Rights of the People and National Emergency (1975-77): a Critical Analysis of a Debatable Era of Indian Politics

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Rights of the People and National Emergency (1975-77): a Critical Analysis of a Debatable Era of Indian Politics International Journal of Management (IJM) Volume 11, Issue 11, November 2020, pp. 1212-1221. Article ID: IJM_11_11_114 Available online at http://iaeme.com/Home/issue/IJM?Volume=11&Issue=11 Journal Impact Factor (2020): 10.1471 (Calculated by GISI) www.jifactor.com ISSN Print: 0976-6502 and ISSN Online: 0976-6510 DOI: 10.34218/IJM.11.11.2020.114 © IAEME Publication Scopus Indexed RIGHTS OF THE PEOPLE AND NATIONAL EMERGENCY (1975-77): A CRITICAL ANALYSIS OF A DEBATABLE ERA OF INDIAN POLITICS Violet Hazarika Dibrugarh University, Assam, India ABSTRACT Democracy is the most celebrated political ideology in today's context all over the world. Passing through an asymmetric trajectory, the Indian State has emerged to be the largest democracy in the world. The Indian Constitution, which guarantees a democratic polity and equal rights to its people, also contains some provisions that give vast power to the State machinery. Here, reference could be made to the Emergency Provisions of the Indian Constitution, which empower the State with enormous power that sometimes causes infringement of the rights of its people as well. The study attempts to investigate and scrutinize the role of the Indian state in providing the rights of its people during the imposition of National Emergency in 1975-77 Key words: Democracy; Emergency; Rights; Press censorship; Arbitrary Acts. Cite this Article: Violet Hazarika, Rights of the People and National Emergency (1975-77): A Critical Analysis of a Debatable Era of Indian Politics, International Journal of Management, 11(11), 2020, pp 1212-1221. http://iaeme.com/Home/issue/IJM?Volume=11&Issue=11 1. INTRODUCTION The development of the political temperament across the globe, progressively paved the way for the emergence of State as the most dominant institution of the political structure and placed it in the core of entire power-authority relationship. Most of the States, in the contemporary time opted for the democratic approach of operation for the welfare of its people. Democracy, as a political manner of State functioning, comes with various other dimensions which are essential for a dignified life of the people. Rights, liberty, equality, justice, freedom are some values which encompass democracy and people are very aware about these values these days. These inter-allied concepts have been in the political discourse for centuries, but with the advent of the modern State exercising enormous power (in most of the time legitimate power), the rights-based politics and political discourse have moved http://iaeme.com/Home/journal/IJM 1212 [email protected] Rights of the People and National Emergency (1975-77): A Critical Analysis of a Debatable Era of Indian Politics through a topsy-turvy terrain. There are many examples in history as to how people’s rights have been violated by repressive States. The Indian experience since independence is also not so pleasant in this regard. The present study is qualitative in orientation. The analytical method of social research is applied and data collected from archival sources have been presented with scientific and systematic explanations. Secondary sources viz. books, articles, journals along with government documents and data have been used comprehensively. The primary data are collected from the debates in parliament on important Constitutional Amendments and the judgements of Supreme Court on various such amendments, enacted laws and executive orders. The study begins with a discussion on colonial legacies in the contemporary status of people’s rights in India and throws light on some milestone evidences and explanations of the violation of the rights of the people since independence. Following this, it critically discusses the context of declaring National Emergency in 1975 and its consequences in three sections, i.e. civil rights, arbitrary acts and censorship of press. The final sections discuss the revoke of emergency and the report of the Shah Commission. 2. FROM COLONIAL LEGACIES TO CONTEMPORARY STATUS OF PEOPLE’S RIGHTS IN INDIA Most of the third world countries from Asia, Africa and Latin America became familiar with the European liberal democratic principles during the colonial regime only. The interaction between these countries with the West had a tremendous impact not only on the anti-colonial movements, but also on their society and politics even after their independence from the colonial ruler. It was for the first time that these countries, including India, came across the modern concept of rights, liberty, freedom, justice, secularism, etc. with the advent of western-based modern education. As a result, the people of India became aware about these concepts and started struggling for independence and right to self-governance. The Indian state, since the inception of its independence, is well known for