GOVERNING SYSTEM OF THE YIMCHUNGER NAGAS
THESIS SUBMITTED TO THE NAGALAND UNIVERSITY IN FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENT FOR THE AWARD OF THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY BY
FRANCIS SEBASTIAN Ph.D. Regd. No.448/2012
UNDER THE SUPERVISION OF DR. TEMJENSOSANG
DEPARTMENT OF SOCIOLOGY SCHOOL OF SOCIAL SCIENCES NAGALAND UNIVERSITY H.Q. LUMAMI 2015 CERTIFICATE
This is to certify that this Ph.D thesis entitled, “Governing System of the Yimchunger Nagas” is an authentic and original work carried out by Mr. Francis Sebastian, Regd. No 448/2012, Date of Regd. 11th Nov 2009, based on his field study conducted under my supervision.
This thesis fulfils all the norms of Ph.D Thesis under the rules and regulations of Nagaland University.
To the best of my knowledge, the thesis has not been submitted to any University or educational institute for award of any degree or diploma.
This may be placed before the examiners for evaluation.
Dated: (DR. TEMJENSOSANG) Place: Supervisor DEPARTMENT OF SOCIOLOGY SCHOOL OF SOCIAL SCIENCES NAGALAND UNIVERSITY H.Q. LUMAMI
Declaration of Candidate
I hereby declare that the Thesis entitled, “Governing System of The Yimchunger Nagas,” is my original work, the contents of which have not been the basis of the award of any previous degree to me or to anybody else, to the best of my knowledge. This thesis has not been published or submitted by me to any other University for any other purpose.
This Thesis is submitted for the award of the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of Sociology, Nagaland University.
Francis Sebastian
Dr. Toshimenla Jamir Dr.Temjensosang Head of the Department Supervisor ACKNOWLEDGEMENT
At the submission of my Thesis titled, ‘Governing System of the Yimchunger
Nagas,’ I hold my hands in gratitude and honour to those who have been part of my endeavour to accomplish this special task.
Godly wisdom and divine guidance have been my strength ever through. O
God, I thank thee for the miles I have tread, scholars who guided me, books I have read, people I have met, knowledge I have gained and the pages I have scribed.
I acknowledge and appreciate Dr.Temjensosang, Assistant Professor,
Department of Sociology, my Guide and Supervisor, for his utmost dedication, academic efficiency and brotherly concern. Thanks to Prof. P.K. Deka, Dean of Social
Sciences, Prof. Rajendra Singh, HOD, and Dr.Toshimenla Jamir, the former HOD. I thankfully recall the Faculty Members, Staff Members and my colleagues who have been instrumental in my accomplishment.
My arena of study covered many people and places. It was made possible with the untiring efforts of Rev. Fr. Kokto Kurian Yimchunger and Mr.Chimjiba Martin
Yimchunger, contributing their time, energy and knowledge. Elders, leaders, youths, students and many others joyfully joined and made themselves available for responding to my questionnaire, interviews and other forms of data collection. I convey my thanks to Most. Rev. Jose Mukala & Most Rev. James Thoppil (Bishops of Nagaland) and other Missionary Priests of the Catholic Church, who anointed and facilitated my study in various ways. I place on record the encouragement and support received from
St.Francis Community, Shamator and Queen Mary Parish, Mokokchung.
I humbly acknowledge that my study was made possible by the resources made available in N.U. Library, Lumami, G.S.S. Library, Dimapur, St. Joseph College
Library, Jakhama and NESRC Library, Guwahati.
The evergreen love and care of my parents, friends and dear ones contributed beyond measure in the past five-year long studious effort. I gratefully cherish it forever.
Francis Sebastian TABLE OF CONTENTS
ACKNOWLEDGEMENT i
TABLE OF CONTENTS ii
LIST OF TABLES viii
LIST OF FIGURES ix
ABBREVIATIONS x
GLOSSARY xi
MAPS xiii
CHAPTER 1
INTRODUCTION 01 - 37
1. 1 Conceptual Framework 02
1. 2 Statement of the Problem 06
1. 3 Review of Literature 09
1. 4 Objectives of Study 32
1. 5 Scope of the Study 33 1. 6 Hypothesis 34
1. 7 Area of Study 34
1. 8 Methodology 36
CHAPTER 2
SOCIO-HISTORICAL BACKGROUND OF
THE YIMCHUNGER NAGAS 38-63
2.1 The Term ‘Naga’ 40
2.2 Origin and Migration of Yimchunger Nagas 45
2.3 Founding of Yimchunger Village 58
2.3.1 Sang lipkhikhi (slaying the tree method) 68
2.3.2 Alo kiu khit khi (Digging-the-mud method) 69
2.3.3 Thuruji Kiu Khi (Spreading the grain method) 69
2.3.4 Kheakhnu laksakhi rük (Killing of the pig) 70
2.3.5 Khihnu laksakhi rük (Killing of the dog) 70
2.3.6 Thünu laksakhi (Killing of the cock) 70
2.4 Yimchunger Language 62 CHAPTER 3
GOVERNING SYSTEM OF THE YIMCHUNGER NAGAS 64 - 119
3.1 Limberu 65
3.1.1 Kiulongthsüpuh 65
3.1.2 Kiulongthsüru 69
3.1.3 Members by Privilege 72
3.1.4 Cho-cho-rü 72
3.1.5 Aheangrü 72
3.1.6 Amükeamrü 73
3.1.7 Limperu and Mahtsahrü 74
3.2 Power and Functions of the Kiulongthsüpuh/Kiulongthsürü 76
3.2.1 Legislative Power 77
3.2.2 Executive Power 78
3.2. 3 Judicial Power 79
3.3 Administration of Justice 81
3.4 British Administrative System 84
3.5 Modern Policies of the Government 91
3.5.1 The Nagaland Village and Area Council Act 1978 94
3.5.2 Village Development Board 107 3.6 Communitisation Policy 110
3.7 Eastern Naga Peoples Organization 115
CHAPTER 4
SOCIAL LIFE OF THE YIIMCHUNGER NAGAS 119 – 163
4.1 Clan 121
4.1.1 Khiang Topong and Khiang Yappung 122
4.2 Family 123
4.3 Marriage 127
4.4 Status of Women 132
4.5 Adoption 138
4.6 Divorce 141
4.7 Life Events & Traditions 142
4.8 Symbols of Life 143
4.8.1 Communitarian Living Style 145
4.8.2 Concept of Society 146
4.8.3 Dress 147
4.8.4 Tattooing 148 4.8.5 Head Hunting 149
4.8.6 Cultural Festivals 150
4.9 Land and Natural Resources 155
4.9.1 Common Land 156
4.9.2 The clan Land 156
4.9.3 Khel Land 157
4.9.4 Village Land 158
4.9.5 Jhum Land/Forest Land 159
4.9.6 Agricultural Economy 161
CHAPTER 5
CONFLICT RESOLUTION 164 - 185
5.1 Traditional Institutions of Conflict Resolution 168 5.1.1 Tsuhyung Arih 169
5.1.1.1 Family Conflict 170
5.1.1.2 Disputes within Village 171
5.1.1.3 Adultery 173
5.1.1.4 Divorce 173 5.1.1.5 Theft 174
5.1.1.6 Murder 175
5.1.1.7 Rape 176
5.1.2 Oath Taking 176
5.1.2.1 Pinthrüm 177
5.1.2.2 Alo Tüsho lung Tsükhi 177
5.1.2.3 Yamkhünthsükhi 178
5.1.2.4 Limthsükhi 178
5.1.2.5 Theft of an Animal 179
5.1.2.6 At the Establishment of a village 179
5.1.2.7 Land Dispute 180
5.1.2.8 Inter-Village Conflict 180
5.1.2.9 Inter-Tribal Conflict 180
5.3 Akhasherü 182
5.4 Basic Principles of The Traditional Methods 184 CHAPTER 6 FROM ANIMISM TO CHRISTIANITY 186 - 213
6.1 Lycanthropy 189
6.2 Belief in the Supreme Being 190
6.2.1 The Spirits 193
6.2.2 Worship and Sacrifices 194
6.2.3 Life after Death 195
6.3 Christianity Among Yimchungers 197
6.3.1 American Baptist Mission 197
6.3.2 Catholic Mission 203
6.4 Christianity and Educational Empowerment 206
6.4.1 Emergence of Social Leaders 210
6.4.3 Cultural Fusion and Diffusion 212
6.4.4 The Tribal identity 212
6.4.5 Change of World View 213 CHAPTER 7 SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION 223- 249
BIBLIOGRAPHY 250 - 261
ANNEXURE 262 - 269 LIST OF TABLES
Table No. Title of the Table Page No.
1 Opinion On The Origin Of Yimchunger Tribe 48
2 Opinion On The Origin Of The Yimchunger Tribe 49 According To The Educational Qualification Of The Respondents 3 Tribes Closely Associated With Yimchunger Tribe 51
4 Kiulongthsüru As The Original Governing Body Of 56 Yimchungers 5 Kiulongthsürü As The Original Governing Body – 68 Opinion According To Gender 6 Similarities Between Kiulongthsürü And Village Council 69
7 Opinion On Village Council A Better Replacement For 99 Kiulongthsürü 8 Opinion On Village Council A Better Replacement For 101 Kiulongthsürü According To Gender 9 Methods To Induct Members To Village Council 102
10 Village Council As Guardians Of The Customs And 103 Traditions 11 Improvement Of Governance Through VDB 106
12 Gender-Wise Opinions On The Improvement Of 109 Governance Through VDB 13 Similarity Between Kiulongthsürü And Communitization 110
14 Improvement Of Governance Through Communitization 114
15 Preference On Proposed Eastern Autonomous Council 115 16 Gender-Wise Opinion On Kiulongtsiipu Upholding The 117 Rights Of The Women 17 Induction Of Women Into Village Council 135
18 Need For 33% Reservation For Women In Village 136 Council 19 Christianity As A Major Influence On Changing The 199 Traditions Of Yimchunger Nagas 20 Age-Wise Response On Christianity As A Major 208 Influence In Changing The Traditions Of Yimchunger Nagas 21 Changes Brought About By Christianity In Traditional 209 Governance Of Yimchunger Nagas TABLE OF FIGURES
Figure No Title of the Figure Page No.
1 The Yimchunger Migrating With Other Tribes 50
2 Views On Kiulongthsürü As The Original Governing 61
Body
3 G.Bs And D.Bs As Hindrance To The Kiulongthsürü 84
4 Similarity Between Kiulongthsürü And Village 90
Council
5 Village Council As The Best Replacement Of 100
Kiulongthsürü
6 Clan-Based Appointment Into The Council 100
7 Major Functions Of The Village Council 104
8 Kiulongthsürü Upholding The Rights Of Women 105 ABBREVIATIONS
GB Gaonbura (Village Elder)
DB Dubashi (Interpreter)
VDB Village Development Board
VC Village Council
YTC Yimchunger Tribal Council
YWO Yimchunger Women Organization
NEFA North East Frontier Agency
VDBMC Village Development Board Management Committee
VEC Village Education Committee
ENPO Eastern Nagaland People’s Organization
TMPO Tuensang-Mon Public Organization
ENSF Eastern Nagaland Students’ Federation
ENWO Eastern Nagaland Women’s Organization
TED Tuensang Frontier Division
IFAS Indian Frontier Administrative Serivce
NHTA Naga Hills Tuensang Area
SHG Self Help Group
YBBA Yimchungrü Baptist Borü Amukhongto
YWO Yimchunger Women Organization
RTE Right to Education
D.C Deputy Commissioner CHAPTER 1
INTRODUCTION CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION
‘Old is gold,’ is the familiar proverb that suits most the description of the age-old traditions of a Naga tribe. Connected to it is another phrase, ‘history repeats,’ which means that a society tends to go through similar trends of events over the course of time. The philosophical thought that lies behind such quotes tells us that the ‘human nature is not a product of a day, but it is the continuation of
‘what was’ through ‘what is,’ in time and space in relation to the people under consideration. In terms of culture too, the above sayings are relevant; indicative of the continuity of nature in people’s life not only as an individual but as a group of people. In general, the people are grouped in terms of religion, race, language, region, etc. In all these, there is an element that connects them from what they were with what they are and what they will be. The static and the dynamic elements are two essential aspects of human life as individual and as a society. It is a matter of great interest to see the historical elements of the Yimchunger Naga tribe. Tracing its history to the pre-historic times via tales and traditions, the Yimchunger tribe has now come into the modern era of history. Change is obvious in many matters of
Yimchunger tribe like any other human group in the world. It is informative to delve into the reality beginning with one aspect of the cultural reality, though it is herculean to take the bite in its entirety. The changes are seen in all elements of life; dress, food, dances, architecture, art, music, etc. It varies in depth and width when it comes to the impact of the different influences from within and outside the society. Yimchungers form an essential part of the population of the state of Nagaland and the tribe is better understood also in relation to the State of Nagaland as a whole.
1.1 CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK
A group, no matter how big or small, is dependent on its organizational quality for its progress or digression. ‘Governance,’ is the organizational monitoring of a social group. Yimchunger Nagas have been the focus of the study in the following pages with special reference to their traditional self governing system. As a Naga tribe, with its own history and traditional identity, the
Yimchungers have a stock of culture with unique aspects of life and its organization. This study on such topic is considerably recent in the case of Nagas in general and of the tribes of the eastern Nagaland in particular. Many great practices and cultures were part of this particular tribal world and the one worth mentioning is the traditionally practiced governing system. While the tribe has travelled into the modern world, there are lot of changes taken place from within and outside. The life and growth of a social unit is dependent on its governing system for its sustenance and progress. Yimchunger Nagas, given its nomadic pre-historic times and settlement nature in the historic times, display a system of their own when it comes to the governance of their society. In comparison to the other Naga tribes in the state, there are many similarities with some while there are differences with other tribes. It is possible that the association with other tribes is a fact from olden times, yet their own organizational identity is also equally evident. The study is focused on the age-old traditional organization of governance of the Yimchunger Nagas. The concept of governance is an age-old vocabulary.
Over the time it has grown in its meaning and implication basing on the context and realm of reference. The term in a wider sense refers to the management of a given entity, such as policy making, execution of the legislations, modes of evaluation, etc. For instance in the business circle, governance relates to consistent management, cohesive policies, processes and decision - rights for a given area of responsibility. ‘Governance,’ as a concept has been developed in the recent past, though in effect it is as old as the humanity. In the ordinary understanding it refers to management. Since the last decade of the twentieth century, the term has been studied in various circles. It has come to the use of common man, though at times it has been used mistakenly as a synonym of ‘government.’ Governance is a ‘post- political,’ connotation for effective regulation, accountability, transparency and efficiency as against corrupt, inefficient and unaccountable governments, bureaucracies and quasi-governmental agencies. It goes beyond the conventional forms of democratic government or posits newer guidelines to stereotype features of democracy. Conventionally, governance encompasses manner in which the state and its various institutions negotiate and meditate with people, markets and civil society, through laws, policies, regulations and finance. Governance, today, is overarching with many dimensions including institutional and political manifestations. The term has been used at length to refer to the decision-making and the process through which power is exercised to utilize economic and social resources for development.1
The recent past has expanded the boundary of the vocabulary of
‘governance.’ It has evolved and transcended to the conventional area of the nation- state or government. Market forces as well as civil society processes and citizens’ initiatives have increasingly started influencing the process of governance in the current world. Many civil society organizations strongly believe that governance is not just the effective management of economic resources but it takes into account the well being of both the governed and the governing. It is based on a spirit of contract – that rulers and the people are bound by each other by reciprocal obligations. The foundation is the mutual agreement that assures accountability of those governing to the citizens in lieu of the authority vested in it by the citizens. In other words this perspective tells us that the governance is a contractual obligation between the citizens and the public actors. The World Bank defines governance as
“the exercise of political authority and the use of institutional resources to manage society's problems and affairs.”2 The Worldwide Governance Indicators Project defines governance as, “The traditions and institutions by which authority in a country is exercised.”3 This considers the process by which governments are selected, monitored and replaced; the capacity of the government to effectively formulate and implement sound policies and the respect of citizens and the state of
1 John Mohan Razu, Nagaland Post, ‘Unmasking Democracy, Governance and Development,’ 9th March 2014, p. 6. 2 http://www.en.wikipedia.org, as on 21 July 2010. 3 Ibid. the institutions that govern economic and social interactions among them. An alternate definition sees governance as, “the use of institutions, structures of authority and even collaboration to allocate resources and coordinate or control activity in society or the economy.”4
According to the United Nations Development Programme’s Regional
Project on Local Governance for Latin America, “Governance has been defined as the rules of the political system to solve conflicts between actors and adopt decision
(legality).”5 It has also been used to describe the ‘proper functioning of institutions and their acceptance by the public’ (legitimacy). It has also been used to invoke the efficacy of government and the achievement of consensus by democratic means
(participation). The two terms, ‘governance and government,’ are closely associated. Governance indicates the performance and the Government is the agency of performance. Governance is the way the government goes about.
Government has its varied forms and faces, such as geo-political, corporate, and socio-political or other forms. Governance is the very act of management, power and policy, while government is the instrument through which it gets done. The term government is also used more abstractly as a synonym for governance, as mentioned in the Canadian motto, "Peace, Order and Good Government."6 As a system of organization, governance may operate in a network of any size; from a single human being to all of humanity; and it may function for any purpose, good or bad, for profit or not. Perhaps the moral and natural purpose of governance consists
4 Ibid. 5 Ibid. 6 Ibid. of ‘assuring, on behalf of those governed, a worthy pattern of good, while avoiding an undesirable pattern of evil. The ideal purpose, obviously, would assure a perfect pattern of goodness with no evil.’
Governing system of the Yimchunger Nagas in the general sense refers to the traditional mode of their village organization. The word tradition is derived from the Latin word, tradire meaning, ‘transfer, or handing over.’ Social tradition refers to the practices that are inherited by the society with symbolic meaning or special significance to their way of life. In general tradition includes the statements, beliefs, legends, customs, information, etc., handed over from generation to generation. The term ‘system’ refers to a combination of components that are organized to function as one unit with a purpose of achieving a common end. In the context of Yimchunger Nagas, the term ‘governing system’ means the structure, method, content and all such related factors that ensure the organization of a proper governance of the social either as a small unit or as a society at large.
1.2 STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM
Governing system is basic to every society as a means of sustenance, growth and development. In the olden days due to the practice of head-hunting, many villages, even those belonging to the same tribe, had very little contact with each other. Each village functioned like a village-republic organizing the affairs of life.
The study on Yimchunger Traditional Governing System, in the first phase, invites my inquiry to understand the institution in its traditional sense as practiced and followed in the ancient days. Kiulongthsürü is the traditional governing institution of the Yimchunger Nagas. They ruled and took care of the village in all its affairs.
They kept law and order, administered justice to the citizens, resolved conflicts and carried out other responsibilities relating to the sustenance of the village. It was a system of their own to manage the social organization, polity and religious pattern.
Therefore the study seeks further examination of the traditional status and working of kiulonghtürü, gathering information on the content, practices, rules and regulations related to it and to point out the actual manner and methods of governing policies and formats.
Change is the law of the nature. The changes are seen in all aspects of society including the traditional governance. British regime had the direct impact on Kiulongthsürü with the introduction of Gaonburahs and Dobashis together with the policy of District Administration. Formation of the Village Councils and
Village Development Board were part of the village development policies of the
Indian Government in the later years. The wave of change has influenced the social organization of the Yimchunger Nagas. The change has been implemented at different stages through different agencies. In this background, there are many questions that arise as part of my inquiry; which are the agencies of change and what has been the range of their impact, especially the prominent figures like
British Regime of the pre-independence period, Christianity, Modern Education,
Development policies of the Government, etc. Governing system is not a secluded component of a society. It is traditional and deeply rooted in the cultural thinking and practices of the people. Therefore changes in one field affect many other areas of the society including law and order, customs, beliefs, practices, religion, etc. Therefore it is a matter of interest to study the changing phase of the governing system together with the changes that occur in the customs, traditions, practices and beliefs of the Yimchunger Nagas.
The traditional governing institutions among the Yimchungers and the
Nagas in general, exercised the concentrated power with regard to the legislative, executive and judicial functions whereas the modern way of functioning is based on
‘separation of power.’ The study seeks to analyze the role and relevance of the traditional methods in the wake of institutions such as High Court, Supreme Court, etc. It is also important to see the potential relevance of the traditional court in handling the complexity of cases in the current scenario, with the growth of population and complexity of life.
Traditions have their worth, so also the modern elements of social formation are relevant. While the modernity is a greatly felt force of change, there are many efforts taken to preserve the traditional elements through adaptations and reformulation of the policies. For instance, the office of the Dobashis is an amalgamation of the traditional and the political statutory institutions. The article
371(A) of the Indian constitution is a step towards safeguarding the indigenous customary practices of the tribal world. Communitization is the recent developmental policy trying to embody the traditional organizational values of the democratic involvement and participatory nature of the citizens in the governance of resources. While observing these, the study asks further questions on the effectiveness of these new efforts and policies as to the length and breadth of success in the upkeep and rejuvenation of the traditional elements within them.
The social change related to the governing system of the Yimchunger Nagas is not limited in itself but it is in the context of the entire system of a tribe. The traditional is different from the modern, yet it is so much intertwined. Yimchungers were a unique group socially, historically and culturally. Even in the British writings there is very little mentioning of Yimchungers giving the impression that
Yimchungers were hardly known in the outer world. However they have come a long way from their secluded living style to the present age of the global village.
This has been consequential effects of Christianity, modern education and other factors of social changes of the modern times. In this context, it is my attempt to see how far the traditional governing system is affected and changed. The study includes the range of impact made by Christianity and other agencies of change in the field of social ethics, cultural reformation, traditional values, tribal practices, etc. While the modern education has been a prominent agency of change the effort is to see the impact it has made in the socio-economic and political arenas of
Yimchunger Nagas, their life style, social status, mode of social organization, etc.
Scientific studies in relation to a tribe, in any discipline, have tremendous value. It provides systematic knowledge and understanding of the society in a given situation. Though many scholarly studies are done on other Naga tribes in the past, there is no such study carried out on Yimchunger Tribe. This gives me greater impetus to study the Yimchunger Nagas from a holistic perspective and to bring to light the rich cultural and traditional heritage of Yimchunger Nagas.
1.3 REVIEW OF LITERATURE
The concept of governance has its basis on the concept of social contract.
One theory that explains well the formation and sustenance of social governance is the social contract theory. According to this social consensus is the basis of government. It is because people have agreed to be ruled and governments are entitled to rule. Social contract theorists envisage a transition of power from a state of nature to a state of government. Individuals come together and form contracts, which serve their interests, and these contracts establish rule. Social contract describes a broad class of theories that try to explain the ways in which people form states and/or maintain social order. The notion of the social contract implies that the people give up some rights to a government or other authority in order to receive or maintain social order.7 It is an agreement among all the people in the society to give up part of their freedom to a government in exchange for protection of natural rights.8 John Locke and Jean-Jacques Rousseau were two European political philosophers who developed this concept as understood in the present world. Social contract describes the form of theories and practices that form the ways in which the people rule themselves. The social contract aims at the development and
7 http://www.iep.utm.edu/soc-contract/ as on 27th Aug. 2012. 8 http://www.hisotrycentral.com, as on 9th Sep. 2011. perseverance of the social order in general and assurance of individual security in particular. The notion of the social contract implies that the people entrust themselves to a government or other authority in order to receive or maintain social order through rules and regulations. It can also be thought of as an agreement by the governed on a set of rules by which they are governed. Social contract theory holds the principle that power and authority are basically gained from the consent of those who are to be governed. The starting point for most of these theories is a heuristic examination of the human condition absent from any structured social order, usually termed the state of nature. In this condition, an individual’s actions are bound only by his or her personal power, constrained by one’s own conscience.
Social contract theory, nearly as early as philosophy itself, is the analytic description of society on its functional perspective. The view explains that the members of the society for their moral and/or political obligations dependent upon a contract or agreement among them to form the society in which they live.
However, social contract theory is rightly associated with modern moral and political theory and is given its first full exposition and defense by Thomas Hobbes.
The eminent thinkers who followed Hobbes include John Locke and Jean-Jacques
Rousseau who further took the theory into greater popularity making it an enormously influential theory. It has been one of the most dominant theories within moral and political teachings throughout the history of the modern West. In the twentieth century, moral and political theory regained philosophical momentum as a result of John Rawls’ Kantian version of social contract theory, and was followed by new analyses of the subject by David Gauthier and others.9
In the early Platonic dialogue, Crito, Socrates makes a great impression of what a social contract is by explaining why he believed that it was necessary to stay on in prison and accept the death penalty, rather than escape and go into exile in another Greek city. He personifies the Laws of Athens, and speaking in their voice, explains that he had acquired an overwhelming obligation to obey the Laws because they have made his entire way of life, and even the fact of his very existence, possible. They made it possible for his mother and father to marry, and therefore to have legitimate children, including himself. Having been born, the city of Athens, through its laws, then required that his father care for and educate him.
Socrates’ life and the way in which that life has flourished in Athens are each dependent upon the Laws.10 Importantly, however, this relationship between citizens and the Laws of the city are not coerced. Citizens, once they have grown up and have seen how the city conducts itself, can choose whether to leave taking their property with them or stay on. Staying implies an agreement to abide by the Laws and accept the punishments that they imply. Having made an agreement that is itself just, Socrates asserts that he must keep to this agreement that he has made and obey the Laws, in this case, by staying and accepting the death penalty.
Importantly, the contract described by Socrates is an implicit one: it is implied by his choice to stay in Athens, even though he is free to leave.
9 http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Social_contract as on 21 August 2011. 10 Ibid. In Plato’s most well-known dialogue, Republic, social contract theory is spoken of as an explanation for the nature of justice. It is said that what people would most want to do is to be able to commit injustice against others without the fear of punishment, and most want to avoid is being treated unjustly by others.
Justice then, according to him, is the conventional result of the laws and covenants that people make in order to avoid these extremes. Being unable to commit injustice with impunity, and fearing becoming victims themselves, men decide that it is in their interests to submit themselves to the convention of justice. Socrates rejects this view, and most of the rest of the dialogue centers on showing that justice is worth having for its own sake, and that the just man is the happy man. So, from Socrates’ point of view, justice has a value that greatly exceeds the prudential value. From
Socrates’ point of view, a just man is one who will, among other things, recognize his obligation to the state by obeying its laws. The state is morally and politically most fundamental entity, and as such deserves our highest allegiance and deepest respect. Just men know this and act accordingly. Justice, however, is more than simply obeying laws in exchange for others obeying them as well. Justice is the state of a well-regulated soul, and so the just man will also necessarily be the happy man. So, justice is more than the simple reciprocal obedience to law, as Glaucon suggests, but it does nonetheless include obedience to the state and the laws that sustain it.11
11 Ibid. Thomas Hobbes presents the general view of the social contract theory and its practical side. According to him human life would be ‘solitary, poor, nasty, brutish and short’ without political authority.12 In its absence, we would live in a state of nature, where we each have unlimited natural freedoms, including the ‘right to all things’ and thus the freedom to harm all who threaten our own self- preservation; there would be an endless "war of all against all". To avoid this, free men establish political community i.e. civil society through a social contract in which each gain their own rights in return for subjecting himself to civil law or to political authority.13 Hobbes’ political theory is best understood if taken in two parts: his theory of human motivation, egoism and his theory of the social contract, founded on the hypothetical State of Nature. Hobbes has, first and foremost, a particular theory of human nature, which gives rise to a particular view of morality and politics, as developed in his philosophical masterpiece, Leviathan, 1651. The
Scientific Revolution, with its important new discoveries that the universe could be both described and predicted in accordance with universal laws of nature, greatly influenced Hobbes. He sought to provide a theory of human nature that would parallel the discoveries being made in the sciences of the inanimate universe. His psychological theory is therefore informed by mechanism, the general view that everything in the universe is produced by nothing other than matter in motion.
According to Hobbes, this extends to human behavior.14 Human macro-behavior can be aptly described as the effect of certain kinds of micro-behavior, even though
12 S.Husain, Sociology, New Delhi: Danika Publishing Company, 2011, p. 7. 13 http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Social_contract as on 21 August 2011. 14 http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Thomas_Hobbes, as on 23rd June 2012. some of this latter behavior is invisible to us. So, such behaviors as walking, talking and the like are themselves produced by other actions inside of us. These other actions are themselves caused by the interaction of our bodies with other bodies, human or otherwise, which create in us certain chains of causes and effects, and which eventually give rise to the human behavior that we can plainly observe.
Human behavior, including all of our actions and choices, are then, according to this view, as explainable in terms of universal laws of nature as are the motions of heavenly bodies. The gradual disintegration of memory, for example, can be explained by inertia. As we are presented with ever more sensory information, the residue of earlier impressions ‘slows down’ over time. From Hobbes’ point of view, we are essentially very complicated organic machines, responding to the stimuli of the world mechanistically and in accordance with universal laws of human nature.
The theory holds that the mechanistic quality of human psychology implies the subjective nature of normative claims. ‘Love’ and ‘hate’, for instance, are just words we use to describe the things we are drawn to and repelled by, respectively.
So, too, the terms ‘good’ and ‘bad’ have no meaning other than to describe our appetites and aversions. Moral terms do not, therefore, describe some objective state of affairs, but are rather reflections of individual tastes and preferences. There is a leading thought that according to Hobbes humans are greatly and exclusively self-interested. This implies that humans tend to pursue only what they find to be in their own individually considered best interests; they respond mechanistically by being drawn to that which they desire and repelled by that to which they are averse. The desire to grow on one’s own desire is universal factor as he claims. According to Hobbes, even the reason that adults care for small children can be explicated in terms of the adults’ own self-interest as in the case that in saving an infant by caring for it, we become the recipient of a strong sense of obligation in one who has been helped to survive rather than allowed to die. The additional factor according to him is that human beings are reasonable. There is compelling factor in human to excel in their pursuit of desires. Rationality is purely instrumental.15 It can add and subtract, and compare sums one to another, and thereby endows us with the capacity to formulate the best means to whatever ends we might happen to have.
The political theory develops from this perspective. He says that the justification for political obligation is this: given that men are naturally self-interested, yet they are rational, they will choose to submit to the authority of a Sovereign in order to be able to live in a civil society, which is conducive to their own interests. Hobbes argues for this by imagining men in their natural state, or in other words, the State of Nature. In the State of Nature, which is purely hypothetical according to Hobbes, men are naturally and exclusively self-interested, they are more or less equal to one another, (even the strongest man can be killed in his sleep), there are limited resources, and yet there is no power able to force men to cooperate. Given these conditions in the State of Nature, Hobbes concludes that the State of Nature would be unbearably brutal. In the State of Nature, every person is always in fear of losing his life to another. They have no capacity to ensure the long-term satisfaction of their needs or desires. No long-term or complex cooperation is possible because the
15 Ibid. State of Nature can be aptly described as a state of utter distrust. Given Hobbes’ reasonable assumption that most people want first and foremost to avoid their own deaths, he concludes that the State of Nature is the worst possible situation in which men can find themselves. It is the state of perpetual and unavoidable war.16 This is not the end of life and the situation is not hopeless for those who think of a better living. The men are reasonable and this capacity can make their way out of such a state by recognizing the laws of nature, which show them the means by which to escape the State of Nature and create a civil society. The first and most important law of nature demands that each person must be willing to pursue peace when others are willing to do the same, all the while retaining the right to continue to pursue war when others do not pursue peace. Being reasonable, and recognizing the rationality of this basic precept of reason, men can be expected to construct a Social
Contract that will afford them a life other than that available to them in the State of
Nature. This contract is constituted by two distinguishable contracts. First, they must agree to establish society by collectively and reciprocally renouncing the rights they had against one another in the State of Nature. Second, they must imbue one person or assembly of persons with the authority and power to enforce the initial contract. In other words, to ensure their escape from the State of Nature, they must both agree to live together under common laws, and create an enforcement mechanism for the social contract and the laws that constitute it.17 Since the sovereign is invested with the authority and power to mete out punishments for
16 http://www.philosophypages.com/hy/3x.htm as on 28th August 2012. 17 Ibid. breaches of the contract which are worse than not being able to act as one pleases, men have good, albeit self-interested, reason to adjust themselves to the artifice of morality in general, and justice in particular. Society becomes possible because, whereas in the State of Nature there was no power able to ‘overawe them all’, now there is an artificially and conventionally superior and more powerful person who can force men to cooperate. While living under the authority of a Sovereign can be harsh. Hobbes argues that because men’s passions can be expected to overwhelm their reason, the Sovereign must have absolute authority in order for the contract to be successful. It is at least better than living in the State of Nature. No matter how much we may object to how poorly a Sovereign manages the affairs of the state and regulates our own lives, we are never justified in resisting his power because it is the only thing which stands between us and what we most want to avoid, the State of Nature.
According to this argument, morality, politics, society and everything that comes along with it, all of which Hobbes calls ‘commodious living’ are purely conventional. Prior to the establishment of the basic social contract, nothing is immoral or unjust; anything goes. After these contracts are established, however, then society becomes possible, and people can be expected to keep their promises, cooperate with one another, and so on.18 The Social Contract is the most fundamental source of all that is good and that which we depend upon to live well.
Our choice is either to abide by the terms of the contract, or return to the State of
18 Nicholas Abercrombie, The Penguin Dictionary of Sociology, Penguin Publishers, 2010, p.82. Nature, which Hobbes argues no reasonable person could possibly prefer. Given his rather severe view of human nature, Hobbes nonetheless manages to create an argument that makes civil society, along with all its advantages, possible. Within the context of the political events of his England, he also managed to argue for a continuation of the traditional form of authority that his society had long since enjoyed, while nonetheless placing it on what he saw as a far more acceptable foundation. John Locke's Second Treatise of Government (1689) explains that individuals would agree to form a state that would provide a "neutral judge", and that could therefore protect the lives, liberty, and material possessions of those who lived within it. While Hobbes argued for near-absolute authority, Locke argued that laws could only be legitimate if they sought to achieve the common good. Locke also believed that people will do the right thing as a group and that all people have natural rights.
Jean-Jacques Rousseau, in his influential treatise (Social Contract, 1762), outlined that liberty was possible only where there was direct rule by the people as a whole in lawmaking, where popular sovereignty was indivisible and inalienable.
The normative social contract is an effort to explain the sorry state of affairs and to remedy the social and moral ills that have been produced by the development of society. It is an attempt to build the bridge between what the society is expected to be and what it is in reality.19 The distinction between history and justification, between the factual situation of mankind and how it ought to live together, is of the
19 http:// www.en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jean-Jacques_Rousseau as on 23rd June 2012. utmost importance to Rousseau. While we ought not to ignore history, nor ignore the causes of the problems we face, we must resolve those problems through our capacity to choose how we ought to live. Might never makes right, despite how often it pretends that it can. The most oft-quoted line from Rousseau is the beginning of the theory, ‘Man was born free, and he is everywhere in chains’.20
This claim is the conceptual bridge between the descriptive work of the Second
Discourse, and the prescriptive work that is to come. Humans are essentially free, and were free in the State of Nature, but the ‘progress’ of civilization has substituted subservience to others for that freedom, through dependence, economic and social inequalities, and the extent to which we judge ourselves through comparisons with others. Since a return to the State of Nature is neither feasible nor desirable, the purpose of politics is to restore freedom to us, thereby reconciling who we truly and essentially are with how we live together.21 So, this is the fundamental philosophical problem that The Social Contract seeks to address: how can we be free and live together? Or, put another way, how can we live together without succumbing to the force and coercion of others? We can do so, Rousseau maintains, by submitting our individual, particular wills to the collective or general will, created through agreement with other free and equal persons. Like Hobbes and
Locke before him, and in contrast to the ancient philosophers, all men are made by nature to be equals, therefore no one has a natural right to govern others, and
20 Ibid. 21 Ibid. therefore the only justified authority is the authority that is generated out of agreements or covenants.
