Imperial Collapse, Eurasianism, and George Vernadsky's Historical
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The Annals of UVAN, Vol . V-VI, 1957, No. 4 (18)
THE ANNALS of the UKRAINIAN ACADEMY of Arts and Sciences in the U. S. V o l . V-VI 1957 No. 4 (18) -1, 2 (19-20) Special Issue A SURVEY OF UKRAINIAN HISTORIOGRAPHY by Dmytro Doroshenko Ukrainian Historiography 1917-1956 by Olexander Ohloblyn Published by THE UKRAINIAN ACADEMY OF ARTS AND SCIENCES IN THE U.S., Inc. New York 1957 EDITORIAL COMMITTEE DMITRY CIZEVSKY Heidelberg University OLEKSANDER GRANOVSKY University of Minnesota ROMAN SMAL STOCKI Marquette University VOLODYMYR P. TIM OSHENKO Stanford University EDITOR MICHAEL VETUKHIV Columbia University The Annals of the Ukrainian Academy of Arts and Sciences in the U. S. are published quarterly by the Ukrainian Academy of Arts and Sciences in the U.S., Inc. A Special issue will take place of 2 issues. All correspondence, orders, and remittances should be sent to The Annals of the Ukrainian Academy of Arts and Sciences in the U. S. ПУ2 W est 26th Street, New York 10, N . Y. PRICE OF THIS ISSUE: $6.00 ANNUAL SUBSCRIPTION PRICE: $6.00 A special rate is offered to libraries and graduate and undergraduate students in the fields of Slavic studies. Copyright 1957, by the Ukrainian Academy of Arts and Sciences in the U.S.} Inc. THE ANNALS OF THE UKRAINIAN ACADEMY OF ARTS AND SCIENCES IN THE U.S., INC. S p e c i a l I s s u e CONTENTS Page P r e f a c e .......................................................................................... 9 A SURVEY OF UKRAINIAN HISTORIOGRAPHY by Dmytro Doroshenko In tr o d u c tio n ...............................................................................13 Ukrainian Chronicles; Chronicles from XI-XIII Centuries 21 “Lithuanian” or West Rus’ C h ro n ic le s................................31 Synodyky or Pom yannyky..........................................................34 National Movement in XVI-XVII Centuries and the Revival of Historical Tradition in Literature ......................... -
Woodrow Wilson's Ideological War: American Intervention in Russia
Best Integrated Writing Volume 2 Article 9 2015 Woodrow Wilson’s Ideological War: American Intervention in Russia, 1918-1920 Shane Hapner Wright State University Follow this and additional works at: https://corescholar.libraries.wright.edu/biw Part of the American Literature Commons, Ancient, Medieval, Renaissance and Baroque Art and Architecture Commons, Applied Behavior Analysis Commons, Business Commons, Classical Archaeology and Art History Commons, Comparative Literature Commons, English Language and Literature Commons, Gender and Sexuality Commons, International and Area Studies Commons, Medicine and Health Sciences Commons, Modern Literature Commons, Nutrition Commons, Race, Ethnicity and Post-Colonial Studies Commons, Religion Commons, and the Women's Studies Commons Recommended Citation Hapner, S. (2015). Woodrow Wilson’s Ideological War: American Intervention in Russia, 1918-1920, Best Integrated Writing, 2. This Article is brought to you for free and open access by CORE Scholar. It has been accepted for inclusion in Best Integrated Writing by an authorized editor of CORE Scholar. For more information, please contact library- [email protected]. SHANE HAPNER HST 4220 Best Integrated Writing: Journal of Excellence in Integrated Writing Courses at Wright State Fall 2015 (Volume 2) Article #8 Woodrow Wilson’s Ideological War: American Intervention in Russia, 1918-1920 SHANE HAPNER HST 4220-01: Soviet Union Spring 2014 Dr. Sean Pollock Dr. Pollock notes that having carefully examined an impressive array of primary and secondary sources, Shane demonstrates in forceful, elegant prose that American intervention in the Russian civil war was consonant with Woodrow Wilson’s principle of self- determination. Thanks to the sophistication and cogency of the argument, and the clarity of the prose, the reader forgets that the paper is the work of an undergraduate. -
2 the Intellectual Origins of the Eurasian Union Project
