the palaces Thomas the keys to Paradise”. In XV:4 bread is the “key” built in heaven for King Gundaphor according to that opened the eyes of the disciples at Emmaus. the Acts of Thomas 17-24. “Tree of Knowledge symbolizes the gate of 36 Brock renders this more poetically as Paradise” (XV:2 and cf. XV:5) “Intelligence ... “bowers.” like a treasurer ... carries ... the keys to learning, 37 Or “labors, efforts.” fitting a key to each locked door…” XV:6. 38 Again, Brock translates “bower.” 24 Parad. II:2.2-6. 39 Brock renders less literally “had few 25 Brock's translation follows here with a few adornments.” significant modifications and observations —all 40 Mt. 13:25 and par. in defense of a more erotically charged reading 41 No fruits are mentioned this time. of the strophe. 42 Brock renders: “lower branches.” 26 Here the Syriac participle might legiti- 43 Ignoring the plural in Beck's text: ܝܗܒ̈ ..

______Journal of the Canadian Society for Syriac Studies 3 (2003) - Page 74 Images of Joy in Ephrem’s Hymns on Paradise ______

From this point onward, my translation of this 1936), 120-121. strophe differs considerably from Brock's: 56 Beck, “Eine christliche Parallele zu den “eager to make you recline in its bosom above, Paradiesesjungfrauen des Korans?” Orientalia on the couch of its upper branches. So arranged Christiana Periodica 14 (1948), pp. 398-405; is the surface of these branches, bent low and idem, Ephraems Hymnen über das Paradies, cupped—while yet dense with flowers—that übersetzung und Kommentar, Studia Anselmiana they serve as a protective womb for whoever 26 (1951), p.71; idem., “Les Houris du Coran et rests there.” Ephrem le Syrien,” Mélanges de l'Institut 44 I.e., the tree's—but this requires interpret- dominicain d'Etudes orientales du Caire 6 ing as if the line were: ܘܗ ܗܕ̈ ܐܓ (1961), pp. 405-408. ̈ 57 .ܝܗܕ Syriac scholars, such as Graffin and 45 This, despite the masc. gender of “tree” Brock, have accepted Beck's opinion and have ܐܐ. further emphasized that the joys of Ephrem's 46 Parad. I:9.1-2. This is a slightly modified Paradise are clearly spiritual; cf. Graffin, version of Brock's translation. Hymnes sur le Paradis, pp. 103f.; Brock, Hymns 47 Parad. IX:7.1. Rather than Brock's transla- on Paradise, pp. 54f., 193, et passim. Andrae's tion here, “scented breezes”, a more anthropo- view lives on, nonetheless; cf. Maxime Rodin- morphic concept seems to be implied by the son, Muhammad, trans. from the French by Anne other appearances of these spirits in IX:8.1 ܐܘ Carter, 2 English ed. (London: Penguin Books, ܐܕܕ “spirits of Paradise” and IX:8.4 ܐܘ 1996), pp. 244-46 (the French version was cited ܕ “spirits that bring”—i.e., who wait on the by Graffin, loc. cit.), and Buck, Paradise and tables. Paradigm, p. 7. Surely it is interesting that the 48 Parad. IX.9.1 and 5 and again in IX.11. strophe immediately following (Parad. VII:19) 49 Parad. IX:9.4-6. The last line is missing concerns the fate of martyrs, specifically the from Brock's translation, but lines 4-5 are his. Maccabean mother and her seven sons (cf. 2 50 Parad. IX:14.4-6 in Brock's translation Macc. 7). 58 with small changes. See especially Christoph Luxenberg, Die 51 Note that the Syriac rendered by Brock as Syro-Aramäische Lesart des Koran: Ein Beitrag “all wisdom” is (confusingly!) plural. zur Entschlüsselung der Koransprache (Berlin: 52 Notably in Parad. XV:12 and 14. On this Das Arabische Buch, 2000), esp. 221ff.; and cf. theme, see Robert Murray, Symbols of Church Günther Lüling, Über den Urkoran. Ansätze zur and Kingdom: A Study in Early Syriac Tradition Rekonstruktion der vorislamischen-christlichen (London, New York: Cambridge University Strophenlieder im Koran (Erlangen: Verlags- Press, 1975), pp. 304-306; Kronholm, Motifs buchhandlung H. Lüling, 1993) as well as the from Genesis 1-11, pp. 98-107; and McVey, very instructive review by Sebastian Günther in Ephrem the Syrian: Hymns, pp. 117, 208, 312 Al-Qantara 16 (1995), 485-90. I am very grate- (on Nat. 7:11, 26:8, Virg. 12:12). ful to Professor Sebastian Günther for informing 53 François Graffin, “L'Eucharistie chez Saint me of this aspect of the discussion and for pro- Ephrem,” Parôle de l'Orient (1973), pp. 93-116, viding these bibliographic references. 59 esp. 110. Othmar Keel, Goddesses and Trees, New 54 Parad. VII:20. Moon and Yahweh; Ancient Near Eastern Art 55 Mohammed: Sein Leben und Sein Glaube and the Hebrew Bible, Journal for the Study of (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1932), the Old Testament Supplement Series 261, esp. 71-72; in the English translation by Theo- (Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 1998), phil Menzel, Mohammed: The Man and His esp. 20-36, figures 1-52. 60 Faith (London: George Allen & Unwin, Ltd., John Day, “Asherah,” Anchor Bible Dic-

______Journal of the Canadian Society for Syriac Studies 3 (2003) - Page 75 Images of Joy in Ephrem’s Hymns on Paradise ______

