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CHAPTER VII CONCLUSION It has been observed by several scholars that many non-Hindu communities of India, particularly Muslims, have borrowed caste system as their structural basis. Because, as many believe, caste is purely a product of Hinduism. The fundamental principle of Islam is the oneness of God and brotherhood among its followers. Islam does not recognize distinction among men on the basis of nationality, descend, wealth or rank or birth. All Muslims are equal in the sight of Allah. On the other hand we could see this society in reality is divided into various high and low social catego­ ries where membership is determined by birth and which is organised just like Hindu caste system. This is absolutely opposed to the Islamic principle of equality and fraternity. We would like to find out whether these social categories are castes or something else? However, Indian students like Ansari, Zarina Ahmad, Misra, Imtiaz Ahmad who have studied Muslim society in different parts of India agree that though the different categories do not have religious sanction and that its form has been greatly modified, caste still exist as a basis of social organization among Muslims. We have tried to examine in this study whether the observations made by above mentioned could be observed among 264 265 the Muslims of Ahmadnagar. That is to say, whether the caste like system is operating among Ahmadnagar Muslims. In the introduction we have shown that the Islamic principle of equality and fraternity is absolutely opposed to the caste system. However, most of the above-mentioned scholars who have studied caste among Muslims attribute its presence to the influence of Hinduism and the process of acculturation. To determine this, we have attempted to study the effects of the structural system of Hinduism on the life and major organizational aspects of Muslim community. To ascertain that caste among the Muslims owed itself entirely to the cultural influence of Hinduism or are there some elements in Islam which support caste distinctions, we have taken review of Islam from the time it originated and spread in different parts of the world. It is observed that the presence of social grades among Muslims existed from the very birth of Islam. Moreover, as Islam travelled through different countries, its structure was moulded to the existing social and cultural orders of those countries and finally when it came to India, these grades, in the course of time, were concretized on the lines of existing caste system. That is, •a hierarchical gradation in social and ritual status .... crept into the social structure of Islam very much on the pattern of the Hindu tradition.» 266 We have tried to study and analyse the Muslim society in Ahmadnagar to provide answers to the following questions. 1) What is the structural basis of Muslim society in Ahmadnagar? 2) Does caste exist among them? 3) If so, what is the nature of it and how far it resembles to and differs from the Hindu model of caste system. 4) The basis of social stratification among them, 5) The criteria of mate selection and the nature and extent of endogamy. 6) Do these castes have caste councils? If so, the nature and functioning of it. 7) Does new castes emerge out of new socio-economic needs of the society? 8) Have any castes disappeared in the course of time? 9) Are there any untouchable castes? If so, what is their status in social hierarchy? 10) Does the notion of ritual purity and pollution exist among them? 11) To study the different customs and practices observed by different castes. 12) The structure of family organization. 267 13) The position of Muslim women, and 14) Finally, to find out how far Muslim society in Ahmadnagar resembles and differs from the rest of the Muslim society in India. We have traced the history of Muslims in Ahmadnagar. In discussing the history, we have sketched brief historical review since Islam entered into the subcontinent. The history of Muslims in India begins with Arab conquest of Sindh in the beginning of the eighth century. Islam gained momentum in tenth century after the invasion of Mahamud Ghazni. There was rapid succession of invasions to the middle of nineteenth century. During the Muslim rule, forced conversions, missionary activities, motives of personal gain, the traders and the degrading position of low castes were conducive to widespread establishment of Islam in India. The Muslims of Ahmadnagar owe their origin to two main sources - the foreigners and the native converts. The foreigners came and settled in Ahmadnagar from Turkey, Syria, Persia and Arabia. The foreigners also comprise the Habshis who came from Abyssinia or Ethiopia. While taking the historical review, we have also taken the account of different sects present in the city. The presence of Sunnis and Shias in Ahmadnagar was prior to its foundation, whereas the presence of Mahdavis dates back to 15#9 A.D. 268 In discussing the socio-economic background, it is observed that Muslim population of the