2 The Intellectual Origins of the Eurasian Union Project Stephen Blank The Eurasian Economic Union and its component Customs Union comprise Vladimir Putin’s “flagship” policies.1 But these organizations are merely the latest iteration of an increasingly crystallized Russian policy aspiration dating back to the collapse of the Soviet Union. As Jeffrey Mankoff recently observed, “In one form or another, re-integrating the states of the former Soviet Union has been on Russia’s agenda almost since the moment the Soviet Union col- lapsed.”2 Arguably, Russia has never reconciled itself to losing an empire. The reintegration program that is proceeding under Putin in fact began under Boris Yeltsin’s leadership, notwithstanding the fact that the Commonwealth of Inde- pendent States (CIS) was first thought of as “divorce court” for former Soviet Republics. Furthermore, these organizations are not the only elements of Putin’s reintegra- tion plan. The overall project has always had a military dimension, namely the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO) that grew out of the 1992 Tashkent Collective Security Treaty (CST).3 And the leitmotif of all these plans has not just been economic or military integration, but equally crucially, the privileging of Russian sovereignty over that of CIS countries, a hallmark of neo-imperial and sphere of influence policies. Russian leaders do not refrain from admitting this openly. In August 2008, immediately after the war in 1 Iwona Wisniewska, Eurasian Integration: Russia’s Attempt at the Economic Unification of the Post-Soviet Area, OSW Studies: Centre for Eastern Studies, Warsaw, 2013. 2 Jeffrey Mankoff, Eurasian Integration: the Next Stage, Central Asia Policy Brief, Elliott School of International Affairs, George Washington University, 2013, p. -
The Eurasian Union the Eurasian Union: Future of Integration Or Failure in the Making
Proceedings of GREAT Day Volume 2017 Article 6 2018 The urE asian Union: Future of Integration or Failure in the Making Maria Gershuni SUNY Geneseo Follow this and additional works at: https://knightscholar.geneseo.edu/proceedings-of-great-day Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 License This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 License. Recommended Citation Gershuni, Maria (2018) "The urE asian Union: Future of Integration or Failure in the Making," Proceedings of GREAT Day: Vol. 2017 , Article 6. Available at: https://knightscholar.geneseo.edu/proceedings-of-great-day/vol2017/iss1/6 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the GREAT Day at KnightScholar. It has been accepted for inclusion in Proceedings of GREAT Day by an authorized editor of KnightScholar. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Gershuni: The Eurasian Union The Eurasian Union: Future of Integration or Failure in the Making Maria Gershuni Sponsored by Robert Goeckel ABSTRACT e idea of the Eurasian Economic Union, or the EEU, was rst brought up by Kazakhstan’s President Nursultan Nazerbaev in 1994. By 2015, the Russian Federation, Belarus, and Kazakhstan signed the Treaty for the Establishment of the EEU, making the idea a reality. e EEU currently occupies nearly 15% of the earth’s land, and is the 12th largest economy in the world. However, very little is known about this integration project. Criticized as Russian President Vladimir Putin’s pet project, and a hollow imitator of the European Union, the EEU now faces challenges of imbalance, inequity, and further integration. -
White Propaganda Efforts in the South During the Russian Civil War, 1918
White Propaganda Efforts in the South during the Russian Civil War, 1918-19 (The Alekseev- Denikin Period) Author(s): Christopher Lazarski Source: The Slavonic and East European Review, Vol. 70, No. 4 (Oct., 1992), pp. 688-707 Published by: the Modern Humanities Research Association and University College London, School of Slavonic and East European Studies Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/4211088 . Accessed: 27/11/2013 10:49 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp . JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. Modern Humanities Research Association and University College London, School of Slavonic and East European Studies are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to The Slavonic and East European Review. http://www.jstor.org This content downloaded from 128.197.26.12 on Wed, 27 Nov 2013 10:49:20 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions SEER, Vol.70, No. 4, October1992 White Propaganda Efforts in the South during the Russian Civil War, I 98-I9 (the Alekseev-DenikinPeriod) CHRISTOPHER LAZARSKI As early as in the course of the Russian Civil War, the Whites regarded their propaganda as a total failure. Later, in exile, their criticism of it only grew stronger. -