The most basic agreement is the primary agreement to come together and form a people, a collectivity. It is more than and different from a mere aggregation of individual interests and wills. This act, where individual persons become a people is ‘the real foundation of society.’ Through the collective renunciation of the individual rights and freedom that one has in the State of Nature, and the transfer of these rights to the collective body, a new ‘person’, as it were, is formed. The sovereign is thus formed when free and equal persons come together and agree to create themselves anew as a single body, directed to the good of all considered together. So, just as individual wills are directed towards individual interests, the general will, once formed, is directed towards the common good, understood and agreed to collectively. Included in this version of the social contract is the idea of reciprocated duties: the sovereign is committed to the good of the individuals who constitute it and each individual is likewise committed to the good of the whole.
Given this, individuals cannot be given liberty to decide whether it is in their own interests to fulfill their duties to the Sovereign, while at the same time being allowed to reap the benefits of citizenship. They must be made to conform themselves to the general will, they must be ‘forced to be free’. It is here he develops the concept of democracy. For him, this implies an extremely strong and direct form of democracy. One cannot transfer one’s will to another, to do with as he or she sees fit, as one does in representative democracies. Rather, the ‘general will’ depends on the coming together periodically of the entire democratic body, each and every citizen, to decide collectively, and with at least near unanimity, how to live together, i.e., what laws to enact. As it is constituted only by individual wills, these private, individual wills must assemble themselves regularly if the general will is to continue. One implication of this is that the strong form of democracy which is consistent with the general will is also only possible in relatively small states. The people must be able to identify with one another, and at least know who each other is. They cannot live in a large area, too spread out to come together regularly, and they cannot live in such different geographic circumstances as to be unable to be united under common laws. Although the conditions for true democracy are stringent, they are also the only means by which we can, according to Rousseau, save ourselves, and regain the freedom to which we are naturally entitled. Rousseau’s social contract theories together form a single, consistent view of our moral and political situation. We are endowed with freedom and equality by nature, but our nature has been corrupted by our contingent social history. We can overcome this corruption, however, by invoking our free will to reconstitute ourselves politically, along strongly democratic principles, which is good for us, both individually and collectively.
Aristotle was more friendly on the idea of democracy compared to Plato.
According to Plato democracy meant ochlocracy, the rule by the mob.22 According to Aristotle, when the many governed for the good of all, democracy was a ‘true’ or
22 Leon P. Baradat, Political Ideologies, Their Origins and Impact, New Delhi: Prentice Hall of India, 2008, pp.60-62. good form of government. To even the best of democracy, he preferred Aristocracy, which was the rule of the upper class for the good of all in the society. The upper class contained the people of greatest refinement and quality in the society; therefore, they were best equipped to provide sound government for the society as a whole. For Aristotle, the government was best only if the few ruled for the good of all.23
The governing system of the Yimchunger Nagas can be well understood in the context of the various theoretical perspectives and the tribally constituted cultural and traditional functions of life. The functionalists view in culture an inner consistency or in other words cultures are the integrated whole. Mallionwski builds on Taylor’s definition of culture, which says that culture is that complex whole which includes knowledge, belief, art, morals, law, custom and any other capabilities and habits acquired by man as a member of a society.24 According to
Mallinowski culture is an instrument which enables man to secure his bio-psychic survival and subsequently a ‘higher’ mental-intellectual survival. Therefore, since each aspect of a culture, whether it is economic organization or social organization or religion or language, is rooted in the needs of the human being, they are inter- related to each other through the common grounds of concern; the human beings with their own needs. There is nothing loose in a culture; it is all inter-connected, and no single trait has any meaning by itself unless it is seen in the context of the whole. Radcliffe-Brown is a step further in his explanation. According to him the
23 Ibid. 24 S.Husain, op.cit., p. 29. social organization is not only for the assurance of the individual needs but it aims at the solidarity of the group as a whole. Integration within a culture being the only way to secure the survival of a society, such integration is both an ideal as also the reality.
There are various insights from Indian literature on governance and in particular on Naga tribes that provide a platform of reference while making a study on the governing systems of the Yimchunger Naga Tribe.
The Arthashastra, the most ancient Indian text on governance and principles of political management of a state or an area of rule, believed to have been written by Kautilya who lived around 35-283 BCE and was a scholar at Takshashila and a teacher of Chandragupta Maurya. It offers an outline of the entire legal and bureaucratic framework for administering a kingdom, with all possible details.
Arthaśāstra is splendid with its focus on issues of governance including welfare and ethics which hold the society together. It is an indication of an ancient past of the country in the culture of governance as a kingdom. India is a nation of kingdoms and villages, with each its own traditional governing system. Today too India lives in villages as its vast bulk of population live in rural areas. In the post-independence period considerable population and regions have taken in institutional, structural and technological improvements leading to multifaceted transformations and changes.25
25 Jungmayangla Longkumar, Change and Continuity in Tribal Villages, A Sociological Study, New Delhi: Akansha Publishing House, 2009, p.2. Desai (Rural Sociology in India, 1961), in his studies on the Indian society and the Indian villages speaks of the fact that the civilization began with the development of agriculture and the village became the first settled form of human habitation and civilization. Therefore the village economy and agriculture are mutually related from time immemorial to this day. The organization of life of people and the village at large is centered on the development of agricultural activities, which were further developed through industrialization and other technological development.
Yogendra Singh (Modernization of Indian Tradition, 1988) observes that there has been immense change brought about in the Indian villages, through land reforms, development programmes, Panchayat Raj, electoral politics, etc. However there is a great continuity of the ancient in spite of all these changes. The modernization has not completely changed the villages but there are many aspects of community living and organization that keeps the villages unique and indigenous. The reforms and developments keep the village as a unit of administration and communication of change-producing values and techniques.
Srinivas, (India’s Villages, 1969) while depicting Indian social life through the description on Rampura village, describes the independent and self-governing life style of a village with its own assembly, office-bearers and officials to supervise the all-round management. He points out the role of the people allotted and managed according to their status of the caste. According to him each village has a pattern and mode of life, which is to some extent unique. Dube (Indian Village, 1967) describes Indian villages for its distinct entity with its own mores and usages. There is a systematic integration of economical, social and ritual patterns within the village. The village is a corporate entity. He explains that all the villages do not have a uniform pattern all over the country. The villages vary based on size of population, ethnic composition, caste, land ownership, structure of authority, local traditions, etc. He notes that a tribal village is often unitary in respect of its authority structure and its association with the ritual and cultural aspects of life.
The Naga villages stand unique, apart from the village status in comparison with other parts of the nation. They differ in their political, social and religious institutions; each village with its own council, customary laws and traditions.
However with the British colonial establishment and the political development later brought about many changes in the course of time. The introduction of Christianity and its educational work has been the most influential instrument of change in the
Naga society. From a pre-literate society it has moved into a modern way of life.
Referring to the rapid social changes, Hutton makes a reference in The Angami
Nagas, that there is rapid changes taking place in the western Nagas like Angami,
Lotha, Ao, etc., that there is a danger of such changes affecting the eastern Nagas too. Therefore there is an urgency to study these tribes and to retain their past history, which is very valid and informative. According to M. Horam, as explained in Naga Polity, (1975) a thorough knowledge and understanding of the political structure of the various Naga tribes would hardly be possible without a similar knowledge of their time-honored customary or traditional laws. He gives insight into the early Naga political institutions giving a comprehensive view of the three major Naga tribes, namely, Ao, Angami and Tangkhul. According to him Ao and
Angami tribes have democratic institutions, though with a difference in structure.
Tangkhuls have a Chieftainship system either elected or selected for a definite period or lifetime. He further explains the system of governance of the Naga tribes is executed through the governing body of Chief and the council, and through the customary laws and regulations. The Chief maintains the village administration with the council empowered with the executive, administrative and judicial powers.
Naga villages have been spoken of as ‘village-republic’ based on their independence of external forces and autonomous management of their own internal affairs. This makes them a distinct class. Ganguli (A Pilgrimage to the Nagas,
1984) asserts that ‘every village is an independent, self-contained administrative unit.’ It is an accepted fact no villages accepts the authority of another village when it came to the management of their internal affairs. Chandrika Singh through Naga
Politics, A Critical Account (2004), gives a critical view of the development of the governing system among the Naga tribes. According to him the basis of the ancient political system of the Naga people was the sovereign village state with different forms of government. The Semas, Konyaks and Maos practiced hereditary monarchy. The Sema Monarch had absolute power. The Angamis, Lothas,
Rengmas, etc. practiced a peculiar type of Monarchy with little variation in the nature of composition of political System. In the words of Asoso Yonuo (The Rising Nagas, 1974) the Nagas are normally governed by the kings or chieftains of their respective villages, chosen for their bravery in war skilful diplomacy richness in the farm of cattle and land or power of oratory in contrast to the hereditary system in which the office of a king passes to the eldest son on the death of his father. J.P. Mills (The Ao Nagas, 1922), notes that the village assembly body alone is the apex body of the Nagas. The village was the highest form of the organization among the Nagas that represented political, social and religious bonds. Hence an inquiry into Naga policy must begin with the village. R.S. Mayori states in the article, (Westoxification of Nagas 2006), that the Nagas have continued to evolve modern political institutions and organizations in consonance with the democratic principles of Nagas society. Naga polity is based on equal representation for each tribe, large or small. The polity is based on consensus and not election, which promotes conflicts and power-struggles to the detriment of the people. Almost all the Naga organizations function on this democratic principle of equal representation of all people without allowing the politically and economically powerful tribes to dominate decision-making.
Temjensosang (Self-governing Institutions of the Nagas, 2013) in his studies has stated the working of the Ao political institutions called Putu menden,26 social and religious institutions and changes that have been brought upon through the introduction of Christianity and modern education. The traditional governing system has its unique place among the Naga tribes in terms of structure and the
26 Putu Menden is the traditional self-governing institution of the Ao Naga community. functional style. The assembly of Putu Menden in general is a composition of the representatives of every clan in the village. Equal share is given to every clan through the organizational structure. The persons selected to be the part of the Putu
Menden is entrusted with the responsibility to be carried out diligently. The council has the legislative, executive and the judiciary functions of the Government.
Neivetso Venu (Colonization and Restructuring of Naga Polity, 2004) explains that the British colonization of Naga territory gradually brought about certain changes in the administration of the Nagas while leaving them to administer their villages according to their respective customs and traditions.
John Sema (Traditional and Modern Political Institutions of the Nagas
2013), explains the details of the Sumi culture of hereditary chiefship, based on the belief that those born of the chieftain’s blood would be the better rulers compared to other citizens of the village. His study gives a vivid picture of the various elements that give shape and strength to the structure of leadership. He observes that there are changes under the impact of the modern day development. It has influenced the traditional system and yet there is ample relevance of the traditional governing systems over above the modern agencies of social change.
A. Nshoga (Traditional Naga village and its transformation, 2009) attempts to explain the various impacts that have taken the Naga village administrative and functional system over the course of time from time immemorial to the modern times. He elaborates a comparative view of the different Naga tribes spread across the different states of North East India. According to him the tribes have undergone varied changes in their traditional structural and functional features.
Lucy Mair (Primitive Government, 1962) discusses on the African states and the East Africa. It discusses the formation of polity based on culture and tradition of that particular society. The British administrators and Ethnographers in the later part of the 19th Century have greatly worked on the tribal societies of
North East India to present the social structure and customs of the tribal people.
These provide a scholarly outlook into the governing system of the Nagas to work further on in the same line. Elwin Verrier (The Nagas in the Nineteenth Century,
1969) has discussed the social life of the Nagas and the working of its democratic institutions. While referring to the great values of democracy practiced through the ancient tribal governing system of the Ao Nagas, he describes it as one of the great democratic forms of traditional governance. Further W.C. Smith (The Ao Tribes of
Assam, 1980) has made a systematic account of the Ao Naga Social life and its culture with ample reference to the system of governance. It sheds light on the smooth working of village administration, speaking of the unique style and composition of the governance. According to him, it assures democratic participation of the people and responsible output from the side of the leaders.
Among the Indian social scientists many such similar studies on state and polity formations have been carried out. Mention may be made of the work of Romila
Thapar who observes theories on the earliest formation of state in India. A.C. Sinha, discussing on the formation of polity in tribes of central India, has brought into limelight the great importance of such studies. He speaks of the realm it provides to understand the people and the culture from its own perspective. K.R. Singh’s study on Polity Formations of Moyon and Paitei tribes of Manipur is an enriching literature with adequate information on the traditional governing systems in the tribal context. A pioneer local Scholar, Pangar Imchen, (Ancient Ao Naga Culture and Religion, 1993) discusses the socio-political and religious aspects of the Ao
Nagas enriches in understanding the present study. Added to this are the studies initiated by the Guwahati High Court research institute on the self governing institutions of Mizoram, Nagaland and Arunachal are some of the work that sheds light on the present study.
Oral traditions such as myths and legends are great informants on the tribe.
They explain the worldview of the tribal people. These have been orally passed on from generation to generation. Therefore, today while attempting to speak of the tribe, in any term of reference, the legends and myths become the reliable source of information. Gary Okhiro (Oral History and the Writing of Ethnic History 1981) states, Oral History is not only a tool or method for recovering history; it is also a theory of history which maintains that the common folk and the dispossessed have a history and that this history must be written. It is possible that the oral traditions can be challenged for their historical evidences, but it is the undeniable fact that the myths and stories handed over from generation to generation gives enlightenment on the way people understood and expressed the facts of life, that is otherwise remained inexplicable. Oral history offers a unique view of the past. What makes oral history distinct is that it is a story being told and it is a way in which a story is told - what is left in and what is considered unimportant - can tell much about a person or a group. Jan Vansina (Oral Traditions and History, 1985) says that
‘whether memory changes or not, culture is reproduced by remembrance put into words and deed. The mind through memory carries culture from generation to generation. The oral traditions should be central to students of culture, ideology of society, of psychology, of art and finally of history.”
In the circumstances of the absence of a written language, oral tradition - folk songs and folk tales - become greatly important. They narrate what it was like from the pre-historic times. The people do not have books and documents to explain the past stories but it is preserved through words and tunes that are sung over and over again when they gather together. The folk songs and music are a variety with a beauty of its own. They are formed of ‘words of praise of an individual or a group or event’ related to the celebration of the day. The samples of folk songs shown below explain the worldview of the people. For instance, the folk song on the migration-route of the Yimchunger Nagas shows their traditional belief in their migratory past.
Oh Tsale tsale-a shi, jiprürübo tsale-e shi Oh we are good, the goodness of our Fore-fathers Oh lade tsale-e tsa, monglia mihtsuübo Oh people of Mongoia, migrated from place to place China ching arü, China ching nü lado those came from China, were in China Thailand ching nü arü, Thailand ching lado those came from Thailand, were in Thailand Oh müyambe tsale so, müyambuh tsale Oh my friends are good, my friends are good Burma ching laba, Nagalo khiungde were in Burma, reached the land of Nagas The traditional way of making fire and the song attached to it is an oral record of their unique culture and it is revelatory of their past life. They used dry wood, bamboo strips and wood particles to make fire. They pull the bamboo strings across the dry wood and in the process it gets heated and fire is lit. The dry particles attached to the wood form fire from the sparks that are caused by the rubbing of the bamboo strings on the wood. They have a song to sing while they prepare the fire.
The custom holds that those who gather around call upon the fire to come and once it is lit they dance around in joy and celebration. The lighting of the fire marks the beginning of the celebration.
Moh moh süh a lüa Fire –fire-made-pulled Hia - ji-ee -ho he Here –called Moh –moh-süha –lüa- hia –suoh - oh-he Fire fire –made – pulled here raised.
The songs are associated with the daily lives of the people. The main activity of the people in the olden times was cultivation. They occupy themselves with songs as the engage themselves in the field chores. The following songs are used in the fields as they keep working. They do not contain words but are mere sounds sung in beautiful tones. The words differ according to the type of cultivation.
Wu wo wu (while cleaning for the first millet) Oh hai (while sowing of the paddy) Holo ho hai (while cleaning of the whole work) Mo ng ko (while carrying of the harvest crops) It is customary that the rich people of the village invite the villagers to a festive meal. This gives special recognition to the invitee too. On occasions like this, people partake in a meal and engage in merry making. The people gather to sing and dance, showering praises on the invitee. The songs also contain the wishes of the people for the village in the days to come. The songs are the earnest call for
God’s blessings upon the village for peace and prosperity. They call upon the neighbouring villagers and desire for peace and unity. Rice beverage is a homemade fermented drink. It is used a lot in the festive gatherings. The people, when served with it, become exuberant and share songs and dances. Similar is the celebration when a new village is established. The folk songs speak of land as the prime symbol of social status and personal establishment. It is a prominent concern of the individual and of the village. When a new village is established the leaders take extra care to mark the boundary of the land for a village. It is a great joy to have found the right land for the village. The songs resound the joyful expressions of the villagers. On the celebrative occasions it is common that the people sing the praises of the village land.
Yimchungers, with a historical background of a migrated population becoming a recognized tribe, have come a long way. They were organized in their own way as a village and as a tribe. Each village had its own elders to rule, govern and guide. While the historical facts are not known much, especially in written form, the oral tradition and cultural practices speak of what they are as a tribe. The development is on the progressive mode taking into consideration the various agencies of social change. To speak of the tribal governance and organization, it is necessary to comprehend the tribe in all its aspects. To understand the tribe in terms of its identity it is to take into consideration the various aspects from social to cultural elements of life.
1. 4 OBJECTIVES OF THE STUDY
1. To shed light on the Yimchugner Naga tribe; its culture and social formation
in the background of the governing system that has come through various
phases of time.
2. To examine in retrospect the governing system of the Yimchunger Naga
tribe
3. To trace the relationship between the traditional system and the
Administrative Policies of the Government.
4. To articulate the challenges and propose some strategies for the positive
implementation of the governing policies.
1.5 SCOPE OF THE STUDY
The study on the Yimchunger tribe has a multi-faceted scope. It is the unearthing of the governing system of the Yimchunger tribe; its system, composition, development and growth. The formation and functioning of the village are encompassed in its governing system. The study on the governing system of the Yimchunger is relevant and important given its continued impact in the present social and political scenario, bringing to light the method and mode of the indigenous tribal political institution and the range of its function.
The study provides a bank of knowledge on the tribe in the sociological perspective, empowering the students of sociology in the understanding of the tribal society. Further, the study gains an interdisciplinary attention with its relevant information, supporting the students of other disciplines, in studying the society be it in Political Science, History, Economics or other branches of social science.
Anthropology and Theology are closely connected disciplines with this study with its evident interlinking of thoughts and ideas on the various aspects of the tribe. It amply provides information to anyone who desires to know the various aspects of
Yimchunger society, like social change, social dynamics, religion, etc. It is an informative manual on Yimchunger Nagas especially those in the academic field.
The range of topics discussed in the study includes origin, formation, social organization, religion, traditional methods of conflict resolution, etc. Therefore it is a handy resource for even general reader to gain information on the tribe, which is otherwise unknown through books and literature. As a whole, the study provides an understanding that can help in better planning and in policy making by finding ways and means of acceptance of the improved practices, in the formulation of developmental politics and programmes across the borders of disciplines, subjects and departments. 1.6 HYPOTHESIS
1. Governing System of the Yimchunger Nagas survives in spite of the
influences of the political and administrative policies of the British and
Indian Government.
2. Governing System of the Yimchunger tribe has been overrun by the
Administrative policies of the British and the Indian Government.
1.7 AREA OF STUDY
In the instant case, the study covers the whole of Yimchunger tribe, which is spread out into 92 villages in the districts of Tuensang, Kiphire and Dimapur.
The study aims to have a comprehensive view of the entire tribe, however for all practical purpose it is difficult to get in touch with all the 92 villages. Therefore, the attention is paid to five selected areas; Shamator, Tuensang, Pungro, Chessore and Showba. These give a valid representation in terms of population and geographical region.
SHAMATOR: Shamator is a little habitat of the Yimchunger tribe in
Tuensang District. It is the tribal headquarter and it is also the growing Civil administrative headquarter. In terms of governing system it contains both the ancient and the modern elements. TUENSANG: Tuensang is the district headquarters for almost half the population of this tribe. The place also has a sizeable population with the majority of those migrated over to this place for social, economic and political advancement. These reflect the changing sphere of the people in various aspects that come under the perspectives of the study.
PUNGRO: It is situated in Kiphire District, close to the Saramati
Mountian range bordering Myanmar. This region has the best representation of the tribe in terms of its sub-tribes and in numbers. This region also includes remote areas, which has the ancient face of the tribe in many aspects.
CHESSORE: This falls in the western side of the Shamator region and is a growing region. This area has a sizeable number of villages including the first
Yimchunger village. The area is a great source of information on matters related to the tribal customs and traditions.
SHOWUBA: The village of Showuba is situated a little outside the township of Dimapur, which is the gateway to Nagaland. Dimapur is the economic headquarter of the state and as such it displays the influence of the modern development on the social governance. This brings the region under observation for information on the matters under consideration. 1.8 METHODOLOGY
The current study revolves around the Governing System of the
Yimchunger Nagas. The sources of information in this regard are varied. In view of the collection of the primary data, the first technique employed was interview.
The interviews were ample and opportune tools to collect the information and proved effective to access the source of information in the form of a face-to-face discussion between the interviewer and the interviewee. The use of interviews with its simple, quick, and affordable nature made it possible to access the educated and the uneducated, formal and informal groups alike. There were also unstructured interviews, put to use extensively and made the process of data collection informal and workable. Face-to-face interviews helped greatly to get first hand information on the related matters whereas the structured interviews focused on specific information in a specific manner from specific people. It is relevant to note that the interview made it possible to substantiate the different levels of fact-finding such as, information, comparison, verification, opinions and perspectives, the analytical perspectives of the interviewee, suggestions and reactions to the evaluator's hypotheses and conclusions. The formal interviews were mostly organized with pre-information on the details of the matter, time, place, etc. Unstructured interviews were conducted by way of informal conversation during the visit to the homes, field of work, council hall, etc. The primary data collected through the interviews were primarily from; a) The elders from the villages of the selected area, who actively participated in the village administration. b) Leaders/elders, who possessed good knowledge about the Yimchunger tribe and are connected to the administrative affairs of community through their area of work. c) Youngsters/students who have been intellectually trained and are able to view the society critically and are hopeful of influencing the society in its administration.
The information collected from village elders, women and educated people enlightened immensely. Participant and non-participant observation were also helpful tools in the collection of information. This was used in order to get detailed and direct information on the matters of study. Observation made it possible to collect rich qualitative data where the relevant matters were carefully observed and recorded.
Questionnaire was a major technique used to gather the data. This was used to collect data on the researched topic from selected respondents from different walks of life. 250 respondents were selected in all, of which 50 each was from the five areas of study. Based on the objectives of study the questionnaire was prepared on various topics seeking the relevant response from the Yimchunger population across the five selected areas as mentioned above. Respondents consisted of policy makers, Officers, village authorities, NGOs, employees, elders and students. After having collected the data through the questionnaire from the respondents Statistical
Package for Social Science (SPSS) was used to analyze them. The analyzed data are presented in the form of tables, figures, description and interpretation and are placed under relevant topics discussed in the different chapters. The secondary source of information comprised of books, journals and articles which provided enlightening information from around the world on the research topic and related matters. CHAPTER 2
SOCIO-HISTORICAL BACKGROUND OF THE YIMCHUNGER NAGAS CHAPTER 2 SOCIO-HISTORICAL BACKGROUND OF THE YIMCHUNGER NAGAS
“The territories that were hitherto known as the Naga Hills – Tuensang Area under the Naga Hills–Tuensang Area Act 1959, and any other Naga Area which may hereafter come under it shall form a state within the Indian Union and be hereafter known as Nagaland,”1 thus read the first point of the 16 point Agreement by then
Prime Minister, Jawaharlal Nehru, on 26th July 1960 at the meeting with the delegation from Nagaland led by Imkongliba Ao.2 History holds in great stead the development of the statehood of Nagaland that followed the momentous announcement by the same Prime Minister, made in the Lok Sabha of the Indian Parliament on
August 1, 1960 that Nagaland would be the sixteenth state of the Republic of India.
The present Nagaland was only a district called ‘Naga Hills’ within the State of Assam till 1957. It was administered by the Ministry of External Affairs with the nomenclature of Naga Hill Tuensang Area from 1st December 1957 to 18 February
1961. According to the 16 point agreement the State of Nagaland was placed under the
Nagaland Regulation (Traditional Provisions) 1961 which provided for an interim
Body consisting of 42 members to be elected by various tribes according to the customs, traditions and usage of the respective tribes. On August 29, 1962 Pandit
1 Tuensang Gazette, Government of Nagaland, 1979, p.3 2 Murkot Ramunny, The World of Nagas, New Delhi: Northern Book Centre, 1988, p.92. Nehru introduced the Bill in the Parliament for the formation of Nagaland as a full- fledged State. It became a reality on 4 September 1962, when President of India gave his consent to the Bill and the Constitution Amendment Act. The Act provided for the formulation of the State of Nagaland as the 16th State in the Indian Union. Late
Mr.Vishnu Sahay was appointed the first Governor of Nagaland. Pending the first
General Election, the interim Body was dissolved on 30 November 1963 and a
Caretaker Government was formed with Mr.P.Shilo as the Chief Minister. The State of
Nagaland was inaugurated on 1 December 1963 at Kohima by then President of India,
Dr. S. Radhakrishnan.3 The first general election of the state was held in January 1964, and consequently the first Nagaland Legislative Assembly was formally constituted on
11 February 1964. As per the provision of Section II of the State of Nagaland Act,
1962, the total number of seats in the Nagaland Legislative Assembly was fixed at sixty. However, for the period referred to in Article 371(A) of the Constitution, the first ten years from the date of formation of the state, the total number of seats in the
Legislative Assembly of Nagaland was fixed 46 of which 6 seats were reserved for
Tuensang District to be filled in by persons chosen by members of Tuensang Regional
Council from amongst themselves. With effect from 6th March 1969, the seats allotted to Tuensang District were raised from 6 to 12 and the strength of the Legislative
Assembly increased from 46 to 52. In 1974, the people of Tuensang voted for the first time to elect their 20 representatives to the Legislative Assembly making the total
3 P.T. Philip, The Growth of Baptist Churches in Nagaland, Guwahati: Adithya Publications, 1983, P. 7. strength 60.4 Nagaland was formed by merging the Hill District of Assam and the
Tuensang Division of the North East Frontier Agency bordering with Burma to the
East, Arunachal Pradesh to the North, Assam to the West and Manipur to the South.
Geographically the state approximately lies between 25°6' and 27°4' latitude, North of
Equator and between the longitudinal lines 93°20'E and 95°15'E.5 The Naga Hills is a continuation of the Himalayan folded mountains. The formation belongs to the tertiary period. The general elevation of the state ranges from 914 meters to 3840 meters above sea level.6 The area of the state is 16,527 sq.kms.7 At the time of its creation, Nagaland had only about five lakhs of people and as per the 2011 census the total population of
Nagaland is 19,78,502 of which 10,24,649 and 9,53,853 are males and females respectively.8 The tribal population of the state belongs to 17 officially recognized tribes speaking over a hundred dialects. The hill ranges, with extended mountains and valleys and a small portion of plain land, is an absorbing beauty to the eye of anyone who enters the perimeter of the state of Nagaland.
2.1 THE TERM ‘NAGA’
The term Naga refers to the tribal population including the Yimchungers. The
Naga tribes reside in the various regions of the states of Nagaland, Manipur,
Arunachal Pradesh and Assam. There are various theories explaining the
4 Ved Prakash, Encyclopedia of North-East India, Vol. V, Delhi: Atlantic Publishers, 2005, pp.57-58. 5 http://www.nagaland.nic.in, as on 10.07.2011. 6 Charles Chasie, The Naga Imbroglio, Kohima: Standard Printers and Publishers, 1999, p. 21. 7 http://www.nagaland.nic.in , as on 26th Jan. 2012. 8 Census 2011, Kohima: Government of Nagaland, 2012, p.9. nomenclature, ‘Naga.’ The majority of the scholars agree that the name was given by the outsiders and not likely by the people of Nagaland.9 ‘Nagam’ is a Sanskrit word which means hill. Therefore some view that word ‘naga,’ derived from this Sanskrit word to mean the ‘hill-man’ or the ‘inhabitants of hill.’ Another possibility is the
Sanskrit word ‘nagnah’ meaning ‘naked,’ in view of the paucity of their clothing in the olden times.10 This can be taken with a pinch of salt for the simple reason that such status was the same for numerous other groups of people living in different parts of the world. The Nagas couldn’t have been the exceptional group to get a special name for themselves in this regard. It is obvious that the Nagas were not the only group that had their ancestors with scanty clothing. This is an indication of the presence of various types of people in the vicinity. It is said that the people of Cachar, (commonly known as kacharis) called the hill people nanngra. The word means ‘warrior’ or ‘fighter.’
The Assamese prounce the word ‘nanngra’ as ‘nugha’ or ‘noga.’ Elwin speaks of the origin of the term from the word ‘nok’ meaning ‘people’ in a few Tibeto-Burman languages. It is common throughout India for tribesman to call themselves simply,
‘people’ free of communal or caste association.”11 He speaks of them, ‘Indo- mongoloid folk living in the North-Eastern hills of India, divided into over a dozen major tribes, speaking more than a dozen languages and dialects, formerly notorious for head-hunting, which is also the only thing most people know about them, but today
9 Hokishe Sema, Emergence of Nagaland, Delhi: Vikas Publishers,1986, p.2 10 P.T Philip, op cit., p.4 11 Verrier Elwin, The Nagas in the Nineteenth Century, London: Oxford Unity Press, 1961, p.4. awake and stirring, anxious to progress.’12 Another view is that the word Naga also possibly came from ‘naka’ meaning snake, referring to the animistic practices, worshipping the nature. This is a remote possibility because the Nagas are not seen to have had the practice of snake worshipping. The reference is also spoken of in the line of the character. Of all primitive tribes, the Nagas are said to be more ferocious and subtle. However this is a remote possibility and can’t be pressed too far. In nutshell, taking together all contexts, the term is applied to a collection of people belonging to various tribes. Today they are 17 major Naga tribes in Nagaland while others are spread into the different states of North East such as Manipur, Assam and Arunachal
Pradesh. The history of Naga tribes on origin and formation as tribes rolls into mystery and obscurity. Legends and myths become the source of knowledge and inquiry beyond them seems unanswerable.
Little is known about the pre-colonial history of the various Nagas groups. Linguistically the Naga languages belong to the Tibeto-Burman language family. All sorts of origins have been ascribed to the race, as Hutton observes: They have been connected with the head-hunters of Malaya and the races of the Southern Seas on the one hand, and traced back to China on the other. And Mills mentions the theory of the US American Anthropologist Fay-Cooper Cole to explain the large number of astonishing parallels between aspects of the Naga cultures and those of Oceania and of the Indonesian-Philippine island arc. Cole regarded the people in these areas as having a common origin located in the area of southern China which contains the sources and upper reaches of five major rivers in a fairly tight geographical space- the Brhamaputra, Irrawaddy, Salween, Mekong and Yangtze. According to Cole, the
12 Ibid. people followed the rivers in various directions during successive periods of migration.13
R.R. Shimray supports the hypothesis that the Nagas must have come from the sea coast or at least have been through some islands. This is based on the observation that the life style of the Nagas and the ornaments Nagas use indicate some sort of association to the sea coast. The Nagas use sea-shells for beautifying the dress and conch shells as ornaments.14 The Nagas belong to Indo-Mongoloid group of people living in the North-Easter hills of India. Dr. Verrier Elwin explains that the word Indo-
Mongoloid is useful as defining both the Indian connection of the people to whom it applies, and their place within the cultural milieu in which they established themselves.15 It also denotes their racial affinities. Chandrika Singh explains that the
Mongoloid tribes are originally known as ‘non-Chinese Chiang Tribes’, that migrated from the central Asia in B.C era due to the inhospitable land and environment they had been occupying. First, they migrated from there to North-west border of china and later on they spread over to China, Indonesia, Philippines, Bhutan, Myanmar and
Nagaland.16 This is thought so from the fact that the Naga people bear similarity with some tribal groups like Dyaks, and Koyans of Indo-Chinese countries. It is also mentioned that the type of blood of the peoples of Burma (Myanmar) Sikkim, Bhutan and other hilly peoples of southern part of Asia, is akin to that belonging to the Naga
13 Michael Oppitz, Ed., Naga Identities, Zurich: Ethnographic Museum of Zurich University, 2008, p.12 14 R.R.Shimray, Origin and Culture of Nagas, New Delhi: Pamleiphi Shimray, 1985, p.13 15 Verrier Elwin, op. cit., p.35 16 Chandrika Singh, The Naga Society, New Delhi: Manas Publications, 2008, p.29 Tribes.17 It is next to impossibility to have foolproof evidence or theoretical conclusion concerning the original home of the Nagas. Presently the state of Nagaland is the home of the many tribes with land set apart for living and cultivation. It is interesting to see that the different areas are dominated by the presence of one of the major tribes, while the town regions see the mixture of tribes. The overall view is that the present location was occupied after a series of migration from place to place. The early written works, mostly by the foreign writers, record matters to the same effect.
The earliest specific reference to the Nagas was made by Claudius Ptolemy in 150
AD, in his Geographia where he referred to the Naga country as ‘The realm of the
Naked.’18 The original text of Geographia is in Greek. The written records on Nagas are scarce and therefore it makes extremely difficult to get a real picture of the history of the Nagas especially of pre-colonial times. Buchanan remarks, “Over hundreds of years the pre-Chinese peoples of Central Asia were displaced into the upland areas of
Indo-Chinese lands far to the South and their pressure in turn triggered tribal movements which affected the whole of mainland South East Asia and the adjoining island worlds.”19 These immigrant tribes took various routes across the land. Some took the Himalayan section which extends down through the Patkai, Arakan Yoma, and Banda Arch towards Sumatra and Java, and some took the pacific section which extends from Formosa through the Philippines, Borneo and on to Japan. Some
17 As quoted by Chandrika Singh on W.C. Smith in, Ao Naga Tribe of Assam, London: 1925, pp.153-60 18 Visier Sanyu, A History of Nagas and Nagaland, New Delhi: Commonwealth Publishers, 1996, p.7 19 Keith Buchanan, The South East Asian World, London Press, 1967, p. 26 scholars strongly opine that the Nagas were among those tribes who migrated from
China through the Patkai section and settled on the way in the Naga Hills. There are living examples illustrating that during the migration some of the tribes broke away and settled down en-route. Malayisa and Taiwan have some indigenous groups who still have the similar traditions, culture, socio-religious organizations as the Nagas in the Naga Hills. Some of the mountain tribes of Vietnam also have much in common with some Naga tribes particularly in manner of dress and food habits.20 The expressions about the nomenclature, migration and occupation of the present territories by the Nagas are all based on legendary and mythological statements. It is a generally accepted fact that the Nagas in different waves migrated to the north-eastern part of India in pre-recorded times.