city comprises of three sects mentioned earlier. Sunnis include four cultural categories, viz., Sayyad, Shaikh, Mughal and Pathan and numerous occupational groups. Shias include Bohras and Shia Imami Ismailies, while Mahdavis maintain a separate identity. The Sunnis constitute bulk of the Muslim popula­ tion of the city. The percentage of Shaikh category is fairly high as compared to other categories. Regarding the occupation and economic standards, the majority of Ahmadnagar Muslims were engaged in modern occu­ pations. Those belonging to various occupational groups, majority of them follow their traditional callings. This does not imply that occupational changes have not taken place. From business point of view, there were no big business enterprisers. Those engaged in trade are petty businessmen. From an economic point of view, it appears that majority of them belonged to the low and lower middle income classes. Regarding educational standards, in the fields of professional, vocational and university education their percentage appeared to be low. The socio-economic analysis of the sample revealed the economic and educational backwardness of this community. While attempting to study the Muslim structural organization, help of caste definitions by Ghurye, Dutta 269 and Karve was taken. These definitions provided guide-line to examine the nature of various occupational groups. A preliminary survey revealed the presence of 25 occupational groups. These groups bore a distinct name asso­ ciated with the traditional occupation which its members pursued in the past a few generations back or are still following. Some of these groups are strict endogamous units organized on communal basis, i.e., caste council exist among them. On the other hand, some groups have loose caste councils and are liberal in observing endogamous rule of marriage. Since these groups exhibit caste like characteristics, we have called them 'castes'. As a result of industrialization and urbanization most of the castes have lost their traditional occupation and people of most of these castes have adjusted by taking to other callings, manual work or services. The resultant effect of this process is the gradual elimination of such castes. Similarly new castes emerge out of the socio-economic needs of the society. Among Muslim castes of Ahmadnagar Beldar, Barutgar, Kalaigar, Naikwari are such castes which have ceased to function as an independent social unit and have gradually disappeared. Gao-quasab '(Beef-butcher) and Bakkar-quasab (Goat-butcher) castes emerged purely out of the need of Muslim community. Except few members of Pinjari (cotton 270 teasers) caste who are still pursuing its traditional calling, the entire caste has taken up the profession of Brass-band. Thus, it appears that castes which do not follow tra­ ditional occupation, which do not have caste councils and which do not practice endogamy are gradually merging in the main body of Muslims. Such castes are Gaundi, Takari, Sikalgar, Zarekari, Manyar, Attar and Nalband. On the other hand, castes with strong caste councils have tendency to maintain their identity. This implies that traditional occupation, caste council and practice of endogamy are conducive to strengthen its identity. The castes investigated in detail to apprehend their nature and functioning revealed the features more or less identical to that of Hindu caste system. Distinct name, traditional occupation, caste councils, endogamy and social gradation are some of the prominent features of these castes. The names of these castes, excluding sects, are derived from the occupations just like Hindu castes which members of these castes either pursued in the past or are still engaged in it. Tambatkars are metal craftsman in copper and the same is their traditional occupation. Beef-butching is the here­ ditary occupation of Gao-quasab. Fruit-trading is traditional occupation of Begbans. The hereditary calling of Bakkar- quasab is goat-butching. Momins are handloom weavers and the 271 same is their traditional occupation. Selling betal-leaves is hereditary calling of Tamboli. Dyeing clothes is tradi­ tional occupation of Rangrez. Bawarchies by profession are cook and the same is their hereditary occupation. It appears that these castes pursue their traditional callings in varying degrees. This indicates that the occupational changes have taken place. This could be attributed to the process of industrialization and urbanization. It is observed that there is a tendency among members of the castes which no more practice its hereditary occupation, to take to other callings. The caste councils as they exist in Ahmadnagar can be divided into two categories, formal and informal. Those caste councils which are more traditional in manner and the office of the head is hereditary fall into the first category. On the other hand, caste councils which run on democratic principles, i.e., they have written constitution and its head is elected, fall into the second category.

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