CHAPTER VII

CONCLUSION

It has been observed by several scholars that many non-Hindu communities of India, particularly Muslims, have borrowed caste system as their structural basis. Because, as many believe, caste is purely a product of Hinduism.

The fundamental principle of is the oneness of God and brotherhood among its followers. Islam does not recognize distinction among men on the basis of nationality, descend, wealth or rank or birth. All Muslims are equal in the sight of Allah. On the other hand we could see this society in reality is divided into various high and low social catego­ ries where membership is determined by birth and which is organised just like Hindu caste system. This is absolutely opposed to the Islamic principle of equality and fraternity. We would like to find out whether these social categories are castes or something else? However, Indian students like Ansari, Zarina Ahmad, Misra, Imtiaz Ahmad who have studied Muslim society in different parts of India agree that though the different categories do not have religious sanction and that its form has been greatly modified, caste still exist as a basis of social organization among Muslims.

We have tried to examine in this study whether the observations made by above mentioned could be observed among

264 265 the Muslims of Ahmadnagar. That is to say, whether the caste like system is operating among Ahmadnagar Muslims.

In the introduction we have shown that the Islamic principle of equality and fraternity is absolutely opposed to the caste system. However, most of the above-mentioned scholars who have studied caste among Muslims attribute its presence to the influence of Hinduism and the process of acculturation. To determine this, we have attempted to study the effects of the structural system of Hinduism on the life and major organizational aspects of Muslim community.

To ascertain that caste among the Muslims owed itself entirely to the cultural influence of Hinduism or are there some elements in Islam which support caste distinctions, we have taken review of Islam from the time it originated and spread in different parts of the world. It is observed that the presence of social grades among Muslims existed from the very birth of Islam. Moreover, as Islam travelled through different countries, its structure was moulded to the existing social and cultural orders of those countries and finally when it came to India, these grades, in the course of time, were concretized on the lines of existing caste system. That is, •a hierarchical gradation in social and ritual status .... crept into the social structure of Islam very much on the pattern of the Hindu tradition.» 266

We have tried to study and analyse the Muslim society in Ahmadnagar to provide answers to the following questions.

1) What is the structural basis of Muslim society in Ahmadnagar?

2) Does caste exist among them?

3) If so, what is the nature of it and how far it resembles to and differs from the Hindu model of caste system.

4) The basis of social stratification among them,

5) The criteria of mate selection and the nature and extent of endogamy.

6) Do these castes have caste councils? If so, the nature and functioning of it.

7) Does new castes emerge out of new socio-economic needs of the society?

8) Have any castes disappeared in the course of time?

9) Are there any untouchable castes? If so, what is their status in social hierarchy?

10) Does the notion of ritual purity and pollution exist among them?

11) To study the different customs and practices observed by different castes.

12) The structure of family organization. 267

13) The position of Muslim women, and

14) Finally, to find out how far Muslim society in Ahmadnagar resembles and differs from the rest of the Muslim society in India.

We have traced the history of Muslims in Ahmadnagar. In discussing the history, we have sketched brief historical review since Islam entered into the subcontinent. The history of Muslims in India begins with Arab conquest of Sindh in the beginning of the eighth century. Islam gained momentum in tenth century after the invasion of Mahamud Ghazni. There was rapid succession of invasions to the middle of nineteenth century. During the Muslim rule, forced conversions, missionary activities, motives of personal gain, the traders and the degrading position of low castes were conducive to widespread establishment of .

The Muslims of Ahmadnagar owe their origin to two main sources - the foreigners and the native converts. The foreigners came and settled in Ahmadnagar from Turkey, Syria, Persia and Arabia. The foreigners also comprise the Habshis who came from Abyssinia or Ethiopia. While taking the historical review, we have also taken the account of different sects present in the city. The presence of Sunnis and Shias in Ahmadnagar was prior to its foundation, whereas the presence of Mahdavis dates back to 15#9 A.D. 268

In discussing the socio-economic background, it is observed that Muslim population of the city comprises of three sects mentioned earlier. Sunnis include four cultural categories, viz., Sayyad, Shaikh, Mughal and Pathan and numerous occupational groups. Shias include Bohras and Shia Imami Ismailies, while Mahdavis maintain a separate identity. The Sunnis constitute bulk of the Muslim popula­ tion of the city. The percentage of Shaikh category is fairly high as compared to other categories.