Online Finding
/''•s<p- COLLECTIONS OF CORRESPONDENCE AND MANUSCRIPT DOCUMENTS George VERNADSKY Papers NAME OF COLLECTION: SOURCE: Gift of George & Nina Vernadsky, 1953-57, 1959-62, 1965, 1968; bequest of George Vernadsky, 1973; gift of Nina V. Toll, 1975-76 j: gift of Peter K. Christoff, SUBJECT:Emigration — Europe, United States; Slavic & Russian Studies in Europe & the United States; History; Emigre Scholars; Science in the Soviet Union; Eurasianism DATES COVERED: 46th-20th centuries NUMBER OF ITEMS: ca. 80,000 Gotrety. STATUS: ((chec k appropriatppp e descriptionp) ) ' W^ba^,, M, ( Cataloged: x Listed: xArranged: x Not organized: 0*t MICMICROFILR M CONDITION: (give number of vols., boxes, or shelves) Bound: Boxed: %y-\ Stored: \ oversized folders. $ l^ox glass negatives LOCATION: (Library) BAR CALL-NU/v\btK Ms Coll/Vernadsky RESTRICTIONS ON USE (^yte^mimg trM ^mJro (hnhMkUu M MX;], o£~ // np_r Correspond'ence, manuscripts, documents, photographs, subject files, DESCRIPTION: printed materials, and memorabilia of historian George Vernadsky (Georgii Vladimirovich Vernadskii; 1887-1973). Most of the collection consists of his personal and professional papers, ca. 1918-73. Sizable groups of materials also concern members of his family, especially his wife Nina (1881+-1971); his father, scientist Vladimir I. Vernadskii (1863-19^5); his mother Nataliia E. Vernadskaia (1860-19^3); and his sister Nina V. Toll (1898-ca. 1976). Cataloged correspondents include: (to George and Nina Vernadsky) Boris Bakhmeteff, Roman Jakobson, Mikhail Karpovich, Nikolai Losskii, Vladimir Nabokov, Sergei Rakhmaninov, Geroid T. Robinson, Mikhail Rostovtsev, Petr Savitskii, and Aleksandr Vasil'ev; (to Vladimir Vernadskii) Henri Bergson and Petr Struve; and Ivan Turgenev. There are a great many letters by George and Nina Vernadskyfs colleagues, friends, and relatives, including many historians, and members of the Bromberg, Il'inskii, Rodichev, Romberg, and Staritskii families. -
By Kateryna Levchuk Submitted to Central European University Department of International Relations and European Studies in Parti
EURASIANISM: A RUSSIAN MONROE DOCTRINE? By Kateryna Levchuk Submitted to Central European University Department of International Relations and European Studies In partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Supervisor: Professor Matteo Fumagalli Word Count: 17 207 CEU eTD Collection Budapest, Hungary 2013 Abstract The ideology of Eurasianism stopped being a philosophical current and transformed into a Russian foreign policy foundation, justifying an increased international assertiveness by a special mission and a place in the Eurasian region. It is currently being used as a justification for Russia-led integration projects in the former Soviet Union. This thesis evaluates the utility of the concept for the creation of a Eurasian political unity and outlines the reasons for its prospective success or failure. Throughout my thesis I use a combination of different methods, such as qualitative data collection, small case studies, historical analysis and comparison. In order to illustrate the usefulness of Eurasianist ideology for further regional integration I use a comparative analysis with the similarly framed Monroe doctrine. Despite a number of theoretical similarities, the comparison shows a low practical probability of the success of a Eurasian project due to a number of empirical divergences. The thesis concludes with some recommendations concerning Russian foreign policy direction. CEU eTD Collection i Acknowledgements First of all I would like to thank my parents, who were always a great support and inspiration for my life and studies. I am grateful to my supervisor, Professor Matteo Fumagalli, for his suggestions and valuable recommendations regarding the direction and structure of the thesis. -
Against White Chauvinism: Toward Proletarian Internationalism