promoting a democratic apparatus in its progression. After getting independence from the British colonisation, India adopted the form of democracy for its people. The inclusion of the concepts of rights, liberty, justice, secularism, etc. in the newly adopted Indian Constitution can be traced back to the time of colonial regime. The new Constitution of India has been empowered with certain basic rights for its people along with the incorporations of Fundamental Rights, Fundamental Duties and Directive Principles of State Policies, which are meant for the upliftment of the dignity of the people of India. Since then the Indian State has taken several active initiatives to promote rights, liberty, freedom, justice and equality of its people. However, in this long trajectory, the Indian State has undergone an asymmetrical experience in debates and movements, between the State and civil society, basically on the issue of rights. Whilst looking at the constitutional provisions, Part III of the Indian Constitution, from Article 12 to 35 deals with the ‘Fundamental Rights’ of the people without any discrimination on the grounds of race, sex, religion, place of birth, language and so on. These rights are incorporated for promoting the notion of democracy, which is functional in preventing the establishment of authoritarian and despotic rule of the State and to protect the liberties and freedom of people from the incursion of the State. Along with the Fundamental Rights, in the Indian Constitution, there are provisions of the Directive Principles of the State Policies (DPSP) in Part IV, from Article 36 to 51, to establish a social and economic democracy in the State. The Fundamental Duties of the citizen are incorporated in the Indian Constitution by the 42nd Constitutional Amendment Act, 1976 on the recommendation of the Swaran Singh http://iaeme.com/Home/journal/IJM 1213 [email protected] Violet Hazarika Committee. The Fundamental Duties are non-justiciable and are also applied only to the citizens of India. 3. EVIDENCE AND EXPLANATIONS OF INFRINGEMENT OF PEOPLE’S RIGHTS IN INDIA However, it would be wrong to assume that all the government initiatives, acts and laws passed by the parliament are in favour of its people, since in many cases these have raised threat to the enjoyment of rights, liberty and freedom of the people. Within the framework of the Indian Constitution, some provisions provide for the scope for suspension of democracy and denial of Fundamental Rights, which in many times leads to the debate on the crisis between the State on one side and the rights of the people on the other. With the monopoly over the legitimate use of force and power, at times, the Indian State has turned out to be a centre of violence and has created what is called as ‘State-sponsored violence’. Here, in this context, some of the controversial acts passed by the Indian government, i.e. Armed Forces Special Power Act, 1958 (AFSPA), Terrorist and Disruptive Activities (prevention) Act (TADA), Prevention of Terrorism Act (POTA) can be pointed out. All of these above- mentioned acts portray the coercive character of the Indian State, which seems to be non- democratic in nature and works as an instrument of infringement of people’s rights to a large extent. Whilst examining the anti-democratic manner of the Indian State and infringement of people’s rights in the post-independence era, apart from the above-mentioned acts and laws, the central focus turns to the Emergency Provisions under Article 352-360 in part XVIII of the Indian Constitution. The basic objective behind the inclusion of these provisions is to uphold the sovereignty, unity, integrity and security of the country, the democratic political system and the constitution. But during the operation of an emergency, the Central Government turns out to be absolutely powerful and the States involuntarily become subordinates of the Centre. It transforms the federal set up of Indian polity into a unitary one without a single amendment of the Constitution. 4. CONTEXT OF THE DECLARATION OF EMERGENCY IN 1975 The National Emergency in India has been proclaimed three times till now, i.e. in 1962, 1971 and 1975. During the Chinese aggression, it was proclaimed for the first time in October, 1962 and was in operation till 1968. As it was in force during the war against Pakistan in 1965, a fresh proclamation was not obligatory at that time. For the second time, it was proclaimed in December, 1971, during the Pakistan war. When the second proclamation was still in force, yet the third National Emergency was proclaimed in June, 1975. Both the second and third proclamation of emergency were revoked in March, 1977. However, the declaration of National Emergency in 1975 is one of the most crucial as well as significant phenomena that has long-lasting political, economic and social impact in the democratic parameter of the post-independent India. The third Declaration of Emergency was unilaterally made by the then Prime Minister Indira Gandhi on 25th of June, 1975 and was in operation for 21 months until its withdrawal on 21st March, 1977.
