ECA 2 (2005), p. 121-126; doi: 10.2143 / ECA.2.0.2004554 Syrian Orthodox Attitudes to the Pilgrimage to Jerusalem Herman TEULE INTRODUCTION When we go somewhat back in history, we have much less evidence about the journey to Jerusalem, In the interesting and well documented study on the although again the infrastructure in Jerusalem sug- history of the monasteries and churches of Mardin gests a virtually permanent presence of Jacobite pil- and surroundings published by the Syrian Orthodox grims5. This is confirmed by the popularity of the priest, Gabriyel Akyüz, one finds a picture of a honorific title al-maqdisi, maqdsoyo or muqsi which proskynetarion, which some pious Syrian Orthodox was given, in Arabic, Syriac or ™uroyo, to West pilgrims had brought to their home city as a souvenir Syrian pilgrims to Jerusalem especially in the six- of their pilgrimage to Jerusalem. This proskynetarion teenth and seventeenth centuries, possibly in imita- now hangs on the wall of the venerable Church of tion of the Muslim title Ìajji 6. For the end of the Mart Smuni in the outskirts of Mardin1. Like the fifteenth century, we should mention the pilgrim- Christians of the other oriental and Eastern churches, age of some people from the village of Beth Sbirino the Syrian Orthodox were great supporters of a pil- in Tur ‘Abdin. An elaborate description of this long grimage to the Holy City. In their case, the journey and difficult journey is given in the appendix to was much facilitated by the presence of some infra- Gregory Bar ‘Ebroyo’s Chronicon civile 7. This vol- structure in Jerusalem, where they could find shelter ume devoted to the study of presents brought from in their own monasteries. This popularity is con- Jerusalem contains one interesting detail: when trav- firmed by an Arabic inscription, which commemo- elling back through Syria to their home village, the rates the renovation of St Mark’s Monastery and states pilgrims were, according to the chronicler, ill-treated that, in this monastery, ‘renowned among the Syri- by the Lord of the city of Gargar and deprived of ans in Jerusalem the Holy, to which people flock their ‘girdles, crosses (zunnore waÒlibe) and other from every region and (from all) countries … new provisions’. These girdles were not, as one transla- monks’ cells and courtyards and an iwan were built, tor seems to suggest, their personal belts, but rather, a lodging (manzil) for visitors, be they spiritual broth- together with the crosses, presents which they had ers or monks.’2. Apparently, St Mark’s Monastery taken from Jerusalem to distribute to the people of attracted many Jacobite visitors in the beginning of their village. the nineteenth century, the date of this inscription Apart from the infrastructure in Jerusalem we do (1833). Another inscription (in Karshuni) from this not have much information about the practical period informs us that important renovation works details of the pilgrimage to Jerusalem in the nine- in the same monastery were financed by the believ- teenth century. I would, therefore, like to discuss ers in Syria, an indication that the maintenance of a a Syrian Orthodox text on the pilgrimage to good infrastructure in Jerusalem was important to them3. Still another one, also in Karshuni, suggests a great number of visitors from Syria in the middle of 1 Akyüz 1998, 69. 2 the nineteenth century and refers to lumm t, travel- Palmer/van Gelder 1994, 40 and 41. a 3 Palmer/van Gelder 1994, 45: the Metropolitan of Edessa 4 ling parties, arriving at the monastery . Hopefully, undertook these renovations from his own money and that these lummat were more than just travelling parties of the believers in Syria. or tourists, but also included the spiritual brothers of 4 Palmer/van Gelder 1994, 47-48. 5 the previous inscription. From the same inscriptions Cf. Palmer 1991; Palmer 1992. 6 Kaufhold 1991, 49-53. it appears that in this period also many Jacobite 7 Wallis Budge 1932 (reprint 1976), l-lii (translation) and pilgrims from India visited the Holy City. fol. 200r, col 2-201r; cf. Palmer 1991, 21-24. 