PAGE A AGAINST WHITE CHAUVINISM: TOWARD PROLETARIAN INTERNATIONALISM international unity, the working class attempting to dominate the Black and There has been a flowering of revolution• is an international force. Communists Brown liberation movements. ary Ideas and actions among White people always seek the highest possible unity They weaken the revolutionary move• in the US. We are influenced by the mater• with their comrades in other nations. ment with their analysis concerning ter• ial conditions of imperialist crisis, and The main fdrm of class struggle ritory. Some decide T»hat is the territory Inspired by the example and theory of our today Is the struggle against imperi• of the Black nation and confine the mov- heroic comrades in the many oppressed alist domination and exploitation. Na• ment to that territory, then expel that nations battling to smash imperialism tional liberation movements have arisen same movement from the international wor• and to build socialism. throughout the world. Within the boun- king class. Some deny the need for ter• More and more White workers recogi.ize dries of the imperialist nations the ritory. Some say that there is no terri• the failure of capitalist trade-unionism colonized peoples living under national tory and thgrefore no nation. and see "eome kind o£ socialism" as the oppression have begun to move as nations Are they afraid to recognise that answer to their growing problems. The to defeat imperialism. they have little to say about territory? women's movement, gathering strength in National liberation movements are Has seif-deternination become a secondary the working oiaas, le raising questions led by the vanguard of the proletariat priority? If a people decides to gQl2e which strike at the very heart of the of that nation. -
Who Were the “Greens”? Rumor and Collective Identity in the Russian Civil War
Who Were the “Greens”? Rumor and Collective Identity in the Russian Civil War ERIK C. LANDIS In the volost center of Kostino-Otdelets, located near the southern border of Borisoglebsk uezd in Tambov province, there occurred what was identified as a “deserters’ revolt” in May 1919. While no one was killed, a group of known deserters from the local community raided the offices of the volost soviet, destroying many documents relating to the previous months’ attempts at military conscription, and stealing the small number of firearms and rubles held by the soviet administration and the volost Communist party cell. The provincial revolutionary tribunal investigated the affair soon after the events, for while there was an obvious threat of violence, no such escalation occurred, and the affair was left to civilian institutions to handle. The chairman of the volost soviet, A. M. Lysikov, began his account of the event on May 18, when he met with members of the community following a morning church service in order to explain the recent decrees and directives of the provincial and central governments.1 In the course of this discussion, he raised the fact that the Council of Workers’ and Peasants’ Defense in Moscow had declared a seven-day amnesty for all those young men who had failed to appear for mobilization to the Red Army, particularly those who had been born in 1892 and 1893, and had been subject to the most recent age-group mobilization.2 It was at this moment that one of the young men in the village approached him to ask if it was possible to ring the church bell and call for an open meeting of deserters in the volost, at which they could collectively agree whether to appear for mobilization. -
American Intervention in Siberia
American Intervention in Siberia Confusion, Indecisions and Frustrations: The American Occupation of Vladivostok and Siberia during the Russian Civil War Christopher M. Ball 1 “[T]he great Allied Powers will, each of them and all of them, learn to rue the fact that they could not take more decided and more united action to crush the Bolshevik peril before it had grown too strong.” --Winston Churchill, February 1, 1920.1 Winston Churchill's historical insight is highly respected in academic circles. The prophetic prediction in his statement would eventually be justified, as it is beyond dispute that many peoples of the world have since come to greatly regret the fact that Bolshevism, and the Soviet government, were not stamped out in their infancy. However, it is improper to critique the decisions of those in the past based on what unforeseen consequences