Regarding the occupation and economic standards, the majority of Ahmadnagar Muslims were engaged in modern occu­ pations. Those belonging to various occupational groups, majority of them follow their traditional callings. This does not imply that occupational changes have not taken place. From business point of view, there were no big business enterprisers. Those engaged in trade are petty businessmen.

From an economic point of view, it appears that majority of them belonged to the low and lower middle income classes. Regarding educational standards, in the fields of professional, vocational and university education their percentage appeared to be low. The socio-economic analysis of the sample revealed the economic and educational backwardness of this community.

While attempting to study the Muslim structural organization, help of caste definitions by Ghurye, Dutta 269 and Karve was taken. These definitions provided guide-line to examine the nature of various occupational groups.

A preliminary survey revealed the presence of 25 occupational groups. These groups bore a distinct name asso­ ciated with the traditional occupation which its members pursued in the past a few generations back or are still following. Some of these groups are strict endogamous units organized on communal basis, i.e., caste council exist among them. On the other hand, some groups have loose caste councils and are liberal in observing endogamous rule of marriage. Since these groups exhibit caste like characteristics, we have called them 'castes'.

As a result of industrialization and urbanization most of the castes have lost their traditional occupation and people of most of these castes have adjusted by taking to other callings, manual work or services. The resultant effect of this process is the gradual elimination of such castes. Similarly new castes emerge out of the socio-economic needs of the society.

Among Muslim castes of Ahmadnagar Beldar, Barutgar, Kalaigar, Naikwari are such castes which have ceased to function as an independent social unit and have gradually disappeared. Gao-quasab '(Beef-butcher) and Bakkar-quasab (Goat-butcher) castes emerged purely out of the need of Muslim community. Except few members of Pinjari (cotton 270 teasers) caste who are still pursuing its traditional calling, the entire caste has taken up the profession of Brass-band.

Thus, it appears that castes which do not follow tra­ ditional occupation, which do not have caste councils and which do not practice endogamy are gradually merging in the main body of Muslims. Such castes are Gaundi, Takari, Sikalgar, Zarekari, Manyar, and Nalband. On the other hand, castes with strong caste councils have tendency to maintain their identity. This implies that traditional occupation, caste council and practice of endogamy are conducive to strengthen its identity.

The castes investigated in detail to apprehend their nature and functioning revealed the features more or less identical to that of Hindu caste system. Distinct name, traditional occupation, caste councils, endogamy and social gradation are some of the prominent features of these castes.

The names of these castes, excluding sects, are derived from the occupations just like Hindu castes which members of these castes either pursued in the past or are still engaged in it. Tambatkars are metal craftsman in copper and the same is their traditional occupation. Beef-butching is the here­ ditary occupation of Gao-quasab. Fruit-trading is traditional occupation of Begbans. The hereditary calling of Bakkar- quasab is goat-butching. Momins are handloom weavers and the 271 same is their traditional occupation. Selling betal-leaves is hereditary calling of Tamboli. Dyeing clothes is tradi­ tional occupation of Rangrez. Bawarchies by profession are cook and the same is their hereditary occupation. It appears that these castes pursue their traditional callings in varying degrees. This indicates that the occupational changes have taken place. This could be attributed to the process of industrialization and urbanization. It is observed that there is a tendency among members of the castes which no more practice its hereditary occupation, to take to other callings.

The caste councils as they exist in Ahmadnagar can be divided into two categories, formal and informal. Those caste councils which are more traditional in manner and the office of the head is hereditary fall into the first category. On the other hand, caste councils which run on democratic principles, i.e., they have written constitution and its head is elected, fall into the second category. Caste council among Gao-quasab, Bakkar-quasab belong to the former, while caste council among Tambatkar, Bagban, Tamboli, Rangrez, Momin, Bohra, Shia- Imami-Ismaili belong to the latter. The pinjari and Bawarchi do not have caste council.

