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												  The Bougainville Bulletin Edition 11 2017Edition 11 - December 2017 Free copy, not for sale Our voice, Our image, Our place Email: [email protected] | us AutonomousBougainvilleGovernment | www.abg.gov.pg BOUGAINVILLE TO BE MAJOR BOUGAINVILLE ECONOMIC DECLARED PROJECTS UPDATE DEVELOPMENT WEAPONS-FREE Page 6 Page 10 Page 14 AROB-PNG Women unite leaders talk Women of Bougainville have met on the 16th anniversary of the signing of the Peace referendum Agreement to discuss unification and their leadership role in Bougainville’s future. he long deferred TJoint Supervisory Body (JSB) meeting between the Autonomous B o u g a i n v i l l e Government and the National Government has been scheduled for the 14-15 December. In a special parliament convened on 22 November President Chief Dr John Momis said some of the agendas are outstanding from previous JSB meetings, while others are focused on referendum preparations. A key issue for discussion will be the eputy Speaker • Discuss unification “In the early part of the recent formation of the DFrancesca Semoso, and solidarity to promote peace process you risked Bougainville R e f e r has brought Bougainville women’s empowerment and your lives going into the e n d u m Commission women together to discuss advance their participation jungles to persuade your and the urgency to their leadership role as in political processes. husbands, children and operationalize it. the region prepares for Ms Semoso said women relatives to put down “We need to appoint referendum. Held at should be educated about weapons and join the peace Commissioners, agree Parliament House, Speaker the roles of the parliament, process,” Hon Hamal said.
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												  Political ReviewsPolitical Reviews The Region in Review: International Issues and Events, 2017 nic maclellan Melanesia in Review: Issues and Events, 2017 volker boege, mathias chauchat, alumita durutalo, joseph daniel foukona, budi hernawan, michael leach, james stiefvater The Contemporary Pacic, Volume 30, Number 2, 461–547 © 2018 by University of Hawai‘i Press 461 Melanesia in Review: Issues and Events, 2017 Vanuatu is not reviewed in this issue. As a consequence, disgruntled young Bougainvilleans brought the mine to a Bougainville standstill through acts of sabotage in In 2017, the Autonomous Region of late 1988. The GoPNG sent its police Bougainville in Papua New Guinea riot squads and later its military to the (PNG) entered its final and decisive island and declared a state of emer- stage of peacebuilding, with prepara- gency on Bougainville in June 1989. tions for a referendum on the future Opponents of the mine established political status of the region com- the Bougainville Revolutionary Army mencing in earnest. Peacebuilding on (bra), which took up the fight against Bougainville began in the late 1990s the PNG security forces. Fighting that after a decade-long violent conflict. started in central Bougainville soon During the conflict, Bougainvilleans spread across the whole island. The suffered from the collapse of basic bra adopted a secessionist stance and services such as health and education called for political independence for and the breakdown of infrastructure Bougainville. bra fighters managed and public administration. Out of the to overrun and shut down the mine almost 20,000 Bougainvilleans who at an early stage of the war, and it has lost their lives, only a minority were remained closed ever since.
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												  Presidential Candidates (2010 – 2015)Bougainville presidential candidates (2010 – 2015) This is a brief commentary on the main candidates vying for President in the second ABG and Bougainville parliamentary elections. The views expressed are opinions based on my own observations as well as views deduced from others from conversations on my recent visits to the Island. These views and comments should not be taken as gospel truth. They may assist voters in making considered choices and preferences. 1. James Tanis, incumbent President: Mr Tanis has served as a transitional President following a bye-election 13 months ago; took over at a difficult time at the height of questions and suspicions about Invincible and BRDC and when reconciliation and issues of unsurrendered arms needed political guidance and dealt with decisively to get leadership back on track and restore confidence and trust in ABG; Tanis chose Ezekiel Massat from Buka Island as his Vice President and this has provided a strong, loyal and highly committed political team in discussions with the National Government and many donor countries and agencies. Tanis won his last election through a very condensed, savvy and tactical campaign in villages and communities. He is all too aware that the race to the end is determined by all votes cast; that is to say the second and third preferences are absolutely significant in determining the final outcome. A summary of President Tanis’ achievements in his short Presidency include: a) Proactive involvement by ABG in enabling Panguna landowners to recommence and complete 90% of their reconciliations. Tunis’s personal involvement at community level was a marked departure from the lip service and empty promises by his predecessor and other provincial and national leaders from the area in responding to requests to get ahead with reconciliations in Panguna.