tionary, ed. David Noel Freedman (New York: that is not literally and consistently reflected by Doubleday, 1992) I, 483b-487a, esp. 483b-484b. Brock's renderings of “spirit,” “breeze” and For a recent overview, cf. Judith M. Hadley, The “air.” In short, his translation is clearer than the Cult of Asherah in Ancient Israel and Judah: Syriac original, and while it may be the best ren- Evidence for a Hebrew Goddess, University of dering of Ephrem's intended meaning, in each Cambridge Oriental Publications 57 (Cambridge: instance the Syriac text must be consulted di- Cambridge University Press, 2000). rectly for a full appreciation of the ambiguities. 61 From Kuntillet ‘Ajrud in the northeast Si- 69 Here as in Parad. IX: 23, the Syriac for nai and at Khirbet el-Qom near Hebron; all date “wisdom” is plural, thwarting (deliberately?) to approximately 800 BCE. Day, “Asherah,” identification with a female personification of ABD I, 484b-485a. Hadley, Cult of Asherah, pp. Wisdom; cf. n. 51 above. 84-105. 70 Edmund Beck, Hymnen de Nativitate 62 Each of these meanings is supported by (Epiphania), CSCO 186 (Louvain: Peeters, texts from the Hebrew Bible or early translations 1959), p. 39; cf. also Nat. IV:6-7 and 183-85 of those texts (LXX and Vulgate): cf. Deut. 12:3; (Beck, pp. 25-26, 42), and McVey, “Ephrem The Exod. 34:13; Judges 2:13 and 3:7; Hos. 14:9. Syrian's Use of Female Metaphors,” 279-80. I Day excludes both the goddess herself (due to have modified my translation slightly from the the use of the pronominal suffix, unattested on a version in Ephrem the Syrian: Hymns, p. 100. proper name) and the cella or chapel (unattested 71 For an overview of the subject and recent in Hebrew although found in other Semitic lan- scholarly literature, see Elizabeth A. Johnson, guages), Day, “Asherah,” ABD I 484b. She Who Is: The Mystery of God in Feminist 63 Lev. 23.33-36; for the rabbinic regula- Theological Discourse (New York: Crossroad- tions, cf. Herbert Danby, The Mishnah trans- Herder, 1992), 94-100; other work not cited by lated from the Hebrew with Introduction and Johnson includes: M. J. Suggs, Wisdom Christol- Brief Explanatory Notes (Oxford: Oxford Uni- ogy and Law in Matthew's Gospel (Cambridge: versity Press, 1933), pp. 172-181 (Moed: Suk- Harvard University Press, 1970); E. Schüssler- kah). Fiorenza, “Wisdom Mythology and the Chris- 64 ܐ̈ . The same word is used of the tological Hymns of the New Testament,” in R. dwelling awaiting the good thief in Paradise: Wilken, Aspects of Wisdom in Judaism and ܐ ... ܐܪܗܕ ܐܘ Parad. VIII:2.1, in Early Christianity (Notre Dame: University of contrast to the “lodgings” (Brock “mansions”) Notre Dame Press, 1975), 17-41; Martin Scott, ܐܘܐ̈ which the souls of the just await their Sophia and the Johannine Jesus, JSNT 71 bodies “on the borders of Paradise”. Parad. (Sheffield, 1992); Celia Deutsch, Lady Wisdom, VIII:11.1-3. Jesus and the Sages (Valley Forge: Trinity, 65 Cf. Lev. 23.39-43. 1996); Frances Gench, Wisdom in the Christol- 66 Danby, Mishnah, 172-81, esp. 176 (Moed: ogy of Matthew (New York: University Press of Sukkah 3.1, 3.2, 3.3, 3.5). America, 1997). 72 67 Cf. notes 2, 3, 5 above. For an overview which includes Philo 68 Here Brock helpfully translates “the and Clement, see Ritamary Bradley, “Patristic Spirit's breath” clarifying Ephrem's probable background of the motherhood similitude in intent to communicate that the “winds” or Julian of Norwich,” Christian Scholar's Review “spirits” of Paradise are both like their earthly 1978, pp. 101-113; further on Philo, see Peter counterparts and unlike them. But the Syriac is Schäfer, Mirror of His Beauty: Feminine Images more confusing throughout Parad. IX: 5-21 of God from the Bible to the Early Kabbalah ,(appear in a manner (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2002 ܐܐܪ and ܒܐ، ܪܘܐ where

______Journal of the Canadian Society for Syriac Studies 3 (2003) - Page 76 Images of Joy in Ephrem’s Hymns on Paradise ______

esp. pp. 39-57; further on Clement, see 75 McVey, “Ephrem the Syrian's Use of Fe- McVey, “In Praise of Sophia: What the Early male Metaphors.” Church Can Teach Us,” in Women, Gender, 76 David E. Hahm, The Origins of Stoic Cos- and Christian Community, ed. Jane Dempsey mology (Columbus: Ohio State University Press, Douglass and James F. Kay (Louisville: 1977), esp. 157-74; Michael Lapidge, “Stoic Westminster John Knox Press, 1997), pp. 34- Cosmology,” The Stoics, ed. John M. Rist 45. (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1978), 73 Bradley, Motherhood Similitude. pp. 161-185, esp. pp. 168-185. 74 See the discussion of Ode 19 by H. J. W. 77 Hahm, Origins, esp. pp. 71-72. Drijvers, “The 19th Ode of Solomon: its inter- 78 Ute Possekel, Evidence of Greek Philoso- pretation and place in Syriac Christianity,” phical Concepts in the Writings of Ephrem the Journal of Theological Studies n.s. 31 (1980), Syrian, CSCO Subsidia 102 (Louvain: Peeters, 337-55. 1999), esp. pp. 230-35.

______Journal of the Canadian Society for Syriac Studies 3 (2003) - Page 77

______

KHUSRO II AND THE CHRISTIANS OF HIS EMPIRE

GEOFFREY GREATREX UNIVERSITY OF OTTAWA

INTRODUCTION Ctesiphon.2 Over the sixth century, the op- ponents of the Council of Chalcedon gener- ally referred to as Monophysites had stead- n the early seventh century, by con- ily been gaining ground within the Persian quering the entire Roman Near East, empire, particularly in northern Iraq; Persar- the Sasanian king Khusro II built up menia, of course, had been consistently Mo- what was undoubtedly the largest em- nophysite since the Council of Dvin in 505.3 pireI of Christians in the world; moreover, The wave of persecutions along the Roman there can be little doubt that the majority of eastern frontier in the 590s will have further his subjects, at the height of the Persian ad- swelled the numbers of Monophysites on vance, were Christians. Never before had Persian territory.4 Once the Persians had such a situation arisen, and it is the aim of overrun the Roman Near East, however, the this brief paper to examine more closely the Monophysites will have been far more nu- policies adopted by the king to respond to merous than the Nestorians overall. Lastly, these circumstances.1 there are the Chalcedonians. Before the Per- The Christian constituency of Khusro's sian conquests in the 600s and 610s, the empire was diverse. In the heartlands of the only Chalcedonians under Persian control Sasanian empire, the Persian church— were to be found in Iberia, but in the wake commonly called Nestorian—was steadily of the annexation of the Near East, many strengthening its adherence to the doctrine more will have become subjects of the of ‘two natures’ and its loyalty to the teach- king.5 ings of Theodore of Mopsuestia. This devel- How was a non-Christian king to ad- opment was not smooth, and certain mem- minister such a community? There is no bers of the church, notably Henana, head of need to elaborate on the fierce divisions be- the School of Nisibis, preferred to remain tween these three groups, which are well closer to the Chalcedonian and Monophysite known. Various interpretations of Khusro's positions and thereby incurred the hostility policies have been put forward, both by an- of the catholicos, based in Seleucia- cient and modern writers, and it is our aim