In their attribute of endogamy, here again Muslim castes could be classified into two classes. Those which practice strict endogamy and those which are liberal in following this 272 rule of marriage. Gao-quasab, Bakkar-quasab are strict endo- gamous castes. Any attempt of breach is either met with ostracism from the caste or faces problem of arranging marriage of his children within the caste. Bakkar-quasab is a strict endogamous caste as mentioned earlier. We have not been able to trace a single case of inter-caste marriage in this caste in our study. In case such marriage takes place, firstly the violator is ostracized. The progeny of such union is called 'kadu* (literally means bitter). Secondly, no Bakkar-quasab will form marriage alliances with 'Kadu' and 'Kadu1 will have to search for another 'Kadu' within or outside the city to form marriage relations.

Tambatkar is an endogamous caste but it has become little liberal in its attitude towards intercaste marriage. The breach of the rule does not meet with any severe penalty but such unions get unvoluntary recognition. Momin, Pinjari and Bawarchi prefer to marry within their own caste groups, in case suitable match is not available in the caste they form marriage relations outside the caste but from among the Muslims having similar status.

Among sects, Bohra and Shia-Imami-Ismaili are strict endogamous units. Mahdavis were once practicing strict endogamy, but today if the proper match is not available, they form marriage alliances with Sayyads and Shaikhs. 273

Social ranking in these castes is not so rigid as found among Hindu castes. It appears that factors like descent to the Prophet's family, tracing lineage to the holy country in the Muslim world, foreign origin and nature of occupation plays decisive role in ranking various castes. Among the cultural categories which stand on the top of the hierarchy is Sayyads followed by Shaikhs, Mughals and Pathans. Among occupational castes, Tambatkar ranks highest while Pinjari ranks at the bottom of the scale. (Refer to Chapter IV for social ranking of these castes.) The ideological basis of caste hierarchy, i.e., pollution and ritual purity does not find place in the Muslim castes of Ahmadnagar. Though these castes are ranked divisions, there is no clear-cut distinc­ tion among them. That is to say, they form a diffused type of hierarchy.

Lastly, the concept of pollution which is fundamental to Hindu caste system does not find place among the Muslim castes of Ahmadnagar. There are no ritually pure or impure or untouchable castes existing in the city. Though Pinjaris are placed at the lowest rung owing to their socio-economic conditions, they are not treated as untouchables. There are other castes like Gao-quasab, Kanjar, Takari, Gaundi which rank low in the social scale but there is no restriction on food or social commensality among them. It appears that though caste exist among the Muslims of Ahmadnagar, its 274 nature is far imperfect as compared to Hindu caste system. It approximates to the Hindu model in sphere of traditional occupation, endogamy and caste council while it differs from it in its diffused form of hierarchy, lack of ideological justification for it and absence of ritually pure or impure castes. Though these castes are associated with traditional occupation, there is no economic interdependence among them as observed in the villages revolving around land and based on barter system.

Despite the religious differences, the Muslim family organization in Ahmadnagar is quite similar to that of Hindu family organization. It could be characterized as patriarchal, patrilocal and patrilineal type. Different family types exist in varying degrees but the nuclear families have large units, i.e., 4 to 6 members per household.

Regarding marriage among Muslims, it appears that monogamy prevails in the city. Among Ashraf categories the general tendency is to marry within their own groups. Similarly all occupational castes marry within their caste groups. People belonging to these castes do not contract marriage with Ashrafs nor do with other sects. All occupational castes except few, and two branches of Shia observe strict endogamy. In mate selection, preference is given to near relatives, i.e., cross and parallel cousin marriages are in practice but not as a rule. The only exception to this is the 275

Shia Imami Ismailies who do not approve such unions but discourage them.

With the recognized forms of mate selection and the practice of endogamy narrows down the circle for mate selec­ tion. It is further narrowed down by giving preference to employment of the boy and his character in girl's case and character of the girl in boy's case.

The presence of gotras in two castes, namely Tambatkar and Rangrez, traces its origin prior to the conversion of these castes. The Hindu marriage rule prohibits marriage between the members of same gotra. However, this rule does not seem to apply to Muslim castes where gotras are existing. That is to say, marriage between the members of same gotra is allowed. It is also observed that the custom of dowry, both in cash and kind, prevails among the Muslims of Ahmadnagar.

