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The Libyan Revolution: GUIDE 2012 Origins of a New Nation

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The Libyan Revolution: GUIDE 2012 Origins of a New Nation s BACKGROUND The Libyan Revolution: GUIDE 2012 Origins of a New Nation Crisis Director: Erica Moulton Chair: Rachel Phares and Mina Khan Vice-Chair: Yeareen Yun FCMUN V The Libyan Revolution: Origins of a New Nation MARCH, 2011: LIBYAN REVOLUTION JOINT-CRISIS COMMITTEE Dear Delegates, It is with great pleasure that I welcome you to the Libyan Revolution Joint Crisis Committee at the Five College Model United Nations Conference 2012. My name is Erica Moulton and I am thrilled to be the director of this committee. Creating a joint crisis committee that rests on precipice of the global community’s recent memory has been both challenging and exciting. It is hard to believe that only a year ago the explosive conflict in Libya was on the front page of every newspaper and was driving the 24-hour news cycle. Still more shocking, it has been less than 6 months since Muammar el-Qaddafi was killed. Yet, to the average US citizen, the Libyan revolution seems like a distant memory. However, the Transitional Council and the Libyan people are still embroiled in the aftermath of the conflict. In this committee, I hope to turn the clock back just over a year ago to explore that transformative time. But before I continue, let me first briefly introduce myself. At Mount Holyoke, I am a sophomore majoring in English and Film. Those majors might seem incongruous to Model United Nations, but in fact, I have been participating in MUN since my sophomore year of high school. I love the collaborative, and often theatrical nature of MUN, particularly crisis, and I hope to see a lot of both collaboration and theatricality in the Libyan committees. I hail from the deep south in a town called Ocean Springs, Mississippi, although I attended high school in Tucson, AZ. I am the vice-president of Mount Holyoke Model United Nations and I am the editor of Arts & Entertainment for the MH News. In my spare time, I love to read, roller-skate and write and make movies. Page 1 of 13 FCMUN V The Libyan Revolution: Origins of a New Nation Returning to the conference, it is my hope that delegates on both committees will push their portfolio powers to limit in order to create a contentious and fast-paced committee environment. Rather than approach this topic as a single-crisis committee, with the crisis room acting as NATO, I found it important to establish both committees, so that communication between committees is as or more important than communication with crisis staff. Delegates’ individuals powers, which will be enumerated in brief in the study papers, with more detailed instructions to follow on the weekend, will be disparate and equally important to the committee. Each delegate will be vital to their committee, so universal participation and engagement will be necessary to ensure a smooth flow of committee. The committee begins on March 5, 2011, the day the National Transitional Council of Libya was officially established and it will span several months. The crisis staff is now hard at work preparing a wide range of challenging and hopefully fun crises! I am beyond excited to see the outcome of all our hard work. I look forward to meeting you in March! Cheers, Erica Moulton [email protected] Page 2 of 13 FCMUN V The Libyan Revolution: Origins of a New Nation Overview of the Committee The Libyan Revolution Joint-Crisis committee will consist of two sub-committees that will be working to develop necessary solutions to issues already posed when the committee starts, along with any other crises that present themselves during the course of the committee. The two subcommittees will be: 1. The Transitional Council of Libya and 2. NATO and the Allied Forces. The two groups will work separately, responding to conflicts and forming directives as their respective bodies see fit. The committees begin after the formation of the Transitional Council and each has their own unique dilemmas and questions that need to be addressed immediately along with any new situations that present themselves. The Transitional Council must first develop a tactical military strategy to employ against Gaddafi’s troops, organize the different factions of the rebellion and create ties with international bodies. NATO’s immediate line of action is less clear, although their initial line of action will be to determine what role, if any NATO has to play in global conflict outside their normally prescribed role in global conflict. goal the body and the individual states must pursue is information. This is a goal that can be achieved through numerous avenues, the first being the recognition of and communication with the Transitional Council, but also through the dispatching of intelligence agents and the manipulation of media sources. The ultimate goal of the Transitional Council is clear: overthrow Qaddafi’s