______Journal of the Canadian Society for Syriac Studies 3 (2003) - Page 78 Khusro II and the Christians of his Empire

here to find which, if any, is the most con- the Persian church and the Sasanian king vincing. Perhaps the most common is that since the first council held in 410 under the which sees Khusro as transferring his fa- patronage of Yazdgerd I. In this way, we vours from the Nestorian church to the Mo- shall be better able to elucidate the policies nophysite, a rupture crystallised in his fail- of Khusro and to compare them with those ure to approve the nomination of a new ca- of his predecessors. tholicos of the Persian church in 609. Influ- enced by the chief doctor, Gabriel of Sinjar, KING AND CHURCH and his wife Shirin, as well as by the Mono- physite loyalties of the newly conquered The first point which must be stressed is the provinces, the king determined to give his closeness of the relationship between king whole-hearted backing to the opponents of and church, notwithstanding occasional Chalcedon. This interpretation has founda- bouts of persecutions. Right from the coun- tion in the primary literature, most notably cil of Seleucia-Ctesiphon in 410, the church in the account of Michael the Syrian—a gave its allegiance to the king, while he re- source whose evidence, particularly con- ciprocated by agreeing to enforce the deci- cerning the Monophysite community, is sions of the assembled bishops.9 There were however subject to caution.6 On the other obvious advantages to this for the Persian hand, at least one ancient source— church. No longer would their loyalty to the Theophanes—considers the king to have crown be in doubt, at any rate not after their remained a backer of the Nestorians and severing of their ties with the western even to have aided their cause in the con- church at the council of 424. Better still, the quered provinces of the Roman empire. This secular power could be employed to combat evidence is generally disregarded in the the naturally fissiparous tendencies of the modern literature.7 Finally, there are those church: catholicoi could now turn to the scholars, such as Fiey and Morony, who king and his ministers to ensure that schis- regard Khusro as a prevaricator, who played matics and heretics were forced to back off one side against the other in order to fur- down or be ejected from their churches. One ther his own interests.8 example among many may suffice: the A closer examination of the evidence catholicos Joseph (552-67), nominated, one will offer a rather different conclusion: may note, by Khusro I, was able to arrange Khusro, it will be argued, prudently adopted the imprisonment of his adversary, Simon of an essentially pragmatic policy in dealing Anbar (Pirisabora) through the intervention with the Christians of his empire. He was of the marzban.10 Over time, royal influence amenable to influence from both Nestorians over the catholicate grew, to the point that and Monophysites but chose, insofar as it kings would tend to recommend candidates was possible, to maintain an equilibrium for the position—a recommendation that the between the two sides. Before we begin our assembly of bishops could hardly fail to scrutiny of the sources, however, it is neces- ratify.11 The interest of the Persian king in sary to consider briefly the background the position of catholicos should occasion against which Khusro was operating, i.e. the no surprise: as the number of Christians in relationship which had developed between the kingdom grew, so the power of the head

______Journal of the Canadian Society for Syriac Studies 3 (2003) - Page 79 Khusro II and the Christians of his Empire ______of the church increased. And just as the king This could not but lead to rivalries and com- began to exercise a greater influence on petition for these offices; the acts of numer- church affairs, so the catholicos became ous councils clearly offer evidence of cor- more involved in secular matters. Christians ruption in the administration of sees as well were suspected of involvement in the upris- as in the conduct of elections to the episco- ing of Khusro I's son Anoshazadh in 551, pal office.17 We may accurately summarise and the catholicos Mār Aba was obliged by the situation by characterising church poli- the king to declare to the Christians of Beth tics as being, to some degree, an extension Lapat (Gundeshapur) that they should on no of court politics, in which both sides would account back the rebel.12 Catholicoi likewise vie for influence with the sovereign by ap- would accompany the king on his military peals to ministers and confidants. The expeditions, as in both 573 and 603 when schism which erupted upon the death of the king crossed into Roman territory in Shila in 523 provides a good example: both Mesopotamia.13 We even hear of supplies Elishe and Narsai sought the catholicate, being furnished to Khusro I's army at the and a fierce struggle ensued. The former, a start of his reign by the future catholicos doctor, was a friend of Kavadh, as well as Paul.14 the son-in-law of Shila, and obtained a de- But there were other, less positive, con- cree favourable to his candidacy through the sequences of this rise in the status of the influence of a fellow doctor. Both men con- catholicos and his church. To be sure, the sidered themselves to be catholicos and ap- popularity of the official church was greatly pointed bishops; the schism was only ended strengthened; better still, its adversaries with difficulty when, following the death of were weakened. Already in the fifth century, Narsai, the Persian bishops elected Paul, the energetic bishop Barsauma of Nisibis another favourite of Khusro, to the position capitalised on his good relations with king to supplant Elishe.18 It is not our brief here Peroz to persecute Monophysites in his to analyse these power struggles more see.15 Inevitably, however, not all members closely. We may however note in passing of the official church were so out of convic- that issues of doctrine were far from para- tion: it must have been clear to any ambi- mount in the disputes which wracked the tious young Christian that a successful ca- Persian church; rather, we are dealing with reer would greatly be facilitated by involve- interest groups, some perhaps linked more ment in the official church, and more par- with northern Iraq and the see of Nisibis, ticularly by a medical and perhaps monastic others more connected to Lower Mesopota- training, leading either to a position among mia and the Persian élite. Again, a case may the king's doctors (many of them trained at readily be cited, this time from the reign of Nisibis)16 or among the church hierarchy— Khusro II. In the 590s, the bishop Gregory with all the power and influence this en- of Nisibis, known as Gregory the Kashga- tailed. For the official status of the church rite, was involved in a bitter struggle with gave bishops considerable power in the local Henana, the head of the School of Nisibis, community, e.g. in dealing with inheri- whose teachings were clearly at odds with tances, dowries and marriages, as well as those of the Persian church. When some of control of the wealth of the church itself. the Nisibene nobility complained to the ca-

______Journal of the Canadian Society for Syriac Studies 3 (2003) - Page 80 Khusro II and the Christians of his Empire ______tholicos Sabrisho about Gregory, one would munities. Several points favour such an in- have expected him, whose (Nestorian) or- terpretation. First, and most obviously, the thodoxy was unimpeachable, to have given luminaries of his court. Much is made of the his wholehearted support to the zealous influence of Gabriel of Sinjar and his machi- bishop. Instead, however, he withheld his nations against the Nestorians, but there is backing and hindered his activities, to such no evidence that Yazdin, Khusro's head of an extent that Gregory chose to abandon his tax collection and the most important lay see.20 Clearly, political issues and rivalries figure of the Nestorian church, ever suffered lie at the heart of this matter, even if we can through Gabriel's influence.23 Both contin- only dimly perceive them; one year after ued to serve the king through the 600s and Gregory's departure, the fractious Nisibenes 610s. Gabriel is believed to have died before broke out in open revolt. Called upon by Yazdin, who was probably executed at some Khusro to ensure the swift termination of point in the 620s, when the war had turned the uprising, Sabrisho accompanied the against Khusro. His fall from favour is at- army sent to retake the city and managed to tributed in the sources to Khusro's desperate persuade the citizens to offer no further re- need for funds rather than any doctrinal rea- sistance.21 son.24 Second, the peaceful co-existence of Nestorian and Monophysite monks at Shirin's monastery near Hulwan should be KHUSRO II AND THE 25 stressed. It was only after 614, therefore CHRISTIANS OF HIS EMPIRE following Gabriel's evidently unsuccessful attempt to expel the Nestorians from the We come now to the attitude adopted by monastery, that the new (Monophysite) Khusro II towards the Christians of his em- head, Marutha, put a stop to the communion pire. Although many sources paint a bleak which had existed between the two parties.26 picture of the monarch, portraying him as a For some years therefore, despite the con- power-hungry tyrant, bent on the elimina- tinuing annexation of the Roman provinces tion of the Roman empire, there can be little and the manoeuvres of Gabriel, a monastery doubt that he was better acquainted with built by the king and associated with his Christianity and its divisions than any other wife maintained an equilibrium, favouring Persian king hitherto; he was, after all, the neither Monophysites nor Nestorians. When only Persian king to have set foot on Roman the end came, furthermore, it was brought soil as an individual, rather than at the head about neither by the king nor one of his min- of an army. During the 590s he had founded isters, but by a hard-line Monophysite churches and dedicated offerings to Saint churchman.27 22 Sergius. One would therefore expect him Now the suspension of the Nestorian to be in a good position to judge the best catholicate from 609 seems at first sight to course to be followed in dealing with his contradict the interpretation offered here. Christian subjects. His preference, we sug- But in fact it adds further weight to our ar- gest, was for a genuine tolerance of both guments. There can be no doubt that the Monophysites and Nestorians, the better to Persian church had become prey to constant exploit the talents of members of both com- struggles between factions, as we have seen,