Sacraments, rituals and customs constitute an indespen- sable part of religious faith. Some have religious sanctions which ought to be performed, on the other hand some rites and customs are followed because they are recognized by vast majority of people.

It is considered that an individual is admitted to the fold of Islam by performing circumcision. Though this custom is obligatory and considered as sunnah (doings and sayings of the Prophet Muhammad) from the religious point of view, every male Muslim undergoes this rite. Similarly, 276 though marriage in Islam is a civil contract, it is considered sacred which every Muslim must enter into. Besides these, Bismillah, naming ceremony, chehellam Shareefare some of the rites and customs which are observed by most of the Muslims whereas Satwasa and Aquiqua are observed in varying degrees.

The ritual of Baiyyat is observed exclusively by Shia Imami Ismailies, whereas the custom of Mithaq prevails only among Bohras. The custom of 'Badotar' and 'Kadhai* is observed by Ghori and Behlim Rangrez.

Most of the Hindu trading communities in and elsewhere in India open their new account books on Laxmi- pujan day (Diwali - a Hindu festival) and generally whose source of income is machine, tools or implements, worship them on Vijaya Dashmi day (Dasera - a Hindu festival). It is observed that Bohra a trading Muslim community follow these customs.

We would like to stress here that family and marriage organizations among Muslims of Ahmadnagar are highly influenced by the Hindu culture. The presence of gotras indicate that these castes, at one stage in history, were Hindus and have retained it even after their conversion. Similarly the presence of dowry, custom of Satwasa and many other customs are the outcome of Hindu influence and owes its origin to Hinduism. Thus, it can be said that the Muslims of Ahmadnagar exhibit the great tradition of Islam in their faith at the 277 same time the presence of various castes and customs among 2 them represent the little tradition of Islam. It is in the light of Islamic principle of equality that we have tried to evaluate the status of Muslim women. It was examined in the framework of Quranic sanctions regarding marriage, divorce, distribution of property, purdah system and in the sphere of education, employment and domestic affairs.

It appears that Muslim men do not believe in total equality of women and their education. Moreover, they were not in favour of women's employment. Those who accede to women taking up job, dislike them to work alongside men. On the contrary, education and employment was deemed by women only in terms of economic employment and gain. For there is always lurking fear in their mind that in case they are divorced, they see education as a good potential for gaining employment. Kapadia mentions the same kind of notion by stating that the law of divorce asserted men's domination over his wife. He further states that a constant fear of divorce hanging over her head corroborate an everlasting

•a source of anxiety to her.'' Moreover, the recent bill - The Muslim Women (Protection of Rights on Divorce) Bill, 19#6 - passed, gives legal sanction to her degradation and makes her position more insecure.

Women have realized that in the matter of marriage, 27^ divorce and distribution of property they have been discrimi­ nated. In the sphere of marriage, they do not get freedom to choose life partner. They are always worred and under pressure that their husband may contract another marriage.

It appears that men do not believe that polygyny and the purdah system are the hindrances in the progress and development of Muslim society. On the contrary, women asserted that poly­ gyny and purdah system impede the growth and development of Muslim society. This shows that though women are aware of ill-effects of polygyny and purdah system, it has become part and parcel of their life which they think is unalterable. The household domain is the only sphere where their position is recognized marginally.

Thus, in the light of Islamic principle of equality, it can be said that the status of Muslim women in the sphere of marriage, divorce, distribution of property and in the context of recent bill passed, is far inferior to that of other Indian women.

The social structure of Muslims in Ahmadnagar resembles to the social structure of Muslim society in different parts of India in certain aspects and deviates from it in some other aspects. It is identical to other Muslim castes in most of its attributes like distinct name, hereditary occupa­ tion, endogamy, caste council and hierarchy. It differs from it in some of its characteristics. That is, the absence of 279 unclean or untouchable caste and the notion of pollution. Ansari mentions the presence of Bhangi (sweeper) caste among Muslim castes of ,4 observes the presence of Lai Begi (Sweeper) among the Muslim castes of . Similarly Ahmad points out the presence of untouchable castes like , Lai Begi, and Bediya among the Muslims of Bihar. Such castes are not present among Muslim castes of Ahmadnagar.