The Nagas of Nagaland, with the inclusion of the number of tribes within its boundary, have a lot in common as much as their distinctiveness from one another in many aspects. Dr.Verrier mentions that the basic interest of every Naga is his family, the clan, the khel (part of a village) and the village. This is considered by every Naga as the basic culture which must not be interfered with. A Naga is passionately attached to his land, village administrative system, cultivation and the administration of tribal justice through the village elders and tribal courts.21 The geographical setting of the village far from each other made them distinctive and self-reliant. The tribes vary in
20 Visier Sanyu, op.cit., p.11 21 Verrier Elwin, op.cit., pp.36-40 culture and traditions. Dialects, dress pattern, festivals, etc., are outstanding unique features of every tribe. The tribal governance has different formats ranging from dictatorship of the Sema Chief to the democratic leadership of the Lothas and
Rengmas. It is not easy to describe the tribe of a Naga by looks, dress, home or his village. They are different from tribe to tribe, yet they bear similarities in many ways.22
2.2 ORIGIN AND MIGRATION OF YIMCHUNGER NAGAS
The nomenclature ‘Yimchungrü’ or ‘Yimchunger’ is said to be a misspelled version of the original tribal name Yimkhiungrü.23 The name Yimchunger
(Yimchungrü) is originated from two words; ‘yim,’ meaning ‘search’ or ‘look for’ and
‘khiungrü,’ meaning ‘those who reached or found’. It is indicating the traditional view that the tribe evolved from Tibeto-Burman family and migrated from Mongolia to the present location in search of a better habitation. It is said that the forefathers crossed the Chindwin River and established a village at Mekong Valley. The practice of tattooing is said to have begun while they were at Mekong valley. Over the time they left this place and came to another location called Aruru, following the course of Tizu river. From there, they migrated to Juri, in Burma. Again following the river Tezu and
Zunki they came up walking intending to establish a village. They were in two groups.
22 Ibid. 23 M. Khalenmew Yim, The Yimchungrü & Christianity: A Brief History, Pungro: Daniel Brothers, 2012, p.4. One group followed the river while the other went around the hills searching for a new place to settle. However after a long separated life, they came together to settle in one place. This is the reason they are known as Yimkhiunger (later came to be known as
‘Yimchunger’) meaning ‘reached’ or ‘returned.’ The analysis is that the syllable, ‘khi’ came to be written as ‘chu’ and pronounced as in the present time.24 Other explanations are derived from the term ‘khiunger’ with the meaning ‘searching and getting,’ This means that the people of the tribe were dispersed once and got to recognize their own after being away from each other for a long time. The coming together in the later days made them call themselves as people who ‘got together after searching’. The word also is interpreted as the indication of the people who came back to their own land after being away for a long time. This points out to the sociological view that the people of
Yimchunger had a common origin and were dispersed during the migratory efforts.
However they strongly believe that the Yimchungers got themselves together in the present location after a long dispersed life away from one another. Tradition also shows that the people of this tribe were known by other neighbouring Naga tribes as they were called by others by different names like Yachumi (by Semas), Yansongr (by
Aos) Yanchonger (by Sangtams) and Yansung (by Changs).25
24 Personal Interview with Mr. Lakhum Yimchunger, aged 84, Chassire: on 22nd Dec. 2009 25 Personal Interview with Mr.Abraham, aged 43, Tuensang: 9th Jan 2011. The views on Yimchunger migration are many. One of the popular stories says that present Sikiang province in China was the centre of dispersion26 and Nagas as a whole are thought to have migrated from there to the present land.27 The reason for migration is believed to be forced labor during the building of the Great China Wall and unjust treatment and exploitation meted out to them by the advantaged race.28 The proponents of this theory claim that the Nagas resided for some time along the ridges of Mt. Mezosira that is near Chinese boarder of Yunan province in the northern part of
Kachin land.29 From Kachin they moved towards the Chindwin plains as far as Sagain and Mandalay in Myanmar. The constant conflicts and loss of life and property compelled them to retreat upward along the big Chindwin River.30 Some suggest that the course of Naga migration took place in three phases. The Yimchungrüs are said to belong to the second wave of migration along with Tankhuls, Ao, Chang, Sangtam and
Khiamnungan Naga tribes.31 There is another legend which is similar to the aforesaid explanation which is also connected to the origin of their name. It says that
Yimchungrü went about searching for good place to settle in two groups; one going by the river and the other by the land. Having gone around for a long time, both groups reached the same place. Misunderstanding arose concerning which group reached first.
26 M. Alemchiba, A Brief Historical Account of Nagaland, Kohima: Naga Institute of Culture, 1970, p.19. 27 M. Khalenmew Yim, op.cit., p.4. 28 S. J. Akhum, Yimchunger Christian Theology, Shamator: The Author, 2010, p.6. 29 M. Khalenmew Yim, op.cit., p.5. 30 Ibid. 31 M. Alemchiba, op.cit., p.20. But with the intervention of heavenly spirits both groups agreed to co-settle in the same place called Kemüphu. From there they went to establish Langa village and other villages later.32 Nevertheless if migration theory has to be relied upon, it is highly possible that Yimchungrüs could have settled first in Mukong (Thünim Kiulong) bordering Myanmar, which is the earliest known Yimchungrü village.33 The most common understanding among the Yimchungers is that the Thünim Kiulong was the first village to be established by those who migrated from Burma region. Later followed the other villages of Thsün Kioso, Kemiphu, Yanner/Yimchung Ayün and
Langa one after another.34
The respondents in the survey varied in their opinion on the origin of the
Yimchungers and their settlement in the present land. Observing the overall comparison, the majority (77.2%) seem to hold the view that Yimchungers have migrated to the present location from other places. As a whole, only 20.4% of the respondents are of the view that the Yimchungrü tribe originated from Khemiphu where as a negligible number of respondents (2.4%) hold that the origin of the tribe is different/unknown source. Going by the age of the respondents, 90.9% of the largest group that falls within 36-45 years of age hold the view that the Yimchungers migrated to their present region. 7.6% of them are of the view that the tribe originated from
32 Thomas Torepkiu Kips, Yimchunger Nagas, Unpublished works, p.4. 33 A. Nshoga, Traditional Naga Village and its Transformation, Delhi: Anshah Publishing House, 2009, p.38 34 Personal Interview with Mr. Athong Abraham, Aged 43, Joint Secretary, YTC, Tuensang: 23rd Feb. 2011. Kemiphu whereas only 1.5% of them have other views about the origin of the
Yimchungrü tribe.
Table 1 : Source of origin of the Yimchunger Tribe Origin of the Yimchunger tribe Age groups of the Originated from Total respondents Migration Others Kemiphu Under 25 years 27(62.8%) 14(32.6%) 2(4.7%) 43(100 %)
26 - 35 years 55(69.6%) 21(26.6%) 3(3.8%) 79(100 %)
36 - 45 years 60(90.9%) 5(7.6%) 1(1.5%) 66(100%)
46 - 55 years 28(77.8%) 8(22.2%) 0(0%) 36(100 %)
56 years & above 23(88.5%) 3(11.5%) 0(0%) 26(100 %)
Total 193 (77.2%) 51 (20.4%) 6 (2.4%) 250 (100 %)
It is possible that the understanding of history and background of a tribe is also dependant on the age and educational status of a person. Education and information gained from various sources influence the views of a person on these matters. The knowledge of the respondents about the origin of their tribe and migration was also ascertained and compared with their educational status and age. Education involves different efforts to raise awareness about issues in specific stakeholder groups and the general public in the Naga tribal communities. There are popular ideas relating to the origin of the Yimchungrü tribes. Among them, migration and ‘origin from Khemiphu’ are common and popular. Table 2: Opinion on the origin of Yimchungers According to the Educational Qualification
Educational Qualification of the Respondents Opinion on the origin of Total Yimchunger tribe Under Pre- Graduate Matriculation Matriculation University and Above
Migration 82(42.5%) 36(18.7%) 37(19.2%) 38(19.7%) 193(100%)
From Kemüphu 9(17.6%) 6(11.8%) 20(39.2%) 16(31.4%) 51(100%)
Any others 0 (.0%) 2(33.3%) 3(50%) 1(16.7%) 6(100%)
Total 91(36.4%) 44(17.6%) 60(24%) 55(22 %) 250(100%)
Yimchungers hold the tradition especially in connection with the Langa story of migration that they migrated to the present place along with the other Naga tribes. The association is ascertained with the similarity of customs and traditions too. For instance, there are close similarities of language among the Yimchungers, Sangtams and Aos. Other associations are related to the clan-structure of these tribes. However there are also views that the similarities are too naive to point out closeness in migration. The survey displays the differences in views by the respondents in the following manner. Figure 1 Opinion on Yimchunger tribe Migrating Along with other Tribes
The above figure reveals that 59.6% of the respondents do not subscribe to the theory that Yimchungers migrated along with other tribes to the present location but all by themselves. However less than half of the respondents (40.4%) say that the
Yimchungers migrated along with other tribes to the present location. The analysis shows that Ao, Chang, Khiamniungan and Sangtam are said to be among those with whom the Yimchungers migrated to their present location. The further examination also shows that Yimchunger language has close similarities with the language of the three of the four tribes. Every Naga tribe has some similarity with other Naga tribes, which is true also in the case of the Yimchungrü tribe. A handful of the respondents are also of the view that the Yimchunger tribe is related to Sumi tribe. Table 3 presents the immediately related tribes based on the respondents from the various places. Table 3: Views on Tribes Closely Associated with the Yimchungers Views on Tribes closely associated with the Name of the Tribes Yimchungers Tribe 1 Tribe 2 Tribe 3
Sangtam 115 (46%) 61 (24.4%) 14 (5.6%)
Chang 80 (32%) 97 (38.8%) 5 (2%)
Ao 12 (4.8%) 7 (2.8%) 11 (4.4%)
Sumi 6 (2.4%) 5 (2%) 4 (1.6%)
Angamis 2 (0.8%) 0 (0%) 0 (0%)
Khiamniungan 2 (0.8%) 17 (6.8%) 30 (12%)
Konyak 2 (0.8%) 3 (1.2%) 0 (0%)
Tikhir 2 (0.8%) 2 (0.8%) 1 (0.4 %)
Lotha 1 (0.4%) 0 (0%) 0 (0%)
Pochury 0 (0%) 0 (0%) 1 (0.4%)
Others/no opinion 28 (11.2%) 58 (23.2%) 182 (72.8%)
Total 250 (100%) 250 (100%) 250 (100%)
While there is general acceptance that the people are migrated from the regions of Myanmar, there is still difference of opinion on the first location of settlement. One version says that the Langa is the first place of settlement, which is in the western side of Shamator and when the people grew in number, they dispersed to other places to set up new villages. Another version holds that the people originally settled in Kemiphu but later went over to Langa before going to other villages. Y-annrü village, located adjacent Langa, is also spoken of as the original village-settlement of the people of
Yimchunger tribe. Kemüphu tradition holds that the Yimchungrü came out from a stonecave at Kemüphu and spoke different tongues. In the course of time due to difference in the language they used, the groups dispersed to the different parts according to language. They moved into the east, west, south and north according to the suitability of land for settlement. There is also a legendary description of Langa as the place of origin of all Naga tribes. Accordingly, Yimchungrüs are the original settlers of the Langa, the leading settlers among all other Naga tribes especially of the eastern region. For instance, the Ao tribe is said to have passed by them across the river going further looking for a place to settle. Therefore they are called the ‘Ao rü’, meaning the ‘the people who passed by or gone across. Mr. K. Zungkum Yimchunger, the then General Secretary of YTC, writes the following record in 1947 on the origin of the tribe in the context of the demand for the establishment of Tikhir as a newly recognized tribe.
“Both Yimchunger and Tikhir are from the same ancestral origin at a village called Kemüphu and till today they exist together. Thsenkiuso (Thunoknyu) village was established by Mr.Zongyimkiu, Mr. Resumong, Mr.Pajen, Mr. Kosheang, Mr.Lakiumong, Mr.Yimjimong, Mr.Sangkongthung, Mr.Hemong and Mr. Sangpen, all from Tophung Village and from there went down and established Kemiphu village. Thereafter, some migrated and established Tukheakiupong (Tukhiakhup) village. Then, some years later Mr.Zongyimkiu, Mr.Lakiumong, Mr.Renkiumong, Mr.Koshang, Mr.Sangjen and Mr.Hemong went up along the Yayi river and established Yimchung Auner villager. Some of them settled there, however, under the leadership of Mr.Kosheang, Mr.Zongyimkiu and Mr.Hemong shifted to another place and established Langa village. After many years of living there they dispersed after establishing Sangphur village, to Thsenkiuso and resettled in that village.”
The Tikhir-speaking people, who are considered as the part of the Yimchunger tribe, have a description of their own. The word Tikhir is a compound of two words taken from Tikhir dialect, ‘tukhia,’ meaning dew and liu, a suffix which connotes people. They believe that in the remote past the Tikhirs after years of migration, settled first at a place called, Taimephu, after crossing Myanmar through the Patkai range.
Taimephu meant ‘The hanging bridge’. This place is located between the rivers of
Zingki and Yai under Shamator sub-division which is about 5 kms south-west of
Waphur Village. There is also the attached legend which says that the people originated/came out of the stone caves at Tongkhin. The remnants of material culture like pottery, beads, ornaments, etc., found in this location is considered as signs of inhabitation of the people in the ancient days. As per the narration, the people grew in number in the later years which resulted in the establishment of more villages.35 The great forefathers found that Taimephu and its surroundings were always covered with
35 Personal Interview wth Mr. Antony Tsamong, aged 41, Kiphire: May 11, 2014. dew and therefore they had to wade through the dew that covered plants and trees daily. Therefore they were called ‘Thukhialiu’ meaning ‘Dew people’. The term,
‘Tikhir,’ is only a later version of this original term Tukhialiu. According to this version of the story, when the British got into Naga Hills and surveyed the un- administered area, the Government altered Thukhialiu to Tikhir; the change of pronunciation made for the sake of convenience. They hold on to the historical account, within the shrouded mystery of inconclusive description of migration of
Nagas in general, that the Nagas migrated from different parts of South-East Asian countries at different points of time for the simple reason that Nagas share a common socio-cultural and physical affinity with South East Asian Countries. The wave of migration included the Ao, Chang, Chirr, Khiamniungan, and Pochuri. After a process of years of migration across the various spots of settlement after crossing Chindwin
River, they came to the western side of the present Nagaland.
Presently, the eastern Nagaland is the home of the Yimchunger Nagas, together with other major Naga tribes, like Chang, Konyaks, Phoms, Khemungean and
Sangtam. This area has its own special history even within the ‘Naga Hills.’ Even after having gained comparatively good control over the Naga Hills, the then Tuensang Area remained a ‘thorn in the flesh’ for the administration. Elvin notes that, ‘the wild and rugged tract to the north-east’ remained yet to be brought in. He called them ‘martial tribes’ and for the lack of men and money the area was left to themselves. The Burma government took the same view, declared in 1895 that as long as the Nagas along the border refrained from attacking, there should be no interference in their affairs.36 The villages under Tuensang Area were brought under the provisions of a special Order-in-
Council from 1902 and the administration was done through the Governor-General of
India implemented through the Governor of Assam. The status continued through ‘The
Government of India Act of 1935’ and the ‘Indian Independence Act of 1947’. In 1948 a separate Tuensang Administrative division was created and a sub-division was carved out under the Assistant Political officer in 1951. The Extra-Provincial Jurisdiction Act of the same year authorized the Government of India to continue its administration.
North East Frontier Agency (NEFA) was the administrative division of the British to cater to the wide range geographical area that spread over three thousand square miles and to keep them separately from the Tibetan mountains. Tuensang remained as part of it until 1957 when it was joined with the Naga Hills District to form the new Naga
Hills Tuensang Area.37
The Yimchunger Naga Tribe mainly inhabit in the two districts of Tuensang and Kiphire in the eastern part of Nagaland. Their land stretches from Mount Saramati in the East to Helüppong in the West.38 The surrounding area includes Longleng in the
North, Phek district in the south, Myanmar in the East, Mokokchung and Zunheboto districts in the West. By way of tribal groups, the Yimchungers are surrounded by
Khiamniungan tribe in the east, Chang tribe in the north, Sumi, Sangtam and Pochury
36 S.K. Sharma & Usha Sharma, Discovery of North-East India, Delhi: Mittal Publications, 2005, p.138 37 Ibid., p.140. 38 Hokishe Sema, Emergence of Nagaland, New Delhi: Vikas Publishing House, 1986, p.7. tribes in the west. They have their unique aspects of culture and traditions while they share many aspects in common with the Nagas. Yimchunger tribe was originally a conglomeration of six sub-tribes, namely, Chirr, Langa, Longpfürr, Mükory, Phelungri and Tikhir,39 each sub-tribe having its own dialect. The existence of six dialects has its origin from pre-historical times. As the years went by it was felt necessary to form ‘one tribe-one language’ status. Consequently, the leaders of these six dialectic groups met several times to reach the consensus for an official language among the six dialects.
The first meeting was held at Huker village on 1st January 1948 and another at
Wungphungrü village in the year 1949. Tireless efforts of discussions and meeting bore fruit in the meeting held at Phuvkiu (formerly known as Chomi) on 18th February
1950.40 This day is considered a landmark in Yimchunger history because on this day the six groups confirmed their togetherness as members of Yimchungerü tribe and
Langa dialect was accepted as the common medium of communication; to be known as
Yimchunger language. These six tribes are closely knit together into one tribe by their culture, origin and history. There are six major clans within the Yimchunger tribe; namely, khiunger, Kisunkhiunger, Limkhiungkhunger, Janger, Khipu and Jankiunger.41
According to the 2012 record of Yimchungrü Tribal Council there are 92 villages with the population of 66,972 people.42 The villages are grouped under six ranges; Pungro,
39 M. Khalenmew Yim, op. cit., p.1. 40 S.J. Akhum, op. cit., p.6. 41 Personal Interview with Mr. Moses Keorun, G.B., Leangkonger: 8th Dec, 2010. 42 Census 2011, Kohima: Government of Nagaland. Thsorungto, Shamator, Mango, Kewung and Showubah.43 Shamator is considered as the headquarters of the Yimchunger tribe.
Table 4: Yimchunger Population According to Census 2011
House Total Population Literate Illiterate hold T M F T M F T M F
Rural 11,205 54,801 27,854 26,947 28,657 15,810 12,847 26,144 12,044 14,100
Urban 2,825 12,171 6,210 5,961 9,061 4,800 4,261 3,110 1,410 1,700
Total 14,030 66,972 34,064 32,908 37,718 20,610 17,108 29,254 13,454 15,800
The Yimchunger villages are impressive in their size and dignity, constructed on the hill tops. The villages have their further subdivision namely, khels with their representative in the council based on the clans. The houses have the typical facade referring to the various aspects of the tribe; belief and practices. In many villages the construction of the village gate, the Morung, etc., were of paramount importance. The
Morung served as housing for the log-drums, a training centre for youngsters, a recreational place, and over and above the place to greet the warrior on his return with the ‘hunted-head.’44 The people are basically agriculturists and socially community- oriented. The people live in the villages, which are set up on the hill tops with its own field and share of forest for food, cultivation and other necessities of life. The village
43 S.J Akhum, op.cit. 44 Ibid. chief, ‘Kiulongthsuru’, coordinates all that happens in and around the village with a
Council to assist him. The customary laws and regulations play a vital role in keeping law and order monitoring all fields of life. The usual punishments include fine, dismissal from the village, customary lock-up, etc., which are often hard to bear.
The Yimchungers celebrate life and the festivals show it to the best. The major festivals are Tsungkamniu from 14th to 16th January and Metumniu from 4th to 8th
August. The former signifies the yearlong life and the harvest achieved during the past year, while the latter is observed after the harvest of millet and is connected with the prayers for the souls of the departed ones. In the present day the major celebrations are
Christmas and New Year. The development has come with the growth of Christianity and is facilitated by the academic holidays. Festivities include get together, merry making, village unions, exchange of gifts, marriage celebrations, etc.45 Religion of the region was Animism until half a century back, when Christianity arrived here through the American Baptist Missionaries, whose presence has been well felt with the vast majority of the people converted into Christianity now. Educational upliftment, social organization, etc., of the present time bear the marks of Christianity in many ways.
45 Personal Interview with Mr.Showba, aged 85, Shamator: 24 Sep. 2011 2.3 THE FOUNDING OF YIMCHUNGER VILLAGE
The identity of a Yimchunger Naga is deeply associated with one’s native village and the founding of the village is the basis of the social organization of a village community. The formation of kiulongthsüpuh/kiulongthsürü46 is directly connected to the event of the establishment of the village. The process of establishing of a new village gets started with the grouping of the founding fathers. In most of the cases capable and responsible married men representing the six clans of the tribe, namely,
Jankhiungrü, Jangrü, Khiungrü, Khiphurü, Küsünkhiungrü and Limkhiungkhiungrü47 come together to lead the venture. The group, led by the chief, would go in search of the location that is suitable for a village. Having found one, they would clean up the place and mark a strong tree. Necessary offerings are made before they return home. It was then important to know the dreams of the chief. In line with the content of the dream they would decide if their selection was suitable or not. If they found that the dreams signaled a destructive future, another attempt would be made to search for a new place. It is the chief, assisted with the elders, who makes the final selection, decision and allotment of the location for the new village. Hills were preferred to valleys and plains for its commanding position and defense against the enemies in the
46 Kiulongpütongpuh literally means ‘the village owner’. The one from whom came the initial idea of creating new village was made Kiulongpütongpuh and he was automatically recognized as the head among the Kiulongthsürü. He along with Kiulongthsürü exercised full and final authority on all village matters. 47 These six clans are the recognized clans of Yimchunger Nagas background of the head hunting practices.48 After having marked the place for building common houses, the people are free to choose for themselves a place to make their own house. The people in general made houses close to each other for the defense against enemy. Likewise they could mark and select the field within the area announced by the kiulongpütongpuh. Apart from private ownerships, they also have community-owned land and forest. Usually Yimchungrü village is divided into kheang/khels49 and each kheang had representation in the body of kiulongthsürü.50 The khels in the early days were formed based on clans. The residential land is considered as property of the village and it is not for anyone to hold it back for themselves. The citizens of the village are free to use the vacant land for one’s own use. The people established new villages for many reasons. Overpopulation of the existing village, scarcity of water and other resources, the need for new agricultural fields, dissention among the elders, etc., are said to be some of the reasons that initiated establishment of new villages. There are many traditions that are associated with the establishment of a village, its field, morung, etc.
2.3.1 Sang lipkhikhi (slaying the tree method)
The designated leaders with the intention of opening of a new village go the desired place for the new village. An oak tree (mütungsang) is selected and cut. The
48 N. Chuba Yimchungrü, Folk-Tales of the Yimchungrü Nagas, Shamator: The Author, 2009, p.3. 49 Kheang means Neighborhood of clan members forming of a kind of social unit in the village. 50 Kiulongthsürü stands for ‘those who make the village or those who supervise the village’. They exercise the highest juridical, executive and legislative power in the village. traditional prayers are recited with the offering of the rice beer. The leader of the group takes the ‘rice beer in a cup,’ and blows out the floating bubbles towards the tree.
When the tree is cut down, if it falls over the spot with the ‘drops of rice beer,’ it is considered as a fortune forecast. The reason for selecting an oak tree is that its leaves remain evergreen and watery in all seasons indicative of their wish for a prosperous and joyous life of the village.
2.3.2 Alo kiu khit khi (Digging-the-mud method)
When the leaders reach the place of their selection for the new village, they make a small ditch by digging out the mud. Later they fill it back with the same mud that was taken out while digging. If they found that the ditch was overflowing with the mud deposited, it was considered a good omen to start the village in that place assuring them of a fulfilling and prosperous livelihood.
2.3.3 Thuruji Kiu Khi (Spreading the grain method)
This is a method by which on the previous night of the day fixed to visit the selected area for the new village, the headman makes an offering with millet (turuji) mixed with ashes. He also takes a collection of the spade, knife, egg and variety of seeds into a bag and hangs it in the middle of the bush, sangrongching. This is the sacrificial offering made to the spirit imploring blessings for fertility of the land and great harvest. Having reached the field area of the new village, the cleaning is done starting from the right end to the entire area. The direction of cleaning is taken note in view of the expected harvest. The field is burnt in a few days time. There is a customary imploring of divine blessing through ‘shedding of blood,’ by preparing a meal with pork, chicken, etc. After the selection of the land for the new village, the first construction in the locality is the morung which will house the log drum. The inauguration is also associated with a festal meal following a ceremony of invoking good spirits to protect and empower the new village.
2.3.4 Kheakhnu laksakhi rük (Killing of the pig)
The killing of a pig is a great ceremony in the establishment of the new village.
Those who are talented take first chance to do so. All those who wish to get blessings on their talents and abilities get into the act of tying the leg of the pig brought for killing. This is done as a gesture of seeking blessings from the good spirits for making their talents bring wealth and prosperity to the village.
2.3.5 Khihnu laksakhi rük (Killing of the dog)
The killing of the dog is a ceremonial observation at the beginning of a new village. The eldest son of the village headmen, drag a dog around the morung five times and while on the sixth round, the appointed person cuts the dog’s neck. The blood is collected and spread on the main pillar of the house. This is the way the morung and with it the new village in its entirety is dedicated. 2.3.6 Thünu laksakhi (Killing of the cock)
This is the final phase of the dedicatory ceremony of the new village. The legs of the selected cock are washed with clean water. It is then strangled to death. The final movements of the cock’s legs are watched carefully. When it dies if the right leg is over the left, it is considered as good omen for the village. It is assuring of the victory over the enemy in the days to come. The skin is removed and spread over the kheang yam51. Then a handful of turuji (millet) is spread with the chanting of the words,
‘haching latüanüwuchoki müngümühi arüshiang,” (may we live in prosperity). The last act of ceremony includes the preparation of three well grown bamboos. One is filled with clean water, the others with rice and rice beer respectively. Water symbolizes purity, rice indicates abundant wealth and the rice beer is the symbol of fulfilled life.
These bamboos are prepared and kept at the main pillar. Other attached offerings are three sticks carrying the liver, heart and a piece of flesh of the cock and another stick with a piece from the right leg of the pig and three chilies. The act of offering and dedication is completed with the act of blowing out the rice beer over everything that is offered.
51 Kheang yam is the traditional house for the bachelors constructed in each khel/sector. ‘Kheang’ means sector and ‘yam’ means house. 2. 4 YIMCHUNGER LANGUAGE
Language is a key component of a people. It is not only the medium of communication but it is also the holistic expression of the milieu of the people. While studying the sociological aspects of Yimchunger Nagas it is necessary to note the relevance of the tribal language. As in the cases of many relative components of the tribe, language too faces obscurity while speaking of its origin and development. The myths and legends only point out to its existence from time immemorial. The mythology of the ‘Kemüphu tradition’, presents that at the very time of their origin they had different languages that gave rise to the six sub-groups. Very little is known about the written form and the development of the Naga dialects. The Nagas had no written literature of their own. Tradition says that Nagas at one time had their own written literature recorded on animal skin. Through the careless handling the scroll by a scribe, the skin was devoured by a dog, causing the loss of literature.52 The migration theory traces that the Yimchungrü tribe together with other Naga tribes as members of the mongoloid race linguistically belong to Tibeto-Burman family.53 In the written form, the roman script is used with an addition of a letter to the Roman alphabet, ‘ü’ in the Yimchunger language. The Yimchunger language had the oral status until the modern days. The written form of it, as far as half a century back, took shape in the religious circle, beginning with the publication of the Holy Bible and other religious
52 S.C. Sardeshpande, The Patkoi Nagas, Delhi: Daya Publishing House, 1987, p.8 53 M. Alemchiba, op.cit., p.3. literature that came in the form of Hymnal and other publications promoted by the missionaries.
The Yimchunger Tribe is a mosaic of various cultural and traditional elements, which are both durable and stereotyped; so also static and dynamic. While the impact of modernization has influenced many aspects of the traditions, there are many that continue to stand the influences of time. In the following chapters discussions are done on the governing system of the Yimchunger Nagas from its traditional and modern perspectives; its formation and functions. CHAPTER 3
GOVERNING SYSTEM OF THE YIMCHUNGER NAGAS CHAPTER 3
GOVERNING SYSTEM OF THE YIMCHUNGER NAGAS
The outstanding feature of Naga tribes is that the various Nagas share certain commonality and at the same time display definite distinct marks of themselves in comparison to even the closely inhabiting Naga tribes. It is also great that the villages of various tribals, built apart from each other and with bare contact among them, display a similarity in their governing system amidst other features of social life. The characteristic feature of exclusiveness of a village is common for most tribal villages across the world. It was the practice of the time that the villages after its initial formation and establishment kept fighting for their identity until gradually they joined the mainstream.1 Many tribal societies were founded and developed in the inaccessible hill countries and have continued to keep up their exclusive nature over the passing time beyond centuries. Among the major tribal groups, Nagas kept their identity quite intact over the passage of time. The Naga village has the traditional uniqueness in the formation of the village, administration and the relationship with the world outside. Each village had their own organized system to govern all the affairs related to it. There was no common organization that united the villages of an area or even of a tribe. Yimchungrü Nagas, spread out into numerous villages, developed the traditional format of governing system from ancient times, though it has undergone changes in structure and functional mode in
1 R.R. Shimray, Origin and Culture of Nagas, New Delhi: Pamleiphi Shimray, 1985, p.43 later years. The following pages describe the Governing System of the Yimchunger
Nagas practiced from ancient to the modern times.
3.1 LIMBERÜ (LEADERS)
Limberü is a Yimchunger word that means ‘leader’ in general sense. Literal meaning of the word ‘limberü’ is ‘those who make the way or those who take the responsibility to show the way.’ It is self explanatory that the leaders are those who walk ahead to show the way to those who follow or depend on them. The term applies to those who hold responsible positions in the society. Yimchungrü villages had many offices, which were indispensable for the smooth running of the village.
While individual responsibility is expected of all the Yimchunger community, there is a need for leadership given their social status. The role of the leader is necessitated from the formation of the village to the maintenance and leading the head-hunting venture. The village leadership played decisive role in the peculiar social situations. It was necessary to have able and efficient leaders for the establishment of a village; to lead the head-hunting expedition, to secure the village from the enemies, etc., Incompetency of the leader could bring about destruction of the whole village.
3.1.1 KIULONGTHSÜPUH (CHIEF OF THE VILLAGE)
The chief or the head of the village is known as ‘kiulongthsüpu’ and his colleagues are known as the ‘kiulongthsürü.’ In selecting or appointing the members of this prime body of the village, there was the underlining principle of the democratic participation. While assuring the primacy of the chief, individual participation was taken care of in settling the affairs of the village and more clearly in the decision making process. It is observed that the collective decision of the village elders often proved mightier than the written laws and it assured the appointment of the right people to a responsible position. The early writers on
Nagas, like Hutton and Mills, observed that the elders of the villages, even older than the chief, contributed to the welfare of the village with their wisdom of experience. The unique feature of the Naga village administration is the dynamics involved in the decision making that assured democracy and healthy involvement of the public in decision making process2. Shimray speaks of it in these terms,
“what was important and unique was the participation of the general public in the deliberation on any public issue, giving a chance to everyone to have a say. This was direct democracy, the true and pure democracy in reality and in practice. This system of direct democracy was prevalent also among the Lothas and Rengmas although with some slight variations. As in the case of Angamis where there is no village council at all but every villager joined in the discussion and has the right to speak.”3 The village chief is the most important person in a Yimchunger village. He plays the key role of organizing the everyday running of the village. In the rank of leadership, the office of kiulongthsüpuh has the supreme authority in the village according to the tribal custom. Every legislation, execution and judgment should necessarily be carried out in his knowledge. The chief takes into consideration the
2 Ibid. 3 R.R. Shimray, op.cit., p.58. body of Kiulongthsürü that assist and accompany him in all undertakings. The primacy of the chief is clearly seen in the obedience to the decisions taken by him.
Strict obedience was maintained and the defaulters were always punished.
The Kiulongthsürü is known and believed to be the original traditional governing body of the Yimchunger tribe. There is no reference, neither in writing nor in the oral tradition, indicating a different format of governing system that existed prior to this. However there is possibility that this format may not have originated as early as the tribe itself but took shape in the passing of time in their contact with other tribes, evolving in form and structure. In the survey conducted, the majority of the respondents (94%) agree that Kiulongtsüpu is the original traditional governing body of the Yimchunger tribe, and 16% of the respondents suggest that Kiulongthsürü was a later development under the influence of other tribes and times.
Figure 3: Views on Kiulongsthsürü as the Original Traditional Governing Body Table 5: Opinion on Kiulongthsürü as the Original Governing Body
Kiulongthsürü is the original governing Respondents in Age- body of the Yimchungru tribe groups Total
Yes No
Under 25 years 40 (93 %) 3 (7%) 43 (100%)
26 - 35 years 74 (93.7%) 5 (6.3%) 79 (100%)
36 - 45 years 62 (93.9%) 4 (6.1%) 66 (100%)
46 - 55 years 33 (91.7%) 3 (8.3%) 36 (100%)
56 years & above 25 (96.2%) 1 (3.8%) 26 (100%)
Total 234 (93.6%) 16 (6.4%) 250 (100%)
It is a common observation that traditional institutions, customs and practices are not strictly followed in urban and semi-urban areas where the impact of modernization and westernization is more strongly felt. The geographical area of study is a mixture of urban, semi-urban and rural areas. It was of interest to see if the variation from rural to urban areas makes an impact on the views of the people with regard to the opinion on the Kiulongthsüpu as the original traditional institution of the Yimchunger tribe. Table 5 summarises the variation of views. The respondents have been grouped according to their place of residence giving their opinion on the Kiulongthsürü as the original traditional governing body of the
Yimchungrü tribe. Table 6: Opinion on Kiulongthsürü as the original governing Body
Kiulongthsürü is the original governing Place of residence of body of the Yimchunger tribe the respondents Total Yes No Shamator 50 (100 %) 0 (0 %) 50 (100 %)
Tuensang 49 (98 %) 1 (2%) 50 (100 %)
Showuba 47 (94 %) 3 (6 %) 50 (100 %)
Chessore 44 (88 %) 6 (12.0%) 50 (100 %)
Pungro 44 (88 %) 6 (12%) 50 (100 %)
Total 234 (93.6%) 16 (6.4%) 250 (100 %)
3.1.2 KIULONGTHSÜRÜ (CO-FOUNDERS)
Kiulongthsürü is the collegial body of the co-founders of the village. They assisted the chief in the decision making and supervision of the village administration. This body also can have members appointed on privileged status decided by the founders of the village. The main duty of these members is to share the responsibility with the chief in managing the affairs of the village. They spoke on behalf of the people and their wisdom of age was relied on to solve the various issues of administration. Kiulongthsüpuh has a lot of authority and privileges in the village with reference to his role of founding the village. The co-founders of the village were given the ranking according to the role they played in founding the village. In consultation and common accordance, the chief becomes the responsible head and would offer a cow at the starting of the village. The second in the rank offers a pig and occupies the post of assistant chief. The third and the fourth offer a dog and a chicken respectively and become the next in the gradation of ranking.
These four and the other selected members according to the share of effort they put in while founding the village form the ‘kiulongthsürü.’ They ensured law and order according to the customary laws and regulations, which regulate all fields of life.