______Journal of the Canadian Society for Syriac Studies 3 (2003) - Page 81 Khusro II and the Christians of his Empire ______culminating in the deception surrounding death of Gabriel but before 623/4, Mono- the election of the unpopular and ineffectual physite monasteries close to the royal palace Gregory of Porath in 605. These struggles were destroyed, forcing Marutha to move were at their most intense when it came to elsewhere for his own safety.32 There were, choosing a new catholicos, as had repeat- of course, some martyrs during Khusro's edly been demonstrated.28 Even the appoint- reign, most notably George, one of the Nes- ment of a new catholicos, however effective torian debaters who sought to persuade the he might be, was not guaranteed to bring king to restore the catholicate in 612 and harmony. There would be calls for the king who zealously counteracted the efforts of to intervene, to back up the catholicos with Gabriel to seize control of Shirin's monas- decrees and troops and/or to depose him; the tery. Gabriel riposted by laying accusations catholicos might even try to initiate persecu- against George and his fellow disputant, tions against non-Nestorians. Given the ever Shubhalmaran, pointing out to the king that closer ties which had evolved between king George was a convert from Zoroastrianism. and catholicos, as we have noted, such a It was this which led to George's martyrdom situation presented obvious dangers. Church in 615.33 Saint Anastasius, martyred in 628, rivalries would naturally have an impact on was also a victim of the law against apostasy politics at court. Insurrections might even be rather than a whim of Khusro, even if the triggered. It would be simpler therefore to situation for Christians in his empire does short-circuit the whole issue by leaving the appear to have deteriorated towards the end catholicate in abeyance, thus reducing the of his reign.34 The imprisonment and subse- stakes for the Nestorian church and tensions quent execution of Nathaniel, bishop of within it.29 Equally importantly, it allowed Shiarzur, belongs also in this category: his the king to rally Monophysites to himself, see was one in which the Christians were in both in Iraq and in the conquered provinces. a minority, and it is likely that he had been Naturally, rivalries between the two commu- infringing the rules on conversions when the nities persisted, but the absence of a catholi- local governor called upon Khusro to take cos took away an obvious source of strife action (in 603/4).35 and freed the king from having to intervene repeatedly in church affairs. That Khusro CONCLUSION did not suspend the catholicate because, as is so frequently asserted,30 he had shifted his Our conclusion therefore is that Khusro's favour decisively to the Monophysites at the neutrality was basically both passive and expense of the Nestorians is clear, for in- benign. It was passive, in that the king would respond to initiatives proposed by stance, from the license he gave (c.610) to individuals of either denomination, not in- Yonadab of Adiabene, allowing him to take frequently acceding to their requests, charge of all the monasteries in the vicinity thereby giving rise to considerable inconsis- of Mosul, the heartlands of the Mono- tencies. What must be stressed, however, is physites in Persia. Only through the inter- that the king himself did nothing to perse- vention of Gabriel was Yonadab prevented cute either Nestorians or Monophysites. In 31 from taking control in this region. Further- the conquered provinces, moreover, no ef- more, later in Khusro's reign, following the fort appears to have been made to promote

______Journal of the Canadian Society for Syriac Studies 3 (2003) - Page 82 Khusro II and the Christians of his Empire ______

Zoroastrianism in any active way, unlike Monophysite bishops who had been during the invasions of Shapur I in the third expelled from their sees under Maurice, century.36 Of course, the capture of Jerusa- we know from the letters of the catholi- lem in 614 was accompanied by bloody cos Isho‛yahb of Gadala (and other massacres and deportations, but here too sources) that the take-over of the Near Khusro's involvement may be doubted. The East also brought with it a spread of sources, admittedly biased, pin much of the Nestorianism: Isho‛yahb's letters show blame on the Jews for the harsh treatment clearly the presence of Nestorians in meted out to the Christians. Whatever the Edessa (with a bishop) and at Jerusalem.38 truth of these assertions, it is certain that Others are attested at Carrhae (Harran), soon after the sack, a Chalcedonian leader, Damascus and in Palestine and Egypt.39 Modestus, was able to rebuild many of the There is little sign then that Khusro buildings which had been destroyed, with fomented discord among the Christians help both from Yazdin and from Egypt, i.e. of his empire; as we have seen, already from both Nestorians and Monophysites.37 in the sixth century, they were quite Khusro's neutrality was benign in that the capable of bitter divisions among them- support offered to one side or the other at selves anyway. On the contrary, Khusro had various times was not, so far as we can see, nothing to gain by furthering such disputes: exclusive: there was room for both Nestori- in order to maximise the revenue gained ans and Monophysites in his empire. Thus, from his expanding territories and to stabi- although Michael the Syrian and other lise a society constantly at war, he natu- sources emphasise the support given to rally preferred the path of pragmatism.

______Journal of the Canadian Society for Syriac Studies 3 (2003) - Page 83 Khusro II and the Christians of his Empire ______

NOTES

1 The only possible parallel might be the man Eastern Frontier and the Persian Wars, reign of Julian, although it is unlikely that the A.D. 363-630, henceforth REF (London, 2002), majority of the Roman empire had converted to 176 and Frend, Monophysite Movement, 332-4. Christianity by then. A much abbreviated ver- Barhebraeus, Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, ed. and sion of this article will appear in Studia Patris- tr. J.-B. Abbeloos and T.J. Lamy, vol. 3 tica in 2004/5. I am grateful to Josef Wiesehöfer (Louvain, 1877), 85-110, paints a picture of for his comments on an earlier draft of this pa- growing anti-Chalcedonian numbers, particularly per. (87-8) in the wake of deportations from the east- 2 J. Labourt, Le christianisme dans l'empire ern Roman provinces during Khusro I's inva- perse sous la dynastie sassanide (Paris, 1904), sions. Cf. however, Morony, Iraq, 372, down- 217-19; I. Gillman and H.-J. Klimkeit, Chris- playing the significance of the deportations. tians in Asia before 1500 (Ann Arbor, 1999), The term Nestorian is no less problematic 123-5; G.J. Reinink, “Babai the Great's Life of than ‘Monophysite’. Again, it has been used here George and the propagation of doctrine in the merely because it is the most familiar label for late Sasanian empire,” in J. Watt and H. Dri- the Persian church. As S. Brock has pointed out, jvers, eds., Portraits of Spiritual Authority Nestorius himself was of little consequence in the development of the doctrine of the Persian (Leiden, 1999), 182-3. 3 church. See Brock, “The Church of the East in On the rise of the Monophysites in Persia the Sasanian empire up to the sixth century and see W.S. McCullough, A Short History of Syriac its absence from the councils in the Roman em- Christianity to the Rise of Islam (Chico, CA, pire” in Syriac Dialogue. First non-official con- 1982), 153-4; W.H.C. Frend, The Rise of the sultation on dialogue within the Syriac tradition Monophysite Movement (Cambridge, 1972), 321; (Vienna, 1994), 79-84, “The Christology of the M.G. Morony, Iraq after the Muslim Conquest Church of the East,” 176-7 and “The ‘Nestorian’ (Princeton, 1984), 350-1, 372-8; and B. Flusin, church: a lamentable misnomer,” BJRL 78.3 Saint Anastase le Perse et l'histoire de la Pales- (1996), 23-35. tine au début du VII siècle (Paris, 1992), vol.2, 5 Cf. B. Martin-Hisard, “Le christianisme et 110-11. All references to Flusin henceforth are l'église dans le monde géorgien,” in L. Pietri, to vol. 2. On Persarmenia, see (e.g.) N.G. Gar- ed., Histoire du Christianisme, vol. 3, 1229-33. soïan, “L'Arménie,” in L. Pietri, Histoire du Most of Palestine, for instance, had remained Christianisme des origines à nos jours, vol. 3. consistently Chalcedonian throughout the sixth Les églises d'orient et d'occident (Paris, 1998), century; cf. Frend, Monophysite Movement, 223, 1142-4. 230-1, even if Egypt and Syria were largely Mo- The term Monophysite is far from satisfac- nophysite. See also H. Kennedy, “Syria, Pales- tory, but is used here for the sake of clarity. See tine and Mesopotamia,” in A. Cameron, B. S. Brock, “The Christology of the Church of the Ward-Perkins and M. Whitby, eds., The Cam- East,” in Tradition and Heritage of the Christian bridge Ancient History, vol.14 (Cambridge, East: Proceedings of the International Confer- 2000), 598-601, on divisions in the region. ence (Moscow, 1996), 163-4, where he suggests 6 Michael the Syrian, ed. And tr. J.-B. the alternative terms ‘miaphysite’ and ‘heno- Chabot, Chronique de Michel le Syrien, patriar- physite’. The former seems to be gaining in che jacobite d'Antioche (1166-1199), 4 vols. popularity. (Paris, 1899-1924), X.25 (tr. vol.2, 379-80) with 4 Cf. G. Greatrex and S.N.C. Lieu, The Ro- the remarks of J. van Ginkel, “Making History:

______Journal of the Canadian Society for Syriac Studies 3 (2003) - Page 84 Khusro II and the Christians of his Empire ______

Michael the Syrian and His Sixth-Century see Labourt, op. cit., 121-4 and Garsoïan, “La Sources,” in R. Lavenant, ed., Symposium Syria- Perse,” 1110. cum VII (Rome, 1998), 351-8 and J. Watt, “The 11 E.g. Paul, cf. Chr. Seert, PO 7 (1911), portryal of Heraclius in Syriac historical 153, Joseph (see n.10), Isho‘yahb I, cf. Chr. sources,” in G.J. Reinink and B.H. Stolte, eds, Seert, PO 13 (1919), 438-9 and Sabrisho, ibid. The Reign of Heraclius (610-641): Crisis and 481-5. Confrontation (Louvain, 2002), 73-4. Cf. George 12 Cf. Chr. Seert, PO 7 (1911), 153 with A. of Pisidia, Contra Severum in PG 92, 1625, 47- Christensen, L'Iran sous les Sassanides2 55. Among modern scholars, see Frend, Mono- (Copenhagen, 1944), 426, Labourt, Le christia- physite Movement, 337-9 (albeit suggesting dif- nisme, 189-90 and P. Peeters, “Observations sur fering policies of the king for different zones); la vie syriaque de Mar Aba, Catholicos de N. Garsoïan, L'église arménienne et le grand l'église perse,” in Recherches d'histoire et de schisme d'orient (Louvain, 1999), 375-8; and G. philologie orientales (Brussels, 1951), vol.2, Dagron, “L'Église et la chrétienté byzantines 157-8. It is surely no coincidence that Mar Aba entre les invasions et l'iconoclasme (VIIe-début had had recourse to the civil governors to bring VIIIe siècle),” in G. Dagron, P. Riché and A. into line the church at Beth Lapat (Gundeshapur) Vauchez, eds., Histoire du christianisme, vol.4, which had been in turmoil only a few years be- Évêques, moines et empereurs (610-1054) (Paris, fore Anoshazadh's uprising. Cf. Labourt, Le 1993), 16-17. christianisme, 172-4 with the details in Syn. Or., 7 Theophanes, Chronographia, ed. C. de 328-30. Noteworthy is the advice given to Boor (Leipzig, 1883), tr. C. Mango and R. Scott, Khusro I in the 540s when the king was deliber- The Chronicle of Theophanes Confessor ating about the fate of the catholicos Mār Aba: it (Oxford, 1997), A.M. 6116, p. 314 (on the impo- was pointed out to him that it would be danger- sition of Nestorianism in the East) and A.M. ous to execute the chief Christian of his king- 6120, p. 329 (on the churches at Edessa being dom; cf. V. Mar Aba, ed. P. Bedjan, Histoire de taken back from the Nestorians after the Roman Mar-Jabalaha, de trois autre patriarches, d'un reconquest). One might also note in this context prêtre et de deux laïques, nestoriens2 (Leipzig, the continuing loyalty and praise to Khusro ex- 1895), 256-7 with Labourt, Le christianisme, pressed by the Nestorian delegates in 612, cf. 189 and Peeters, “Observations,” 154. Less than Synodicon Orientale (henceforth Syn. Or.) ed. a century earlier, Peroz had not hesitated to have and tr. J.-B. Chabot (Paris, 1902), 580-1 with the catholicos Babai executed; cf. Labourt, op. Labourt, Le christianisme, 226. cit., 129-30. See Flusin, Anastase, vol.2, 97-8 on 8 J.M. Fiey, Jalons pour une histoire de the improvement in the fortunes of the Christians l'église en Iraq (Louvain, 1977), 136, Morony, following the peace concluded by Justinian and “Sasanids” in EI2 X (1995), 79. Khusro in 561; cf. Greatrex and Lieu, REF, 133- 9 See Morony, Iraq, 87; Garsoïan, “La 4, 162. Perse: l'église d'orient,” in Histoire du christia- 13 For 573, cf. Chr. Seert, PO 7 (1911), 193 nisme, vol. 3, 1109; R. Le Coz, Histoire de with J.M. Fiey, Nisibe, métropole syriaque l'église d'Orient (Paris, 1995), 36; cf. Greatrex orientale et ses suffragans des origines à nos and Lieu, REF, 34 (with further references). For jours (Louvain, 1977), 54-5; for 603, cf. Chro- details of the council in Syn. Or., 253-75 (tr.), cf. nicon Anonymum, ed. and tr. I. Guidi, CSCO Scr. McCullough, Short History, 121-4. Syr. 1-2 (Leipzig, 1903), henceforth Chr. Khuz., 10 Chronicle of Seert (= Histoire nestorienne 20-1 (tr. M. Greatrex in Greatrex and Lieu, REF, inédite), ed. A. Scher, tr. l'abbé Pierre, PO 7 232). (1911), 176-7; Labourt, Le christianisme, 194-5; 14 Chr. Seert, PO 7 (1911), 153. and Morony, Iraq, 348. On the council of 424 15 Cf. S. Gero, Barsauma of Nisibis and

______Journal of the Canadian Society for Syriac Studies 3 (2003) - Page 85 Khusro II and the Christians of his Empire ______