Recommended publications
  • Red Bengal's Rise and Fall
    kheya bag RED BENGAL’S RISE AND FALL he ouster of West Bengal’s Communist government after 34 years in power is no less of a watershed for having been widely predicted. For more than a generation the Party had shaped the culture, economy and society of one of the most Tpopulous provinces in India—91 million strong—and won massive majorities in the state assembly in seven consecutive elections. West Bengal had also provided the bulk of the Communist Party of India– Marxist (cpm) deputies to India’s parliament, the Lok Sabha; in the mid-90s its Chief Minister, Jyoti Basu, had been spoken of as the pos- sible Prime Minister of a centre-left coalition. The cpm’s fall from power also therefore suggests a change in the equation of Indian politics at the national level. But this cannot simply be read as a shift to the right. West Bengal has seen a high degree of popular mobilization against the cpm’s Beijing-style land grabs over the past decade. Though her origins lie in the state’s deeply conservative Congress Party, the challenger Mamata Banerjee based her campaign on an appeal to those dispossessed and alienated by the cpm’s breakneck capitalist-development policies, not least the party’s notoriously brutal treatment of poor peasants at Singur and Nandigram, and was herself accused by the Communists of being soft on the Maoists. The changing of the guard at Writers’ Building, the seat of the state gov- ernment in Calcutta, therefore raises a series of questions. First, why West Bengal? That is, how is it that the cpm succeeded in establishing
    [Show full text]
  • India Today State of the States Conclave
    INDIA TODAY STATE OF THE STATES CONCLAVE Good morning Ladies & Gentlemen. Welcome to the eighth edition of the India Today State of the States Conclave. I request all our delegates, all our guests to kindly take your seats in the audience. We are ready to go once there is chorum. I request once again all our guests, our delegates to kindly take your seats in the audience. Welcome to the eighth edition of the India Today’s State of the States Conclave. The Conclave was instituted back in 2003. It is India’s first ever ranking of the best and worst States to live in and work in. It is the premier indicator. It has become over the years premier indicator of which states in India have made the best use of liberalization and which are the ones that have fallen behind. It is an extensive study based on various parameters undertaken by economist Dr. Bibek Debroy and Laveesh Bhandari from Indicus. My name is Zakka Jacob. I am your host for the India Today State of the States Conclave and on behalf of the India Today family I would like to welcome each and every one of you to this morning’s function. May I now invite the Chairman and Editor-in-Chief of the India Today group Mr. Aroon Purie for the welcome address. Mr. Purie, please. Aroon Purie Hon’ble Chief Ministers, Ladies & Gentlemen, Good Morning and welcome to eighth India Today State of the States Conclave. When we first came out with State of States Report in 2003, it was more than an innovative idea.
    [Show full text]
  • Khalistan & Kashmir: a Tale of Two Conflicts
    123 Matthew Webb: Khalistan & Kashmir Khalistan & Kashmir: A Tale of Two Conflicts Matthew J. Webb Petroleum Institute _______________________________________________________________ While sharing many similarities in origin and tactics, separatist insurgencies in the Indian states of Punjab and Jammu and Kashmir have followed remarkably different trajectories. Whereas Punjab has largely returned to normalcy and been successfully re-integrated into India’s political and economic framework, in Kashmir diminished levels of violence mask a deep-seated antipathy to Indian rule. Through a comparison of the socio- economic and political realities that have shaped the both regions, this paper attempts to identify the primary reasons behind the very different paths that politics has taken in each state. Employing a distinction from the normative literature, the paper argues that mobilization behind a separatist agenda can be attributed to a range of factors broadly categorized as either ‘push’ or ‘pull’. Whereas Sikh separatism is best attributed to factors that mostly fall into the latter category in the form of economic self-interest, the Kashmiri independence movement is more motivated by ‘push’ factors centered on considerations of remedial justice. This difference, in addition to the ethnic distance between Kashmiri Muslims and mainstream Indian (Hindu) society, explains why the politics of separatism continues in Kashmir, but not Punjab. ________________________________________________________________ Introduction Of the many separatist insurgencies India has faced since independence, those in the states of Punjab and Jammu and Kashmir have proven the most destructive and potent threats to the country’s territorial integrity. Ostensibly separate movements, the campaigns for Khalistan and an independent Kashmir nonetheless shared numerous similarities in origin and tactics, and for a brief time were contemporaneous.