Punishments were inflicted on those who disobeyed the laws. Defaulters had to face punishments such as fine, dismissal from the village, customary lock-up, etc. As per the customs and practices all the clans are represented in the kiulongthsürü as per their presence in the village. In the early days the clans had their own khel4 in the village. This meant that the different locations within the village were occupied by different khels. In the modern time the people from different clans live together, in most of the villages. In Sangphur,5 for instance, certain locations are known by the name of a clan, who were the ancient occupants of the khel.6 The decision making power of the village was shared by all the leaders. The sense of democracy and participation of all in the decision making is common characteristic of the Naga tribes, though exceptions are noticed. Among the Konyaks, the chief known as
Angh, was highly autocratic. The Angh is the head of the administration and political affairs.
4 Khel means the subdivision of the village 5 Sangphur is one of the oldest and biggest Yimchunger village, situated near Shamator town. 6 The three khels are known by the name of Limkhiungkhungerü, Jangerü, Jankiungerü Kiulongthsüpu/Kiulongthsürü is a ‘once and for all’ post occupied by a particular clan beginning with the founder of the village and then handed over to the next generation on the principle of heredity. In case the immediate children could not replace the father for the post of the chief by way of underage, immaturity, etc., the clan selects a person to occupy the post temporarily. However in the course of time, when found fit to take over, the member of the first lineage is appointed to the post. The rule of hereditary succession and clan-selection are followed also in the selection of other members of kiulongthsürü. There is no rule on age, or specific qualification but it was the understanding that the person who is appointed to this post should be of noble character and be responsible to lead the village and be capable to settle disputes as they arise. This meant that the person selected shall be morally upright and personally gifted for village administration.
These are individuals with huge amount of administrative powers especially in the modern context. As in the case of the other Naga villages too, whether democratic, monarchical or autocratic government, the village chief is vested with the power of the village-state, whose authority is symbolic. The chief or headman symbolized the sovereignty of the village, in whose name the entire organization or administration is carried out in the village. The power of sovereignty is shared by the ruler and the ruled. There is a process of amalgamation of the ‘will’ of the villagers before the chief takes a decision along with his assistants. The village paid loyalty to the chief in many ways. It was customary that the village would share the duty of constructing the house and later to see that his fields are taken care of. It was also customary honour for the villagers to share a bit of the produce of the field with the chief of the village. There was no fine or punishment attached for those who did not do so, but it was an act of adherence and reverential loyalty towards the headman.
3.1.3 MEMBERS BY PRIVILEGE
The major basis of membership in the Kiulongthsürü as mentioned above is the key role in the founding of the village. However apart from this, there are also other concerns that decided the membership to the kiulongthsürü. It is observed, as in the case of Leangkongrü village, situated near Shamator town, the clan of khiangjungrü is given a special representation in the council in view of the considerable number of citizens in the village.7 However they are not permanent members but only as long as the body of kiulongthsürü finds it necessary.
3.1.4 CHO-CHO-RÜ
This term refers to the person who assists the Kiulongthsüpüh to pass the information to the others in the village. He works as the informant between the chief and the villagers. This is also considered to be a hereditary institution and is held only by the male persons of the family. Any decision arrived at by the
Kiulongthsürü was made known to the community through cho-cho-rü.8 People rendered willful obedience to the decisions of the Kiulongthsürü. Defaulters were often taken to task for their offence.
7 Personal Interview with Mr. Kheantsümong, Hd.GB, Leangkongrü: 2nd Sept 2013. 8 Cho-cho-rü are trustworthy and active men chosen by village leaders to do the job of information. They act as informants to the villagers from the elders and vice versa. 3.1.5 AYAHNGRÜ
Safety and security are the concerns of every villager. While the village was under the care of the Chief and his assistants, there was still a further security measure taken by appointing a selected person for each kheang to keep it safe, called ayangrü.9 The duty of the person was to keep watch and secure the village when all others are at work. This had great importance especially in the background of the past war-time. Each khel nominated a person, usually a male, for determined days to keep watch of property of the kheang members. There was no fixed remuneration for the service rendered by the Ayangrü. However the people in turn took care of their field and assisted him with food grains. The safety and security of the village was the collective responsibility of the group of ayangrü selected from each khel.
3.1.6 AMÜKEAMRÜ
Offerings and sacrifice were part of the daily life of the Yimchungers.
Traditionally Amükeamrü (the priest) performed all religious functions. Khuingrü is the priestly clan; the village priest as a rule hails from this clan. In the absence of someone from Kiungrü clan, the next option is to select from the Jangrü clan with anyone having a maternal relationship with the Khuingrü clan. In case of absence of a person from Khuingrü or Jangrü clan, the third option is to select someone from
Khiphurü clan having maternal ties with khuingrü clan. The elders of the village select the person for a life-long commitment or until the person becomes unable to
9 Kheang means the geographical division within the village like a sector. carry out the office. Amükeamrü’s presence at all important moments of life was an expected gesture. People rendered him great respect and obedience. He was the opener of most of the major customary village activities. In all occasions of importance the priest was also accompanied by the chief of the village. Though the ceremonies were performed by the priest, the presence of the village elders, especially the chief, was an expected formality. The special occasions of religious importance were opening of a village, setting out for a war-fare, return of a head- hunter, establishment of a morung, etc. It was the duty of the Amükeamrü to sow the first seeds in the planting season. While the priest performed ceremonies that were of common importance in the village, in the family-circle it was the ‘father of the family or the clan’ that performed many of the religious ceremonies in time of sickness, death, marriage, starting of the field-work, etc.
3.1.7 LIMPURÜ AND MAHTSAHRÜ
Limpurü and mahtsahrü were the two unique institutions of peace and reconciliation practiced by the Yimchungers. In the Yimchunger community, the word ‘limpurü’ meant an office with special responsibility of being the peacemaker.
He had the great role to play as the peace-bearer in the context of head-hunting. He was selected by a village or a cluster of villages to contact the inimical villages.
During his tours across the villages, he would carry a green branch during the day and a pine-branch-torch in the night to indicate his presence. There was the common understanding among the villages and the tribes to respect and accommodate such people and not to harm him for any reason. He was allowed to walk into any village and was to be protected. It was considered an act of cowardice, shame and curse to harm or kill limpurü. Both the feuding villages nominated limpurü if peace and reconciliation was so desired. They were the main actors in resolving inter-tribe or inter-village tensions and fights. They worked under the direction of the kiulongthsürü and they developed their own dynamics to build peace and reconciliation between the conflicting parties. The hillock at
Shamator town, ‘mhinukuzhin,’ is a memory of such peace-treaty conducted between the Kheamungan tribals of Pathso village and Yimchungers of Shipongrü village.10 The warring groups came together seeking the end of fights among themselves and to live in peace for ever. The symbolic gesture of peace-treaty was to slaughter a goat and to hang its head. The meal prepared with its meat was shared by the participants of treaty. This place of the treaty was named, ‘mhinu-ku- zhin,’11 in memory of the peace treaty. The literal meaning of the word refers to the act of hanging the head of a goat. The tradition tells us that as a symbolic gesture of their agreement to live in peace they buried ‘rehü’12 pledging that the peace agreement shall last as long as the metal plate does not sprout up. In other words it was a peace treaty that would bind the parties eternally.13
10 Pathso is a village of the Kheamungans and Shiponger is a Yimchunger Village. 11 mhinu–ku-zhin literally means ‘hanging the head of a goat’. 12 Rehü is a metal plate which is worn as part of the men’s traditional wear. 13 Personal Interview with Mr.Kumkiu, aged 58, at Shamator on 26th June, 2007. Mahtsahrü14 is a similar office of reconciliation peculiar to the Yimchunger
Nagas with a difference of the area of duty. While the role ‘limpurü’ is between the villages or tribes, the role of Mahtsahrü is within the village. He is expected to bring into unity and understanding between persons/groups within the village, who are feuding with each other. It was his duty to seek ways and means to bring justice between these individuals. The elders of the village chose persons of quality and wisdom to do this noble job. This was not often a permanent appointment but as and when need arises the feuding parties in consultation with their clan members would seek a particular person to mediate peace between them. Once the goal is achieved on one occasion, the whole community eventually recognizes his/her role to deal with such matters on a regular basis. Mahtsahrü on his/her part takes personal responsibility and labor relentlessly in bringing peace and justice between the individuals.15 The noted difference between the offices limpurü and mahtsahrü is that in the case of the former, only male persons are appointed while in the latter there is no such strict restriction.
3.2 POWER AND FUNCTIONS OF THE KIULONGTHSÜPUH
Yimchungers are traditionally village settlers. Each village had its
Kiulongthsüpu assisted by Kiulongthsürü, who formed the highest legislative, executive and judicial body among Yimchungers. They had the responsibility of the village in all matters. The original term used for the chief was ‘kiulongputhungrü,’
14 Mahtsahrü is the person appointed to be the peace maker within the village. 15 Personal Interview with Wonkiuba Solomon, aged 58, Shamator: 2 Dec 2009. which means owner of the village. He was reckoned as the first among equals. The village chief was joined by the assistants who are co-founders of the village or the representatives of the khel or the clan. All Yimchunger villages, whatever be its size of population or territory, were independent and sovereign village states, establishing for themselves independence politically, socially and economically.
The functions of the village council can be titled under three categories; Legislative, executive and judicial power. Being agriculturists by nature, they had sufficient food grains to manage themselves and they depended on the outside world for some necessities of daily life like salt and metal implements. The Yimchunger villages enjoyed internal and external sovereignty. The village head supervised the security of everyone inside the village as much as they assured that they are not overtaken by any other external forces.16
3.2.1 LEGISLATIVE POWER
Every village had its own body of rulers in the form of Kiulongthsürü. It constituted the apex body of the village on all matters of administration. In the traditional sense the village was one entity and each member was united with the clan and the tribe as a community with the well knit administrative structure. The inherited laws, though unwritten, enabled them to remain united. Village was an organization with its own political, social and religious bonds. Kiulongthsürü ruled the village in times of peace and war. The laws were unwritten in general. It was
16 A. Nshoga, Traditional Naga Village and its Transformation, Delhi: Anshah Publishing House, p. 110. known to all and was customary and mandatory to obey them. There was the
‘divine’ element in every law, with the course of action taken by the supernatural power when the people obey or disobey the laws. The laws were codified by the
Chief in times of necessity keeping the welfare of the village at the helm of all rules. It was believed that any action against the true welfare of the people could bring the wrath of the divine in the form of an attack by the enemy or other natural calamities.17 Therefore it was necessary that the Chief had to be attuned to the divine and act in wisdom. In all matters relating to the issue of orders, regulations and other instructions, the chief in consultation with his assistants exercised the supreme power. The orders had to be strictly followed. The observation of ghenna, social works, clearing of village foot-path, declaration of the field-work, etc., was done by the chief. The orders were let known to the public often in the form of shouts in the early morning before the people go the field. The messengers, cho- cho-rü, also communicated secret messages, when necessary, going from door to door.
3.2.2 EXECUTIVE POWER
The executive powers of the village headmen revolved around the great responsibility of the council to execute the laws and regulations of the village in true letter and spirit. The village headmen were the law makers and at the same time they were executives implementing the laws. The council would seriously
17 Personal Interview with Mr. Kiushu Yimchunger, aged 60, Shamator: 11th November 2013. punish anyone those go against the laws. The punishment ranged from imposition of fine to confiscation of property and even ousting from the village. It was necessary that every person is aware of the existing tribal laws, customs and traditions. The mandatory obedience to the law never entertained the ignorance of the law. It was implicit that all the villagers know the law of the land. The village laws are bi-directional with its dos and don’ts. There were laws that emphasized what everyone should do and the others that insisted what they should not do.
While the former was called norms, the latter was called ‘taboos.’ The villages had a long list of taboos; ‘not moving out of the village’ on the day someone dies in the village is an example. There are so many such taboos. The breaking of the taboo was considered heinous because it would bring the wrath of the spirits upon the entire village. It was therefore necessary that the individuals adhered to the observances surrounding the taboo. The council had the overall-responsibility to keep up the discipline of the village through faithful observance of the taboos besides the positive laws. Many such taboos have been overlooked in the modern times and yet it is observed that many taboos influence many people psychologically in practical life even today. These developments brought about in the passage of time are also consequential of the middle class who uprooted themselves from the villages to settle in the cities. The laws of the village are binding force not only of the people who live in the village but also all who are of the village, even though they have settled in other places for various reasons. The membership of the village is kept up through the adherence to the laws and regulations of the village. 3.2.3 JUDICIAL POWER
The judicial powers of the headmen were mostly concerned with the settlement of disputes and ensuring justice in all cases of defection of the law of the land. In every village, there are cases of dispute which are of various types. Broadly we can group them as involving individuals, clans, villages and tribes. In the ancient times, with the distance making each village their own area of ruling, the cases were settled in the village court. The traditional Yimchunger village court of justice was composed of the chief and the village elders. The chief called the meeting in his house and the procedure was presided over by him. The fact that they were illiterates in the ancient days, there was no recording of the cases or proceedings as in the modern times. All cases were judged in the light of the customary laws and traditions. When there are intra-village and intra-tribal disputes, the discussion and verifications are usually held in the border land. In all these cases the witnesses played the greatest role with the deciding authority relying on it for giving final judgment. The headmen take the responsibility to see that the judgment is implemented as per the decisions taken. It is the duty of the council to follow up the matter and take appropriate action if a person fails to abide by the decisions of the court during the settlement of the case. The democratic spirit of the village-rule was greatly seen in the process of defense and prosecution that is dealt in the village court, the apex court of the village-state. The village court was within the reach of every villager. The fact that everyone in the village was a member of a clan and each clan with its own representation in the village court had a voice and there was no reason for anyone to go unheard or be without a chance to defend oneself. Similar is the expression of R.R Shimray, who, speaking of Thangkuls, says that since the poor people compulsorily belong to one clan or the other, they were well represented by the ablest of the clan who looks after the interest of his clan. Thus no one was ignored in any court case.18
The unwritten traditional Yimchunger rules had its basis on the great humane principles. Value of equality was one such. The Yimchungers possess a sense of equality among themselves and they consider themselves second to none.
The word used for ‘people’ is ‘mihtsürü’, which means ‘equal doers’ and consequently implying equal worth. This understanding becomes the reason for the
‘haves’ to share with the ‘have-nots’. Children in the family, male or female, are considered a blessing. They were of equal value and were loved and cared immeasurably. Gender equality is seen in the way ‘they meet freely, work together, sing together and have great fun and laughter’.19 Mutual assistance is the key though works that required physical strength was mostly accomplished by men. The culture, being patriarchal, held that the right to inheritance and succession was traced only in the male line. Women got the right to inherit land and immovable property only when specifically gifted by the parents or rewarded when the girl children on their own effort looked after the aged parents till their death.20 Special considerations were shown towards the aged and the widows by way of exempting them from community work and common collection. Relationship also sprang from rights and duties, reverence and obedience. The subjects in this sense rendered
18 R.R. Shimray, op.cit. p.60. 19 S.C.Sardeshpande, The Patkoi Nagas, p.31. 20 Personal Interview with Wonkiuba Solomon, Shamator: 2 Dec 2009. obedience to their leaders and those in authority who in turn guaranteed their rights.
The administration of the village laws clearly ensured that all had their share in all aspects of law, with specific reference to the various areas of life.
Case Study: The case recorded in the Shamator DB’s court, dated March 16, 2007, is on the accusation of theft of bird-traps. The accused was Mr. Muzhi s/o Mr.Rejingkhum. The decision of the G.Bs court was not accepted by the accused. Therefore the case was later referred to D.B’s Sub-divisional court, Shamator. The judgment confirmed the act of stealing and Rs.500/- (five hundred only) was imposed on the accused.
3.3 ADMINISTRATION OF JUSTICE
Kiulongthsürü is the primordial office of the administration of justice. They are directed to follow the procedure in accordance with the traditional customary laws and practices of the tribe. Under the modern policies of the government, this was further strengthened through various measures. Accordingly, the Nine-Point
Agreement21 said under the title, ‘Administration of Justice,’ that each tribe shall have the following courts of Justice; a) The Village Court, b) The Range Court and c) The Tribal Court. It was further mentioned that ‘The Naga Tribunal (for the whole of Nagaland) in respect of cases’ would be decided according to the
Customary Law. This law was meant for the administration of tribal laws in the tribal court and other courts would deal with those who are not within the purview of the tribal law. The development in the political arena brought out a systematic
21 It was the first agreement done between the GOI and the Nagas in 1947, under the leadership of then Governor of Assam Sir.Akbar Hydari and the Nagas. It recognized the rights of the Nagas relating to the Judicial, Legislative, Executive, Land, Taxation, Boundaries, Arms Act, Regulations and the time period of the Agreement. approval of the existing traditional system in the framework of the constitution.
Although the village court was limited to one village by way of jurisdiction, they enjoyed the respect of the entire society in all the decisions they take as a village authority. Together with the power entrusted by tradition and the policies of the government, the village council was entitled for a comprehensive legal administration including legislature, executive and judiciary power. The Village and Area Council Act, 1978, No.14, says that the village council constituted under the law in force from time to time shall administer justice within the village in accordance with the customary laws and usages as and when the laws in this respect enforced periodically. In this way the Council is the custodian of the laws and practices within the village, wherein all matters of disputes, civil or criminal, within the jurisdiction of the village, are settled judiciously. The village council, in accordance with the Yimchunger tribal practices and customs conducted the administration of justice as and when necessity arose. They have the unique manner of settlement. The initial effort to settle the dispute would be along with the mahtsahrü, the peace-maker, who try to bring together the families/clans involved in the dispute. In some cases, the village council empowers the respective clans to address the matters of dispute which are within the members of the clan. If and when the case required further assistance, the case was taken by the village court.
The court cases had three phases as part of the proceedings. In the first phase the case is presented as it is reported to the office of the court by the aggrieved party.
The second phase is the presentation of witnesses who speak for or against the motion. The witnesses would be given ample time to present their own views. The third phase is the ‘judgment’ by the main judge, who is none other than the Chief of the village. The great transition from the ancient to the modern is the establishment of Dubashi court in the administrative level. It is traditional that the cases are settled in the village council court under the care of the village chief. The
Yimchunger village councils, as most other Naga village councils, carry out the administration of justice in accordance with the customary laws and practices on matters pertaining to those within their jurisdiction. In the rare cases the methods of oath taking and even ‘akhasherü, were used, of course, very judiciously and carefully. The later methods were considered extremely reverential and could be done only with the help of serious preparedness. These methods stand the risk of the wrath and fury of the ‘spirits’ that could endanger not only the individuals who are involved but the whole village.
Given the complexity of decision making in the modern times, many cases are forwarded to the Dubashi court after the hearing in the village court22. In the recent times there are more cases dealt by the Dubashi court than those in the village court. The aggrieved parties approach Dubashi court as it has greater status with its civil administrative judicial forum. There are rare instances of the aggrieved party appealing to higher courts such as High Court and Supreme Court. The records show that there are more people relying on the Dubashi court in the sub- divisional level or District level than the village court for hearing of cases for the
22 According to the case registered in the Dubashi Court, Shamator, on 30th May 2012, Mr. Pussaing of Sikiur-A village, filed the petition as the claimant of a land against the Village Council and Public, who were the defendant of the case. The case adjudged in favour of the defendant. availability of better and more judges and also in consideration of its higher administrative status. Through modern education, the people are more aware of the modern facilities and advanced judicial procedures available in the form of High court and Supreme Court. However, until date the Yimchungers rely on the village court and Dubashi court for the settlement of cases as most of them live in rural and semi-urban areas.
3.4 BRITISH ADMINISTRATIVE SYSTEM
The relation of the British with the Nagas is an interesting development. In fact it was a turning point in the history that affected the entire North East later.
The British East India Company, which had succeeded in establishing its sovereignty over Bengal, had no mind to move towards North East India in the beginning. The requests came from Ahom Kings for British protection against the
Burmese onslaught. The treaty of Yandabo (1926) signed between the British and the Burmese King of Ava which forced the former to move into the Ahom land and the Burmese King had to withdraw. Unlike earlier, the colonial interest grew more and more into extending their power over many more areas of North East India.
While discussing about the cause of the British penetration into territories of the
Nagas, Mckenzie writes, “The importance of opening up a direct communication between Assam and Manipur was at that time much insisted upon, and it was in the course exploration directed to this end that we first came into conflict with the Nagas of these hills.”23 The British surveyors made their success in small ways, but the resistance and conflict could not be stopped with the result that the government came under compulsion to withdraw its forces from the Naga Hills and follow the policy of non-interference. This is evident from the statement of Lord Dalhousie, the then Governor-General, when he said, “I dissent entirely from the policy of taking possession of their hills and establishing of our sovereignty over savage inhabitants. Our possession could bring no profit to us and it would be as costly as it would be unproductive.”24 However when the bloody raids continued by the
Nagas on the plains of Assam especially on the British subjects, the British rulers took the decision to begin the active and forward policy to re-assert the British authority over the Nagas and bring them under a system of administration suited to their circumstances and gradually to reclaim them from the habit of lawlessness to those of order and civilization.25 When the activities of the British towards the establishment of their rule continued the resistance too got aggravated. By 1908, the British became the sovereign master of both the Kohima and the Mokokchung areas including Wokha and by 1922, the entire Tuensang area was passed into the hands of the British. Thereafter government brought all the tribes of other areas too under their control. In 1881 the government had declared the Naga Hills as a district of British India under the province of Assam. After having obtained the supremacy, the government followed the policy of friendship towards the Nagas and applied all efforts to pacify them and make them understand that their progress
23 Mackenzie, History of the Relations of the Government with the Hills Tribes of North East Frontier of Bengal, Calcutta, 1984, p.102. 24 Alemchiba, op.cit., p.58 25 Chandrika Singh, op.cit., p.53 and prosperity were interlinked with the British administration. The British administrators could move about unguarded in any part of the land. They toured distant villages and asserted their authority by establishing friendly contacts with the village headmen to whom the government had given power to decide disputes according to the Naga customary laws.
The influence of the existing tribal self governing system was a paramount factor in the social organization from time immemorial and the British approached with great awareness of it. The demand to keep intact the self-governance style popped up again and again even at the time of the formation of the state to the point of boycotting the general elections in 1951. There were people from outside the state as well as the people of Nagaland that elevated the self-governing systems against Indian Political governing structure. Shri. Jairamdas Doulatram, the then
Governor of Assam, had given a very strong remark that, “the Nagas should not be forced to practice the adult franchise system because it is against their well established tradition-bound institution. Rather they should be encouraged to continue with their ‘great Grant Tribal Council System according to their own tradition.’ He further said that, “the minute they are forced to go with the Indian system of election, their society will be divided into pieces and their descent as a
Naga tradition and their identity will disappear.”26
The British developed a system of administration inclusive of the practice of the land so that the administrative strategies would better suit the people of the
26 Atul Gowshai, Ed., Traditional Self-governance Institutions Among the Hill Tribes of North-East India, New Delhi: Akansha Publishing House, pp. 104-5. place to maintaining law and order among the tribes. Therefore, the age-old traditional form of administration, which was most suited to the peculiar conditions of the Naga people and their society, was reinforced. So effort was done to adopt and connect the on-going system to the European mode of administration. This was done initially appointing and adding up local agencies. The impact was quickly seen on the estrangement of the traditional system. By the recognition of the traditional leaders and elders an integration of the existing leadership into the colonial political framework was in the waiting.
Under colonial rule, they introduced three layer system: 1.Gaonburas,
2.Dubashis (interpreters) and 3. District Administrators. The beginning of the new system took shape in the year in 1882 when Gaonburas (G.B) were appointed. The chief or headman, as they called, was given due recognition as undisputed leaders in their traditional set up, though with the intention of making them loyal agents of the colonial administration.27 There is a Head G.B., for the entire village and the assistant G.Bs, from each khel or clan of the village to assist him. While they continued to be the leaders of the people, they act as a liaison between the British
Government and the people. The gaonburah received direction and supervision from the district officers. They had no say in formulating the policies regarding their own affairs. The Government’s interest was served best as these leaders were recognized and appointed to assist the colonial administration in carrying out their respective village administration. It is seen that there was due recognition and
27 N. Venuh, Naga Society, Continuity and Change, New Delhi: Shipra Publications, 2004, p.95. acceptance of the authority of the headmen, however, it was also to be noted that their status was mainly as the agent of the British rule. In one sense they were leaders of the people and on the other side showed that they were important links for the British regime. In the original sense of the local institutions, the headmen were the ‘law makers,’ whereas under the British, though apparently with a greater ruling background, they were mere agents of the rulers.
The second mode of institution that was established by the British was
Dubashis.28 Having found the local governing system much more effective and sustainable, the British also found it a hindrance to establish themselves in the Naga
Hills. Therefore they made attempt to build rapport with existing rulers and their system of functioning. In view of the powerful status of the village chiefs the tribal community, the political agents of the colonial administration were advised to befriend and communicate directly with the chief in matters connected with the tribes and make them loyal agents of the colonial administration29 The government appointed Dubashis with salary from amongst the senior villagers who were loyal to the British rule. According to Milan Ganguli, “these Dubashis who knew
Assamese, Manipuri or English and could translate local dialects into those languages wearing their official uniform of a red flannel waistcoat and a red blanket in addition to their tribal costume. They played an appreciable role in enhancing the
British interest in the areas,”30 and bringing the Nagas closer to the British
28 The term Dobashi was derived from two Hindi words; Do=two, bhasha = language. 29 John Sema, Traditional and Modern Political institutions of the Nagas, New Delhi: Mittal Publications, 2013, p.49. 30 Chandrika Singh, Naga Politics, A Critical Account, Delhi: Mittal Publications, Singh, 2004, p.57 authorities. Dubashi was one of the chief means through which the British
Government established emphatic and useful relation with the tribes. Dubashis originally meant people who knew two languages. They were the interpreters between the British officers and the people. They were also appointed as judges to settle disputes basing on the customary law. They were liaison between the government and the people at the same time judges in the cases to be referred to the customary laws for the villagers. The office of the Dubashis was effectively used by the district officer in different ways. They helped and strengthened the district administration to enable him to have free access to the local people in perfect security. In the course of time Dubashis became the judicial employees for the area.
The Chief’s power was limited to keeping law and order in the village. The District officer supervised the overall administration of the Nagas. Though they never involved directly, all the policies were framed by them and the direction was given by them. Thus the supreme authority was slowly transferred in a way stealthily away from the village chief. Gradually, there was a sense of the loss of autonomy even to the lowest level of administration. The village elders were delegated with the powers to deal with petty local disputes.
The third layer of the administrative system within the colonial policy introduced by the British was the District Officer, who supervised and directed overall administration of a particular region. These officers were directly appointed by the British from among them. The course of time also saw a further development that the power of the Dubashis became dominant over the Kiulongthsüru. The association of the Dubashis with the governmental organization and the status as a salaried job also rated them above in the eye of the public. The Gaonburah’s duty was reduced to maintain law and order and collect house taxes. Though they had the status of being the chief, the Dubashis became important with the power to decide upon the disputes of greater impact. The villagers tend to forward the cases of disputes to the higher court of the Dubashis in the realm of the civil administration than approaching the village courts. Thus the position of the chief was relegated below the position of the Dubashis who were originally only the language mediator between the administrator and the people. In the present times, the judicial cases, especially related to the civil cases are tried by D.C/A.D.C/EAC with the Dubashis playing an important role as the cases are dealt in the framework of customs and practices of the respective tribes. The development of this administrative system was a gradual building of network among the villages, in the region and later in the District level. The traditional status of village-republic had the sole authority to frame the laws and maintain order in the village. But the
British turned it into a coordinated administration under a district officer within the
British Raj. The authority was shifted to the District level and the Village Chiefs and his men became mere executives of the laws and regulations compiled by the
British. The transfer of power was more experienced than seen. The power and role of the Village chief became mere showpieces of the administrative policies of the government. Kiulongthsürü, the traditional governing body, was converted into a body of
Gaonburas and Dubashis during the British regime all over Nagaland. The GBs were, as-a-matter-of-fact, an adaptation of the already existing Kiulongthsürü, while the Dubashis were newly created office. They have been functional from then down the present time. In this context, the query was to know if the modern offices of GBs and DBs in some way became a hindrance to the traditional Kiulongthsürü for its functioning. 77.6% of the respondents answered negatively saying that the
GBs and the Dubashis did not hinder the traditional functioning of the
Kiulongthsüpuh but 22.4% of the respondents felt that the establishment of
Dubashis altered the power and status of the traditional governing body. Some respondents view the office of Dubashis and the GBs as an encroachment of the administrative powers of the Kiulongthsürü. The opinions point out that the introduction of the GBs and DBs has brought deterioration in the allegiance of the people in the sense that the traditional bodies enjoyed better allegiance of the people compared to the civilly administered Dubashis’ court.
Figure 4: G.Bs and DBs as hindrance to the Kiulongthsürü 3.5 MODERN POLICIES OF THE GOVERNMENT
With respect to the traditional practices of customs, law and order the
Constitution of India made a special provision with respect to the State of Nagaland under Article 371 (A) wherein it said that no Acts of Parliament shall apply to the state of Nagaland in respect of:
(i) Religious or social practices of the Nagas, (ii) Naga Customary law and procedure (iii) Administration of civil and criminal justice involving decision according to Naga customary law (iv) Ownership and transfer of land and its resources,
unless the Legislative Assembly of Nagaland by a resolution so decides. To
this effect, the 73rd Amendement Act, 1992 on the Pancharyat Raj under
Article 243 M (1) exlcluded the States of Meghalaya, Mizoram and
Nagaland from the purview of the Act.
After the recognition of the State in 1963, the government of Nagaland passed a bill called the Nagaland Village, Area and Regional Council Bill of 1970.
It became an Act of the Assembly in 1978. Under the provision of this Act, the traditional body of Kiulongthsürü automatically came to be called as the village
Council. The chief of the council is traditional and hereditary, who is now called the Head Gaon Burah. The Chairman of the council is elected or selected by the majority of the council members. The Nagaland Village Area and Regional Council
Act of 1970 is a prominent administrative act by the government. It empowered the village Chairman and the council members with status and vested upon them power of administration. This was the affirmation of the tribal traditional practices by the government and at the same time a call to follow the rules within structure of the
Government machinery.31 The Village Councils Act (1978), The Nagaland Village
Councils Rules (1979) and Village Development Boards Model Rules (1980), are further efforts of the government legislations through which the village councils and Village development Boards got the recognition. There are strict rules and regulations concerning the formation and functioning of the village councils. While the selection process for council members and their number have not been imposed by the act (thus allowing traditional practices to continue), certain structural variation to facilitate development activities has been undertaken. The village council includes all traditional leaders like the ‘gaon burahs’ (village headmen) and other representatives from all the ‘khels’ of the village. The village council’s tenure is five years including the chairman and members, after which it has to be re- nominated. Further, Village Development Boards have been constituted with all permanent residents of the village as members and the village council selects the
Village Development Board Management Committee (VDBMC) for a three-year period, including a secretary who is paid an honorarium for assisting the Village
Development Board and the Village Council. The Village Development Board structure was created to facilitate the institutionalization of a participative process for the implementation of development programmes by benefiting from the strengths of the traditional institutions in the village. The formation of Nagaland
31 Nagaland Village Area Council Act, 1970, Kohima: Nagaland Legislative Assembly, 1971. and its units followed the traditional divisions on the basis of tribes. Each of the over 1,130 villages had their traditional councils that were much more than the panchayats as known today. The members who represented the various clans in the village formed the council. The council enjoyed an autonomous status and they were federal units of Hoho, which is the apex body of tribal representation.
3.6 THE NAGALAND VILLAGE AND AREA COUNCIL ACT 1978
Following the 16 point agreement of 196032, it was made clear that each tribe shall have the units of Law to make administrative Local Bodies to deal with matters concerning the respective tribes and areas.33 Nagaland (Transitional
Provisions) Regulation Act 1961 provided for the creation of three-tier tribal councils consisting of Village Council, Range Council and Tribal Council for each tribe. This Act was further furnished in 1963 when statehood was granted, to retain only two-tier model - village and area - with specific administrative, judicial and political functions. A comprehensive legislation by the State Government viz., ‘the
Nagaland Village and Area Council Act 1978’ was the first decisive action towards decentralized rural development. This act of Nagaland Government is pioneering and revolutionary in intent that even the provisions of the 73rd Constitution
Amendment of 1992 was already practiced in anticipation in the state. The Act assures that there should be the constitution of village councils in every recognized
32 This was signed between the Nagas and the Government of India in 1960. It contained resolutions on various matters of the state and people. 33 Nagaland Village and Area Council Act, 1978, Kohima: Nagaland Legislative Assembly, 1979. village of Nagaland comprising the members chosen by all the permanent residents of the villages.
The ‘Nagaland Village Area and Regional Council Act of 1970’ empowered the village Chairman and the council members to exercise all the powers vested upon them in respect of execution, legislation and judiciary. This Act has made elaborate rules and regulations and the members were to abide by the law, made by the government in conformity with the traditional customary laws and usages of the respective tribes which are still prevalent and maintained.34 The Act also provided that Gaonburah/Chief/Angh are included in the village Council as members. It also said under clause 94 that “the Chairman of the village under the Nagaland Village
Council Amendment Act of 1978, shall be the Chairman of the Court. The
Secretary of the Village Court shall be selected and appointed by the village court from amongst the members of the village court. It also further stated that provided the village inhabited by person belonging to Sema, Konyak or any other tribes having hereditary chiefs/Angs by custom or inhabited by majority of any such tribes, the Chairman of such village court shall be hereditary chief of such village.”35 As per the constitution, the 73rd Amendment Act, 1992, on the Panchayat
Raj under Article 243 (1) it excluded the state of Meghalaya, Mizoram and
Nagaland from the purview of the Act. However, in the case of Nagaland a special provision was added under Article 371(A) of the Constitution wherein it said that no acts of parliament shall apply to the state of Nagaland in respect of, “Religious
34 Ibid., p. 32 35 Nagaland Code, Vol.IV, Government of Nagaland, p.104. and social practices of the Nagas. Naga customary law and procedure, administration of civil and criminal law and justice involving decisions according to the Naga customary law, etc., to the ownership and transfer of land and its resources.” However, under Article 243 Clause(1) of the 73rd Amendment provided that “the legislative Assembly of the state must pass a resolution to that effect by a majority of not less than two thirds of the members of that house present and voting. A Workshop was organized in August 1996 by the Rajiv Gandhi
Foundation organized at Kohima on Panchayat Raj including public leaders from villages, Government Officers social workers, NGOs and academicians. Many were the recommendations forwarded to the State Government for implementation. The following gain attention with the regard to the effective functioning of the Village
Council.36 They included the points such as a) The traditional custom of nominating members to the council should be followed and election should be avoided at the village council level, b) one-third of seats be reserved for women in the Village Council and Village Development Board, c) for the effective implementation of village development policies and programmes, the Nagaland
State Finance Commission should be constituted to determine the allocation of resources exclusively for self-governing institutions and to bring about accountability and decentralized financial powers, and d) since no Village Council can function without proper funds and assistance from the Government, it was necessary to have the Collage Development Board to implement various schemes
36 Recommendations of Rajiv Gandhi Foundations Seminar on Panchayat Raj held at Kohima on 6th & 7th Aug. 1996 and programs. The rule of law stated by the Act further strengthens the rule of tradition by prescribing the powers to remove the members from the village
Council on disciplinary grounds. The member can be removed from the Council on the basis of
1. Conviction of a crime involving moral turpitude by the court of law
2. Refusal to act or become incapable of acting
3. Declared to be insolvent
4. Notification by the gazette to be disqualified for employment in the
public service
5. Absence in the majority of meetings in a year without an excuse or
sufficient ground in the opinion of the state government.