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												  A Stitch in Time: Preserving Peace on Bougainville 3SPECIAL REPORT November 2013 A stitch in time Preserving peace on Bougainville Peter Jennings and Karl Claxton Executive summary This report sets out a plan that Australia should adopt now to help deliver a sustainable solution for the future From late 1997 to mid-2003, Australia at first supported and of Bougainville. The proposal is designed to help prevent then led a pathbreaking unarmed regional peacekeeping the need for a costly military intervention of the type seen mission that helped end a decade of conflict on Bougainville. so regularly in the Pacific in the past 15 years. A concerted The mission ensured that large-scale fighting didn’t resume pre-referendum focus on peacebuilding in Bougainville, and bought time to prepare for a more measured and coordinated with regional partners, will forestall the need for orderly future political settlement. Sadly, those preparations a Timor or Solomon Islands-style stabilisation later. haven’t been sufficient to give confidence that a workable political settlement has taken shape. The Papua New Guinea Government, donors, neighbours and officials on Bougainville have failed to build the capacity needed by the Autonomous Bougainville Government (ABG) to remediate the causes of the 1990s conflict. Bougainvilleans do not yet have realistic options to choose either autonomy or independence. Although there have been some positive developments, most indicators are far from encouraging as the 2015–20 window for a referendum approaches. Misunderstandings between Port Moresby and the ABG persist, while Bougainville remains a deeply divided society. Economic imperatives to resume mining add new pressures. The most likely referendum outcome at the moment—Papua New Guinea refusing to ratify a clear but far from unanimous vote for an independence Bougainville is utterly unprepared for—would be destabilising.
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												  Full List of Candidates for the Second Autonomous Bougainville Government General Elections 201011.04.2010 FULL LIST OF CANDIDATES FOR THE SECOND AUTONOMOUS BOUGAINVILLE GOVERNMENT GENERAL ELECTIONS 2010 * Sitting members are designated with an asterisk KOMPLETTE KANDIDATENLISTE FÜR DIE ZWEITEN ALLGEMEINEN WAHLEN ZUM AUTONOMOUS BOUGAINVILLE GOVERNMENT 2010 * Parlamentsmitglieder der vorangegangen Wahlperiode sind mit einem Sternchen versehen 2010 BOUGAINVILLE PRESIDENTIAL ELECTORATE PRÄSIDENTSCHAFTSKANDIDATEN 2010 FÜR BOUGAINVILLE ROBERT ATSIR JOHN MOMIS JAMES TANIS* REUBEN SIARA MARTIN MIRIORI SYLVETER NIU MAGDALENE ITONA TOROANSI 2 NORTH BOUGAINVILLE EX COMBATANTS ELECTORATE FRANCIS BOISIVERE FRANCO HOPPING PETER JOHN BARIK VINCENT VAGASI EDDIE MOHIN BEN MALATAN KORUS JEFFERY MAGUM DAVID TSIKA KORANA RATSI MARCELLINE GETSI LARIS* ATOLLS ELECTORATE (MORTLOCKS/CARTERETS) THOMAS BIKTA FRANK PASINI MARENA BERNARD TUNIM TAEHU KEALI PAIS PAUL TSUBE HAGOGOHE ELECTORATE (BUKA ISLAND) GEORGE KUSI ROBERT HAMAL SAWA* LEO KEHALI GERALD HANETTE DONALD POSONDI PETER SOHIA 3 HAKU ELECTORATE (BUKA ISLAND) JANUARIUS TENEVI* JAMES L BEANI LAWRENCE M KUMANGIN PAUL KEHONO LAWRENCE CHICKA PHILIP KUNES THOMAS DION SOHIA JOEL HIRIATS RICHARD LAHIS LYONS BENJAMIN MURUNA JOSEPH LULUT WESLEY TSURUMI HUBERT H.TOBASI HENRY PETER ONSA GERARD HOLAN RIMANI ANTHONY TSIRINGIN SAM TULO JOHN KOMARIN JAMES KITARAO MICHAEL LATU KORAN HALIA ELECTORATE (BUKA ISLAND) DAMIEN KORA PAUL HATERA CLETUS HAREPA MARTIN GIRIS SAREI ALPHONSE RATSI 4 PATRICK NISIRA* BOWEN RAGU LEO SOLI BORDGER SAMU SEMOSO CHRISTOPHER KABOBO ALEX SILA PEIT ELECTORATE (BUKA ISLAND) DR ALEXIUS SAREI