    [Show full text]
  • INTERVIEW 'It’S Outright War and Both Sides Are Choosing Their Weapons'
    Tehelka - The People's Paper Page 1 of 4 EXCLUSIVE INTERVIEW 'It’s outright war and both sides are choosing their weapons' Chhattisgarh. Jharkhand. Bihar. Andhra Pradesh. Signposts of fractures gone too far with too little remedy. Arundhati Roy in conversation with Shoma Chaudhury on the violence rending our heartland There is an atmosphere of growing violence across the country. How do you read the signs? In what context should it be read? You don’t have to be a genius to read the signs. We have a growing middle class, reared on a diet of radical consumerism and aggressive greed. Unlike industrialising Western countries, which had colonies from which to plunder resources and generate slave labour to feed this process, we have to colonise ourselves, our own nether parts. We’ve begun to eat our own limbs. The greed that is being generated (and marketed as a value interchangeable with nationalism) can only be sated by grabbing land, water and resources from the vulnerable. What we’re witnessing is the most successful secessionist struggle ever waged in independent India — the secession of the middle and upper classes from the rest Singur and of the country. It’s a vertical secession, not a lateral one. They’re fighting for the Nandigram right to merge with the world’s elite somewhere up there in the stratosphere. make you They’ve managed to commandeer the resources, the coal, the minerals, the wonder — is bauxite, the water and electricity. Now they want the land to make more cars, more the last stop bombs, more mines — supertoys for the new supercitizens of the new superpower.
    [Show full text]
  • High Court of Delhi Advance Cause List
    HIGH COURT OF DELHI ADVANCE CAUSE LIST LIST OF BUSINESS FOR TH MONDAY, THE 20 MARCH, 2017 INDEX PAGES 1. APPELLATE JURISDICTION 01 TO 48 2. COMPANY JURISDICTION 49 TO 55 3. ORIGINAL JURISDICTION 56 TO 64 4. REGISTRAR GENERAL/ 65 TO 85 REGISTRAR(ORGL.)/ REGISTRAR (ADMN.)/ JOINT REGISTRARS(ORGL). 20.03.2017 1 (APPELLATE JURISDICTION) 20.03.2017 [Note : Unless otherwise specified, before all appellate side courts, fresh matters shown in the supplementary lists will be taken up first.] COURT NO. 1 (DIVISION BENCH-I) HON'BLE THE CHIEF JUSTICE HON'BLE MS.JUSTICE SANGITA DHINGRA SEHGAL FRESH MATTERS & APPLICATIONS ______________________________ 1. LPA 119/2017 M/S SHREEYANS EDUCATIONAL GAGANDEEP SHARMA,KARAN SOCIETY BHARIHOKE,S K TRIPATHI Vs. DELHI DEVELOPMENT AUTHORITY & ORS 2. LPA 167/2017 RAGHAV BUILDCON PRIVATE HRISHIKESH BARUAH,AKSHAY CM APPL. 9558/2017 LIMITED MAKHIJA,H.S. PARIHAR CM APPL. 9559/2017 Vs. UNION OF INDIA AND ORS CM APPL. 9560/2017 3. LPA 172/2017 MASCOT BUILDCON PRIVATE HRISHIKESH BARUAH CM APPL. 10012/2017 LIMTED CM APPL. 10013/2017 Vs. UNION OF INDIA AND ORS CM APPL. 10014/2017 4. CM APPL. 10580/2017 MADANJIT KUMAR RAJAN KUMAR CHOURASIA,VIKAS CM APPL. 10581/2017 Vs. UNION OF INDIA & ORS MAHAJAN In W.P.(C) 658/2017 FOR ADMISSION _______________ 5. LPA 564/2016 VIJAY KUMAR VATS ATUL T N,PEEYOOSH KALRA CM APPL. 38130/2016 Vs. GOVT OF NCT OF DELHI & ANR 6. LPA 83/2017 K M TOMAR RUCHIKA MITTAL,RAJIV KAPUR CM APPL. 4027/2017 Vs. STATE BANK OF INDIA & ORS 7. LPA 137/2017 KANHAYA LAL ASHOK AGARWAL,ANUJ AGGARWAL CM APPL.