6. Misconduct, in discharge of his duties or of any disgraceful conduct, and
two third of the total members of the village council at a meeting
recommend his removal.
Having said that and taking the current status of the village council it is seen that there has been ‘picking and choosing’ in putting into practice the recommendations. Many steps were taken to implement the recommendations together with other development policies of the government. There has been silent resistance to anything that suggests particularly implementing the law of ‘inclusion of women,’ as they stick on to the traditional practice of total male representation in the council. The Yimchunger tribe has come a long way and so are the demands of the changing times in relation to the development of the tribe from ancient to the modern times. The effectiveness of a system is measured by the ability to respond to the current issues of life. The village councils can’t be proved effective only by way of keeping up its structure of the ancient times. The content is equally important as its form. The demand of the time is to uplift the structures and its members through education and agencies of development to keep pace with the modern times.
Village Council is the modern formation of the traditional Kiulongthsüpuh.
The structure and functions are similar. It is an organized system in line with the rules and regulations of the government unlike the traditional functioning based on consensus and understanding with unwritten laws. There are obvious similarities and differences between the two institutions. It is a felt fact that ‘the traditional status’ is grown out of oneself in the context of a tribe, while the ‘modern structure’ is felt as a creation by the outside power, as it follows the laws and regulations of a government which is not within common man’s eye-sight. The views differ with the empowerment of the people as seen in the varying responses of the people from the rural and the urban areas. The study took the opinions of the respondents on the similarities between the Kiulongthsüpu and the Village council. 64% of the respondents viewed that the two institutions are similar whereas 26% of the respondents disagreed about the similarity while 10% of them gave no opinion. Figure 5: Similarity between the Kiulongthsüpuh and the Village Council
Opinions, approaches and attitudes are formed and shaped by various elements. Education plays a great role in this. Therefore an effort was made to compare the educational qualification and the views of the respondents on the similarities between the Kiulongthsürü and the Village Council. It is seen that the respondents who agree to the similarities between the Kiulongthsürü and the
Village Council decrease as their educational qualification become higher. It is possible that with the higher educational information, the people are able to analyze the similarities and differences in depth while those with the lower education qualification tend to take things on the face value with little access to detailed information. Figure 7: Opinions on Similarity Between Kiulongthsürü and Village Council
Table 7: Opinion on Similarity between Kiulongthsürü & Village Council
Educational Opinion on the similarity between Qualification of the Kiulongthsüpu and Village Council Total Respondent Yes No Can't Say
Under Matriculation 76 (83.5%) 7 (7.7%) 8 (8.8%) 91 (100%)
Matriculation 29 (65.9%) 11 (25%) 4 (9.1%) 44 (100%)
Pre-"University 29 (48.3%) 24 (40%) 7 (11.7%) 60 (100%)
Graduate and Above 26 (47.3%) 23 (41.8%) 6 (10.9%) 55 (100 %)
Total 160 (64%) 65 (26%) 25 (10%) 250 (100%) The village council is the office of administration currently in the
Yimchunger villages. The village councils are sanctioned by the Government of
Nagaland. Kiulongthsürü, the traditional governing body, has been absorbed into the village council in the larger perspective. However the people vary in their opinion if the replacement of kiulongthsürü with the village council has been the best of it or rather the replacement has not been understood to the best effect.
Figure 6: Opinions on Village Council as a better Replacement of Kiulongthsurü
The majority of the respondents (61.2%) are of the view that Village council is a better replacement for the Kiulongthsürü, referring to the need of the time to be part of a wider administrative machinery and governmental organization. The establishment of the Village Council is seen as the process of modernization through redefining and restructuring of the administrative system to suit the changing times. 28.4% of the respondents are in favour of the continuation of the
Kiulongthsürü. Opinions in this regard add that there is an overemphasis of the political power in the formation and function of the village council thereby causing a loss of required dedication to serve the people as the administrative agency.
Though, there are many other reasons, the main resonating fact is that there is loss of the tradition, custom and the pride of the Kiulongthsürü by establishing the village council as its replacement. 10.4% of the respondents are uncertain about which institution is better. The opinions also differ according to the age of the respondents in this regard. There is significant relationship between the age and opinion of the respondents. Table 8: Age-wise Opinion on Village Council as a Replacement for Kiulongthsürü
Opinion on Village Council as a better Gender of the replacement for Kiulongthsürü Respondents Total Yes No Can't say Male 122 (62.2%) 64 (32.7%) 10 (5.1%) 196 (100 %)
Female 31 (57.4%) 7 (13 %) 16 (29.6%) 54 (100 %)
Total 153 (61.2%) 71 (28.4%) 26 (10.4%) 250 (100 %)
Table 9: Gender-wise Opinion on Village Council as Better Replacement for Kiulongthsürü
Opinion of Age Group of the Respondents the Total respondent Under 25 26 - 35 36 - 45 46 - 55 56 years & years years years years above Yes 20 55 39 25 14 153 (46.5%) (69.6%) (59.1%) (69.4%) (53.8%) (61.2%)
No 9 17 22 11 12 71 (20.9%) (21.5%) (33.3%) (30.6%) (46.2%) (28.4%)
Can't say 14 7 5 0 0 26 (32.6%) (8.9%) (7.6%) (0%) (0%) (10.4%)
Total 43 79 66 36 26 250 (100%) (100%) (100%) (100%) (100%) (100%) Modern Naga societies are primarily liberal towards the issue of gender.
However, there exist elements of patriarchy in all the Naga tribal societies. This is due to the fact that traditional Naga societies are rigidly patriarchal in general.
Though, women were not mistreated, all the decisions relating to the community, family and society are taken by the male members of the family or community.
Thus, the Kiulongthsürü too was a male dominated institution with no woman representation in it, though by rule the village council should include women as members. Therefore the opinions are further analyzed comparing the gender of the respondents.
The table shows that a little more than half of the female respondents
(57.4%) gave the opinion that the village councils are better replacement for the
Kiulongthsürü. The reasons given are that the village councils are more approachable and are more informed and concerned about the issues regarding women as compared to the Kiulongthsürü.
The functioning of the village Council is based on the quality of its members. Traditionally the emphasis was laid on clan representation. The modern method includes further possibilities such selection and appointment. The administrative quality of a village depends on this body. The Table below shows the distribution of the respondents’ opinion on the most appropriate criteria of inducting the village council members. Table 10: Suggested Methods to Induct Members to the Village Council
Suggested methods to induct members to the village Educational council Total Qualification Clan Election by Hereditary Any others representation the village Under 50 (54.9%) 12 (13.2%) 28 (30.8%) 1 (1.1%) 91 (100 %) Matriculation
Matriculation 22 (50 %) 8 (18.2%) 13 (29.5%) 1 (2.3%) 44 (100 %)
Pre-"University 12 (20 %) 19 (31.7%) 27 (45 %) 2 (3.3%) 60(100 %)
Graduate and 9 (16.4%) 21 (38.2%) 19 (34.5%) 6 (10.9%) 55 (100 %) Above
Total 93 (37.2%) 60 (24 %) 87 (34.8%) 10 (4 %) 250 (100 %)
Thus, it can be observed in this table the respondents opt less for the
traditional method of inducting the village council members as their educational
qualification increases. Over half of the respondents (54.9%) under matriculation
opted for hereditary as the method and only 50% of the respondents who have
completed their matriculation opted for the same method. Further, only 20% of the
respondents with educational qualification of Pre-University and 16.4% of the
graduates opted for heredity as the criteria for selecting the village council
members. The respondents are also of the view that merit should be given to those
who have the capability and the experience to be inducted into the village councils.
It was also suggested by the respondents that a member each should be inducted from each one-fourth of the households in the village. Clan representation is the method mostly followed in the induction of the village council members in the form of GBs. Land ownership and honour as the founder of the village are major reasons for following this method. Following figure shows the distribution of opinion on the formation of the village council based on clan representation. There is almost equal distribution of the opinion on clan representation as the most suited method of appointing the village council members. 50.4% of the respondent agree to it where as 49.6% of the respondents disagreed to it.
Figure 7: Opinions based on Clan-based Appointment of Village Council Members
Better governance, equal representation, cooperation and transparency are some of the reasons for supporting the formation of the village councils based on clan representation. Respondent who are against the formation of the village council on clan representation are of the view that it will create clanism, leading to conflict and ineffectiveness of the council. They are also of the view that clan representation can lead to monopoly of the major clans and people with the real capacities and capabilities will never get the opportunity to work for the community.
The Naga Villages are known for its democratic nature. Law and order and
Welfare works are some of the responsibilities that are commonly associated with the village council. 54.8% of the respondents are of the view that the main function of the village council is the maintenance of law and order in the village whereas
39.2% of the respondents say that it is welfare and developmental works.
Figure 8: Major Functions of Village Council as seen by the Respondents Table 11: Age-wise Opinions on Village Council as Guardians of Customs and Traditions
Opinion on Village Council as Guardians of Age Group of the Yimchunger Customs and Traditions respondents Total Active Passive Others Under 25 years 39(90.7%) 2(4.7%) 2(4.7%) 43(100.0%)
26 - 35 years 47(59.5%) 31(39.2%) 1(1.3%) 79(100.0%)
36 - 45 years 41(62.1%) 25(37.9%) 0 (.0%) 66(100.0%)
46 - 55 years 23(63.9%) 11(30.6%) 2(5.6%) 36(100.0%)
56 years & above 19(73.1%) 7(26.9%) 0(.0%) 26(100.0%)
Total 169(67.6%) 76(30.4%) 5(2.0%) 250(100.0%)
Village council is the most important and powerful body governing a village. They are the guardians of the tribal customs and traditions. However, opinions differ on the efficiency of village councils in the administration and governance of the village especially in keeping up the traditions of the tribe. The respondents are grouped by their age to evaluate the ground reality, as people have different perceptions and ideas about it according to the age. 67.6% of the respondent are of the view that that village council is active in dispensing its duties where as 30.4% of the respondents are of the view that the village councils are passive in doing so. 3.7 VILLAGE DEVELOPMENT BOARD (VDB)
In Nagaland 82.26% of the total population is rural.37 Hence, taking advantage of the unique socio-cultural situation in Naga society, the Government of
Nagaland formally launched the VDB in the state under the Nagaland Village and
Area Council Act 1978. The Village Council has been given wide ranging administrative powers. The Act empowers the village councils to set up an executive wing of the Village Council, namely, Village Development Board
(VDB). The Act also details rules and regulations for the formation and functioning of the Village Council and the VDBs. The Village Development Board (VDB) of
Nagaland became a unique blend of the rich traditional heritage of the community life of the Nagas and a systematic organization of resources for rural planning and development. It has the dignity of an institution based on ground reality of the tradition and enhancement through technological (skilled) resource development.
The concept of VDB was first introduced in 1976 in Ketsapo Village in Phek district of Nagaland in the form of a committee to manage the village funds generated from the common property resources, a task which was customarily performed by the Village Council. It was therefore only a delegated power until
1980 when the concept of VDB was adopted and introduced in the entire state with the enactment of VDB Village Rules. Today the VDB, which was started in a remote village on an experimental basis as a developing agency of the Village
Council, has grown into a massive board comprising of 1083 VDBs operating in the entire state. This has pioneered the grass root level organization for decentralized
37 Census 2001, Kohima: Government of Nagaland, 2012. planning and development in rural development in the state.38 The primary objective of the VDB included effective channelization of development in the
Villages through grass root level planning and implementation. The contextual view was to fight the evil of rural poverty through community-involved process.
The process was expected to decentralize the power to the rural mass with the noble intention of raising the standard of living and to bridge the emerging gap of social disparity through economic enlistment. And finally, it also aims at involving the villages in the state developmental affairs through recognition of the traditional system of governance in Nagaland.
With the inception of the concept of VDB and particularly after the institutionalization of the same, the power conferred on the village Councils (VCs) through the Nagaland Village Area Act for the purpose of formulation of plans and implementation of developmental programmes have been evolved into VDBs in all the villages. However, VDBs are accountable to the Village Council. The VDB are basically constituted through democratic election or in some cases through selection or nomination by general consensus. VDB is formed, comprising of not less than 5 and not more than 25 members, depending upon the size and requirement of the village. The VDB secretary, elected for a term, is given a token of at least Rs. 1000 in lieu of his service. It has a mandatory rule that one-fourth of its members should be women. The Deputy Commissioner/Additional Deputy Commissioner of the district acts as the ex-officio Chairman of the VDB and the accounts of each VDB
38 Toshimenla Jamir, Lumami: Nagaland University, Unpublished Works, 2010. is jointly operated by these officials along with the secretary of the VDBs in their respective districts and independent sub- divisions. The general body meets once a year, while the Managing Board of the VDB is required to sit every month for selection of schemes and beneficiaries and also to monitor the progress of the ongoing works. The specific rules notify the process and method of selection of the various schemes and the way to implement effectively with transparency and accountability. The VDB thereby plays the crucial role of translating the policies and programmes of the government into reality in the grass root level. They are also locally engaged with the state-sponsored schemes and other schemes. VDBs are essentially financial institutions as they were conceived and created with a view to manage the village common fund. One of the main functions of the VDB as stipulated in the Model Rules is to borrow money from the banks for community as well as individual beneficiaries. Views were sought regarding the betterment of the village governance with the establishment of the VDBs.
Table 12: Opinion on the Improvement of Governance through VDB
Governance improved through VDB in addition to the Village Council Frequency Percent Yes 210 84%
No 39 15.6%
Any others 1 0.4%
Ttoal 250 100% Table 13: Age-wise Response on the Improvement of the Village Governance Through VDB
Opinion of Age Group of the Respondents the Under 25 56 years & Total 26 - 35 years 36 - 45 years 46 - 55 years respondents years above
Yes 28 (13.3%) 65 (31 %) 57 (27.1%) 36 (17.1%) 24 (11.4%) 210 (100%)
No 15 (38.5%) 14 (35.9%) 9 (23.1%) 0 (0%) 1 (2.6%) 39 (100%)
Any others 0 (0%) 0 (0%) 0 (0%) 0 (0%) 1 (100 %) 1 (100%)
Total 43 (17.2%) 79 (31.6%) 66 (26.4%) 36 (14.4%) 26 (10.4%) 250 (100%)
3.8 COMMUNITIZATION POLICY
The administrative restructuring of the Naga village administration under
the British Regime has remained in effect for a long time. With the prime motif of
colonizing the land and people, the British conveniently re-structured the
administrative offices including the village and district level. The central and state
government took further efforts in improving the village organization through
various ways. The latest effort of the state government towards this end came in the
form of communitisation. This policy aims at an innovative management system
built on the traditional principle of governance by empowering the Village Council
within a functional decentralization. Communitization was thought to be the
improvisation of the traditional governing system made suitable for the modern
times. It is unique for its foundational base with its contextual tribal philosophy. Communitisation of a Governmental institution means transferring the ownership to and sharing the responsibility of its management with the community.
It includes decentralization of authority, delegation of responsibility, empowerment of the community and building up of a synergistic relationship between the
Government and the community to spur growth and development of institutions. In a communitised institution the responsibility of management substantially rests on the community. Communitisation thus ensures investment of community’s social capital for betterment of the public institutions. Having noted the extremely poor management of resources, both material and human, in the state, it was R.S.
Pandey, who developed the concept of Communitisation. He implemented it when he was the Chief Secretary of Nagaland. The communitisation program was mooted in the middle of 2001 and it was soon in the process of implementation after due consultation and studies. The ordinance was promulgated by the State Governor in
January 2002 to enact the Nagaland Communitisation of Public Institutions and
Services Act, 2002. In March, 2002 the state Legislative Assembly ratified and passed the legislation which is the first of its kind in India and perhaps in the world.
This policy aims to leverage the funds, the expertise and the regulatory powers of the government with the social capital of the user community and combine the best of the public and the private sector systems.39 Communitisation is the privatization in the user community and it is expected to lead to a way out of problems of the government as well as the private sector. It would be for the user community to
39 R.S.Pandey, Communitisation, The Third Way of Governance, Delhi: Meerat Publishers, 2002, p.15 discharge day-to-day management of the responsibilities. In this process it is not the state moving away from its responsibility but it is a shift of paradigm in which the state would perform the role of a partner, assistant, monitor and supervisor. It is a path towards empowerment, delegation and decentralization as well as privatization in partnership at the same time. It is based on the philosophy of Triple T: a) Trust the community, b) Train the community and 3) transfer power and resources in respect of day-to-day management to the user community. It builds up the community from being mere recipients to responsible managers of resources. Being consumers and beneficiaries, the user community has the intent, the desire and the intrinsic motivation to see the institution performing well40. Along with trust and training, however, the most important part of Communitisation is to transfer requisite power and resources from the government to the community so that it can discharge the expectations of day-to-day management of the institution. This act of transferring the power and resources is called to be the true empowerment in the words of Pandey, “the more the share of power and financial resources from the government to the user community, the more is the empowerment.”41
The social capital in the Naga society is rich and dense, strong tribal and village community bonds exist in traditional institutions which are organized, effective and participatory. The functioning of the Naga Village council is proven fact of organized grass-root level administration. Community participation in the governance is evident in the running of the village administration in the olden days
40 Ibid. p.17. 41 Ibid. and it was brought to a policy-based organization in the modern days through
VDBs in the 1970s. The kind of decentralization and delegation that has been attempted in the scheme of Communitisation in Nagaland is unprecedented in the country. With empowerment, the sense of responsibility will come that will enable release of creative forces which are latent in the community. Once the community owns the institutions set up for them by the Government, the functioning of such institutions is bound to improve. Expressing the considerable satisfaction at the new concept of Communitisation Shri.Abdul Kalam, the former President of India, told the public gathering that ‘all such successful systems would definitely bring subsequent accountability in all aspects in later days and even asserted that all major developments had to be started from the grass root level.’ The effective methods of Communitisation were into action by the various departments like
Education, Health and Power. The various village committees manage the resources and maintenance of these matters of public concern.
Some of the salient features of Communitisation, for instance in the field of education, are said to be are a) Communitisation empowers the Village community to own and to develop the Government Elementary school/s in the village as their own; b) The Village Education Committee (VEC) is the legal local Authority to manage Elementary education in the village; and c) Salary amount for government employees in the school/s are deposited in advance by the Government into the
VEC Account. The VEC disburses the salary on the first of the following month.42
The concept of Communitisation is aimed at decentralizing the governing power to the people. It is not easy to implement realization of goals in its entirety in a decade’s time. The past decade has seen that the policy has been implemented in a few areas like Education, Public Health and Medical departments. The views were sought from the respondents to evaluate the similarity of functioning between communitization and Kiulongthsürü as they see in the working out of the policies.
It is observed that only 35.2% of the respondents opined positive.
Table 14: Similarity of Functioning Between Kiulongthsürü and Communitisation Policy
Similarity of Principles in function of Age Group of the traditional governing system and Total Respondents Communitisation
Yes No
Under 25 years 15 (34.9%) 28 (65.1%) 43 (100%)
26 - 35 years 25 (31.6%) 54 (68.4%) 79 (100%)
36 - 45 years 20 (31.2%) 44 (68.8%) 64 (100%)
46 - 55 years 16 (44.4%) 20 (55.6%) 36 (100%)
56 years & above 11 (44 %) 14 (56 %) 25 (100%)
Total 87 (35.2%) 160 (64.8%) 247 (100%)
42 Kiremwati, The First Year of Communitisation of Elementary Education in Nagaland, 2002-2003, Kohima: Government of Nagaland, 2003, p.19. Communitization is an initiative of the government to decentralize the process of governance. The policy has been in its first early phase of activation and it is yet to be put into effect in all levels and areas. With the given experience, 68% of the respondents are of the view that communitization process has helped and contributed towards better governance and the villages where as 30.8% of the respondents are of the view that it has not contributed to the better governance of the village. This makes us aware that though the respondents suggest the improvement of governance of the village through communitization policy, yet it does not seem to represent the principles of the Kiulongthsürü as suggested by the policy makers.
Table 15: Opinions on the Improvement of the Village Governance through Communitisation Policy
Has Communitisation improved the village Frequency Percent Governance?
Yes 170 68%
No 77 30.8%
No opinion 3 1.2%
Total 250 100%
3. 9 EASTERN NAGA PEOPLE’S ORGANIZATION
The recent emerging thoughts on re-organizing the people of the area are relevantly thoughtful and deserve mention when it comes to governance. It has implications on the people of Yimchunger tribe. Eastern Nagaland Peoples’ Organization (ENPO) which was formally known as Tuensang-Mon Public
Organization (TMPO) has been organizing the people of the area for Statehood under special provision and status on behalf of the Six (6) Federating Tribes viz.
Konyak, Phom, Yimchungru, Sangtam, Chang and Khaimniungan of the Eastern
Nagaland. The Frontal Organizations of the ENPO such as the Eastern Naga
Student’s Federation (ENSF) and its Federating Units, Eastern Nagaland Women’s
Organization (ENWO) and its Units along with various other leaders of the ENPO have organized under the same banner for the same cause. Presently, the ENPO
Jurisdiction within the State of Nagaland constitutes about 45% of the total population and it is under-developed, under- privileged and neglected area, with only about 3% in Employment and of which 95% are IV grade employees, compounded with absolutely poor quality education and Human Resource
Development. The quality of developmental infrastructure such as Roads and communication and other vital areas are in absolutely in depleted condition. The mentioned area is said to be historically under the erstwhile Tuensang Frontier
Division under the aegis of the Indian Frontier Administrative Service (IFAS) and the management of the North-East Frontier Agency (NEFA) GOI, which was geopolitically a by-product of the Mac Mohan line of 1914. It is to be mentioned that this area i.e, ENPO was basically and largely outside the administration of
British Indian rule and other foreign rules/influence, hence free from any direct foreign rules. It later became a part of Indian Union in the year 1947-48. In the wake of granting Statehood to the present Nagaland, the Tuensang Frontier
Division (TFD) of the North East Frontier Agency (NEFA) GOI, and the Naga Hills district of Assam formed the Naga Hills-Tuensang Area (NHTA) in the year
1957 and subsequently formed Nagaland as the 16th State of the Union of India in
1963 thereafter. It is also to be mentioned that the GOI had asked for comments of the State Govt. through the Home Ministry for establishing Autonomous Council but was turned down and firmly rejected by the ENPO. Geographically, the ENPO jurisdiction is bounded by Myanmar in the East, Assam in the West, Arunachal
Pradesh in the North, and in the South by the remaining State of Nagaland. The geo-political location of the Eastern Nagaland is extremely crucial and vital. The
ENPO jurisdiction is also said to be blessed with vast Natural Resources including
Minerals, and Petroleum Resources with pristine rain forest
Eastern Autonomous council is a proposal by the Government of Nagaland to bring about inclusive growth to the people of Eastern Nagaland while decentralizing the governance process. The table shows the distribution of the respondents based on their views about the Eastern Autonomous Council. Majority of the respondents (87.6%) are of the view that the Eastern Autonomous Council should be installed whereas 11.6% of the respondents are against the installation of the Eastern Autonomous Council. A negligible section of the respondents (0.8%) does not have opinion on the statement. Table 16: Choice for Proposed Autonomous Council
Choice on Proposed Eastern Autonomous Frequency Percent Council as the Solution? Yes 219 87.6%
No 29 11.6%
No opinion 2 0.8%
Total 250 100%
Decentralization of governance, boost of economy, equal share of developmental funds, more developments, fresh impetus for problems which are not addressed to be tackled and equal with the other tribes of Nagas are some of the reasons put forth by the respondents who are in favour of the proposal. Some of the respondents are of the view that statehood, not autonomous council, is the need of the hour. Kiulongthsürü, though it is the original traditional governing body, differs its way from the ancient sense of word. It is now something that people hold on to as memories. The Kiulongthsürü have failed to abreast itself with the changing time and kept up with the pace of the modernization and the enculturation of neo liberal ideas and thoughts that the younger generations of the Yimchunger tribe are exposed to.
Every society goes on transition and so is the Naga society. From a lifestyle of solitude and exclusiveness the Nagas came into contact with the outside world, spurred by colonial expansion, Christian initiation and education on the one hand and on the other hand Modernization and Post Modernization have been major influences. Education, accompanied by the conversion into the new found religion,
Christianity to a great extent enabled them to move form antiquity to modernity.
The Nagas have greatly been part of the global community with the modernization and Post modernization changing the society in all aspects. CHAPTER 4
SOCIAL LIFE OF THE
YIMCHUNGER NAGAS CHAPTER 4 SOCIAL LIFE OF THE YIMCHUNGER NAGAS
The heterogeneity or diversity is the hallmark of the Indian society. There are more than six hundred groups in Indian society officially designated as scheduled tribes. Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes are two terms to identify the different groups of people. Attempts have been made by many scholars to identify the characteristics that are basic to each of them, but clarity is yet to be found. Of the distinguishing characteristics of Indian society language, region, caste, and tribe have been considered most important. However none of these categories has been as contentious, conceptually and theoretically, as the category of tribe. All these groups have been undergoing changes, observed and described by various people for nearly a century. Religion, language, region and caste in India have been rooted in the consciousness and the social relations of the people at large. They existed in history over large periods of time. However it is not the same with the category of tribe. The term was later used and referred to by the British in the nineteenth century. Hence the category of tribes is seen as a colonial construction. In an effort to understand the Indian society, the category of tribe has nevertheless come to be used extensively in social science literature in general and sociological and anthropological literature in particular. At the time of initial writing the term ‘tribe’ was used to refer to a group of people claiming descent from a common ancestor. In another sense, it was used to refer to a group of people living in primitive or conditions. The latter sense emerged during the colonial period.1 In the post independence period, there was a greater concern about, and more systematic efforts aimed at distinguishing tribe from caste. Yet even today, scholars have not arrived at a systematically worked out criterion. In general, they have tried to distinguish one from the other on the basis of many criteria. The sets of denominators on the basis of which tribes are differentiated from non-tribes are not yet clear. Beteille says that the only thing the tribes seem to share in common is that they all stand more or less outside the Hindu civilization. Since the identification of tribes has political and administrative implications, little effort has been made to examine it critically. Rather, the category of tribes generally has been accepted uncritically by social scientists.2
The word ‘tribe,’ is a generic word used to mean a group of people with specific features. Reader’s Digest Encyclopedia speaks of Tribes in terms of primitive or barbarous clan under chief-rule, clans (like those under Roman rule), unit of taxonomy, etc. Majumdar defined ‘tribe’ as a ‘collection of families or group of families which occupy the same territory, speak the same language and observe certain taboos regarding marriage, profession or occupation and have developed well assessed reciprocity and mutuality and obligations.3 Ghurye classifies tribes into three. The first group includes Raj Gonds and others who successfully fought the battle and enjoy high status in Hindu society. The second group includes those who have been partially in contact with the Hindus and Hinduized and the third
1 Virginius Xaxa, State, Society and Tribes, Delhi: Dorling Kindersley, 2008, p.14 2 Ibid. p.15. 3 D.N. Majumdar, Races and Cultures of India. Bombay: Universal Publishers, 1958, p.355. are those who showed great resisteneto the alien culture and remained themselves.
Elwin Verrier had distinguished the tribes into various groups based on the degree of Cultural devlopment. The group that was at the least influenced by the alien culture and kept to their own indigenous beliefs and practices were considered more tribal than the others who adopted themselves to other cultures and traditions. They retained their tribal name, their clans and totem rules and observe elements of tribal religion though they have also adopted other faith in the later days. In a broad sense, using Elwin’s yardstick, we can speak of Yimchungers as the group that exhibited greatest power of resistance to the alien cultures that have pressed over their border. The Yimchungers remained isolated and autonomous in their territory with their own laws, regulations, customs and traditions till modern times.
4.1 CLAN
Clan is a major social stratification among the Yimchunger Nagas. Clan is a kinship group of fundamental importance in the structure of many societies.
Membership of clan is socially defined in terms of actual or supposed descent from a common ancestor.4 According to R.N. Sharma, “A clan is that collection of unilateral families whose members believe themselves to be the common descendants of a real or mythical ancestor.”5 There are six clans among the
Yimchungrü; Khiungrü, Kusunkhiungrü, Limkhiungkhuingrü, Jangrü, Khipurü and
4 C.N. Shankar Rao, Sociology of Indian Society, New Delhi: S.Chand & company, 2013, p.349 5 R.N. Sharma, Indian Social System , Jaipur, 2009, p.108. Jankiungrü. These are stratification of the tribe from time immemorial and it is not easy to know the origin of the clannish division. Unlike the caste system, the tribe does not hold reservation with regard to the type of jobs to be held by any clan.
Based on the egalitarian attitude, we can say that the Yimchunger tribe is an ‘open society,’ and not a ‘closed society’ with reservations and preferences based on status of birth. The clan is based on the family line through patrilineal descent. The clan members speak of a common line of descent. The marriage is organized strictly across the clan line and the marriage between the two of the same clan is considered as a serious crime. There is a legendary view that the occasional fights among the ancestors resulted in the formation of the many clans. The clan line is spread across villages and even tribes. The establishment of the village and the formation of the village council also take serious note of the clan representation. In public life especially in the light of the modern political organizations the clannish relation has gained greater relevance. Clan has risen to be a pressure group in many matters of public interest in the modern times. For instance, in the electoral politics and in the selection of public leaders the clannish associations become visibly prominent.
4.1.1 THE KHIANG TOPONG AND KHIANG YAPPUNG
Khiang Topong (Morung) and Khiang Yappung (Colony Morung) are two different institutions. Khiang Topong is a community hut, which hosts community activity. Any activity, be it social, religious, political or economy which are of community importance or that which involved the entire village were organized in this place. The morung, in general, has characteristics of sacredness, restriction and fear. People frequented this place during annual sacrifices, festivals, war times etc.
Usually a log drum was placed to serve as a medium of communication by signaling the occasions to the entire community. The morung served as a great centre of the village community. Khiang Yappung, on the other hand, was a place of daily activity. In today’s terminology we can call it sector dormitory. Khiang is a neighbourhood of clan members. Each khiang built a yappung (sleeping place), both for boys and girls. Children after attaining certain age went to this place to sleep. It is here all skills and expertise of works were learnt. Some elderly men and women took upon themselves to teach and train youngsters in the tribal way of life and customs. It was not just a place of sleeping but a place where discipline was inculcated, customs and traditions passed on and myths and legends narrated.
Khiangs were centres that kept Yimchungrü culture alive. The village that follows the practice of khiang with close similarity of the practices in the present times is
Chessore. Every khel in this village has a dormitory for its youths both boys and girls. They spend time in the evening and for the night’s rest. The traditional training is imparted to the youths in this manner.
4.2 FAMILY
The basic unit of the social structure in every society is the family. The classical definitions emphasized that the family was a group based on marriage, common residence, emotional bonds and stipulation of domestic services. The family also has been defined as a group based on marital relations, rights and duties of parenthood, common habitation and reciprocal relations between parents and children.
The institution of the family is the nucleus of the Yimchunger Naga society, consisting of husband, wife and their offsprings. ‘Yambuk’ is the Yimchunger term that refers to the family unit consisting of father, mother and children. The traditional family had the simple practice of the children leaving the parents after his marriage and move to a house of their own. It is common in the villages that in cases when the married couple is not capable of having a house of their own they share the living space under the same roof with the parents while a separate kitchen is maintained. It is an attached fact that in the normal way of counting the families is done by counting the number of kitchens. In other words, kitchen is the symbol of a family life. It also displays the sense of independence and self-reliance. Close to it is also the meaning of fellowship. Guests and visitors are received in the kitchen and so are other major activities coordinated there making it the centre of family life. This points out to a generally accepted that a person who can maintain the kitchen has his fill.
Yimchunger families are patriarchal in nature similar to other Naga tribes and unlike the Khasi and Garo tribes of Meghalaya. The father is the head of the family. The fact that father being the head of the family, it is assumed that the responsibility to provide for the sustenance and maintenance of the family lies on him. The status and responsible nature of man as the head of the family also gives the gradation for his status in the village and society at large. A good father of the family is a respected figure in the society. Given the primitive structure, the father of the ancestors was also the person responsible to conduct the ‘worship’ and
‘offerings’ on behalf of the family on occasions designed and desired.
‘Yambuk,’ is the Yimchunger term that refers to the members of one’s own immediate blood relations of the family. It is also used in the broader sense meaning those beyond the immediate circle of parents and children. For instance, uncles, paternal and maternal, are addressed as ‘father’, with suffix or prefix attached, so also the aunts, paternal and maternal called ‘mother’. Grandparents, nephews, nieces and cousins are within the close relationship as members of a family. Family is the focal point of relationship among the Yimchungers. Besides this family-biological relationship, strong social relationships are born out of marriage between clans. This greater family is called, ‘Petsührü’, meaning the familial relationship in the wider context. There is a sense of equality of status prevalent in the traditional format of the Yimchungrü Nagas. The term mihtsürü, means people in the ordinary sense. However the actual word meaning is ‘equal doers.’ In other words people belonging to each other as far as they do things on equality, consequently having equal worth. It meant that the people of the tribe were considered as one because they were ‘doing their works’ with a sense of equality. This points to the fact that the tribe as an egalitarian society. This understanding led rich people to share their grains to the poor and the needy. Family, whether it is Yambuk or Petsührü, has its foundation in marriage.
Yimchungrü engage in marriage both by mutual selection and negotiation. The ceremonial words uttered at the time of marriage are so relevant for all times. At the time of marriage, the bridegroom is told by the clan members accompanied by at least two witnesses, “akhah, ajing, amük kihde jihchole asühde laang” (we give you with her hand, feet and eye intact, live happily)6. This is a typical tribal way of guaranteeing the well-being of the bride in the hands of the husband. The clan members of both husband and wife vow to assist the couple for a smooth life. The homestead of a family is the thüyam (house) with a small yard in front and an out- structure behind the house as granary and pig sty. The hearth (mokin) is the common place for the family members, playing an important role as a place of gathering for food, discussion, to usher the guests, etc.
Family has a hereditary patriarchal line. Daily conversation bears witness to it. When strangers meet, the identity is inquired not in terms of, ‘who are you,’ but
‘whose child are you?’ Even in the ordinary circumstances, the parents are called by the name of their first born as prefix (eg. Ato’s Father). This speaks of the great
Child-Parent relationship in the tradition. It is in and by the family a person is fed, trained and incorporated into Yimchungrü society. The parents educate the children in all aspects of life. It is not uncommon to see a mother and a daughter sitting side by side teaching and learning weaving. Anyone visiting a Yimchungrü village in the month of January will get to see a father leading his young children with doas to cut the new Jhum. These speak volumes on the role of the parents in the lives of
6 Personal Interview with Musümew, aged 52, Pungro: 7 January 2010. their children. Lectures on legends and myths are first received at the feet of parents around the hearth. They acquaint the children with the popular stories of tradition.
Children learn the first steps of folklore from the parents, so too the dos and don’ts of sacred ceremonies and social life. Undoubtedly, the parents are the first teachers.
In the Yimchunger tribal context the social organization is the extension of the family relationship. The village leaders, for instance, are ranked according to the clan in respect to the role they played in the formation of the village. The leadership follows the family line to the younger generation. Here too the responsibility is shared not only within the immediate family circle but by the larger circle of family.