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												  9. Interpreting the Conflict in Summary9. Interpreting the conflict in summary This chapter summarises key features of how the Bougainville case will be coded for Peacebuilding Compared. Table 9.1 summarises some key codes that define the section headings in the structure of the chapter. Table 9.1 Summary of some Bougainville codes; 650 other variables are coded Structural factors at root of conflict ‘Consensus’ among analysts that this was a factor or ‘contested but credible’ as a possible factor? Colonialism breeds Bougainvillean Contested but credible resentment against specific forms of exploitation by Australia and a Bougainvillean identity resistant to rule from the capital General breakdown in law and order. Contested but credible Anomie in a chaotic PNG state A qualified ‘resource curse’ of copper Consensus and gold that comes to tempt Francis Ona, Sandline, the PNG state and others to violence. Immigration of ethnic others (especially Consensus highlanders) to Bougainville Proximate factors The BCL mine displaces communities, Consensus destroys the environment, distributes royalties unjustly and opens local divisions between generations and between haves and have-nots Human rights abuses, arson and Consensus payback from PNG security forces Decisions not to renegotiate the BCL Contested but credible agreement in 1981 and 1988 in accord with 1974 agreement Myriad local proximate factors such as Consensus land disputes, sorcery, grabs for local political ascendency Key triggering incidents Demolition of electricity pylons Consensus Rape/murder of nurse Consensus 103
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												  Bougainville's President Toroama: Part Three – a Candidate in Four Elections 2010–20Published on June 29, 2021 Bougainville President Ishmael Toroama (right) at the launch of Halia Constituency's Development PlanAutonomous ( Bougainville Government/Facebook) Bougainville’s President Toroama: part three – a candidate in four elections 2010–20 By Anthony Regan This is the final in a three-part series discussing the little-known record and the leadership attributes of the newly elected (September 2020) President of Bougainville, Ishmael Toroama. This part discusses his candidature in four Link: Page 1 of 6 https://devpolicy.org/bougainvilles-president-toroama-part-three-a-candidate-in-four-elections-2010- 20-20210629/ Date downloaded: September 25, 2021 Published on June 29, 2021 elections in Bougainville since 2010 and considers the extent of, and the likely reasons for, his success in the 2020 Autonomous Bougainville Government (ABG) presidential election. It concludes with a brief comment on how his record has prepared him for the role of president, particularly in relation to post-referendum consultations with the Papua New Guinea (PNG) government about the future political status of Bougainville. A candidate in four elections 2010-20 Toroama first stood for election in 2010. The unexpected mid-2008 death of the first ABG president, Joseph Kabui (elected in mid-2005), apparently made Toroama attempt a move from a now-ended ‘military’ role into a political role, where he could support the pursuit of independence through political activities. In the 2010 ABG general election, he stood for South Nasioi, one of the 33 single- member constituencies in the ABG House of Representatives. Hecame second, gaining 707 votes to the winner’s 817.