forces, take control of the capital Tripoli and ensure the safety of the Libyan people. NATO and the Allied Forces have a more fractured goal, as each country has its own motives in providing/withholding support from Libya. Most importantly, though, the National Transitional Council and NATO/Allied Forces will need to communicate with each other as committees to ensure any sort of peaceful resolution to the conflict. For the Libyan Transitional government, it will be paramount for the council to agree upon what methods, military or otherwise, they are willing to employ to see their goals fulfilled. For the NATO actors, each individual nation will be afforded a certain arsenal of potential financial aid, military contribution or diplomatic support to exercise at their own discretion, while the body as a whole may also contribute military support to the Transitional Council. A final note to delegates: although this background guide provides cursory information as to the origins of the conflict and the general directions in which each committee will head, I highly encourage delegates to research beyond this document. Due to the recent nature of these events, there is a bounty of information, including and especially, official websites for both committees. In addition, there has been a great deal written about this conflict by both excellent journalists at the New York Times, Wall Street Journal and The Economist and by political strategists of many countries. I encourage delegates to make use of a wide range of sources in their preparation for committee. Page 3 of 13 FCMUN V The Libyan Revolution: Origins of a New Nation Historical Background A HISTORY OF LIBYAN UNREST The oil-rich, Islamic nation of Libya, situated in the heart of the African Arab-world, occupies a unique space in the collective global psyche due to its controversial history and its mercurial dictator, Colonel Muammar al-Gaddafi. Taking power by means of bloodless coup in 1969, Gaddafi established himself as an increasingly erratic leader. His ideological system of governance teetered between Arab nationalism and Islamic socialism, enumerated in his controversial treatise called “The Green Book”. In lieu of a parliamentary system, Gaddafi chose to rule by means of Revolutionary committees, which were primarily aimed at crushing any and all political dissent. The highest state authority became the General People’s Congress (GPC) in 1977 and all other political parties were banned. Over the years, Libya continued to operate under the guise of a state “ruled-by-the-people”, although there was never any doubt at the international level that Gaddafi was the absolute authority. During his over forty years in power, Gaddafi took advantage of the wealth of natural resources in Libya, including oil, to amass an enormous personal fortune, which he shared with his family and close colleagues, while areas in eastern Libya struggled with basic problems, like inadequate sewage systems. The government prohibited all unofficial political activities. By law, many forms of speech or expression were interpreted as illegal resulting in widespread detention by police authorities. The government operated an extensive system of informants resulting in self-censorship throughout society. Gaddafi owned and controlled the print and broadcast media and did not permit the publication of any opinions contrary to his policies, seeking out and silencing all those who defied him, both domestically and abroad. ORIGINS OF THE CONFLICT It is out of this harsh political and social climate that the first stirrings of political unrest grew in early 2011. The culmination of resentment and anger felt towards Gaddafi’s oppressive forty-one year reign in Libya bubbled over amidst the general unrest in the Arab world. On February 17, 2011, Libya erupted in response to calls for a “Day of Revolt”. The protests quickly became violent as Gaddafi’s forces turned on protesters in Benghazi, a coastal city about 400 miles east of the Libyan capital of Tripoli. The BBC reported around 2,000 people taking part in demonstrations for the release of several high profile human rights advocates, namely Fathi Terbil. In retaliation, the police used water cannons, tear gas and rubber bullets to drive them back. Page 4 of 13 FCMUN V The Libyan Revolution: Origins of a New Nation Despite Colonel Gaddafi’s extensive security network, the protests spread, spurred on by social networking sites such as Facebook and Twitter. Initially, the protests seemed merely a knee-jerk reaction to the widespread unrest surging through the Middle-East in early February. However, it quickly became clear that these protestors were bent on unseating Gaddafi and the protest grew into an organized rebellion. The rebel factions, including groups like National Front for the Salvation of Libya began to consolidate their forces. On Sunday, February 20th, Benghazi became the first Libyan city to fall into the control of rebel groups.
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