The upbringing of the individual is a great responsibility of the family, informing and forming the children in the social, political, cultural, economic and religious life of the community. It is a shared responsibility of the family, clan, village and tribe. The elders play key role in this process. They are addressed as limberü, meaning those who show the path. In the rank of leadership, the office of
Kiulongthsürü7 is the final authority. The leadership has a traditional organizational system and style with its own dynamics for social management. The formation of collective character and conscience, outlook and lifestyle of the community is very much dependent on the leaders. The closely knit community-individual relationship is evidently experienced in the various daily life-events. The various leaders –
7 It is the body of elders responsible for the administration of the village, who were also the co- founders of the village. Kiulongthsürü, cho-cho-rü,8 Ayangrü9 and Limpurü10 play important functions for the society through their own assigned responsibility. The office of Amükeamrü
(priest) is a relevant reference for our time too. He invoked the presence of the supernatural for the people and specially served at the special occasions in a family.
Mahtsahrü11 is another person who performed central role to mediate peace between the feuding parties. The learning from the traditions in connection with the families and social organization tells us that the life of an individual is not just one man’s making but the result of a collective effort. The manner of instruction among
Yimchungers is what fascinates one. The formula is simple: learn by doing, teach by doing and lead by example. Theory and practice, or words and action need to go hand in hand. The elders (father, mother, older sibling or leaders) would first instruct the learner by word of mouth and then the mode of action follows, whereby the learner is brought into watchful accompaniment. As the learner graduates, the instructor slowly turns into a companion-guide. Imperfect as humans are, accompaniment and guidance remain a permanent trait in the process of living and growth among Yimchungers.
8 Cho-cho-rü are trustworthy and active men chosen by village leaders to be agents of information. 9 Ayangrü are watchmen whose duty is to ensure the well-being of the village when other villagers are at work. They are responsible and answerable for everything that happened in the village while they are on duty. 10 Peacemaker elected from each village/tribe who had the mandate of the whole community. He could freely meet and talk to the enemy. Limpurü played an important role in the success of reconciling the feuding parties. 11 Mahtsahrü was a man of good repute who was mandated by clan members and kiulongthsürü to mediate peace reconciliation and justice when two individuals/families were in conflict. 4.3 MARRIAGE
The Yimchunger Nagas commonly practice monogamous marriage.
However second or third marriage is not uncommon. The Yimchungers are strict with the law of exogamy. The marriage is not permitted between the two who belong to the same clan. A marriage between the two who belong to the same clan is punishable and it is often punished with ousting from the village and debarring them from all rights of the citizen of the village. Marriage is a solemn act taken by the will of the two individuals to begin a new family in view of procreation of children and thereby assuring the continuity of the family, clan and the tribe. The marriage bonding too has its own unique nature. On the day of marriage, the parents together with the members of the clan bring the girl to the boy’s village.
The group is met at the place of the granary of the boy’s family. The share of paddy that is brought from girl’s family is kept in the granary on their way to the groom’s house. After having done this, they proceed to the house of the boy for the celebration. At the completion of the sharing of meal, the family members of both the partners sit together making their agreements heard to each other on the upkeep of the safety and security of the newly wedded couple. They make known to all the detailed description of the things brought by the bride’s family for her upkeep of the girl in her new home. The bond of marriage is not limited to the couple who are married but also the families within the clan. The marriage proposals and preparations are done with the involvement of the heads of the family and the clan members. The most common practice is the distribution of the ‘special pieces of meat’ to the heads of the closely related families of the girl and the boy. In the case of the boy’s relatives, they join together to discuss and decide the matters on the marriage and to make necessary arrangements. In the same way the girl’s family and relatives gather together to decide upon the necessary arrangements to provide her all the required materials within their capacity to begin a new family life. The things given in this manner are carried to the groom’s residence and at the meeting of the families on the day of marriage and the details are publically let known. In the case of separation for any reason, the things will be recovered or permitted for use according to the settlement of the case.12
There is a traditional way of making a marriage proposal for the Yimhunger
Nagas. It is considered proper for a boy to make the proposal to the girl and not vice versa. Traditionally it was common to make known the proposal to the girl’s family through a middle man after which the parents of the boy would go to the girl’s house to meet the parents and present the proposal. They go with a prepared meal – rice beer, cooked rice and meat - to share with them. It is said that the food is served first to the parents and they make sure that they eat it before they discuss the matter. If the food is accepted and shared, it is considered that the parents are ready to discuss the matter. There was the practice of bride price. In the olden days it was in the form of kind. ‘Metal implements, especially made of iron,’ was common and important among the Yimchungers. A quality that was sought for the partners, especially, in the female partner was the ‘excellence in work nature.’ The
12 Personal Interview with Shuto, aged 74, Hd. G.B.in-charge, Shamator Town: 14 Sept, 2012. greatest expectation from the lady was to keep the household intact and make a good partner for field works.
It was customary that the boy’s maternal uncle (mother’s brother) was given a gift from the girl’s family, an iron implement like dao, chicken, or Rs.5 (five).
Some sort of exchange of gift among the family members was common though there were no strict rules regarding it. It also included the special gifts given to the girl’s mother by the boy. The marriage was not matter of a family alone but a responsibility of the entire clan. So it was common that the clan members of the girl or the boy make their own share of contribution and preparation for the celebration of the marriage. The bond of marriage has implications on the families and clans of both the partners in marriage. It is better expressed by the attached practices that follow the marriage relationship. For instance, when a man dies, his parents-in-law honour him with a shawl, which is called, ‘muphukhim.’ This is a statutory observance and failing it is considered as an act of disrespect and it will have to be repaid by generations to come. In the similar way, at the death of the parents of either partner, the in-laws are bound to give a pig. If it is not done, as mentioned above fine is imposed even across generations. The practice of marriage by mutual selection and negotiation are very much prevalent throughout the Yimchunger tribe.
The customs related to the marriages are comprehensive expressions of the entire wellbeing of women in their married life. After marriage, the wife lives under the headship of her husband. But at the grass root level women have greater say in the decision making. They were also assigned specific roles to play in certain ceremonies. Any sexual deviation against women was penalized according to the nature and gravity of the crime. Eve teasing with malicious intent was fined with a plot of field that had a stream in it. In fornication, even if the boy agreed to marry the girl he had to pay a plot of field for takneak (for shame) to the girl’s parents.
Rape and elopement were uncommon among traditional Yimchungers. For any sexual misconduct it was the practice of the tribe to take away the best field or precious thing as compensation. Such punishments also served as deterrence to others.13 If a third party caused injury to a married woman in any form, fine was paid both to her husband and her parents.
Marriage for Yimchungrüs is a lifelong faithful relationship between man and woman recognized by parents, clan and village community. Both the parties seriously reflect along with the help of parents and elders on marriage and its implications. Marriage was hardly arranged in secrets. Even in the case of marriage by choice of the partners, the role of the parents was prominent. Divorces and broken families were very rare among traditional Yimchungers because marriages were properly done. Today the younger generations of Yimchungers are introduced to the new age too fast without proper educative information. Marriage and family suffer the worst effect of it. Marriages today are reduced into celebration of feeding.
Owing to this, many poor youngsters are pressured to just move in as husband and wife without serious understanding of family life. Olden day marriages took special care of basic requirements like house, food grain, livelihood and well-being of the
13 Personal Interview with Andrew Mutrong, aged 46, Secretary, Village Council, Leangkonger: 17 Dec 2009. couple more than other details. Sociologically we may say that, marriages were not just between individuals but it was a relationship between families and clans.
Relationship also sprang from rights and duties, reverence and obedience. The subjects in this sense rendered obedience to their leaders and those in authority who in turn guaranteed their rights.
The Yimchunger family is patrilineal in nature. The title follows father’s clan. The moveable property is shared by the sons in general. The youngest son has the responsibility of looking after the parents. The girl children are not given the share of moveable property except in the cases of the absence of a boy child or when a girl child takes care of the parents till the time of their death. It is also practiced that some girl children are given the property at the will of the father during his life-time. But the culture being patriarchal, the right to inheritance and succession was traced only in the male line. In case of the death of the husband, the wife is given the option to leave for her parents’ family. The parents of the husband become the responsible person for the children. The property will be owned by the sons of the diseased father. In the case of death of the husband and the wife decides to continue living in the same family with the children, she is entitled to use the existing property of her late husband for her own survival during her lifetime. In case of the death of a father without leaving male children, the property is owned by those in the paternal line of the family, divided into shares for the sons and the mother. In this case too, the mother has right to use the property only for her life- time. 4.4 STATUS OF WOMEN
Yimchungers’ love for their female sibling was so much that the family and clan members often reprimanded, imposed penalty and even advocated divorce in the case of wife beating. Both husband and wife could freely resort to divorce in case of serious incompatibility. Adultery often spurred divorce. If the husband was guilty he had to pay fine to the parents or the clan of his wife. The wife could choose and take the things of her choice from the house apart from the things she brought at the time of marriage. But if the wife was guilty, she had to pay the double of what was paid for her as the bride price. When divorce was mutual, all moveable properties were divided between them. Children belong to the father who had the liability to bring them up. Both man and woman were free to remarry.14 In the public realm, we see that the women do not enjoy great power in decision making. In this regard, it appears a negative side that the women remain excluded from community’s decision-making body.15 Men occupied most of the offices that were of social and community importance. Although Yimchungrü civilization had many mechanisms to safeguard women’s cause, they fail to deliver the same rights, freedom and equality that she enjoyed as a daughter. In the areas of active social life and right to inheritance the status of women stood unequal with their male counterparts. In spite of the fact that Indian Constitution and under modern legislations encourage to make women part of the decision-making process, the patriarchal and male-dominated societal bodies still remain adamant and are not
14 Personal Interview with Wonkiuba Solomon, D.B., Shamator: 25 December 2009. 15 Personal Interview with Müsümew, Pungro: 7 January 2010. keen to promote the inclusion of women in the decision making bodies in the name of traditional practice. Traditional Naga societies are patriarchal in nature. Though there may not be outright and visible discrimination against women present in the
Naga Society, the fact cannot be denied that there is structural discrimination against the women in the Naga society. The actual representation and direct involvement of women in the village council is necessary to assure the required attention on women in the society.
Figure 8: Views on Kiulongthsürü as guardians of the Rights of Women
The figure 8 shows the views of the respondents if the Kiulongthsürü uphold the rights of women. Majority of the respondents (86%) are of the view that the Kiulongthsürü did not uphold the rights of the women sufficiently. A mere 14% of the respondents are of the view that Kiulongthsürü uphold the rights of the women. Those who are affirmative about the Kiulongthsürü upholding the rights of the women state that women are consulted equally, though informally, as men in decision making of the Kiulongthsürü and they have equal opportunity as their male counterparts to form groups which the Kiulongthsürü never disagree with. Here the respondents mention that though the women do not have a seat allotted for them in the meeting, in the ordinary circumstances the men do consult them on all matters well in advance. The leaders are expected to take opinion from all who are in one’s circle before coming for a meeting. The reasons further explained in the interview is that in principle the women are not opposed to expressing their rights as to form associations or pressure groups and are encouraged to do so. They further speak of the Yimchunger Women Organization, Women Departments in the Church, SHGs, etc., which are organized to support the womenfolk to have their rights. They hold the view that there is great respect for women in the Yimchunger society as seen especially in the strict rules regarding rape, divorce, etc. These are projected as the reasons for their view on the upholding of the rights of women by the traditional decision making body. The role and status of women is a key factor that shows the social development of a community. Many sociologists note that while comparing the status of women in different parts of the country, the Naga women, in general, are a step higher. They enjoy a high and happy status by way of cultural level of the people, social position and personal freedom of its woman. The women have a social status of decision-making in the family while men represented the family in the society. It is pointed out that the status of women is remarkably high among the tribals and they are honoured for their role in the family and their accomplishments.
The Yimchunger woman is an equal partner in the family as much as she is a breadwinner along with the male partner.
Table 17: Gender-wise Opinion on Kiulongtsiipu Upholding the Rights of the Women
Opinion on Kiulongthsürü upholding Respondents of rights and privileges of the women Total
Yes No Male 25 (12.8%) 171 (87.2%) 196 (100.0%)
Female 10 (18.5%) 44 (81.5%) 54 (100.0%)
Total 35 (14.0%) 215 (86.0%) 250 (100.0%)
Table 17 shows the distribution of the respondents based on gender on their views on the Kiulongthsürü upholding the rights of the women. Only 12.8% of the male respondents support the statement whereas 87.2% are of the view that the
Kiulongthsürü did not uphold the rights of the women. Among the female respondents only 18.5% of the respondents are of the view that Kiulongthsürü uphold the rights of the women whereas 81.5% of the female respondents are of the view that the Kiulongthsürü did not uphold the rights of the women.
With development, literacy and modernization, more and more women leaders are blooming within of the Yimchungrü tribe. The inclusion of women in the traditional governance is serious concern. Table shows the distribution of the respondents based on their sex and their opinion about the inclusion of women in the Kiulongthsürü.
Table 18: Gender-wise Opinion on the Induction of Women in to Village Council
View on the induction of women into the Village Council Respondents Total Each council Needed Not Needed Any others can decide
Male 79 (40.3%) 94 (48.0%) 19 (9.7%) 4 (2.0%) 196 (100.0%)
Female 44 (81.5%) 2 (3.7%) 7 (13.0%) 1 (1.9%) 54 (100%)
Total 123 (49.2%) 96 (38.4%) 26 (10.4%) 5 (2.0%) 250 (100%)
Table 18 shows that a little less than half of the respondents (49.2%) feel the need of including women in the Kiulongthsürü, of which 79 are male and 44 of the respondents are female. 38.4% of the respondents are of the view that inclusion of women is not needed in the Kiulongthsürü where as only 10.4% of the respondents are of the view that the council should decide on the matter. A negligible amount of respondents (2%) cannot make up their mind on the statement. It is observed from the table above that women respondents are more in favour of the induction of women and reservation for women into the Kiulongthsürü. Some of the respondents suggested that there should be a separate council for women or a woman nominee has to be inducted. Education has brought about changes in the mindset of people. In this context, the issue of 33% reservation in the governing body is compared with the educational qualification of the respondents. It might be noted that Nagaland is one of the states which strongly opposed the bill for 33% reservation of women in the legislative body. Table shows the distribution of the respondents according to their view on the issue and their educational qualification.
Table 19: Opinions on the Need for 33% reservation of Women in Village Council according to the educational Qualification of the Respondents Need for 33% reservation Educational for women in the village Qualification of the Total council respondents Yes No
Under Matriculation 46 (50.5%) 45 (49.5%) 91 (100.0%)
Matriculation 28 (63.6%) 16 (36.4%) 44 (100.0%)
Pre-University 38 (63.3%) 22 (36.7%) 60 (100.0%)
Graduate and Above 33 (60.0%) 22 (40.0%) 55 (100.0%)
Total 145 (58.0%) 105 (42.0%) 250 (100.0%)
The distribution in the table shows that respondents with different educational qualifications are divided equally on the issue of 33% reservation of women in the village council. The distribution of respondents who support the issue ranges between 50–65% whereas those who are not in support of the issue ranges between 35–50%. Looking at the overall distribution, 58% of the respondents are in support of the 33% reservation for women whereas 42% of the respondents are against the reservation. Some of the respondents hold on to the tradition and are of the view that the reservation for women will disrupt the traditional values and disrupt the smooth functioning of the village council. The apprehension that this entitlement may be misused in the long run is also one of the reasons for those respondents who are against the reservation of seats for women. Others of the view that reservation alone will not change the status of the women and election or induction to any governing body should be based on capability. Those who are in support of the 33% reservation of seats for the women are of the view that there should be equality of gender.
4.5 ADOPTION
The Yimchunger society displays a great element of value system in their respect for human life in terms of adoption. Adoption in its strict term refers to
‘owning of a child or person of a different family. It may be termed as transplanting a child to a new family.’16 Adoption is a process whereby a person assumes the parenting of another, usually a child, from that person's biological or legal parents. The act of adoption gives all rights and responsibilities to the adopted as well as the begotten child of adoptee along with the filiation. Adoption in the strict sense is not widely practiced and yet there are considerable cases of the same in the
Yimchunger society. There are different levels of adoption in the Yimchunger tribal tradition. ‘Mütrielukhi’ is the word used for the strict sense of adoption. This is
16 Temjensosang, Self Governing Institutions of the Ao Nagas, Delhi: Akansha Publishing House, 2013, p.53 done in the case of the inability of the couples to have children. Therefore they adopt children of others who will be the members of the family. It is the fulfillment of the psychological need to have children and at the same time they look forward to rely on these children to get care and love in their old age. It is also in view of the desire to keep up the family lineage. The couples who do not have children choose to adopt and thereby assure the inheritance of the land and property in their name down the generation. The rule of inheritance is applied strictly in the case of the adopted children. Unless specified and clearly willed by the adoptee when they are alive the adopted children, will be at the receiving end of the other siblings of the adoptee and clan members with regard to the immovable property, especially the land. ‘Mupurü’ refers to the act of adoption done when someone is in a helpless situation and in need of ‘shelter and care.’ The term ‘mupurü’ strictly means, ‘those who surrender or the dependent.’ This type of adoption takes place usually in the case of the death of parents or for other reasons the children become orphans and the immediate relations are not able to look after them. In the case of the death of the father, the grandfather or the paternal uncles become the persons immediately responsible and for the children of the deceased. Mr.Wongto, speaking of the context of adoption, often referred to the warring days of the past. Homelessness was the usual aftermath of a war that left many with want of food, shelter and basic securities of life. In such occasions, they were helped out by those who were immediately related or those capable. In the process, the beneficiaries become adopted members of the family/clan from then on. In all the three contexts of adoption, the accepted standard is that the adopted and the adoptee become one family. The adopted have the implicit duty to look after the adoptees through their old age. The children even after their marriage have the bounded duty to serve the parents in their old age or in the time of sickness adequately. It is strictly observed that at the time of death of the parents, the adopted children as in the case of natural children show their respect and gratitude by offering a ‘pig’ in the house of the deceased. The inability to do so is considered as a grievous crime and it will be counted so for many generations to follow. The clan makes sanctions on the family based on this ‘untoward act.’ In case of ‘mupuhrü,’ the children adhere their loyalty to the family even through the following generations until and unless a decision is taken by the family of the adoptee to make them totally rely on themselves with allotment of land and other requirements for themselves with all ownership and rights. Related to this is the concept of ‘Yamkhup’ which speaks of men who are without their own property or land and settle down in the house of his wife and thus become dependent on the women’s family for survival. This is bondage in duty to the family which also lasts through generations unless a decision is taken by the family to separate them with property and ownership of land for themselves.
There are other occasions of adoption practiced among the Yimchungers that are related to occasions, for instance, in the case of various criminals who are found guilty and convicted to pay fine. When the person is not able to do so, the guilty has the option of offering oneself to be adopted by the aggrieved party. If done so, the adoptee takes the responsibility to look after the person and the adopted agrees to assist the adoptee for life-time or as long as the adoptee desires so. In this case the adopted is transferred together with all the property of land, assets, etc. Similar is the context of adoption when a person bails out another after a criminal act, for being unable to do so oneself. The status of the future generations of the adopted by and large continues to be the same - being attached to the adoptee indefinitely or until he desires otherwise. So also is the case when someone is saved from the edge of death, especially in a war or quarrel. The person is dutifully indebted to his savior and in practice it becomes the adopted status as in the case of mupuhrü as narrated by Mr.Mukhemong17 based on his personal experience of adoption done by his grandfather. The adopted becomes totally responsible for the well being of the adopted. The adopted remains indebted to the adoptee forever, paying homage at all important moments in the life of the adoptee and his clan.
4.6 DIVORCE
Adultery, barrenness and alcoholism are spoken of as common causes of separation or divorce. The traditional method of getting divorce has a very well arranged procedure. When it is an initiative of the man to call for the decision, he prepares the rice beer and a sumptuous meal for the relatives especially the family members of the wife, who are invited to a discussion on the matter. In the usual case, the relatives pursue the couple for reconciliation and if it is done so, as a sign of pardon and forgiveness a pig is slaughtered by the family members of the one
17 Mr. Mukhemong, Aged 58, is originally a resident of Sotokur village and belongs to a clan which had many adopted families. The adopted were brought up in good stead and two among them were later entrusted with the responsibility of founding new villages. who is found to be guilty. If the boy is found guilty and separation is decided, the lady is free to carry away whatever she wants except the dao and dao-box. The custom allows the wife to carry away any amount of paddy from the granary.
However in the case of divorce caused by the faulty character of the wife, she is bound to pay heavy fine according to the demand of the husband. It can be high amount of cash, field, etc., as though repaying for all the expenses incurred on her behalf from the time of marriage. There is no room for reunion if the divorce has been settled through imposition of fine and its due payment. The return to the family in the name of a re-union by the couple themselves after due payment of fine, or to take care of the children after the death of the man, it is believed the curse of ‘short life,’ will follow the members of the family for generations.
4.7 LIFE-EVENTS & TRADITIONS
The key moments of life for Yimchungrü are birth, naming of the new-born, marriage, death, funeral, making new houses and villages, blessing of new houses, cutting of the new field, sowing new seeds, sickness, disaster, hunting, festivals and wars. These occasions are marked with special acts such as, a sacrifice, divination, prayer, community singing, dancing, fellowship meal, etc. For instance the naming ceremony is considered to be the ‘claiming of the new born,’ by the family and relations and piercing of its ear is a sign of its confirmation. Tattooing follows when the child grows up in age. This signals the maturity of a person and s/he is expected to participate in the community life. Similar are moments like marriage, sickness, funeral, etc., marked with special symbolic actions. The striking element is the inner meaning and the attached belief of the actions related to the particular event. They seek blessings like longevity, prosperity, happiness, fruitfulness of the womb, able leadership, rich harvest and fertility of the land, good weather, health, healing, victory and success through the activities they carried out.18 According to the tradition, the Yimchungers chose a person of good nature for removing the umbilical cord. The belief is that the child would inherit the personality traits of the person who cuts his/her umbilical code. The events, together with the symbolic actions, mark deep impression and sacredness in the minds of the doer and the recipient.
Similar is the importance of the stages of life in the Yimchunger context.
The integration of a youngster into Khiang Yappong (khel Dormitory) is a significant moment. It signals the age and readiness of a person to be taught seriously. While the major activities of community importance took place in
Khiang Topong (morung), Khiang Yappong (sleeping place) on the other hand, was a place of daily activity. Each Khiang (colony) built a Yappong (sleeping place), both for boys and girls. It is here work skills and expertise were taught and learnt.
Some elderly men and women took upon themselves to accompany and train youngsters in the tribal way of life. They were responsible for the training of the
Khiang youngsters in work, discipline, customs and traditions and also acquaint them with myths and stories of the tribe.
18 Personal Interview with Wonkiuba Solomon, D.B. Shamator: 22 Dec 2009. 4.8 SYMBOLS OF LIFE
The use of symbols covers the entire gamut of Yimchungrü life. The natural events of life were interpreted as divine or supernatural interventions. They were given both social and religious character. For instance, earthquake was a way of
Arimpuh (the creator Spirit) checking whether people have grains in their barn and food in their stomach. Similarly solar eclipse was thought to have occurred when the sun was out of mood.19 Bad harvest, draught and incessant rains were symptoms of human intrusion into the realm of the spirits.20 The cry of a particular bird – kukube- at night or the unusual howling of dogs was believed to be announcing deaths in the village or the locality. Likewise a symbol of stone can be rightly interpreted to be a covenant symbol. It was the placing of stone that brought peace and desired relationship between individuals and villages.21 At surface level these symbolic interpretation appear very naive but the message they convey is never unreal. Simply at the base, these beliefs embody the Yimchungrü way of perceiving the unknown and the mysterious. They saw an inexplicable Power working in their lives and surroundings. It is in response to this Power that Yimchungrüs carried out worship and sacrifices, ceremonies and rituals at different stages, time and season.
These symbols in themselves are matters of instruction. Parents and elders of the community have to explain the youngsters of the meaning of these symbols and educate them to observe them.
19 Personal Interview with Joseph Shutulen, Pungro: 13 December 2010. 20 Personal Interview with Tsünthong, D.B., Shamator: 17 December 2009. 21 S.J. Akhum, op.cit., p.70. 4.8.1 COMMUNITARIAN LIVING STYLE
Yimchungrüs are a thoroughly communitarian people. Life for Yimchungrü means belonging to a family or a community. The daily life events pay witness to this aspect of life. For instance, a child who stays away from home for the studies is called back home for a day of prayer when s/he passes the exams. The whole family/clan takes responsibility in caring for the sick member. Similarly, it is customary that whole family joins community functions, like celebration, field work, prayer or fasting. When someone dies the entire village, in honour of the departed soul, abstains from work the next day. The philosophy of life is that everyone belongs to someone or a group. When they say that they are
Yimchungrüs, they mean the communion of people called Yimchungrüs. There is a close association maintained between the living and the dead through beliefs and practices. There is an inclusive language used to speak of people of the tribe, meaning both the living and the dead (ancestors). Thus they retain their identity and at the same time get new identity. As the migration story of the tribe describes the search for better land to settle down, the description of the tribe, both in cultural and religious perspective, considers themselves as though on a journey towards peace and fulfillment.
The spirit of sharing among Yimchungrüs surfaces as a natural consequence of the strong sense of oneness. Sharing in Yimchungrü culture was more than a mere tribal value. It was the spontaneous inner moral obligation that urges a person to help the needy. The noble practice of Aneo Jikhi (Feast of Merit) is just one example of this. The core value of the Feast of Merit consists in making happy the poor, aged, orphans, widows and friends alike. In fact, the poor are the special invitees of the day. More than climbing the social ladder, Aneo Jikhi speaks of the nobility of a heart that is willing to enter into solidarity with the disadvantaged fellow beings.22 A person’s status in olden days was measured on the basis of generous sharing and not by one’s possession.23
4.8.2 EGALITARIAN SOCIAL OUTLOOK
The age old understanding of man as a social animal is also the basic view of life of the Yimchungers. Understanding of oneself is equally important as much as the understanding of the other as individuals and the society in general. The socialist thinkers opposed the capitalists’ selfish hunt for profit which was attributed to be the cause of all other social problems. The analysis by social studies outlines the great importance of one’s understanding of the other. Yimchungers, like other Naga tribes, though considered to have lived a secluded life once upon a time, is no more a secluded group of the world now. The study shows that the traditional Yimchungers considered themselves equal to other tribes and expect the same treatment from others. The term used to speak of the other is, ‘mihtsürü,’ meaning ‘equal doers’ and consequently having equal worth. This is the philosophical perspective of the ancient Yimchunger Nagas. The practice of sharing the food grains by the haves with the have-nots is based on this. The respect granted
22 Personal Interview with Tsünthong, D.B., aged 55, Shamator Village: 17th Dec 2009. 23 Personal Interview with Ningtsashe Elizabeth, aged 42, Pungro: 6th Jan 2010. to the children in the family, both male or female, was one of a blessing based on the above-mentioned perspective of life. They were of equal value and were loved and cared immeasurably. Gender equality in the tribe is seen in the way ‘they meet freely, work together, sing together and have great fun and laughter’.24 Mutual assistance is the major concern though works that required physical strength was mostly accomplished by men. The existence of numerous leadership institutions in
Yimchungrü tradition means that they have to obey and respect elders. The value of parental care is a great in Yimchungrü tradition. It is noted in the practice of inheritance. In the usual case, only the male child has the right to inheritance but the one who cares for the parents in their helpless condition, even if it is a girl, is rewarded with the right to inherit the immovable property.
4.8.3 DRESS
The tribal identity is also expressed by the unique textile and the manner of dressing. Yimchunger tribe has many officially recognized designs of shawls of which Rongkhim and Tsungrumkhim. These traditionally are meant only for the headhunters or warriors and their households. Rongkhim shawl has a set of sixty- four or ninety-six rectangular red columns which signify the blood of the enemy.
Days have passed from ancient times and presently we find that these shawls are used by the elders, learned and those recognized members of the society.
Tsungrumkhim is known as the shawl of the rich women. It has a legendary
24 S.C. Sardeshpande, op.cit., p. 31. explanation of its origin to speak of its importance in the society.25 Other shawls are designed and worn by people of different status and capacities. They include
Athrungrü Khim, Rhehukih Khim Alarü/Aniojirü Khim, Ashipkhim Khim/Kiulong
Zhirü khim/Cho-cho-rü Khim, Kejinglimrü Achi Kherü Khim, Thülün Khim, Amtri
Khim/ Khuzu Laksahrü khim, Aram Khim/Athürü khim and Mokhuk Khim/aliuhrü
Khim, which are worn by men folk. Long Rungthsun, Sangrih Yak Rungthsun,
Peye Rungthsun, Langa Rungthsun, Rhankgkhim Rungtshun, Lumso Rungthsun,
Lunkhe Rungthsun, Murechin Rungthsun, Alungzah Rungthsun, Kejingberü rungthsun, Lungdung Shi Rungthsun and Khiungkeberü Rungthsun are shawls that are meant for the women folk. Men’s traditional wear includes Ara Kuthran (head gear with hornbill-feather) Khzu muzan (tiger’s claw), khzu hu (tiger’s teeth), Kuto hu (Bear’s teeth), Thsoto hu (elephant’s tusk), etc. Nuktrup (dao holder), and tsung
(shell), rehutam (decorated cowry shell) and kuto nam (bear’s fur). The traditional attire, apart from the specially designed shawls, include khuu (earring), Lak
(necklace), nupu, ku-tsungpe and trungtrungpu and khahreh, 26
In sociological terms the dress pattern are the marks of social status. Men and women were identified for their social status with the dress they wore. The host
25 The legend on the special shawl for the women, says that a couple of brothers grew a flower garden that bore beautiful flowers. To their surprise the flowers were stolen in the night. Deciding to catch the culprit, the brothers took turn to guard the garden. The elder took the first chance but failed to catch the thief and the flowers were stolen as earlier. In the following night, it was the younger brother who guarded the garden. In the late night he saw a set of six women descending from heaven. He managed to catch hold of one of them while others escaped. The maiden pleaded to be released but he refused. It was later known that the maiden’s name was Tsungrem and she was wearing the particular design of the shawl. The narration says that the boy married the maiden in the course of time and gave a feast to all in the village. From then on the shawl was an accepted design for the rich women of the village and later of the tribe. 26 Personal Interview with Mr.Hothrong, Aged 54, Kiutsukiur Village: 12.09.2013. of the feast of merit, head-hunters and tribal heads wore the shawls of glory with shells as marks of their social respect. It was salutatory to wear the shawl in the proper manner and if worn improperly or by those unworthy, it invited punishment in the form of fine or penalty. While the shawls recognized the contribution of the individual to the society, there were also symbols associated with the individuals who never did anything for the society. The tradition speaks of a peculiar shawl
‘mukrokkhim’27 which was permitted to be used by those men who never took part in hunting, war or other activities of social importance. These men were not allowed to wear the official shawls.
4.8.4 TATTOOING
In similarity with the other tribes of Nagaland, tattooing was a common feature in the past. The marks were done usually before the age of puberty. A plant called mutrung and herbal thorns were used for this purpose. It was usual that the men had a ‘V’ mark on the chest indicating the warrior’s nature. The women had tattoos on forehead, shoulder, arms and on the feet. The attached religious belief was that only those marked with tattoo could get through the gate of eternity. The tattooing was important ceremony because it indicated the growth of the person into a mature age and the ability to be responsible person for the society. It was a claim on oneself to be capable, trusted and relied on.
27 mukrokkhim’ means ‘shawl of those who can’t do works. 4.8.5 HEAD HUNTING
Any book on Nagas refers to the people of the land as ‘head hunters’. The history marks that the latest act of head hunting was done in the eastern Nagaland as recent as in the 1960’s. Headhunting was like a sporting activity. It was a way to prove bravery and mastery over the enemies. There is a tradition which says that the practice followed the act of an orphan boy. The boy brought a piece of wood on which he carved out a human face. Having decorated it with hair and ornaments, he kept it on the road side. It was a sight for all who passed by. Later people picked the idea of making such presentations out of real human heads.28 Another legendary explanation of the origin of head hunting says that it began from a quarrel between an ant and the lizard. In the beginning there was only one tree on earth which had a lot of fruits and every bird and insect ate from it. Once, a bird dropped a fruit from the tree and a lizard ate it. The bird inquired for the fruit but the ant and lizard blamed each other. Finally the lizard was found guilty and as a punishment its head was cut off. The ant took the head in procession and celebrated it as a sign of victory. The man who watched the event followed it in the form of head-hunting.
The practice of head-hunting was common among the Yimchunger Nagas.
They did it in the process of establishing new villages. The acute practice also was evidently proved with the available information on ‘peace-treaty’ between the villages of the different tribes. For instance, a peace treaty was signed between the
28 A.Nshoga. Traditional Naga Village and its Transformation. Delhi: Anshah Publishing House, 2009, p.157 villagers of Shiponger and Panso (Pathso) on ‘Minukuzhin,’ hill which is presently part of the Shamator township.
4.8.6 CULTURAL FESTIVALS
Yimchungrüs celebrate many festivals. Tsüngkamneo and Metümneo are the major festivals. Other festivals are Yünthsüneo, Thüluareng, Limthsüneo, Rakrakpü and Tsühlaknyeh.29 Each festival is related to the daily life of the agrarian people and the nature-bound lifestyle of the tribe in general. The idea of reconciling with the enemies and sharing of one’s blessings are the two main emphasis of
Tsüngkamneo. Metümneo celebrates Yimchungrüs’ communion with the souls of the dear departed and it is meant to remember and honour them. Rakrakpü and
Thsulaknyeh celebrate the notion of purity. Weapons are cleaned and dedicated during these festivals. Likewise Limthsüneo and Yünthsüneo are feasts related to fieldwork. In this way, the values of the tribe were symbolically affirmed and celebrated through various feasts. The festivals for Yimchungrüs are not just celebrations but are occasions to affirm, uphold, teach and pass on the values like purity, sharing, reconciliation, sacredness of work and objects, remembrance of the dead etc. Festivals are, at the same time, occasions to highlight these values and teach the younger generation. Yimchunger Naga tribal festivals stand apart with its depth of meaning and customs attached to it. Metümniu falls in the first week of
August coinciding with the harvest of millet. Basically it was a festival instituted in honor of the departed souls with the special prayers offered for them. The word
29 Personal Interview with T. Lachem, UDA, aged 52, Shamator: 23 Dec 2010. ‘Me’ means soul ‘tüm’ means wrap ‘nio’ means festival. Thus, the literal translation and meaning of Metümnio is correlated to bidding good bye to the souls departed during the past one year. In this sense, it is a very sentimental ceremony for those whose dear ones left for their heavenly abode in the recent past. The festival is spread over five days and each is given a name, i.e. Shito, Zhihto, Zumto,
Kheakresuk and Sheresuk. An elder of the village known as ‘Kheampurü’ after due prayers inaugurates the festival. Once inaugural ceremony is over, no one is allowed to go out of the village on a journey. If someone does so, it is considered to be inviting the wrath of the spirit and a misfortune would be imminent on the village.
There are many associated observances as part of the festival celebration.