    [Show full text]
  • The Political Aco3mxddati0n of Primqpjdial Parties
    THE POLITICAL ACO3MXDDATI0N OF PRIMQPJDIAL PARTIES DMK (India) and PAS (Malaysia) , by Y. Mansoor Marican M.Soc.Sci. (S'pore), 1971 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FL^iDlMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES (Department of. Political Science) We accept this thesis as conforniing to the required standard THE IJNT^RSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA November. 1976 ® Y. Mansoor Marican, 1976. In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the Head of my Department or by his representatives. It is understood that copying or publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. Department of POLITICAL SCIENCE The University of British Columbia 2075 Wesbrook Place Vancouver, Canada V6T 1W5 ABSTRACT This study is rooted in a theoretical interest in the development of parties that appeal mainly to primordial ties. The claims of social relationships based on tribe, race, language or religion have the capacity to rival the civil order of the state for the loyalty of its citizens, thus threatening to undermine its political authority. This phenomenon is endemic to most Asian and African states. Most previous research has argued that political competition in such contexts encourages the formation of primordially based parties whose activities threaten the integrity of these states.
    [Show full text]
  • JCC: East Pakistan Crisis Indian Cabinet Chair: Prateek Swain Crisis Director: Alex Fager
    asdf JCC: East Pakistan Crisis Indian Cabinet Chair: Prateek Swain Crisis Director: Alex Fager JCC: East Pakistan Crisis – India PMUNC 2016 Contents Letter from the Chair…….………………………...……………………...…..3 Introduction………..…….………………………...……………………...…..5 The Situation in the Indian Subcontinent……............……………..……..……7 Setting the Stage…...………………………..……………………….……….…………7 A Brief History of Modern India..…………..……………………….……….…………9 Indo-Pakistani Relations………...…………..………………...….….……….………...10 Domestic Affairs………………………………………………………………….…...12 Current Situation……………………………………….……………………………...13 Committee Positions………..…….………………………...………………..16 2 JCC: East Pakistan Crisis – India PMUNC 2016 Letter from the Chair Dear Delegates, Namaste! I welcome you to the magnum opus of this year’s PMUNC, The JCC: East Pakistan Crisis. My name is Prateek Swain and I will be your chair for the India committee. First, I’ll introduce myself; I will be starting my sophomore year at Princeton and will be majoring in Economics or Woodrow Wilson School of Public Policy (depending on my mood when I have to declare) with a certificate in computer science. I have been debating as well as participating/chairing MUNs since my sophomore year of high school, and have carried on with these endeavors in college. Last year I was the Director for the Korean Reunification Committee at PMUNC, so I’m naturally extremely excited to be chairing this committee and have full faith that it will be a great experience for both you and me. This is certainly not my first crisis, but perhaps the one closest to my heart. Last semester, I took one of those eye opening classes at Princeton on Human Rights with Rebecca (Chair of the Pakistan committee) which set the foundation for this JCC to come into existence.