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												  Partnering for PeacePartnering for Peace Australia’s peacekeeping and peacebuilding experiences in the Autonomous Region of Bougainville in Papua New Guinea, and in Solomon Islands and Timor-Leste. www.acmc.gov.au Acknowledgements We are grateful for the guidance of the Permanent Representative of Papua New Guinea to the United Nations, Ambassador Robert G. Aisi, the Permanent Representative of Solomon Islands to the United Nations, Ambassador Collin Beck and the Permanent Representative of Timor-Leste to the United Nations, Ambassador Sofia Borges. We thank Ambassador Noel Sinclair, CARICOM Permanent Observer to the United Nations, for generously sharing his experiences as former UN Head of Mission in Bougainville. Australia’s Permanent Representative to the United Nations, Gary Quinlan, is acknowledged as the driving force behind this project. The report was produced through a collaborative process led by the Australian Civil-Military Centre with funding and support from the Australian Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade (DFAT), the Australian Department of Defence, the Australian Agency for International Development (AusAID) and the Australian Federal Police (AFP). Special thanks to the officials of these agencies who shared their experiences, knowledge and expertise. In particular, Graeme Wilson and Peter Heyward provided substantial input and assisted with the finalisation of the report. Support was also provided by Sarah Shteir and Pia Simonsen. A large number of Australian government staff overseas contributed time and assistance. Significant input was provided by the Australian Permanent Mission to the United Nations. Australian officials in Papua New Guinea, Solomon Islands and Timor-Leste also provided valuable assistance. For their expert input and comments, thanks to Satish Chand, Jim Della-Giacoma, Gordon Peake, Anthony Regan, James Tanis, Paul Tovua, Robert Breen and Edward Wolfers.
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											Preserving Peace on BougainvilleSPECIAL REPORT November 2013 A stitch in time Preserving peace on Bougainville Peter Jennings and Karl Claxton Executive summary This report sets out a plan that Australia should adopt now to help deliver a sustainable solution for the future From late 1997 to mid-2003, Australia at first supported and of Bougainville. The proposal is designed to help prevent then led a pathbreaking unarmed regional peacekeeping the need for a costly military intervention of the type seen mission that helped end a decade of conflict on Bougainville. so regularly in the Pacific in the past 15 years. A concerted The mission ensured that large-scale fighting didn’t resume pre-referendum focus on peacebuilding in Bougainville, and bought time to prepare for a more measured and coordinated with regional partners, will forestall the need for orderly future political settlement. Sadly, those preparations a Timor or Solomon Islands-style stabilisation later. haven’t been sufficient to give confidence that a workable political settlement has taken shape. The Papua New Guinea Government, donors, neighbours and officials on Bougainville have failed to build the capacity needed by the Autonomous Bougainville Government (ABG) to remediate the causes of the 1990s conflict. Bougainvilleans do not yet have realistic options to choose either autonomy or independence. Although there have been some positive developments, most indicators are far from encouraging as the 2015–20 window for a referendum approaches. Misunderstandings between Port Moresby and the ABG persist, while Bougainville remains a deeply divided society. Economic imperatives to resume mining add new pressures. The most likely referendum outcome at the moment—Papua New Guinea refusing to ratify a clear but far from unanimous vote for an independence Bougainville is utterly unprepared for—would be destabilising.
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												  Bougainville: Large-Scale Mining and Risks of Conflict RecurrenceBougainville: Large-scale Mining and Risks of Conflict Recurrence Anthony J. Regan Research on conflict resolution suggests that the significant risk of conflict recurrence in intra- state conflicts is much reduced by political settlements that ‘resolve the issues at stake’ between parties to the conflict, and that in conflicts involving grievances about distribution of natural resource revenues, such settlements should include natural resource wealth-sharing arrangements. This article shows that the Bougainville conflict origins involved far more complexity than natural resource revenue distribution grievances, and that the conflict itself then generated new sources of division and conflict, the same being true of both the peace process and the process to implement the Bougainville Peace Agreement (BPA). As a result, the BPA addresses many more issues than natural resource-related grievances. Such considerations make it difficult to attribute lack of conflict recurrence to particular factors in the BPA. While the BPA provisions on wealth-sharing address relations between the Papua New Guinea National Government and Bougainville, moves by the Autonomous Bougainville Government to explore possible resumption of large-scale mining has generated a new political economy in Bougainville, contributing to new tensions amongst Bougainvilleans. Most academic observers agree that the Bougainville conflict, 1988-97, would not have occurred but for the impacts of the huge Panguna copper and gold mine, operated in central Bougainville, 1972 to 1989, by Rio Tinto’s majority owned subsidiary, Bougainville Copper Ltd (BCL). Undoubtedly the dissatisfaction felt by many Bougainvilleans about the share of revenue received by not only customary landowners of mine lease areas, but also the wider population of Bougainville, was a significant factor in the origins of the conflict.