These are statutory and customary.
a. Announcing of the festival: It is done by the priest – amükheamrü- of the
village. On the appointed day he climbs on topmost place of the village and
announces the arrival of the festival. At the time of announcement, all are
expected to be attentive to the message.
b. Arrangement of food: The festive meal is arranged in every house as per the
availability and capacity. However the meal is taken only when it is blessed
by the elder of the house or the clan. The elder takes the rice beer in the
hand and blows out the floating bubbles and then takes three pieces of meat
and throws it out through the main door. While he pours out the rice-beer,
he utters the words, ‘ani tsüang de’ (let the sun shine). It is invocation for a sunny day and implicitly a wish for a prosperous life for the family. The
festal meal is not taken until the observance is completed by the elder for
the fear of misfortune.
c. Cutting of the Mithun’s tail (Chimu kiuchiki) : It is a traditional observance
attached to the festival. In view of further strengthening of friendship with
the neighbour, one would invite the neighbour to cut the tail of the mithun.
In case of affirmative response, he comes along with two more friends. Two
of them, cut the two thighs of the animal while one cuts the tail. If the
cutting of the tail is not found to be proper, i.e., leaving about half a foot of
it on the body, it is considered as a refusal for further relationship.
The celebration of the feast is marked with various observances to be done on each day of the week. On the first day of the festival week, the damaged roads and houses in the village are cleaned by the community. The second day is connected to their daily life of agriculture and they clean the roads leading to the field. It is sign of welcoming the blessings of the future days of the village, while it is also considered as welcome act for the good spirit to come to the village. On the third day the villagers are busy cleaning the roads within and around the village. It is a display of strong relationship with the neighbourhood villages and cordial co- existence between the villages. The fourth day occupies the people around their water sources. These are cleaned and maintained. With the attachment of the festival to the agriculture, the festival marks the repairs and maintenance of the agricultural tools and implements. They are sharpened and prayed over, specially the spade, dao, etc. It is also believed that the souls of the departed ones come to visit family members during this festival. Therefore enough food and meat are cooked for them. While the four days are preparatory in nature, the fifth day is of celebration. The recently harvested millet is prepared and taken deliciously. Friends are invited and gifts are exchanged. In common with celebrations, the feast is marked with sumptuous meal for all and celebrative gatherings. An important element of Metemniu is the welcome ceremony for the new born babies of the past one year. As a symbol of acceptance of the new members to the tribal family and the world at large, the infants are offered a bowl of rice with six pieces of meat for male child and five pieces for female child. The numbers are significant and are indicative of the belief that a male child has six souls and a female has five souls.
This is a foundational belief. Many practices of faith are connected to its. For instance, they hold the naming ceremony on the sixth day for a male child and on the fifth day for the female child.
It is significant that the feast is observed after the harvest of millet. This brings to mind that the poor also have their fill at the time of the feast, indicating the equality of the rich and the poor. The feast is a time of renewal and reenergizing. The festival days are marked for the acts of forgiveness and reconciliation. The spirit of festival demands that those in enmity should settle their contention as children of one family. It is during the time of the merry making that past mistakes are openly discussed and forgiven. On the whole, the festival speaks aloud the philosophy of human life in Yimchunger perspective. This festival lays bare the fact of human mortality, which is the basic reality of human life. The festival brings home to every Yimchunger this universal truth which is inherited from the fore fathers. The traditions and practices of Metumniu built around the death and birth of human beings, are acts of ‘fare-well’ and ‘welcome’ filled with the profoundest philosophical and realistic view on human life by the forefathers.
Tsungkumniu is celebrated from 14th to 16th January. This is observed to signify the year long agricultural life and the harvest achieved after the hard work in the field. During the festival the young men and women of the village gather together and go around dancing in every house in the village. The customary practice is to receive the dances with the rice, meat, etc., prepared in the house. The day of celebration is preceded by cleaning and maintaining in the village.
The concept of the ‘supernatural’ is inherent in the Yimchunger Cultural tradition. During the festive days there are special observances devoted to the invocation of the almighty power. The priest, ‘Amükeamrü,’ officiates the ceremony. During this prayer the priest places three banana leaves in line with cooked rice and pig’s intestine. Then, the priest takes a cup of rice beer and pours it over the pack of offering. The pack is later kept on the top corner of the house. The prayer said by the priest is, ‘ani tsüang de (let the sun shine). It is the key prayer asking for the sun to shine over the house, meaning great blessings, protection and prosperity for the house. Later in the day the young boys go around collecting the food offerings from the houses and take them to the kheangyam (dormitory). They form groups to go cleaning the road to the water source, usually led by the elders to oversee and guide the work. The collected food becomes the midday meal for all who work.
The festive days are also the time for marital engagements by the parents for their sons. This is done in two ways. One is to let know the proposal of the son to the girl’s parents. The other is for the parents to make fresh proposal to the parents of the girl and later inform the boy about it. The basis of such observance is that the people believe that an engagement done in the festive season will be blessed and will last longer. It is hoped that a relationship developed in this season will bring greater prosperity and unity in the life of the couple. The sign of engagement is necklace, exchanged between the proposed partners. The tribal and cultural context uphold that the grown up are free to make their own marriage proposal. The marriage, given the options of choosing the partners, makes a matter of celebration for the entire clan. Marriage is the foundation for the family and the clan at large.
The celebrations have their symbolism and meaningful ceremonies. They express deep customary beliefs and thought pattern. The impact of modernity has influenced the Nagas in all fields and the festivals are no exemption. The festival and the mode of celebrations have come a distance from what it was years before.
With a lot of surviving cultural elements still in hand and the force of the modern influences, there needs to be a conscious effort to fence around the rich customs and practices. 4. 9 LAND AND NATURAL RESOURCES
Land is a natural resource. The land with its availability and resourcefulness is a key deciding factor of the living standard of the people. The Yimchungrü land is gifted with rich natural variety of flora and fauna. Mount Saramati (3,840 meters/12,600 ft.), the highest peak of Nagaland stands tall in Pungro Area within
Yimchungrü land.30 Likhimro Hydro Electric Project (24 MW) and Fakim Wild
Life Sanctuary set up by Government of Nagaland are a blessing and an asset to the tribe.31 Natural mineral deposits such as Chromium, Nickel Cobalt are found in
Bokphur village in the same region. Limestone and high quality stones for constructions are found in abundance in Mimi and Kuthur villages respectively.32
The works surveying and examining the possibilities done by the government shows progress in turning them into rich resources for advancement in social and economic life of the people in the days to come. The land is also blessed with pine timber for construction and furniture works, found abundantly especially in Pungro area. Thürakke, Yayi, Tizü, Shipongke, Likimro are some of the major rivers flowing through the Yimchungrü territory. Yimchungrüs are famous for the production and supply of Kholar (beans) in the state of Nagaland. Maize, rice, potato, yam, orange, pineapples and varieties of green vegetables are other common produces of the land. The Yimchunger tribe holds family, clan and village affiliation with great importance. Everything that happens in the village and all that affects the daily life of the people are all related to greater circle of family and clan.
30 Sipra Sen, Tribes of Nagaland, Delhi: Mittal Publications, 1987, p.4. 31 M. Khalenmew, op.cit., p.2. 32 Ibid. The village land too is often distributed and occupied according to the clan. The land is of primary importance in the social life of the Yimchungers.
4.9.1 COMMON LAND
The land holding system has its foundation in the formation of the village.
The common land or sites are those which are allotted as play ground, place for common gathering, dancing, festivities, the space for graveyard, morung, etc., and are owned in common. The villagers who do not have their own land from the time of establishing of the village are given their share within the specified area of the village. The later settlers are given the land to build houses and for domestic purposes.
4.9.2 THE CLAN LAND
The village land at the time of establishment is shared by the clan leaders which are in turn allotted for the members of the clan. It is customary that the founders of the village, who are from different clans, find for themselves the share of the land in the name of the clan. The ownership though legally belongs to the village; it is in the name of the clan represented by the individual. The later generations of the clan share the customary ownership and dominance of the land.
The choice of the land also depended on the role played by each leader in founding of the village. The leaders as per their rank had the privilege to make their own choice of land. 4.9.3 KHEL LAND
In the strict sense of the term the khel is the geographical subdivision of the village. In the big villages, it is common to see various works and administrative roles managed by the different khels. The practical advantage of the division of the village into khels is the sub-divisional administration. In the ancient days it was common that the division of the khels according to the clan. The village of
Sangphur had originally three khels named after the three clans
Limkhiungkhungerü, Jangerü and Jankiungerü. In present days though we see a mixture of clans living in the same khel, it is often seen that a particular clan dominating a particular khel in the case of old villages. In the later days, we also see the khels were also formed for other social reasons. Chomi village for instance has three khels, A, B and C. The first has the Baptist population, the second has the
Catholic population and the third has a mixture of both. The division of the khels can also be based on other factors such as variation of language, population- pressure, etc. There are villages with two khels, so also others with many khels. In the olden days there was a clear-cut division of the khels with gates or other boundary demarcation, though not so much in the modern days. It was also the practice in the olden days for every khel to have its own morung and log-drum. In comparison to the differences between the villages, the differences between the khels is nothing much. These share responsibility although with a competitive spirit at times. The separation is more felt in the social functions, programs and works which are held according to the different khels. 4.9.4 VILLAGE LAND
The land adjoining the village was kept safe for firewood and upbringing of the domestic cattle. The people were restricted to do serious farming or cultivation in this land. It was generally kept free from cutting down. It was also in view of the possible need to further extend the living area of the village. The village land is the common property of the village as a whole. Hunting, fishing, etc., is permitted to all the citizens of the village within the general rules laid down by the village elders.
The immediate location for houses and living apartments are often in the land surrounded with a lot of trees. It not only kept the village covered but also provided a cover for escape when needed in the context of the head-hunting and inter village wars. Though the raiders had equal chance of using the jungle to their advantage and attack the villager, the local villagers had the greater advantage and minimized the danger. Besides, the mountainous tracts, a dense forest, etc., provided the best training ground for the Nagas in jungle warfare. The village-children begin to learn their first lessons from hide-and-seek game in the nearby village forests. The jungle also provides learning to find direction in the forest, how to lay wait for the enemy, how to ambush and then even to memories routes and landmarks.33 Land is sacred for the Yimchungers and it is not for anyone to encroach or make illegal claims.
The cases of the kind are dealt very seriously.
Yimchungers have named the villages after some matters of attention in relation to the village. The name ‘shamator’ is originally spoken of as ‘samuthung,’
33 Personal Interview with Wonkiuba Solomon D.B., Shamator : 22 Dec. 2010 meaning wood kept slanting for house construction, referring to then available wood in the locality and its use for the basic activity of human life, i.e. house construction. Thsotokur (Sotokur) is a Yimchunger village with its name speaking of the landscape like an elephant. The name refers to Elephant. Hirüpong village
(Hilipong) is called so because of the traditional narration that the people of Langa cultivated in the said land but it did not grow at all because of the regular snow fall.
The word hirü means snow or frost. The place is a very cold and mountainous area.
Kuthur (Kuthuwong) is another name that speaks of ‘animals rolling around,’ which refers to the sight the founders had when they came to establish the village. It can be noted that in general the name of a village is a ‘tablet form of history.’ It has the traditional story told through for generations. The name of the village given by the founders carries a particular meaning. It is true of every Naga village. In some cases it refers to a person while in another it could be an incident, indication of the place, expectation, person, etc. The Sema villages in general are named after the founder’s name. Angamis have the villages named in reference to the local phenomenon. For example, the historic Khonoma village got its name from the,
‘Khwüvo,’ a typical plant of the land, which was first noticed by the founders. It is in reference to it the village was named Khonoma.34 So are other Naga tribes having their own way of naming the villages.
34 A.Nshoga, op.cit., p.152 4. 9. 5 JHUM CULTIVATION LAND/FOREST LAND
Besides the serving the purpose of jhum cultivation, the forest area was also meant to meet the expenses of the village in terms of building materials, fuel and or other domestic uses. The clans would claim ownership over the land by taking the produce from the particular area and making land boundaries using rivers, ridges, rocks, trees and such natural forms. It was duty of the village elders to decide upon the area for the cultivation in the particular area for a selected time.
The Naga villages in general build up the land boundaries by way of stream, river, ridge and mountain ranges. It was customary and practical to keep such boundaries which are visible, permanent and immovable to avoid dispute and confusion for generations to come. It was part of the tradition to fix the boundary with the consent of the adjoining villages. The boundary demarcation is done very solemnly, sharing a common meal, with smearing the blood of an animal, preferably, a dog or a pig. The elders of the related villages agree upon to respect the boundary and to restrain from encroaching the land of each other. The traditional belief is that the encroachment would bring curse on all the people of the village. The encroachment of the village land has resulted in unending disputes with both sides making their own claims. There is calamity and war often sparked off by the land disputes between the villages in the history of the tribe. The village gate is of great importance in the tradition of the Yimchungers. It is a social symbol. The village gate is erected as early as its establishment to speak of its independence and power. It was the symbol of village identity on its own. The village gate marks the special area of living occupied by people bonded together as one. Therefore the gate was a symbolic structure meaning many aspects of life. The sentry was placed at the gate for the protective and disciplinary measures. It was necessary that the village had to be guarded against all enemies. It was also to be noted that the gate was closed on the days of ghenna, not allowing anyone to come in or go out. The village gate stood like a proud identity for the village, marked with symbolic wooden carvings and artful presentation. It was important for every village to have its own area for granary. The farming was the way of life and the major way of getting the produce for daily living. The agricultural harvest would survive them for many months. The granary was placed outside the village. Most of the villages maintained common place for granary. One reason for keeping the granary away from the village was concerning security that it is safer from fire than if it is in the village. Stones, mud, wood and leaves were used for making their shelter and their household articles. Jhuming (slash and burn) was their popular method of cultivation. Their philosophy of life consisted in working hard and having enough to last till the next harvest. Maize, paddy, millet, kholar, yam and scores of other vegetables were their common production. In such a culture everybody had something or the other for survival. Keorun Moses states: ‘there were poor people in our younger days but nobody was so poor to the extent of abysmal poverty.’35 Beggars and beggary were foreign to Yimchungrü eyes. In the society where barter system was the only business, wealth in kind was valued precious than cash. Besides crop growing, people also engaged themselves in
35 Personal Interview with Keorün Moses G.B., Leankonger: 14 Dec 2009. domesticating animals. In fact, next to rich harvest, possession of mithun, cows, pigs, goats, dogs and chicken in abundance was perceived as a sign of prosperity.
Hunting and fishing too formed part of their occupation. All sorts of fruits were gathered straight and fresh from the jungles. Also various types of insects, birds, leaves and animals formed luxurious dish for the people. The art of basketry and woodcarving added much to their better living and easier work. People who were skilful in these activities had enough customers in the form of labor and kind.
4.9.6 AGRICULTURAL ECONOMY
The people are basically agriculturists. They were dependent on the produce of the land. So it was natural that the villages were set up with sufficient land to cultivate. The forest area beyond the village vicinity was considered for the large scale cultivation, especially for jhum cultivation. Jhum/shifting cultivation has been the major form of agriculture among the Yimchungers as in the case of the majority of hill-Naga tribes. Jhum cultivation, known for its destructive and shifting nature of farming, required that the village had a great stretch of land within the boundary.
It was not uncommon that the villagers would enter into mutual agreement to use each others’ land for cultivation, often accompanied by paying taxes in cash or kind. The family is wholly involved in the work of agriculture, with men taking the lead in the harder works like cutting and clearing the jungle and women are more involved in planting, weeding, harvest, etc, though there is hardly any strict division of labour between men and women in agricultural arena. However it is observed that there are women involved in agriculture in comparison to the men in number. The major products of the land are maize and kolar beans. Paddy is cultivated in some measure depending on the availability of the land and water. Chessore sub- division has more of water-fields (terrace cultivation) compared to other parts in
Yimchunger land which has more of dry-fields (jhum culitivation) of paddy cultivation. In jhum fields a vegetables in variety, naga dal, sweet potato, soya bean, yam, ginger, chilly, cucumber, millet, etc., are cultivated across different parts of the land. The agricultural methods and modes are primitive which demand greater input of energy and manual resources while the outcome is hardly sufficient for their home life. Agricultural operation practically goes through the year with a respite for two to three months.
The spread of modern education has brought a change in the work culture of
Yimchunger Nagas. The agrarian society of the Nagas has found a new way of living in the present times. The spread of governmental activities has motivated the people to work and earn from areas of white collar jobs and multiplicity of the government offices. The modern form of trade commerce too is a prominent factor of influence in this regard. With the availability of the variety of goods from the industrial world, there is less attention to the local productions. The modern political and professional atmosphere too is a matter of influence in the work culture of the people. The need of the hour is to re-focus on the people and their indigenous and eco-friendly economic life style which are substantially related to their philosophy of life. The revival of traditional work culture is important to keep up the social and political harmony and also to diffuse the anti-social elements that disrupt the social life. This is possible to achieve with due attention in policies related to educational, social and economic fields of the society.36
The social life and its network of the Yimchungrü tribe were plain and down-to-earth ‘concerned mainly with the unending endeavour of finding enough and enjoying it’.37 The people were reconciled with the fact of life that they have to work hard and live by the sweat of their brow. In this venture Yimchungers never took it as individual enterprise but through a communitarian approach. Life for them was the question of being and belonging to a community. The people of the tribe relied heavily on land and forest for their daily sustenance.
36 D. Koulie, ‘Changes in Naga Work Culture,’ Naga Society, Continuity and Change, ed. N. Venhu, New Delhi: Shipra Publications, 2004, p.109. 37 S.C. Sardeshpande, op.cit., p.39. CHAPTER 5
CONFLICT RESOLUTION CHAPTER 5
CONFLICT RESOLUTION
Conflicting situations are as old as the society itself, so too with regard to the Yimchunger Nagas. Conflicts are not end in itself but outputs of a social situation that further leads into other situations. When there is a process to resolve a dispute it is known as conflict resolution. It usually means determining each side’s needs and devising a stem that meets the interests of both sides fairly and justly to their mutual benefit and agreement before the problem gets worse.1 The modes chosen to settle the conflicting situations are generally called the conflict resolution methods. They were chosen to suit the need of the time considering the nature of conflict and the people involved. The major conflicts of concern can be of micro
(personal and familial issues) and macro (inter-clan, intra-village or intra-tribe) level. The methodology and technique of settling disputes differ from community to community and from tribe to tribe. The different methods conflict resolution are broadly divided into three types; a) reconciliation, b) mediation and c) arbitration.
Yimchungers have their own methods of solving issues that were pertaining to each level.
Marxian views on conflict speak of conflict as basically concerned with the ownership versus non-ownership of the means of production. Karl Max is considered as the father of the social conflict theory. His approach in general does
1 Jeevan Nair, “Conflict Resolution.” Encyclopedia of Social Science. Vol.1. New Delhi: Pentagon Press, 2008, p. 281. not look at how social structure help society to operate but looks at how social organization make some people in society to be dominant and others to be oppressed. Social conflict, according to him takes place due to the struggle between segments of the society over valued resources. Max Weber speaks of social conflict in terms of market relations, which are based on the interests in marketability of goods and services. Dahrendorf describes conflict arising due to varying interest in maintaining and undermining the authority. The degree of conflict varies on the factors such as convergence, mobility, class, stratification, etc., of the conflicting parties. Conflicts are natural outcome of the efforts to renew the existing dissatisfactory current situations. This means that the conflicts are necessary for change and development as observed by many thinkers of the conflict school of thought.2 The study tells us that the conflicting Parties in general look for the protection of the rights and duties of those involved. Conflicts bring two changes in the personnel, values and institutions of that are related to the conflict.
What is a conflict? It can, in the ordinary sense, be spoken of as pertaining to the opposing ideas and actions of different entities, thus resulting in an antagonistic state. In this perspective the conflict is something so much part of one’s life and it is inevitable, given the varied nature of human beings. The fact the human beings differ in opinions, ideas and sets of beliefs, there is difference in the way of dealing with occasions. Conflict involves individuals and groups of people.
Conflict can also be mentioned as arising from disagreements among individuals or
2 Temjensosang, Self- Governing Institutions of the Nagas, Delhi: Akansha Publishing House, 2013, p.115. groups characterized by hostility and antagonism. It is created and sustained by the opposition of one party to another, while attempting different goals or methods. The elements involved in the conflict have varied sets of principles and values, thus allowing such a conflict to arise. There are many ways of classifying the conflicts.
These can be divided into the following heads; Intrapersonal conflict, Interpersonal conflict, intra-group conflict and intergroup conflict.
Intrapersonal conflict happens within the individual. Given the realm of conflict, it can be spoken of as micro-level conflict. It has to do with the psyche of the person; hence, it is a type of conflict that is psychological, involving the individual’s thoughts, values, principles and emotions. It can vary from simple conflicts like deciding whether or not to go for a picnic to those major decisions like choosing a career path. The intrapersonal conflicts lead to restlessness and uneasiness, or can even cause depression. In such occasions, the best way to seek a way out is to let go off the anxiety through communicating with other people.
Eventually, when one finds oneself out of the situation, it becomes a way of empowerment of a person. Thus, the experience evoked a positive change which will help in one’s personal growth. Interpersonal conflict refers to a conflict between two individuals. This occurs typically due to personal differences. The varied personalities get into conflict due to the incompatible choices and opinions depending on their own preferences. It is a natural occurrence which can also positively and eventually help in personal growth or developing relationships with others. In the personal level it is a call for adjustment to manage such conflict.
However, when interpersonal conflict gets too destructive, the role of a mediator will be necessary for solution. Intra-group conflict happens among individuals within a specified group or team. The incompatibilities and misunderstandings among these individuals lead to an intra-group conflict. Within a team, conflict can be helpful in coming up with decisions which will eventually allow to reach the objectives as a team. However, if the degree of conflict disrupts harmony among the members, then some serious guidance from a different party will be needed for it to be settled. Intergroup conflict takes place when a misunderstanding arises among different teams within an entity. For instance, it can be between the two villages within a tribal boundary. This is due to the varied sets of goals and interests of these different groups. In addition, competition also contributes for intergroup conflict to arise. There are other factors which fuel this type of conflict. Some of these factors may include a rivalry in resources or the boundaries, etc.
American psychologist, Daniel Katz, speaks of three primary causes of conflicts. They are economic conflict, value conflict and power conflict. Economic conflict is caused by the fact that resources are limited in its availability to the human beings. The groups or individuals involved then comes into conflict to attain these resources, thus bringing forth hostile behaviors among those involved. Value conflict is concerned with the varied preferences and ideologies that people have as their principles. Conflicts driven by this factor are demonstrated in wars wherein separate parties have sets of beliefs that they assert. Power conflict occurs when the parties involved intends to maximize what influence it has in the social setting.
Such a situation can happen among individuals, groups or even nations. Conflict comes naturally. The clashing of thoughts and ideas is a part of the human experience. It is seen to be a problem to some, but this isn’t how conflict should be perceived. On the other hand, it is also an opportunity for growth and can be an effective means of opening up opportunities for growth among groups or individuals. However, when conflict begins to draw back productivity and gives way to more conflicts, then conflict management would be needed to come up with a resolution. There are times that conflict seems total destructive, especially when it is left uncontrolled. However, the negativity is not the only thing about conflict. It can transpire something positive, making the individuals come up with more meaningful realizations that can certainly be helpful to those involved. These positive outcomes can be reached through an effective implementation of conflict resolution. Conflict can be seen as an opportunity for learning and understanding the differences. There can be harmonious life despite conflicts as long as there is effort to manage responsibly the conflicts and struggles.
5.1 TRADITIONAL INSTITUTIONS OF CONFLICT RESOLUTION
Prior to the modern days of administration by the British and the modern
Indian constitution, the Yimchungers had the efficient way of village-centered governing system. In every village there was the body of kiulongthsürü, who were responsible for the maintenance of the law and order. This body was solely responsible to dispense justice to the citizens of the village. In settling the disputes and resolving conflicts, the village governing body followed the traditional rules and regulations. In the absence of any written rule within the customary practice, they relied on the wisdom of the village chief and the elders finding solution and dispensing justice to the aggrieved party.
The Yimchunger social tradition speaks of a process of reconciliation practiced from ancient times, that were marked with headhunting and conflicts between villages connected with it. The realization of one’s fault and the desire to repair the damage done is the starting point of Yimchungrü reconciliation. There were two offices/persons connected with the act of reconciliation; Limpurü and mahtsahrü. In the broad sense both are mediators but the role and area of duty differed. In the context of conflicts between villages, the person selected to mediate for peace is considered Limpurü. The guilty always took the first move. The guilty person chose mahtsahrü (the mediator) who played an important role in reconciliation process. He is expected to bring into unity and understanding two persons/groups feuding with each other and to bring justice between individuals.
The person of quality and gifted in this line was chosen by the elders of the village.
When the feuding parties are from within the village, with the consent of the clan, they choose a person to mediate peace between them. Once this has been done the whole community automatically recognized his/her role. The person chosen as the mediator is respected by all. He walks across the village boundaries holding a branch of a tree with green leaves. This is a sign indicating his noble role and also implicitly protecting himself from any sort of violence from the enemies. The protection of ‘mahtsahrü,’ is assured and any sort of attack done on him is considered as a great sign of shame for the village and tribe at large. This indicates the great sense of reverence and standard of value existed in the tribal context which is much spoken of the head-hunting of the time. While the role ‘limpurü’ is between the villages or tribes, the role of mahtsahrü is within the village.
Mahtsahrü is something very peculiar to the Yimchunger Nagas and it is an office of peace reconciliation. Mahtsahrü on his/her part took personal responsibility and labored relentlessly in bringing peace and justice between the individuals.3 Limpurü and mahtsahrü were the two powerful institutions of reconciliation practiced by the
Yimchungrüs.
The traditional conflict resolution modules can be broadly divided into four.
a. Tsühyung Arih (settlement through discussion)
b. Mahkhap (Court settlement)
c. Oath Taking
d. Akhasherü (invocation of the spirit of the dead)
5.1.1 TSÜHYUNG ARIH
‘Tsühyung arih’ is a symbolic act of reconciliation. The word ‘tsühyung’ means ‘to eat’ and ‘arih’ means ‘unity.’ This refers to the meal arranged when an agreement has reached upon after a case or a conflict situation. The conflicting parties reach an all-accepted pact or agreement. As a sign of reconciliation over the hurting event and peaceful co-existence in the future the meal is arranged. In the usual circumstances it is arranged by the guilty party. There are also instances when
3 Personal Interview with Wonkiuba Solomon DB, Shamator: 2 October 2009. it is arranged by the well wishers who took the initiatives to settle the conflict. In the cases of personal offences in the family context, the father of the family sends
‘pieces of meat’ to the parents/elders of the family of the other. This is a traditional sign and it is ought to be done to end the procedure of settlement. The acceptance of the meat by the other is the absolute sign that the agreement reached upon has been accepted for ever.
Reconciliation and peace building are important components of the festival days. Those who have been into quarrels and unpleasant moments make the festive days into days of reconciliation by making peace with each other. It is done through singing songs together and being part of the celebrations together. The desired party calls others into the house for a meal and make it a chance to meet each other and forgive one another. The traditional way is to express the thoughts and plans through the songs sung during the time. The songs contain words of pardon, mercy and the promise not to remember the past hurts any more. The role of the mediator is also great in the process. The mediator may take effort on his own or on the pursuance of one of the grieved party. The mediator plays the vital role of bringing together the two in war with his interventions to and fro, making a way to make them grow into a happy relationship. The recipient in the first meeting also invites the other in turn to a meal completing the reconciliation process. The final phase of mediation comes when he makes the circle of relatives, friends and those in the family memebrs to assist the good relationship to go on smoothly. 5.1.1.1 FAMILY CONFLICT
When conflict occurs within the family members, in the usual cases, the efforts are done to settle it within the family. The approaches are two in this regard.
In the first place, it is a matter of shame to make others know about the conflict within the family. Therefore the father or mother takes the initiative to patch up the differences. In the second approach, when the dispute is not limited to the family or when the parents themselves are involved in the disputes, the effort is taken by the clan elders. The respected members from the relatives or clans take the lead to bring to terms the disputing parties. They try to settle the matter amicably and try to avoid any bit of shame in public. When the matters are of serious concern and if damages have occurred in person or kind, fine is imposed. This is a dual method of reparation and prevention of conflict.
5.1.1.2 DISPUTES WITHIN VILLAGE
The conflicts occur within the village between individuals, families and groups. These are often in connection with offences against persons or property.
Sexual offences, murder, etc., are common among the personal offences while theft and trespasses occur commonly with regard to property. The initial steps are taken by the clan leaders or the khel leaders to settle such disputes. When such efforts do not find the desired end, the matter is taken by the village court. The parties involved are given a chance to explain their cause. Even the women have the chance to speak their side of the story. Witnesses are called in to present the testimony. Depending on the evidences and judgmental ability of the elders, the village court tries to find the solution granting the best of justice. Oath taking is the last option when the usual methods fail to ascertain the fact. Punishment imposed on the wrong done was usually in the form of fines or confiscation of belongings. In this matter even the village elders (gaon burahs) go through the same procedure.4 In short the village usually dealt with all the cases of disputes and wrong doings at the level of the village itself. It finds a way to solve the disputes and anti-social activities that take place in it. Strict law and order are maintained.
Case Study: The case is taken from the records of Sub-divisional DB’s
court, Shamator, dated on 30th May 2012. The case was between
Mr.Pussaing of Sikiur village Vs. the Village Council and Public of Sikiur
A. The dispute occurred when the public of the village had destroyed
agricultural produce of a particular piece of land which was claimed by Mr.
Pussaing. The court cross examined the witnesses and the spot verification
of the Dubashis. It was found that the public had destroyed a vast amount of
agricultural produce of the land and the damaged the fencing too. It was
found that the negligence of the Village Council that permitted such act.
Therefore the Council was fined with Rs.15000 (rupees fifteen thousand
only). The court also took a decision on the claim of ownership of the same
land, which was the basis for the above mentioned destruction. Having gone
through the evidences and witnesses the court finalized that though
Mr.Pussaing’s claim over the land may be hereditary before the
4 Shamator village court has a record of the case of Mr.Shilikiu, who was examined by the Council for a case filed on him for stealing a cow. establishment of the village, the land has fallen within the boundary of the
Sikiur village in the course of establishing the village. Therefore the village
was given the right and power to use the land for their intentions.
The society aims at peaceful living of every member of the village.
Conflicts are better managed when there is a given set of traditions supported with rules and regulations. The laws and regulations were formed in order to assure that all have a good living undisturbed by others and that strict punishments be meted out to those who are causing troubles and go against the laws of the tribe. Crimes are dealt with according to the severity of the matter. Following are some of the indications of the prescribed legal systems of the Yimchunger Nagas. These are the same parameters by which the conflicting interests or actions are compared to.
5.1.1.3 ADULTERY
At the time of marriage, the bridegroom is told by the clan members accompanied by at least two witnesses, “akhah, ajing, amük kihde jihchole asühde laang”5 (we give you with her hand, feet and eye intact, live happily). This is a typical tribal way of guaranteeing the well-being of the bride in the hands of the husband. In the background of this assurance of mutual safety and security, the crime of adultery is a serious offence. In case of offence by the husband, the parents are free to take back the girl. When the girl is guilty, she pays a greater fine in terms of the amount spent by the husband on her during marriage and after. There is a greater liberty to demand fine on the wife by the husband.
5 Personal Interview with Musümew, Pungro: 7 January 2010. Case Study: The case was filed by Mr.Kiorenkiu of Leangkonger village against
Mr.Punghoto of the same village for committing adultery. The hearing was done on
11th August 2005. According to the observation of the court the Mr.Punghoto was found to be guilty of adultery and was asked to pay the fine to Mrs.Yunglim. He was also asked to restore all the material property brought in by the clan of Mrs.
Yunglim at the time of marriage. The partner in adultery was also asked to pay the fine. Mr.Punghoto and his new partner decided to take divorce and embrace marriage as per the traditional method.
5.1.1.4 DIVORCE
If the divorce results from the adultery committed by the wife, the husband divorces her without giving any share of properties to her. The man who was in relation to the wife in the case of adultery will pay a fine to the husband. The fine is fixed by the court. In the case of the divorce caused by the adultery of the husband the wife has the right to claim all the existing properties according to her wish apart from the imposition of fine as decided by the court. In case of divorce resulted from ‘barrenness of the wife, or ‘behavioural inability to adjust with each other,’ the husband will give back every bit of property that was brought by her into the family and equal share of grain crops of their agricultural effort.
Case Study: The hearing of the case was done on 9th June 2010. The case was related to the divorce of marriage between H.Lachim and M.Shoshila. The case filed by the former when the latter left the partner in marriage and went to stay with
Y. Lachim. The court examined the case from different perspectives. The fine of Rs.40000 (forty thousand was imposed on Y. Lachim and M.Shoshila and the court also ordered to restore the share of property to H.Lachim. The list of items of various properties was submitted to the court on Oct. 30th 2010 along with the fixed amount of fine.
5.1.1.5 THEFT
Stealing is one of the most shameful acts in the society. Stealing not only defames the person, but also the clan members and many generations that are related to the person at the time of crime and also in future. Beating, locking up in the traditional jail, mutilation of limps and other physical punishments are punishments that are served to the one found guilty of theft. The imposition of fine on a culprit can include capture of property, field, land, etc., (khokro lua bajih, thelu ro, etc.) in the cases of not being able to pay the fine, the culprits becomes the slave (Tsesuru) of the person. In the cases repeated crimes the culprit is expelled from the village. In all these it is the Village Council that becomes the ultimate authority to settle the matters. The people believe that the person brings in curse upon oneself, relatives and clan through mischievous acts. The punishment issued for theft depends on the seriousness of the crime and the matter stolen. If caught during the act of stealing the person is punished on the spot, sometime too severely.
As in other cases, the punishment could vary from arresting the personal property, taking away of the field and in serious cases it amounts to dismissal from the village (kiulong ching yikhitapa). 5.1.1.6 MURDER
As per the Yimchunger customary law, in the case of murder, the murderer is held guilty in almost all cases. There is hardly any room for murder committed in
‘self defense.’ In the case of proved murder, the murderer is punished with fine, including money, field, forest, ornaments, etc. When the person is unable to pay the fine as decided, the person becomes the slave of the bereaved family. As a result all rights and properties of the ‘murderer’ would belong to the one who adopts him/her. The olden practices were based on the rule, ‘eye for an eye tooth for tooth.’ The concept was that life is precious and if a life is taken away the only way to pay in return is to pay back by life itself. The punishments vary from case to case. However punishment is rather heavy that may include confiscation of property, dismissal from the village, slavery in the victim’s house, etc. In general murder is considered in different categories – accidental and pre-planned. The punishment differs according to the manner of murder. In case of an accidental murder, the punishment can vary ranging from fine to banishment from the village for a stipulated time. The Naga tribes like Aos and Angamis have a term of seven years as period of expulsion from the village. In the case of pre-planned and cruel murder, the punishment would be the maximum possible. The given situation of the village being an entity by itself with hardly any relation with the outside world, the punishment of banishment was too severe for anyone to bear especially when it is indefinite. 5.1.1.7 RAPE
In general the report on rape is rare. However, the rule of the land is an established element. Rape is considered as a heinous crime against the individual and the clan at large. The trük (clan) present themselves to evaluate the case and demand right judgment from the village heads. In the ancient times, there was nothing like paying of cash as fine. The payments were in done three forms. a)
Thelu ro (field), b) Yamkhüp, (adoption to the clan) and Khokrok lua bahjihkhi
(arresting property). On failing to submit fines as decided, the culprit is punished through physical torture even to the extent of being killed. Following the rape, if the man desires to marry the woman and if it is mutually agreed upon the desire is upheld resulting in the withdrawing of all fines.