121 Jerusalem, which was composed as early as in the long as one has not performed the pilgrimage to thirteenth century, but, judging from the number of Jerusalem, seems exaggerated and is certainly not manuscripts copied in the eighteenth and nineteenth corroborated by what we find in the literary sources. centuries, must have been extremely popular in the To give an example: we are relatively well-informed period under discussion. The original language was about the ascetical practices of the West Syrian Syriac, but its popularity is also shown by the fact monks, many collections of ascetic rules have been that in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries at preserved, with detailed descriptions of the life of a least three different translations were made into Ara- monk, inside and outside a monastery, but no allu- bic, mainly in the region of Damascus, where the sion can be found to the pilgrimage to Jerusalem10. Syrian Orthodox no longer understood Syriac. We Apparently, the journey to the Holy City was not have seen that the Jerusalem pilgrimage was espe- important enough to deserve a place in the differ- cially popular among the Christians from Syria. ent sets of monastic rules. The same holds true for In order to have a better understanding of the the chronicles of monasteries or the juridical com- mentality and even the spirituality of the Syrian pilations. The reason is simple and is given by Bar Orthodox pilgrimage to Jerusalem in the seven- ‘Ebroyo, who approvingly quotes a letter written by teenth and eighteenth centuries, it seems worth- some anonymous solitary from the East and while to investigate this text more closely. It is found addressed to one of his colleagues: ‘Everyone tries in the Ethicon a well-known book by Gregory Bar hard to go to Jerusalem on high; how could you ‘Ebroyo (b al-’Ibri), which can best be characterized leave for Jerusalem on earth? Such a matter would as a work on spirituality rather than on ethics, as not be the desire of a watchful mind …. Stay there- the title suggests. It was written not only for monks fore in your cell and strive to abide in your inner and priests – and this makes it unique and explains self …, for you are Jerusalem yourself!’11. its popularity –, but also for laymen, ‘olmoye, secu- lar people living in the world. It is divided into four But this is not all. Bar ‘Ebroyo, a man of great pas- parts. The first memro deals with a number of devo- toral experience – this is exactly why he wrote his tional practices such as prayer, singing, fasting, spir- Book of Ethics –, recognizes that not all believers are itual retreat, etc. The ninth and last chapter of this up to this ‘sublime opinion’, as he puts it, of monks memro is devoted to the pilgrimage to Jerusalem, and ascetics. Therefore, one should not reject the the last but one to travelling in general8. practice of many of them, the bnay Qyomo, the covenanters, or secular people, who leave for THE PILGRIMAGE TO JERUSALEM IN BARHEBRAEUS’S Jerusalem in order to be blessed by their visit to the ETHICON Lord’s Sepulchre or the other Holy Places. For Bar ‘Ebroyo, a general disapproval of the pilgrimage The author begins this chapter with a discussion would be all the more misplaced, since one has to whether the pilgrimage to the Holy City is allowed recognize that many people really benefit from their and not detrimental to spiritual life. This should not journey to Jerusalem and grow in ardour for good surprise us. In the spiritual literature written by the works. Syrians we hardly find any reference to the pilgrim- He therefore composes a number of qonune, age to Jerusalem. One should certainly not think rules, which indicate the best conditions for the that great numbers of monks and ascetics crowded journey. together towards the Holy City. The statement of The first is that, before leaving, the pilgrim Father Fiey9 that one cannot be a genuine monk as should repent of what he has done wrong. If there remain affairs to be settled with the people who stay behind, he should do so. He should leave for 8 For a discussion of the different Arabic versions, see Ethicon Jerusalem without ulterior motives, such as selling (transl.), XIII-XVII. For the number of Syriac mss of the or buying goods, for, with a word-play in Syriac, 18th and 19th cent, see Ethicon (text), V-XXII and H. Taka- worldly (‘olmonoyo) trade is an impediment to hashi in the bibliographical appendix to his dissertation eternal (‘olminoyo) commerce. The pilgrim should (Takashaki 2002, 59*-62*). 9 Fiey 1969, 126. take with him enough honestly earned money; if 10 Cf. Teule 1994. possible he should think of taking something extra 11 Ethicon, 122 (transl.: 104). in order to help less privileged travellers. 122 A number of canons are devoted to the inner too, like Mary Magdelene, cry out Hosanna in the attitude of the pilgrim. His act of devotion must be Highest, when like the children you go through the a conscious one and he must be aware of the reli- streets of Jerusalem, and (again with a word-play in gious reasons of his pilgrimage: ‘In his heart, the Syriac) drink (asti) with him vinegar, so that you (pilgrim) must reflect on where he is going and to may rejoice at the wedding banquet (mastuto), die Whom and for what reason.’12. with him so that, like him, you will be raised at his This inner disposition should become visible in resurrection.