Persian Christianity in the Fifth Century 22 Cf. Flusin, Anastase, 99-103, E. Key Fow- (Louvain, 1981), 36-7; Gillman and Klimkeit, den, The Barbarian Plain (Princeton, 1999), Christians in Asia, 118; Labourt, Le christian- 134-41, Greatrex and Lieu, REF, 176-8. isme, 135-9. 23 On Gabriel, see M. Hutter, “Shirin, Nes- 16 On doctors see R. Blockley, “Doctors as torianer und Monophysiten. Königlice Kirchen- diplomats in the Sixth Century A.D.,” Flori- politik im späten Sasanidenreich,” in R. Lave- legium 2 (1980), 89-100. nant, ed., Symposium Syriacum VII (Rome, 17 This is a large issue. See (e.g.) Morony, 1998), 377, and P. Goubert, Byzance avant l'Is- Iraq, 364-9; McCullough, Short History, 139-40; lam. I. Byzance et l'Orient sous les successeurs and V. Erhart, “The development of Syriac de Justinien. L'empereur Maurice (Paris, 1951), Christian Canon Law in the Sasanian Empire,” 178 (emphasising the political nature of his con- in R.W. Mathisen, ed., Law, Society and Author- version to Monophysitism). According to ity in Late Antiquity (Oxford, 2001), 115-29. The Labourt, Le christianisme, 220, he had originally council of 576 provides a wealth of information been a Monophysite before converting to on the abuses rife at this time; cf. Chabot, Syn. Nestorianism in order to further his career. See Or., 368-89 with McCullough, Short History, also G. Hoffmann, Auszüge aus syrischen Akten 144. Articles 20, 29 and 34 are particularly rele- persischer Märtyrer (Leipzig, 1880), 118-19 on vant. Cf. also Labourt, Le christianisme, 159, on Gabriel. Denha, Vie de Marouta, ed. and tr. F. the alienation of church property by the catholi- Nau, PO 3 (1905), 76 likens him to Constantine cos Shila; 182-3 on clashes which arose with in his patronage of the Monophysites. On Yaz- civil officials over jurisdiction; 193 on the in- din, see J.M. Fiey, Assyrie chrétienne. Bét volvement of lay people in elections. Garmaï, Bét Aramayé et Maišan nestoriens, 18 Chr. Seert, PO 7 (1913), 147-52 with La- vol.3 (Beirut, 1968), 23-8; Christensen, L'Iran, bourt, Le christianisme, 160-2 and McCullough, 490-1; and Chr. Khuz. 23-7, tr. M. Greatrex, Short History, 135-6. Paul became catholicos REF, 233-5. He is likened by the chronicle's in 539. author to Constantine and Theodosius, p.23/233. 19 The suggestion of Morony, Iraq, 346-7; Chr. Seert, PO 13 (1918), 524-5, offers a list of cf. W. de Vries, “Die Patriarchen der nich- Nestorian ministers who flourished at Khusro's katholischen syrischen Kirchen,” Ostkirchliche court: Yazdin was but one among several; cf. Studien 33 (1984), 27-8; Garsoïan, “La Perse: Flusin, Anastase, 104. l'église d'orient,” 1106; Fiey, Jalons, 118-19. 24 Gabriel is usually thought to have died in J.B. Segal “Mesopotamian communities from the 610s, c. 615; cf. Le Coz, Histoire, 63, and Julian to the rise of Islam,” ProcBrAc 41 (1955), Hutter, “Shirin,” 382. Yazdin's death probably 133-6 ascribes the antipathy between Nisibis and occurred in the 620s, once Heraclius' counter- the catholicate partly to geographical factors attacks had proved their effectiveness; cf. La- (proximity to the Roman empire) and partly to bourt, Le christianisme, 234, and Fiey, Assyrie linguistic differences. chrétienne, vol.3, 27. 20 Chr. Khuz., 17-18, tr. M. Greatrex, REF, 25 See Denha, Vie de Marouta, PO 3 (1905), 230-1; Chr. Seert, PO 13 (1918), 507-10; cf. 76 for this communion. Given this coexistence, Labourt, Le christianisme, 215-16, M. Tamcke, Hutter, “Shirin,” 382, is rightly hesitant about Der Katholikos-Patriarch Sabrišo` I. (596-604) the queen's doctrinal affiliation. On the location und das Mönchtum (Frankfurt, 1988), 36-8, and of this monastery, a matter of some controversy Flusin, Anastase, 108-9. (whether near Ctesiphon or in Media), see 21 Chr. Khuz. 18-19, tr. M. Greatrex, REF, Flusin, Anastase, 103 n.42 and now Reinink, 231; Chr. Seert, PO 13 (1918), 513-14, cf. Fiey, “Babai the Great”, 189 and n.87. Nisibe, 58-61, and Tamcke, Sabrišo`, 38. 26 See Denha, Vie de Marouta, PO 3

______Journal of the Canadian Society for Syriac Studies 3 (2003) - Page 86 Khusro II and the Christians of his Empire ______

(1905), 76-7 on the crackdown. It took place which had already taken place at his court be- under the metropolitan Samuel (614-24); cf. tween 605 and 609, Khusro was in an excellent Nau's notes, ibid., 54, with Hutter, “Shirin,” 382, position to realise the danger of accepting the and Morony, Iraq, 377. On Gabriel’s attempts to delegates' requests: no Roman emperor had yet seize control of the monastery (c. 609) see succeeded in imposing doctrinal unity on his Reinink, “Mar Babai,” 189. empire, and to seek to establish just one ortho- 27 We may also note the co-existence in Cte- doxy in his new empire could only lead to insta- siphon, as no doubt elsewhere, of churches of bility and bloodshed. See Pseudo-Sebeos in both denominations; cf. Labourt, Le christian- R.W. Thomson and J.D. Howard-Johnston, tr. isme, 218. Chr. Seert, PO 13 (1918), 554 reports and comm., The Armenian History attributed to that the future catholicos Isho‘yahb II of Gadala Sebeos (Liverpool, 1999), ch.46, 114-16 with got into trouble with the local Persian governor, comments at 263, and Flusin, Anastase, 114-18, while he was bishop of Balad, for failing to on the debate. On the possibility of insurrections, admit some “Arians”—presumably Mono- cf. nn.12, 21 above (Gundeshapur and Nisibis). physites—into church; cf. L. Sako, Lettre chris- 30 E.g. by the sources noted above, n.6, but tologique du patriarche syro-oriental Išo`yahb II also by Flusin, Anastase, 117-18. de Gdala (628-646) (Rome, 1983), 65. 31 Chr. Khuz. 22, tr. M. Greatrex in REF, 28 Cf. e.g. Chr. Seert, PO 7 (1911), 147-52 233. It is significant also that Khusro initially (Elishe and Narsai); 192-3 (Isaiah and Ezekiel); despatched a Nestorian bishop to occupy the see PO 13 (1918), 483-7 (disputes before the elec- of Edessa; cf. Mich. Syr. X.25, tr. Chabot, vol.2, tion of Sabrisho). Note also the attempt by a 379-80. The date of Edessa's fall is uncertain (cf. certain Peter Gurganara to depose and assassi- Greatrex and Lieu, REF, 185), but W. Kaegi, nate Mār Aba c.548; cf. V. Mar Aba, ed. Bedjan, Heraclius, Emperor of Byzantium (Cambridge, 249, with Labourt, Le christianisme, 187, and 2003), places it in 610. At any rate it took place Peeters, “Observations,” 149-50. On the election around the time that no successor was appointed of Gregory of Porath see Chr. Khuz. 22, tr. M. for Gregory. When the bishop, Aheshima, Greatrex, REF, 233, Chr. Seert, PO 13 (1918), proved unacceptable, Khusro despatched a 521-2, and Flusin, Anastase, 107-9. Monophysite candidate in his stead; however, 29 Arguably, the position of the Nestorians because he came from Persia, rather than being actually improved in the absence of a catholicos, nominated by Athanasius, patriarch of Antioch, thanks to the vigorous activity of Mar Babai of this too caused some resentment; cf. Flusin, An- Nisibis in the north and the archdeacon Mar Aba astase, 112-14. in the south; cf. Chr. Seert, PO 13 (1918), 524, 32 See Barhebraeus, Chron. eccles. 111-12; and Labourt, Le christianisme, 229-30. We hear cf. Fiey, Jalons, 138. Barhebraeus, loc. cit., re- of no conflicts between these two individuals. ports that the Monophysites had to wait five The need to present a common front, e.g. for the years before appointing a head, cf. 119-20. debate at Khusro's court in 612, must have 33 Cf. Reinink, “Mar Babai,” 185-90; Hutter, helped; cf. Reinink, “Mar Babai,” 178-88 on the “Shirin,” 381. Others are discussed by Flusin, debate. One of the points made by the Nestorian Anastase, 118-27. representatives to Khusro concerned the multi- 34 Cf. Flusin, Anastase, 236-7. The large plicity of heresies which had flourished in the deportations of Christians, e.g. following the Roman empire, Syn. Or., 585. They argued from sack of Jerusalem (on which see Flusin, Anas- this that the king should uphold the correct doc- tase, 164-5), need not be ascribed to a wish to trines of the Persian church. Having become persecute Christians: as is clear from the descrip- aware both through his visit to the Roman em- tion of this deportation, the aim was rather to pire at the start of his reign and by the debate take advantage of Roman craftsmen for projects