    [Show full text]
  • Volume Xlv, No. 4 December, 1999 the Journal of Parliamentary Information 1, ______
    VOLUME XLV, NO. 4 DECEMBER, 1999 THE JOURNAL OF PARLIAMENTARY INFORMATION 1, ________________________________________________ VOL. XLV NO.4 DECEMBER 1999 CONTENTS PAGE EDITORiAl NOTE 405 AooREsses . Address by the President to Parliament ARTICLES Public Accounts Committee-Its Role in Ensuring Executive Accountability -G.C. Malhotra 421 Development Discourse on Science Policy in India: The Role of Parliament -Nirmal Haritash and S.A. Nabi 445 PARLIAMENTARY EVENTS AND ACTIVITIES Conferences and Symposia 459 Birth Anniversaries of National Leaders 461 Parliamentary Delegation Visiting India 462 Bureau of Parliamentary Studies and Training 462 PARLIAMENTARY AND CONSTITUTIONAL DEVELOPMENTS 465 SESSIONAl REVIEW State Legislatures 473 BooK REVIEW Archana Sinha, The Crisis of a Hung Parl/ament- The Role of the President -Digvijay Singh 4n SUMMARIES OF BooKS Kaur, Manvinder, Challenges to Secularism in India: The Constitutional Ideal-Polltlcal Process and Prospects 481 Negrine, Ralph, Parliament and the Medla-A Study of Britain, Germany and France 485 Khanna, S.K., Contemporary Indian Politics 488 Fierlbeck, Katherine, Globalizing Democracy-Powsf, Legitimacy and the Interpretatlo" of Democratic Ideas 490, RECENT LITERATURE OF PARLIAMENTARY INTEREST 494 APPENDICES I. Statement showing the work transacted during the Fourth Session of the Twelfth lok Sabha 504 II. Statement showing the work transacted during the One Hundred and Eighty-sixth Session of the Rajya Sabha III. Statement showing the activities of the legislatures of the States and the Union territories during the period 1 July to 30 September 1999 511 IV. list of Bills passed by the Houses of Parliament and assented to by the President during the period 1 July to 30 September 1999 518 V.
    [Show full text]
  • 4 Patrimonial and Programmatic Talking About Democracy in a South Indian Village
    4 Patrimonial and Programmatic Talking about Democracy in a South Indian Village PAMELA PRICE AND DUSI SRINIVAS How do people in India participate politically, as citizens, clients and/or subjects?1 This query appears in various forms in ongoing debates concerning the extent and nature of civil society, the pitfalls of patronage democracy, and the role of illegal- ity in political practice, to name a few of the several concerns about political spheres in India. A focus for discussion has been the relationship of civil society institutions (with associated principles of equality and fairness) to political spheres driven mainly by political parties and to what Partha Chatterjee desig- nated as ‘political society’.2 Since 2005, with the publication of the monograph, Seeing the State: Governance and Governmentality in India (Corbridge et al.), there is growing support for the argument that political cultures and practices in India, from place to place and time to time, to greater and lesser degrees, include 1. Thanks to those who commented on earlier drafts of this piece when it was presented at the Department of Political Science at the University of Hyderabad, the South Asia Symposium in Oslo, and at the workshop ‘Practices and Experiences of Democracy in Post-colonial Locali- ties’, part of the conference, ‘Democracy as Idea and Practice’ organized by the University of Oslo. We are grateful to K.C. Suri for suggesting the term ‘programmatic’ in our discussions of the findings here. Thanks to the editors of this volume, David Gilmartin and Sten Widmalm for reading and commenting on this piece.