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												  A Stitch in Time: Preserving Peace on Bougainville 3SPECIAL REPORT November 2013 A stitch in time Preserving peace on Bougainville Peter Jennings and Karl Claxton Executive summary This report sets out a plan that Australia should adopt now to help deliver a sustainable solution for the future From late 1997 to mid-2003, Australia at first supported and of Bougainville. The proposal is designed to help prevent then led a pathbreaking unarmed regional peacekeeping the need for a costly military intervention of the type seen mission that helped end a decade of conflict on Bougainville. so regularly in the Pacific in the past 15 years. A concerted The mission ensured that large-scale fighting didn’t resume pre-referendum focus on peacebuilding in Bougainville, and bought time to prepare for a more measured and coordinated with regional partners, will forestall the need for orderly future political settlement. Sadly, those preparations a Timor or Solomon Islands-style stabilisation later. haven’t been sufficient to give confidence that a workable political settlement has taken shape. The Papua New Guinea Government, donors, neighbours and officials on Bougainville have failed to build the capacity needed by the Autonomous Bougainville Government (ABG) to remediate the causes of the 1990s conflict. Bougainvilleans do not yet have realistic options to choose either autonomy or independence. Although there have been some positive developments, most indicators are far from encouraging as the 2015–20 window for a referendum approaches. Misunderstandings between Port Moresby and the ABG persist, while Bougainville remains a deeply divided society. Economic imperatives to resume mining add new pressures. The most likely referendum outcome at the moment—Papua New Guinea refusing to ratify a clear but far from unanimous vote for an independence Bougainville is utterly unprepared for—would be destabilising.
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												  Bougainville: Origins of the Conflict, and Debating the Future of Large-Scale Mining ANTHONY J12. Bougainville: Origins of the Conflict, and Debating the Future of Large-Scale Mining ANTHONY J. REGAN Introduction The 50-year relationship between large-scale mining (LSM) and local- level politics in Bougainville has been complex and fraught. Bougainville is the only place in the world where host community violence has resulted in the long-term closure of a large-scale mine. Bougainville Copper Ltd (BCL), a subsidiary of Conzinc RioTinto Australia (CRA), operated the huge Panguna copper and gold mine from 1972 to 1989 under a 1967 agreement with the Australian colonial administration of the then Territory of Papua and New Guinea (TPNG). The first large-scale mine in what is now Papua New Guinea (PNG), it closed in 1989, early in a violent conflict that lasted from 1988 to 1997 (Regan 1998, 2011; Braithwaite et al. 2010), and it was still closed in 2016. Widespread perceptions exist, especially outside Bougainville, that mine closure resulted mainly from generalised Bougainvillean rejection of mining. While several main strands of causal factors have been proposed— including ethnonationalism, culture and class (Regan 1998) and local cosmology (Kenema 2010)—most published accounts see the conflict 353 Large-Scale Mines and Local-Level Politics originating in violent action by young mine-impacted landowners seeking permanent mine closure (e.g. Dorney 1990; Filer 1990; Connell 1991, 1992; Boege 1999; Denoon 2000; Gillespie 2009; Lasslett 2014). Some observers (e.g. Jubilee 2014; Lasslett 2014) assert that the mine lease landowners continue to be generally opposed to any resumption of mining operations at Panguna, or that Bougainvilleans in general are opposed to large-scale mining.