______Journal of the Canadian Society for Syriac Studies 3 (2003) - Page 87 Khusro II and the Christians of his Empire ______in Persia. Such had been Sasanian policy right Christian Communities of Palestine from Byzan- from the third century; cf. S.N.C. Lieu, tine to Islamic Rule (Princeton, 1995), 46, and “Captives, Refugees and Exiles: A study of Thomson and Howard-Johnston, Sebos, ch.35-6, cross-frontier civilian movements and contacts 70-3 and notes, 208-10. See Chr. Khuz. 27, tr. between Rome and Pesia from Valerian to M. Greatrex, REF, 235, on Yazdin's role in the Jovian,” in P. Freeman and D. Kennedy, The rebuilding; Frend, Monophysite Movement, 340 Defence of the Roman and Byzantine East on the part played by John Eleemosynarius, pa- (Oxford, 1986), 475-505, and E. Winter and B. triarch of Alexandria. Dignas, Rom und das Perserreich. Zwei Welt- 38 Cf. W. Hage, Die syrisch-jakobitische mächte zwischen Konfrontation und Koexistenz Kirche in frühislamischer Zeit (Wiesbaden, (Berlin, 2001), 257-67. 1966), 81-2, who assembles the evidence (from 35 Chr. Khuz. 21, tr. M. Greatrex, REF, 232; the letters of Isho‘yahb and the Book of Gover- Chr. Seert, PO 13 (1918), 520. Cf. Labourt, Le nors of Thomas of Marga). This may lie behind christianisme, 210-11, noting how Sabrisho had the assertions of Theophanes noted above (n.7). protected the Christians of Shiarzur before he The choice presented to the Edessenes in 624/5 became catholicos; Flusin, Anastase, 120-1. It is by Khusro narrated by Agapius (Kitab al-`Unvan, part possible, as Frend, Monophysite Movement, 337, 2.2, ed. and tr. A. A. Vasiliev, PO 8 [1912], 459, also to and Flusin, loc. cit., suggest, that Khusro applied be found in P. Kawerau, Christlich-arabische somewhat different rules in the various parts of Chrestomathie aus historischen Schriftstellern his empire, e.g. where the Christians remained in des Mittelalters, vol.2 [Louvain, 1977], 19-20) a minority. Chr. Khuz. seizes upon the incident also fits this context: according to Agapius, the as proof of Khusro's fundamental hostility to king obliged the inhabitants of Edessa to choose Christianity, cf. Watt, “The portrayal of Hera- between Nestorianism and Monophysitism in clius,” 67, but his assessment is no doubt col- that year. They preferred the latter. Mich. Syr. oured by the support given by the king to the XI.1 (vol.2, 402) offers a similar narrative, but Monophysites. with no reference to the choice forced on the 36 Cf. Winter and Dignas, Rom und Persien, Edessenes. Ps.-Sebeos' claim, ch.46, tr. Thomson 232-7, on the promotion of Zoroastrianism by and Howard-Johnston, 117, that Khusro ordered Shapur I and Kartir; J. Wiesehöfer, “Geteilte the destruction of Nestorian churches as a result Loyalitäten: Religiöse Minderheiten des 3. und of the debate of 605/9 (on which see n.29 above) 4. Jahrhunderts n. Chr. im Spannungsfeld is plainly an invention. The portrayal of Khusro zwischen Rom und dem sasanidischen Iran,” as a bitter foe of Christianity, found (e.g.) in Klio 75 (1993), 362-82, esp.373-5, is however Sebeos, tr. Thomson and Howard-Johnston, 80, sceptical about proselytism on the part of Kartir. and Chronicon Paschale, 729 (tr. in Greatrex Flusin, Anastase, 232-3, notes the efforts evi- and Lieu, REF, 220), on which see Watt, “The dently made by the Persian garrison at Caesarea Portrayal”, 67-9, must be treated with caution, not to offend local religious sensibilites by their emanating as it does from sources outside Persia. rites. Cf. n.27 above for an instance of Persian inter- 37 See Flusin, Anastase, 158-64 (on the vention against an attempt to bar Monophysites sack); Greatrex and Lieu, REF, 190-2. On the from a church. rebuilding of the city at the initiative of Modes- 39 Hage, Die syrisch-jakobitische Kirche, tus, see Flusin, Anastase, 172-81, R. Schick, The 81-2.