    [Show full text]
  • The Journal of Parliamentary Information
    The Journal of Parliamentary Information VOLUME LVII NO. 1 MARCH 2011 LOK SABHA SECRETARIAT NEW DELHI CBS Publishers & Distributors Pvt. Ltd. 24, Ansari Road, Darya Ganj, New Delhi-2 2009 issue, EDITORIAL BOARD Editor : T.K. Viswanathan Secretary-General Lok Sabha Associate Editor : P.K. Misra Joint Secretary Lok Sabha Secretariat Assistant Editors : Kalpana Sharma Director Lok Sabha Secretariat Pulin B. Bhutia Joint Director Lok Sabha Secretariat Sanjeev Sachdeva Joint Director Lok Sabha Secretariat © Lok Sabha Secretariat, New Delhi for approval. THE JOURNAL OF PARLIAMENTARY INFORMATION VOLUME LVII NO. 1 MARCH 2011 CONTENTS PAGE EDITORIAL NOTE 1 ADDRESSES Inaugural Address by the Speaker, Lok Sabha, Smt. Meira Kumar at the Fourth Conference of CPA India and Asia Regions, Raipur, 25-29 October 2010 3 Address by His Excellency, Mr. Barack H. Obama, President of the United States of America, to members of Parliament 8 PARLIAMENTARY EVENTS AND ACTIVITIES Conferences and Symposia 21 Birth Anniversaries of National Leaders 25 Exchange of Parliamentary Delegations 27 Bureau of Parliamentary Studies and Training 29 PARLIAMENTARY AND CONSTITUTIONAL DEVELOPMENTS 31 SESSIONAL REVIEW Lok Sabha 43 Rajya Sabha 52 State Legislatures 54 RECENT LITERATURE OF PARLIAMENTARY INTEREST 60 APPENDICES I. Statement showing the work transacted during the Sixth Session of the Fifteenth Lok Sabha 64 II. Statement showing the work transacted during the Two Hundred and Twenty-first Session of the Rajya Sabha 70 (iv) III. Statement showing the activities of the Legislatures of the States and Union Territories during the period 1 October to 31 December 2010 75 IV. List of Bills passed by the Houses of Parliament and assented to by the President during the period 1 October to 31 December 2010 82 V.
    [Show full text]
  • Naxalism in India Naxalism
    Best Personal Counseling & Guidance about SSB Contact - R S Rathore @ 9001262627 visit us - www.targetssbinterview.com Naxalism in India The word Naxal, Naxalite or Naksalvadi is a generic term used to refer to militant Communist groups operating in different parts of India under different organizational envelopes. In the eastern states of the mainland India (Bihar, West Bengal and Orissa), they are usually known as, or refer to themselves as Maoists while in southern states like Kerala they are known under other titles. They have been declared as a terrorist organization under the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act of India (1967). The term 'Naxal' derives from the name of the village Naxalbari in the state of West Bengal, India, where the movement had its origin. The Naxals are considered far-left radical communists, supportive of Maoist political sentiment and ideology. Their origin can be traced to the split in 1967 of the Communist Party of India (Marxist), leading to the formation of the Communist Party of India (Marxist–Leninist). Initially the movement had its centre in West Bengal. In later years, it spread into less developed areas of rural central and eastern India, such as Chhattisgarh, Orissa and Andhra Pradesh through the activities of underground groups like the Communist Party of India (Maoist). As of 2009, Naxalites were active across approximately 220 districts in twenty states of India accounting for about 40 percent of India's geographical area, They are especially concentrated in an area known as the "Red corridor", where they control 92,000 square kilometers. According to India's intelligence agency, the Research and Analysis Wing, 20,000 armed cadre Naxalites were operating in addition to 50,000 regular cadres and their growing influence prompted Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh to declare them to be the most serious internal threat to India's national security.
    [Show full text]
  • Rajya Sabha Statistical Information 1952-2018
    Hindi version of this Publication is also available PARLIAMENT OF INDIA RAJYA SABHA STATISTICAL INFORMATION 1952-2018 RAJYA SABHA SECRETARIAT NEW DELHI 2019 © RAJYA SABHA SECRETARIAT Website: http://parliamentofindia.nic.in http://rajyasabha.nic.in E-mail: [email protected] Price: 920/- PUBLISHED BY SECRETARY-GENERAL, RAJYA SABHA AND PRINTED BY JAINCO ART INDIA, 13/10, W.E.A. SARASWATI MARG, KAROL BAGH, NEW DELHI-110 005. CONTENTS RAJYA SABHA STATISTICAL INFORMATION (1952-2018) PAGE(S) Preface ....................................................................................................... (v) Introduction ............................................................................................... (vii) Abbreviations ............................................................................................. (ix-xii) Chapter I Officers of the House and Parties: Chairmen ............................................................................................... 1 Deputy Chairmen .................................................................................. 2 Leaders of the House............................................................................. 3 Leaders of the Opposition..................................................................... 4 Secretaries/Secretaries-General ............................................................ 5 Present allocation of seats to States/Union Territories ....................... 6 Party-wise break-up of seats of political parties ................................. 7-10
    [Show full text]