arose. Churchill's prediction did come true, but that could be dismissed simply by understanding that if enough predictions are made, at least one of them will be proven true, and there were certainly a plethora of opinions on Bolshevism. In the end, historians can only strive to reconstruct what was known and what was intended at the time the decisions were made. The question then becomes, what did they know, and more importantly, what did they intend to accomplish. What motives drove the actions that changed, or failed to change, the course of history? When American troops landed in Siberia, there was not a clear policy as for why the nation was intervening in the Russian Civil War. -
Going Regional the Russian Way: the Eurasian Economic Union Between Instrumentalism and Global Social Appropriateness
GR:EEN Working Paper Author: Diana Shendrikova, GR:EEN Visiting Researcher at ISPI – Italian Institute for international Political Studies Going regional the Russian way: The Eurasian Economic Union between instrumentalism and global social appropriateness Introduction In his A Russian idea (1946), the philosopher Alexander Berdyaev divided Russia’s history in five major epochs: “There is Kiev Russia, Russia during the Tatar invasion, Moscow Russia, Russia of Peter the Great, Soviet Russia. It is possible that there will be some other new Russia. Russia’s historical development has been catastrophic”1. Expanding Berdyaev’s periodization, the current stage of Russia’s history might be defined ‘Eurasian Russia’, at least to the extent that the country’s current foreign policy seems to be actually underpinned – if not utterly driven – by the willingness to embrace an epochal trend orienting its development. This sort of ‘manifest destiny’ hinges on the East/West divide that has constantly characterized the country’s identity – as well as the political agenda of its leaders, These powerful opposing pulls have often resulting in an ambition for a distinct ‘Russian way’, more or less consistently combined with the Eurasian perspective, bestowing on Russia the role of bridging between the Western European and Eastern cultures.2 1 Николай А. Бердяев, Русская идея. О России и русской философской культуре: философы русского послеоктябрьского зарубежья Nikolay A. Berdyaev, The Russian Idea: On Russia, Russian philosophical culture: philosophers of Russian post-October immigration, Moscow, 1990, Chapter I 2 See more: Marlèn Laruelle, L’ideologie eurasiste russe, ou comment penser l’empire, Paris, L'Harmattan, 1999;, Всеволод Н. -
The Founding of Modern States Chapter Two the Founding of Non
1 The Founding of Modern States Chapter Two The Founding of Non-Democratic States Richard Bensel Gary S. Davis Professor Department of Government Cornell University Ithaca, New York 14850 Abstract: All modern states claim that they rule by popular consent and that this consent arises out of the state’s commitment to a transcendent social purpose demanded by their citizens. They also claim that both popular consent and the state’s transcendent social purpose emerged from a founding moment when the state’s right to rule was created. In this manuscript, I ask: How does the founding meld the metaphysical belief in the “will of the people,” the granting of sovereignty, and the recognition of a transcendent social purpose into a symbolic act that then enables the state to secure political and social order? Although this melding is more complex than commonly acknowledged for traditional democracies, it is even more complicated for otherwise authoritarian regimes. In those foundings that produce non-democratic states, the justification of the new sovereignty originates in a transcendent social purpose that is both clearly articulated in political doctrine and susceptible to misrecognition if subjected to conventional democratic politics. At the founding, the political party that led the revolution utilizes the form of a legislative assembly to craft a constitution but it is the party itself that manifests the popular will and thus melds sovereignty, social purpose, and the will of the people into the creation of a new state. Note to the Reader The text is obviously much too long. The best way to condense the reading to a manageable size is to treat the three middle sections (this version: on the Russian-pp.