______Journal of the Canadian Society for Syriac Studies 3 (2003) - Page 88

______

THE CANADIAN SOCIETY FOR SYRIAC STUDIES

MEMBERS OF THE YEAR 2002-2003

Corporate Member CORBETT, John H., Kingston ON ZINDA Online Magazine, San Jose CA COX, James, King City ON CRAWFORD, Brittmarie L., Shelburne ON Life Members CREGHEUR, Eric, Quebec PQ DINNO, Khalid, Mississauga ON DAKGI, Mike, Scarborough ON EMMANUEL, Mar Emmanuel, Toronto ON DAKGI, Abdo, Scarborough ON MURAD, Janan, Mississauga ON DAKGI, Bolos, Markham ON SMITH, Helen, Toronto ON DANIYAL, Andariyos, Mississauga ON Members DAOD, Nagham, Toronto ON ABBA, Rev. Yusif, Toronto ON DAVID, Sargon, Scarborough ON ABDULAHAD, Raika, Thunder Bay ON DAWOOD, Isaam, Thunder Bay ON APRIM, Frederick, Hayward CA DOHLER, Anna, Toronto ON ASTO, Sami, Scarborough ON DONABED, Sargon, Toronto ON BADOVINAC, Jocelyn, Mississauga ON FARJO, Gertrude, Toronto ON BADOVINAC, Edward, Mississauga ON FERRIS, Paul A., Garden Grove CA BANDAK, Jean, Scarborough ON FRAME, Grant, Toronto ON BANDAK, John, Markham ON GEORGE, Elia, Toronto ON BASMAJI, Samir, Markham ON GREATREX, Geoffrey, Ottawa ON BASMAJI, John, Markham ON GREATREX, Marina, Ottawa ON BIHNAN, Adnan, Brampton ON GRIFFITH, Rev. Sidney H., Gaithersburg MD BOUJIKIAN, Stephen, Scarborough, ON HARRAK, Amir, Toronto ON BROCK, Sebastian, Oxford UK HEAL, Kristian S., Provo UTAH CASEY, Kevin, Toronto ON HINDO, Tariq R., North York ON CASSIS, Marica, Mississauga ON HIRSCH, Antoine, Toronto ON CHAMOUN, John, Scarborough ON HUMPHRYS, Peter, Peterborough OB CHAMOUN, Ramia, Scarborough ON ISSA, Rev. Stephanos, Scarborough ON CHAMOUN, Issa, Scarborough ON ISSA, Touma, Parkwood WA, Australia CHAMOUN, Ruba, Scarborough ON JOHNSON, Nola J., Toronto ON CHERRY, Ashur, Brampton ON JWAIDEH, Albertine, King City ON CHILDERS, Jeff W., Abilene TX KIRAZ, George, Piscataway NJ CLARKE, Colin S., Hamilton ON KITCHEN, Rev. Robert, Regina SK

______Journal of the Canadian Society for Syriac Studies 3 (2003) - Page 89 Members of the Year 2002-2003 ______

LEE, Johanson, Minneapolis MN SAATI, Jacklin, Scarborough ON LEHTO, Adam, Waterloo ON SAATI, Rema, Scarborough ON LONDES, Arlette, Thornhill ON SADA, Saif, Etobicoke ON MAJID, Abdulwahid, Mississauga ON SALEH, Walid, Toronto ON MARMURA, Michael, Toronto ON SHAMON, Isaac, Toronto ON MATHEWS Jr., Edward G, Tunkhannock PA SHLEEMON, Iasic, Etobicoke ON MILLES, Kulli, Toronto ON SHLEIMON, Ramsen, Etobicoke ON MORRISON, Rev Craig, Rome, Italy SINGH, Mohan, Toronto ON MOUSSA, Helen, Toronto ON SKIL, Sonia, Toronto. ON NORTHRUP, Linda, Toronto ON STIFO, George, N. Grafton MA PENLAND, Elizabeth C, Brookline MA TAKAHASHI, Hidemi, Tokyo, Japan POIRIER, Paul-Hubert, Quebec PQ TARZI, Habib, Unionville ON POSSEKEL, Ute, Brighton MA TARZI, Albert, Unionville ON ROMENY, R. B. ter Haar, Leiden, Netherlands TARZI, George, Unionville ON ROYEL, David, Rome, Italy TARZI, Salwa, Unionville ON RUSSELL, Rev. Paul S., Chevy Chase MD VAN ROMPAY, Lucas, Durham NC RYAN OP, Stephen, Washington DC WEATLEY-IRVING, Linda, Chicago IL SAATI, Zak, Scarborough ON WERYHO, Jan, Montreal PQ SAATI, Jack, Scarborough ON ZAIYOUNA, Ahsan, Thornhill ON

______Journal of the Canadian Society for Syriac Studies 3 (2003) - Page 90 Titles in Syriaca

VISIT US ON WWW.GORGIASPRESS.COM

NEW SERIES NEW TITLES Gorgias Dissertations dissemi- Sebastian P. Brock, The Bible in the nates outstanding doctoral dis- Syriac Tradition (translated into sertations in Early Christian Syriac by Eugene Aydin). Studies, Near Eastern Studies, George Kiraz, Comparative Edition and various related disciplines. of the Syriac Gospels: Aligning the Paperback. Sinaiticus, Curetonianus, Peshitta and Harklean Versions (2nd edition).

Eastern Christian Studies, a Aho Shemunkasho, Healing in the co-publication with Notre Theology of Saint Ephrem. Dame University, is dedicated J. Steppa, John Rufus and the World Vision of Anti- to the study of the Christian Chalcedonian Culture. East. Both texts (with transla- Wilson, Jan. The Old Syriac Gospels, Studies and Com- tions) and studies receive due parative Translations; 2 vols. attention. Hardback. NEW REPRINTS Gorgias Historical Texts Joseph Assemani, Bibliotheca Orientalis Clementino- makes available rare publica- Vaticana. tions of historical texts, with English translation when avail- F. C. Burkitt, Evangelion Da-Mepharreshe, The Cure- able, from the ancient and me- tonian Version of the [Old Syriac] Gospels. dieval worlds. Includes many W. Hatch, An Album of Dated Syriac Manuscripts Syriac volumes. Hardback. (with a new introduction by Lucas Van Rompay). Segal, J. B. Edessa 'The Blessed City’, economy & The following series are coming soon… deluxe premium editions. Studies in Syriac Lexicography, and many more… edited by Terry Falla. Texts and Studies, Third Series, DISTRIBUTORS FOR... edited by D.C. Parker & D.G.K. Taylor. Sebastian P. Brock et al., The Hidden Syriac Manuscripts from India, Pearl: The Syrian Orthodox Church and Its edited by Istvan Perczel et al. Ancient Aramaic Heritage, 3 illustrated Cultures in Dialogue: Orientalism, vols + 3 video tapes. Occidentalism, and Women’s Writ- Antoine K Harb, The Maronites: History ing, edited by Teresa Heffernan & and Constants (Illustrated album). Reina Lewis.

www.gorgiaspress.com 46 Orris Ave., Piscataway, NJ 08854. Fax. 732-699-0342 The Canadian Society for Syriac Studies La Société Canadienne des Etudes Syriaques

Programme of Activities for 2003-2004

CSSS Symposium III, November 22, 2003

Cultural Highlights in Syriac Christianity

Chair: Dr. Adam Lehto, University of Toronto

The Image of the Mirror of the Heart in Syriac literature Dr. Sebastian Brock, Oxford University

King Khusro the Second and the Christians of his Kingdom Dr. Geoffrey Greatrex, University of Ottawa

Syriac Culture at a Crossroad: The 13th Century Monastery of St Behnam Dr. Amir Harrak, University of Toronto

The Altar in Byzantium and Syria: Form and Meaning Ms Marica Cassis, University of Toronto

Public Lectures

January 21, 2004 Aphrahat’s Demonstrations and the Discourses of Philoxenus: A Test Case in the Hellenization of Syriac Spirituality Dr. Adam Lehto, University of Toronto

March 3, 2004 St Jacob of Serugh: His Life, Scholarship, Orthodoxy and Writings Very Rev. Dr. Joseph Tarzi, St Ephraim’s Cathedral, Burbank

April 14, 2004 The Angelology in the Hexaemeron of Jacob of Edessa Dr. Marina Greatrex, University of Ottawa

CSSS

The Canadian Society for Syriac Studies

Department of Near and Middle Eastern Civilizations University of Toronto 4 Bancroft Avenue Toronto, Ontario, Canada M5S 1C1

Phone: 416-978-3184 Fax: 416-978-3305 Email: [email protected]