Closely associated with unclean or untouchable castes is the concept of pollution. Ansari observes that the notion of pollution prevails among the Muslim castes of Uttar Pradesh. Siddiqui points out that the practice of ritual purity and pollution exists among Muslim castes of Calcutta. Bhatta- charya also feels that the notion of ritual purity exists o among Muslim castes of West Bengal. Bhatty too observes the same kind of notion exists in the Muslim castes of Kasauli village of Uttar Pradesh. It is obvious that the notion of ritual purity and pollution is present among Muslim castes in some parts of India but it is totally absent among the Muslim castes of Ahmadnagar. Thus the Muslim caste model of Ahmadnagar resembles to Muslim caste models in different parts of the country in most of its attributes and it deviates from it in lack of unclean or untouchable castes, absence of priestly caste and the notion of ritual purity and pollution. 2#0

Most of the scholars like Ansari, Misra, Dumont and Ahmad attribute the presence of caste among Muslims to the cultural influence of Hinduism and the proximity of Hindu environment. Ahmad in addition to this observes that 'it has been reinforced by the justification offered for the idea of birth and descent as criteria of status of Islamic law. '

However, in addition to this, we feel that there are certain other factors which conduced the presence of caste among Indian Muslims. Firstly, the presence of social grades among Muslims existed right from the very birth of Islam which were concretized on the lines of existing caste system when Islam came to India. Secondly, all scholars agree upon the en masse conversion of Hindu castes to Islam but none has mentioned the various modes of conversion, particularly the coercive conversion, which we think could be amenable for the presence of caste among the Muslims. The coercive conver­ sions have resulted in accepting the tenets of Islam by masses superficially and retaining their old structure, values, customs and practices.

In sum we can conclude this study by making the following statement:

On the basis of beliefs and practices of Muslims we studied, it appears that in their stratification system there is some similarity to the caste organization found among the Hindus in the region. That is to say, that the 2tfl upper four categories among the Muslims, viz., Sayyad, Shaikh, Mughal and Pathan broadly resemble the Brahmin and Kshatriya rarna group while the other occupational castes broadly resemble the Vaishya and Sudra rarna group among the Hindus. One exception to this is that there is no untouchable caste among Muslims,

Thus after examining the social structure of the Muslim community living in a predominantly Hindu environment, we wish to put forward the following hypotheses.

(1) That beliefs and practices of minor communities accommodate themselves to fit within the larger Hindu community.

(2) That smaller community living within the larger community adopts the major organizational aspects of the larger community.

(3) That change of faith of a community does not necessarily bring change in its structure, customs, values and social practices,

(4) That Islamic beliefs and practices in India have acco­ mmodated themselves to fit within the larger Hindu community. 232

Notes and References

1 Yogendra Singh. Modernization of Indian Tradition. Thomson Press (India) Limited, Delhi, 1973, p.7^.

2 Ibid. pp. 63, 73.

3 K.M. Kapadia. Marriage and Family in India. Third Edition, Oxford University Press, Calcutta, 1966, p. 205.

4 Ghans Ansari. Muslim Caste in Uttar Pradesh. The Ethnographic and folk culture society, Lucknow, I960, p.$0.

5 M.K.A. Siddiqui. 'Caste among the Muslims of Calcutta1, pp. 250, 261-263. In Caste and Social Stratification Among Muslims in India. Iratiaz Ahmad (Ed.), Manohar, New Delhi, 1978.

6 Zeyauddin Ahmad. 'Caste Elements among the Muslims of Bihar1, p. 9, in Caste Among Non-Hindus in India. Harjinder Singh (Ed.), National Publishing House, New Delhi, 1977.

7 Ghans Ansari. Op.cit., p.50.

8 M.K.A. Siddiqui. Op.cit., p. 260-261.

9 Ranjit K. Bhattacharya. 'The Concept and Ideology of Caste among the Muslims of Rural West Bengal', pp.290-291, in Caste and Social Stratification Among Muslims in India. Imtiaz Ahmad (Ed.), Op.cit. 2S3

10 Zarina Bhatty. 'Status and Power in a Muslim Dominated Village of Uttar Pradesh', pp.210-211 in Imtiaz Ahmad (Ed.), Ibid.

11 Imtiaz Ahmad. Op. cit. Introduction, p.15.