5.2 OATH TAKING
Oath is traditionally a statement of claim of ownership or agreement. It is considered sacred as a sign of verity, swearing on something. The essence of a divine oath is an invocation of divine agency to be a guarantor of the oath taker's honesty and integrity in the matter under question. By implication, this invokes divine displeasure if the oath taker fails in their sworn duties. It therefore implies greater care than usual in the act of the performance of one's duty, such as in testimony to the facts of the matter as mentioned in the oath. In the Yimchunger context, the recitation of oath takes place in various contexts. In the judicial arena, it is used as the last measure to finalize the judgment. Other cases of oath-taking are related to important events of life, where the agreement/venture is binding and is expected to have lasting impact. Oath implies life-long obedience to the agreements and any violation of it is inviting extreme punishment.
In the settlement of disputes, the custom provides that the case is referred to be examined by the clan elders of the disputing persons. If there is so settlement by the clan, the case is further taken up by the village court. When it is not able to make a decision based on the witnesses, who are equally convincing on both the sides, oath taking is considered as the next and last choice. It is a sacred act and is respected greatly, given the fear of evil consequences as a result of a faulty or improper oath. Oath taking is invoked when the given evidences do not ascertain a judgment. In other words, when the human wisdom fails, the divine intervention is called for through the oath taking. When an oath is served each one is asked to pronounce the words of claim on their own merit. A gap of certain number of days is kept for observation. It is believed that a misfortune like accident, sickness, death, etc., would occur in the life of the one or those related to him, humans or animals, who made the faulty claim. The person seen guilty will be asked to pay a fine with another piece of land/field, a cow and pay for all the expenses of the case and formalities that are part of it. There are different ways and occasions to take oaths.
5.2.1 PINTHRÜM
Pinthrüm is the oath-taking related to peace-treaty. The concerned parties gather in a chosen place, preferably in the place related to the settlement. The oath is taken by burying the metal shield, ‘rehü, uttering the words, ‘until this shield grows we will not fight.’ It is a reassurance to each other that they will remain in peace for ever and the one who initiates war will bear the consequential evil.
5.2.2 OATH BY BITING THE MUD (ALO TUSHO LUNG TSÜKHI)
Those claimants take a bit of the mud from the land in dispute, bite it calling on the name of their forefathers, who are supposed to have tilled the land, saying, ‘let the god of this earth and the god of heaven, who knows who is right act upon us’. Having taken the promise, it is expected that the one who meets a misfortune within 6 or 12 days, in their family, livestock, the field or anything related to him, would be considered as the accursed one for taking the false claim.
5.2.3 YAMKH ÜNTHSÜKHI (OATH AT MARRIAGE)
The marriage is considered precious in the Yimchunger tribal background.
This is a union between a man and a woman for life, choosing to the partners in life, bearing witness in the presence of the family, clan and tribe. The marriage union is far above a social observance. It contains many values and principles for life. There are special words used similar to oath taking like in other important occasions. The bride’s parents utter the following words addressing the bridegroom,
“if my daughter is not good at work please, do not spoil her leg, hands, eyes or harm her in any way. Send her back home in good health. If she is sent back for no fault of hers, repayment will have to be done in double amount of what is given to her as matrimonial assets.’ The wish uttered on this occasion is Kupahachihang, which means ‘stay till your death’. The traditional mode of marriage and words of oath are indicative of the great value of life-long commitment of the partners and the moral responsibility to each other for safety and security, joy and happiness during the entire life.
5.2.4 LIMTHSÜKHI
It is not only the public life but also private life like friendship is associated with the bond of oath. During a desired occasion, the friends gather to have a feast for themselves. The oath is uttered after having eaten the sumptuous meal from one plate, saying to each other, ‘we are friends for ever, you will save me and I will save you.’
5.2.5 THEFT OF AN ANIMAL
The Yimchungers considered crimes such as theft, destruction, malicious behavior, etc., very seriously. For instance, the word ‘thsanchi’ means cow or equivalent to a big or precious animal. If someone kills a cow, the judgment uses the words which are considered to be equal to an oath, ‘One cow is equivalent to one’s life.’6
6 Shamator Village Court has the record of an oath taking by Mr. Shilikiu then asst. Hd.G.B., and Mr.Khiungjimong in 2003. The case was about the ownership of a cow, which was grown up in the forest. When the former butchered the cow, the latter filed the case claiming ownership. The evidence given by both could not ascertain the fact. Finally the oath was taken by both in the council court. Having observed that in the following fortnight there was the death in the family of Mr.Khiungjimong and he was believed the guilty partner of the case. 5.2.6 AT THE ESTABLISHMENT OF A VILLAGE
The prominence of a village is expressed by the words of oath attached to the opening of the village. It is binding and eternal in spirit. The words have the following meaning, ‘One who carries cow will be the owner of this village and one who carries dog will be the second in ownership.’ The words form a wishful prayer for all the villagers for a happy and prosperous life ‘let people from this village rise, become warriors and rich, be fit to wear warriors’ ornaments and let them be strong like tigers’.
5.2.7 LAND DISPUTE
Land and other natural resources are greatly valued and revered by the people. These are considered the identity of the people. The reasons are simple. The land provides the place of living; it is the basis for the economy of the people, which is agriculture. Water, forest, stones, etc., are important natural resources related to land and on which the daily life of the people are dependent. The ownership of the land is of four types; a)village land, owned by the village, b) khel land owned by a particular clan, c) Private/family land owned by individuals, and d) forest land reserved for cultivation or as resource to be used by all villagers at the decision of the Village Council. The land disputes are of various types between individuals, clans, villages and tribes. In the village, courts deal with the cases that pertain to the area within its jurisdiction. The judgments are based on the witnesses and proofs presented in the court by the persons involved and the witnesses present. The forefathers used stones, special plants, etc., to mark the boundary. The traditional methods are also relied upon in verifying the boundaries in typical manner. The elders and the traditional courts play important role in settling these disputes. They are recognized for the impartial and natural stand. The traditional methods assure a chance for all the grieving parties to make themselves heard and the decisions are taken in consultation with the traditional practices. The last recourse for settling the dispute is ‘oath taking.’
5.2.8 INTER-VILLAGE CONFLICTS
In the past the disputes between the villages occurred more in the context of head hunting and less in the name of land or other matters. As the population has gone up and there is an increasing demand for land in the context of jhum cultivation, and thereby an increase in conflicts. The case between Leangkonger and Müleangkiur is an example.7 When the dispute arises, the messengers are sent across to the villages to talk to the village councils to come for a joint meeting and verification. The meeting is usually arranged in the boundary of the land of the two conflicting villages. If it is found that the act of an individual caused the conflict, the person is fined. In an unintended case, the village elders decide to restore the destruction caused. There is the meal of unity, called tsühyung arih, which is a symbol of ending every bit of conflict and a pact to live happily ever after.
7 Details are noted as per the record in the Sub-divisional DB’s Court, Shamator 5.2.9 INTER-TRIBAL CONFLICT
Inter tribal conflicts have been part of the history of the Yimchunger tribe.
There were occasions where two villages of the different tribes, especially in the boundary, enter into conflict which later becomes enlarged issue between the two tribes. Other situations are issues related to the tribes in general become bone of contention where some villages get involved more than the others. There have been many such cases and still a few are on the desk for settlement. In all inter-tribal conflicts, initiatives are taken to negotiate through dialogue by the elders of the villages or the tribes under the supervision of the civil administration.
In the early days, the traditional governing system of the village was seemingly sufficient to deal with the issues. The world has changed and the demands are higher and wider. In reference to the conflict situations too, the developments are far more noticeable. There are Area Council, Tribal Council,
Town Council, Municipal Councils, apart from other improvised institutions like
Sub-divisional Duabashi Court, District Dubashi Court, etc. Office of the
Additional Deputy Commissioner, Deputy Commissioners in the District
Headquarter and other such modern agencies of the Government have become more and quicker accessible points for people to lodge their grievances. People affected rush to the modern legal authorities for settling any kind of dispute, be it tribal or professional. There is equal or more attempts made by the people to seek justice through these administrative provisions than the traditional methods. More and more judgments of the traditional courts are referred to the modern courts. It is possible to say that the people take more recourse to the modern courts in towns and cities where legal proceedings are done under the framework of the Indian
Constitution. Traditional methods have their own place and value in the limited world of a village and tribal context while relationships are analyzed in a bigger perspectives in the wider context, where the modern methods will hold their way too.
5.3 AKHASHERÜ
This is a method of decision making followed in extreme cases caused by inability to decide in the absence of adequate witnesses or more specifically when the parties in question are too strong with their own evidences to reach a decisive and impartial conclusion. The term, ‘akhasherü,8’ is originally from Sumi language.
The elders attribute that in the early days the practice was more associated with the people from Sumi tribe, who came to Yimchunger area on invitation for such practice and later some Yimchugners were also known to be having the same power. This was followed in the olden days, prior to the arrival of Christianity and is not a practice of the present times. ‘akhasherü’ refers to those who call upon the
‘souls of the dead.’ They were believed to be possessing supernatural power of being able to talk to the souls of the dead. In a situation of dispute, for instance over the ownership of land, when the village authority was not able to reach accuracy of decision and when the disputing parties are in great contention, this method was used, though very rarely. This was also used when one party of the case was
8 Akhasherü refers to the person who is believed to be able to talk to the spirit of the dead. These are believed to have supernatural powers and are known as tümürü in general. All akhasherü are tümürü but all tümürü are not akhasherü. unhappy with the judgment given in the village court and wanted to seek further measures of justice. The initiative to arrange for ‘akhasherü’ was taken by the individual and in a case of dispute prior permission was needed from the
Kiulongthüpu to do so. The procedure had strict format and clear observances. S/he is invited and comes along with an associate who is also believed to have similar power, though in a lower grade. The invitee slaughters a pig, of which half the portion will be prepared for the meal while the other half will be hung on the wall of the house above the ‘yapkiu’ (bed) prepared for the akhasherü. There will be pieces of meat cooked and packed in banana leaves, and kept in a ‘khung’ (bamboo basket) below one corner of the bed. This is meant to offer to the souls of the dead who will be called upon. ‘Akhasherü’ lies on the bed calling upon the souls of the dead, uttering sounds and words which are not understood by others. As time passes by, the person enters into conversation with the souls of the dead. Those who stand around will be able to follow the words spoken by the ‘akhasherü.’ The conversation will be based on the issue in question and the statements will be taken to reach the decision on the matter. Apart from settling disputes, akhasherü also was sought to detect the cause of the prolonged sickness, which may have been caused by the spirit of the dead. This form of case settlement was very rarely followed even in the olden days due to reasons like; unavailability of people with such powers and the belief that misfortunes often follow such attempts. In the modern times, the practice is never heard of with the arrival of Christianity and other agencies of social change. Case study 1: There is a known story told about Mr. Shitomong of
Leangkonger village. It was a case of ‘lost cow.’ Shitomung, the owner of
the cow finding no way to detect his lost cow, sought the help of Mr.
Tsükiumong, who was known to have the special power. He, after having
gone through his special observances, indicated that it was killed and
buried in the jungle. It was found to be so. The guilty was fined by the
village court.
Case study 2: Mr. Hangkiuba of Sotokurü village narrates the case of taking
the assistance of Akhasherü in 1950’s when there was a case of land dispute
between Mr.Muzumchim and Mr.Kiutsang. Mrs.Heyinla, an akhasherü from
Shipongrü village was called in to settle the dispute. Mr.Kutsang was found
to be real owner. As believed, in the course of time, Muzumchim suffered
severe misfortunes in the form of untimely deaths of his dear ones.
5.4 BASIC PRINCIPLES OF THE TRADITIONAL METHODS OF
CONFLICT RESOLUTION
As the records show there were different modules of traditional methods of conflict resolution. The analysis shows that the content and procedure of the traditional methods of conflict resolution were founded on various principles that were closely related from viewpoints of society, religious beliefs, etc. 1. The unwritten laws and regulations held that the village elders had the
wisdom to analyze any situation in its entirety. The elders were respected
and acknowledged for their wisdom and were considered to be concerned
with the good of all without any partiality.
2. The village elders formed the court of justice, where the case was examined,
cross checked and steps for restoration were decided.
3. Religious status of the time was greatly relevant. The people believed in the
supervision of the Supreme Being/spirits on all that happens. The act of the
village elders was considered to be an act in tune with the Divine. Therefore
obedience and disobedience of it brought reward or punishment from the
Supreme Being/spirits.
4. The duty of restitution was paramount to establish justice. The guilty party
would restore the affected in cash or kind. The settlement through thsüyim
arih was the sign of assurance of a peaceful future void of aggravated
revenge or ill-feeling.
5. Democratic and personal approach: In the hearing of the case the individuals
were respected for their concern. Each party had the chance to speak for
themselves and to present their witnesses.
6. Solutions for all cases of conflict were sought in the limited circle; family
disputes in the family circle, clan conflict in the clan circle, etc. This greatly
prevented blowing it out of context.
7. Communitarian attitude of the Yimchunger world was a great basis that
designed the traditional methods. The approach, analysis and resolutions were based on the great value of communitarian living. It was a duty of all
to restore peace and harmony. Therefore there was a better ‘give and take’
attitude while gathering to settle an issue of dispute
Change is unavoidable as time passes by in almost all aspects of life. So too is the case of the traditional methods of conflict resolution. Modernization has influenced the Yimchungers greatly. Modern ideas are replacing the traditional. The changes are greatly evident in the growth of modern means of conflict resolution in the form of court and judicial provisions in the modernized society. Along with the modern provisions is also the growth of individualism and consumerism that has directly reduced the communitarian basis of the traditional conflict resolution methods. Therefore it is not only the method that has changed but also the foundational principles of it. The traditional methods were built on great values of humanitarian concern and these are greatly relevant even for today if they are respected and accepted. CHAPTER 6
FROM ANIMISM TO CHRISTIANITY CHAPTER 6
FROM ANIMISM TO CHRISTIANITY
Religion and culture are two integral parts of every society. The religious elements have pervaded and transcended cultures substantially. By culture it means the totality of people’s tradition (what they believe), attitudes (what they desire), customs
(what they do) and institutions (how they live).1 Change and transformation are two closely related facets of the everyday life of society and Yimchunger Tribe is not exempted from it in anyway. The fast changing social scenario is closely connected to the various elements of westernization, which has come about through modern education and religious organizations. These simultaneously also have been major pathways of adoption of the western ways of life and outlook.
Religion, as an institution, is as old as the history of humankind and it has been an inseparable part of life in many a sense. The word religion is derived from the Latin word religiō, meaning ‘re-united.’ Edward Burnett Tylor defines religion as
‘the belief in spiritual beings’.2 In this definition he attempts to overcome the thoughts on religion that narrowed down to mean the belief in a supreme deity, judgment after death, idolatry and so on. He argued that the belief in spiritual beings exists in all known societies. The sociologist Durkheim, in his ‘The Elementary
1 Joseph Puthenpurackal, Baptist Mission in Nagaland, Shillong: Vendrame Institute, 1984, p.152 2 Ibid.
191 Forms of the Religious Life,’ defined religion as a unified system of beliefs and practices related to sacred things. By sacred things he meant things ‘set apart and forbidden - beliefs and practices which unite into one single moral community like a
Church, all those who adhere to them.”3 Sacred things are not, however, limited to gods or spirits. On the contrary, a sacred thing can be ‘a rock, a tree, a spring, a pebble, a piece of wood, a house, in a word, anything can be sacred’.4 According to him the beliefs, mythology, doctrines and legends are the representations that express the nature of these sacred things, and the virtues and powers which are attributed to them. The term religion ordinarily means ‘an organized collection of beliefs, cultural systems and world views that relate humanity to an order of existence.5 Religions are rich with the symbols and sacred attributes. They provide a meaning to life; explaining the various aspects of life – birth, death, world, etc. The content of the religion includes the beliefs, doctrines, ethics, and practices of its devotees. It refers to ‘respect for what is sacred, reverence for gods, obligation, and the bond between man and gods.
Yimchungrüs, with their unwritten record of their past, have volumes of information on their religious practices that range from selection of a village to the death of a person. With less or no written records available on the topic, it is the narration of the elders that becomes the source of information and views on the matter.
3 Manuel, The Concept of Religion, Delhi: Prabha Publishers, 1978, p.48. 4 Ibid. 5 http://www. en.wikipedia.org as on oct10, 2013.
192 Empirical data obtained through observation and interviews enlighten further on the subject matter. The scholarly work, at large, puts the religious practices of the
Yimchunger Nagas of the olden times under the title, ‘Animism.’ This word is derived from the Latin word ‘anima,’ meaning ‘spirit.’ Therefore, animism broadly means belief in spirits. In the strict sense it means the philosophical, religious or spiritual beliefs that soul or spirit exists in non-living beings like, stone, mountains, natural phenomena such as thunder and lightning, geographic features like mountains or rivers.
They believe that the spirits are present not only among the living beings but also in all other beings in the world. There is a close similarity to totemism, which, according to the anthropologist Tim Ingold, animism focuses on individual spirit beings which help to perpetuate life, whilst totemism holds that there is a primary source, such as the land itself, or the ancestors, who provide the basis to life.6 Yimchungers largely shared the belief pattern of the animism. They hold that the spirits exist independently of the earthly beings however, they can choose to dwell in any being on earth. In this sense they associate the spirits with selected mountains, rivers, trees, fields, etc. The spirits were largely divided into two, i.e., good spirits and bad spirits. At important events of life offering, rituals and prayers were offered to good or bad spirit as per the requirement.7 The good spirits were close to human beings acting as agents of blessings in all the undertakings. The people believed in ‘personal contact with the good spirit, which was selective in their assistance to them. They believed that these
6 Ibid. 7 Personal Interview with Mr. Solomon, DB., Shamator: 12 October 2011
193 spirits lived in the fields, forests and houses that belonged to those who were close to them. It was special of the Yimchungers to believe in ‘home spirit.’8 They maintained owner-like relationship with these spirits. The spirits are appeased by the people of the house, specially the father of the family. These sprits protect them from evil happenings. For instance, the people believed that no thief would attack a house and if anyone attempts, the thief would be held up by the spirits and kept motionless until the owner gets hold of him. The belief in the evil spirits is strong and important as much as their faith in the good spirits. It was believed that spirits cause various kinds of sicknesses, accidents, deaths, etc. These spirits and their origin is associated with the women who die in child-birth, men who were killed by wild animals like tiger, snake and those meet with accidental and tragic deaths. It is for this reason that the offerings are made during sickness, death, etc., in order to appease the evil spirits and to rid of them from causing further troubles. The benevolent spirits (Arimri) and malevolent spirits (Alo-rimri, earth bound spirits/evil spirits)9 do assist or harm the human but they do not have absolute power by themselves. The Yimchungers believe that these are agents of ‘Arimphu.’ The spirits act in obedience and submission to the supreme spirit.
Therefore the human beings are eternally bound to obey and follow the supreme-being and get the benefits/punishments executed through the good/bad spirits. These earth- bound spirits were thought to be causing pain and suffering to human beings.
8 Personal Interview with Mr.Shiuto, Hd.G.B, In-charge, Shamator: 02 September 2011 9 K.S. Singh, ed., Nagaland, Culcutta: Anthropological Survey of India, 1994, p.166.
194 6.1 LYCANTHROPY
A special belief system existed among the Yimchunger Nagas. It is called
‘Lycanthropy’ by the British writers. It means that certain persons shared the soul with the tiger or snake or other wild animals. In a given moment the soul of the person chooses to be in the body of the animal. The relationship between the two is so close that the hurt received by one brings sufferings to both. The death of the animal will also cause the death of the person. It is interesting to note that the people believed strongly that if the tiger with the shared spirit, killed an animal and ate it, the person who is sharing the spirit will have bits of meat or hair stuck to his/her teeth sooner. In general it is spoken of male persons sharing such spirits; however there are also cases of women mentioned to be so. It is said that this possession in some cases follows the hereditary lineage. After the arrival of Christianity, it is said that many people gave up this belief and were freed from such association. However there are many who believe and speak of themselves to be in this line and among them some are active while others are passive. The people of this kind do not enjoy great public association though apparently there is no discrimination. The people do not keep close to them, depicting some sort of fear of the spirit. Mr. Hangkiumong Jangkiungrü of Leangkong village, aged about 70, shared his experience of possessing the tiger spirit. He realized that he had such status as a boy when he had strange dreams and experiences of unusual movement of himself. He claims to be in touch with the world of spirits and he is sought by people to detect the cause of sickness when someone falls sick. He decides
195 recovery measures for the sick after having got in touch the world of spirits. This is done in the background of the people that any sickness or misfortune is caused the good or the bad spirit. Therefore the act of appeasement to the spirit will recover the person from dangers, sickness or misfortune.10
6.2 BELIEF IN THE SUPREME BEING
All that the Yimchungrüs believed and did was in response to their experience of an inexplicable Power working in their lives and surroundings. This Mighty Power was given God-expression as Arimpuh, which means, ‘everything’ or ‘all in all.’11 It is a male-figure, and his presence sees and knows every realm of life. Yimchungrüs sought to connect with Him along the foot path, fields, hunting place, beside the tree, river, stone, huts, houses, morungs etc.12 Pigs, chicken and dogs were the common sacrificial animal. Other sacrificial ingredients include leaves, egg, ginger, grain, metals, food and curry.13 Head of the family led the family worship while the common prayers and worship were always carried out by Amükeamrü (priests). Feasts, births, naming, marriage, deaths, sickness, cutting of new fields, sowing, harvest, conflicts and natural phenomenon were occasions to consult and discern Arimpuh’s will.
10 Personal Interview with Hankiumong, Langwong village: 18 January 2010. 11 T. Lakiumong Yimchunger, The Traditional Beliefs and Practices of Yimchunger Naga, Kiussore, p.20. 12 Personal Interview with Lachem, Shamator: 15 December 2009. 13 Personal Interview with Joseph Shutulen, aged 43, Pungro: 13 December 2010.
196 Yimchungrüs’ relationship with Super Power was so deep that everyone and everything, every place and time became sacred. Therefore a family man leads his family to worship this Power at any time and at any place using ordinary things such as ginger leaf. In an era where the sense of God is slowly fading away, Yimchungrüs’ sense of Super Power should be vigorously re-emphasized into Christian families to counter the trend. It is an evident fact that the loss of sense of sin and sacredness in our day is related to the loss of sense of God. It is therefore necessary to bring up persons in the knowledge of God and to help in re-orienting the self.
The Supreme Being in Yimchungrü religion was called Arimpuh and it has a male connotation. This term is more descriptive than as Supreme Being’s proper name.
Arimpuh is considered as the creator, sustainer and dispenser of everything. The term
Arimpuh seems to have come from the root word arimrim,14 meaning ‘everything’ or
‘all in all’.15 The attributes derived from the name pervades and permeate over everyone and in everything.16 There are other words used to speak of the same like,
Apürijabah and Khiungdopuh.17 These are descriptive expressions of the different attributes of the Supreme Being as understood and believed by the people of the time.
Arimpuh for Yimchungrü was a God who was deeply involved in their everyday life.
14 K.S. Singh, ed., Nagaland, Culcutta: Anthropological Survey of India, 1994, p.166. Here N. Saha has identified Arimri among the four principal spirits worshipped by Yimchungrü. Arimri can be said to be agents of Arimpuh, in which sense they can be understood simply as the attributes of Arimpuh. Arimri appears different from Alo-rimri (earth bound spirits/evil spirits). 15 T. Lakiumong Yimchunger. Op.cit. 16 Ibid. 17 Ibid.
197 Personal association with Arimpuh characterized every Yimchungrü life from birth to death. But the existence of another tradition that Arimpuh, the Supreme Being, does not interfere in the daily affairs of the people was also not alien to Yimchungrüs. This could be the reason why sacrifices were offered to appease certain spirits so that they may report to Arimpuh of their needs and complaints. This makes one reflect whether the immanence of Arimpuh was taken to be Arimri. The term Rijabah is another used to mean the Supreme Being. This word means ‘King of Kings.’ The kingly nature of
God is proclaimed through this term. The expression Khiungdopuh refers to the one, who dominates, overshadows or towers above all things. In this concept what is admitted is the omniscient and omnipotent nature of God. The concept of Supreme
Being is the basis of the Yimchunger religious practices. The Supreme Being was addressed as ‘kheambe kheam buh,’ who was considered to be endowed with the supernatural power over everything that exists and consequently it controlled and sustained everything. It is the origin, sustainer and end of all the creation. At all sacrifices and prayers, Amükeamrü, made the spell calling on ‘amkehambe kheam buh.’18 The prayers and sacrifices were invariably offered during all important occasions of life, like birth, marriage, death and all other key occasions. This is an inclusive approach towards God. It terms speak of it. ‘abe’ meant mother and ‘abuh’ meant father. This indicates to the ancient view of people that had an inclusive
18 Ibid.
198 approach to the Supreme Being which is missing in the modern times where God is spoken of in the ‘patriarchal,’ mode.
6.2.1 THE SPIRITS
Belief in spirits was common among Yimchungers. The malevolent spirit among Yimchungrü was called Alo-rimri (earth bound spirits/evil spirits).19 These earth-bound spirits were thought to be causing pain and suffering to human beings. In such bad times Yimchungrü practiced propitiatory sacrifice20. But these sacrifices appear to be not to Alo-rimri but to a benevolent spirit called Arimri. Now when asked about the difference between Arimpuh and Arimri, grandpa Showuba states, “They are one and the same. Arimpuh lives in the sky and Arimri live on earth.”21 The benevolent spirits were thought to help human beings by way of protecting them from sicknesses and natural calamities. Arimri were thought to be the agents of Arimpuh here on earth.
Since they have power-relationship with the Supreme Being, they could positively bless people with many blessings like rich crops, prevention from theft and so on.22
Arimri, especially the Alo-rimri were taken to be inimical to human beings. The main reason for this is the human transgression into the realm of the arimri. But they are not conceived to be randomly opposing human beings. They are thought to be considerate towards human pleadings and requests. The spirits become malevolent only when they
19 K.S. Singh, op.cit., p.166. 20 T. Lakiumong Yimchunger, op.cit., p. 29. 21 Personal Interview with Showuba, Hd.G.B. 12 Sep. 2009. 22 Lakiumong Yimchunger, op.cit., pp.29-30.
199 fail to receive their due from the humans. For this fact we see Yimchungrü life preoccupied in appeasing these spirits in every activity of life. Arimri are thought to be present everywhere and so great caution is taken not to hurt or harm them. But in no case are these malevolent or benevolent spirits of the ultimate status in Yimchungrü religion. When no propitiation and placation bears its desired result the final supplication is made to Arimpuh who is the creator and owner of all things. The belief system points out the philosophy of life of the Yimchungers Nagas. The beliefs embody the views of the people on what seems fully inexplicable but part in life, death, spirit, etc. These express, to a large extent, the mystical and religious nature of
Yimchungrü people.
6.2.2 WORSHIP AND SACRIFICES
The practices of sacrifice fill the daily life of the Yimchungers. On the one hand it is about calling upon the Supreme Being and the good spirits to be benevolent and on the other hand it is appeasing the evil spirits to keep away from them. There were no specific places or time determined for worships and offerings. It was done along the foot path, fields, hunting place, beside the tree, river, stone, huts, houses, morungs etc.
Much more than the place, the significance of the occasion and the purpose of sacrifice were the determining factors. Yimchungrü religion is marked with a pragmatic approach. The religious activities had its immediate connection to the events of life.
200 Often the prayers were offered during any extraordinary event, be it storm or incessant rain, landslide or unnatural death that evoked a great feeling of awe in people’s mind.
The sacrifices were of two types, namely community sacrifices and private sacrifices.
Head of the family offered individual sacrifices but community sacrifices were always carried out by Amükeamrü. Sacrifices were public and obligatory during the feasts, death, sickness and cutting of new fields. The Amükeamrü, at the invitation of the head of the village, from time to time would offer sacrifice at latter’s house for the well being of all the villagers. Pigs, chicken and dogs were the common sacrificial animals.
Leaves, egg, ginger, grain, metals, food and curry were other ingredients of sacrifices.23 Signs and symbols are indicative of the mindset of the people. In the case of the traditional religion, Yimchungers have rich signs and symbols. The rituals and ceremonies are carried out at important occasions of their life. These have both individual and social character. Every ritual, though social in character, is always sacred and religious. The birth, naming ceremony, piercing of the ear, etc., are religious and social ceremonies, indicative of the role of the growing child in the society and the implicit responsibilities of the society towards the child. It is indicative of the sense of belonging of the individual to the family clan and the tribe at large. Tattooing signals the maturation of a person and s/he is expected to participate in the community life.
Similar are the other symbolic actions at the key moments like marriage, sickness, funerals, etc., found in Yimchungrü tradition. The rituals and ceremonial practices with
23 Kokto Yimchunger, Concept of God, Unpublished Work, Shillong: Oriens Theological College, p.4.
201 the religious colour envelop the life of a Yimchunger. Stone is a major symbol used in the rituals specially related to peace relationship. Placing a stone meant establishing of peace and desired relationship between individuals and villages.24
6.2.3 LIFE AFTER DEATH
The numerous religious practices and beliefs of the Yimchunger Nagas are connected to the events of human life on this earth and the life after it. They believe in life-after death. It is believed that the human beings continue to live a similar life as on earth. The dead were believed to continue to exist in the land of the dead in the manner as the living on earth. Human beings at the completion of their life on earth join the world of the dead after a strenuous and war-some journey. The practice of burying the dead is in association with the belief system of the people. The ancient people buried the dead in the living room, usually under the sleeping cot. A vessel of soya-beans was kept in the place to be fermented. This was done also to avoid any foul smell from the rotting of the body. Row firewood is burnt over the grave for almost a month and a cup of rice beer was offered at the tomb everyday for a month. At the end of a month, a pig is slaughtered in the name of the departed soul and a meal is shared by friends and relatives. The people placed the personal belongings, food and things like spear, knife, etc., beside the dead body during the burial. They also offered food articles for many days where the body was buried. The people believed that after the life of earth, the
24 S.J. Akum, op.cit., p. 70
202 human beings continue their journey of life to the world of forefathers. During their journey they needed support in the form of food, which the people on earth were bound to give. The family members of the dead person were obliged to kill a chicken, dog and a pig, soon after the death of a person. These were believed to be assisting the ‘spirit’ of the dead person to go through difficult path leading to the world of the forefathers.
The practice of burial in the courtyard or a village graveyard is a later development of the modern times with the influence of Christianity and modernization. In the modern context the grave-yard is a special place for the village. It is often built just outside the village. Similar are the beliefs associated with other happening of the daily life, like cry of a particular bird at night or the unusual howling of the dogs that are believed to be announcing deaths in the village or the locality. At times some of their beliefs appear superstitious in its surface but the message they convey is never unreal. Most of these tribal belief systems were articulated, practiced and fostered in and by the community.
From these beliefs issue forth their religious practices, which are the offshoot of people’s belief system.
6.3 CHRISTIANITY AMONG YIMCHUNGERS
The spread of Christianity among Yimchungers is matter of recent times in comparison to other tribes. The tribe as a whole is now Christian though belonging to various denominations. The impact of Christianity is seen in all levels of life –
203 individual, social, economic and political. The Christian mission in Nagaland began with the American Baptists who were active in Upper Assam. The Baptists began the missionary work in the Ao land coming from the Assam border land. The Assamese overt Godhula was the first to reach out to the Nagas. E.W. Clark, the first full time
American missionary daring all oppositions including the on-going head-hunting practice of the time. The Christian Centre established at Kohima in 1881 by C.D. King was a notable achievement towards the progress of the Christian mission. The conversion of Nagas from animism to Christianity was a very slow process in the beginning and later it was just a matter of time to see the majority of the people of the state receiving Christ in less than fifty years.25
6.3.1 AMERICAN BAPTIST MISSION
The story of the Christian mission in Nagaland dates back to the time when the
Assam state was assigned to Protestant churches. The Naga Hill District of Assam was handed to the American Baptists Missionaries to make it their mission field. In 1851, a few Ao Nagas were converted and became members of the Sibsagar Baptist Church.26
In the spring of 1876, Dr. Clark along with his team opened a Baptist Mission centre at
Molunyimchen village.27 The reason for Dr. Clark turning towards Naga Hills is said to
25 Joseph Puthenpurackel, Baptist Mission in Nagaland, Shillong: Vendrame Missiological Institute, 1984, pp.50-56. 26 Hokishe Sema, op.cit., p.51. 27 Ibid. p.52.
204 be lack of response from the Assamese.28 The Nagas, on the other hand, were by and large receptive towards Christianity. This served as a real impetus to early missionaries. Slowly but promisingly, the Baptist Mission began to spread from the Ao tribe to Angami areas and subsequently to Lotha and Sumi tribes. The tireless efforts of the missionaries were now beginning to bear fruit. From 1876 to 1955, a total of 46
American Baptist Missionaries (20 couples and 6 women) and several hundreds of native evangelizers worked in the Naga Hills.29
The work of the Baptist missionaries in Yimchungrü land is over 60 years.
Comparatively, Christianity arrived late among the eastern Nagas tribes like Sangtams,
Konyaks, Changs, Phoms, Khiamnungans and Yimchungrüs than other Naga tribes.30
The main reason for this is the obstruction of free movement of missionaries into the
Un-Administered Area (Tuensang) by the British.31 The Baptists among Yimchungrüs was born as a result of the labor of native evangelizers particularly from Sema and Ao tribes. The first missionary work in the Yimchunger land is traced back to 1936 with the efforts of Mr. Kushe Sema from Chishsilim Village. He was one of the early converts from Zunheboto region. He came to Ayipongrü village, which is in near to
Aghunato to preach about Christianity32. With Kushe’s intervention, Mr. P. Hopong of
28 Joseph Puthenpurackel, op.cit., p.59. 29 Ibid. 128. 30 David Syiemlieh, A Brief History of the Catholic Church in Nagaland, Shillong: Vendrame Institute Publications, 1990, p.34. 31 S.J. Akhum, op.cit, 11. 32 Khalenmew, op. cit. 15.
205 K. Ayipongrü became the first Yimchungrü Christian in 1942.33 On the other side, another wave of missionaries from the Ao tribe reached Thsotokur, another
Yimchungrü village, on 20th of April 1950.34 The tribe’s history of Christianity tells the story of the way the evangelized in turn became evangelizers. The popular method employed by the then foreign missionaries was to train and sent local leaders as evangelists. Among many other methods, this was one which Dr. Clark relied on. This made the role of native believers very relevant. This method bore fruit as the early 20th century saw a phenomenal rise in the number of Christians in Nagaland. The new converts were sent to villages to spread the Gospel. Yimchungrü Christians today owe a great measure of gratitude to the neighboring tribes, especially, the Sumi and Ao missionaries who were instrumental in bringing Christ and his message into the
Yimchungrü area. The vast majority of the tribe is now members of the American
Baptist Mission.
Christian missionaries faced stiff opposition in the beginning. The people were so used to drinking rice-beer that when the Christian missionaries preached to give up this, there was great reluctance to do so. There two groups in Yimchungrü society by now. One group who received Baptism and became Christian and the other that remained steadfast to their traditional religion. Since the latter was majority and influential, the new converts were deprived of many privileges in the village.
33 Ibid., p.15. 34 Ibid., p.19.
206 Christians were also intimidated if they did not join the community sacrifices, feasts and ceremonies. They were threatened with expulsion if they refused to oblige. In some villages pastors and evangelists were even chased away. The promoters of Christianity were accused of bringing disunity in the village. All these methods were used as a pressure tactics to stop someone from becoming a Christian. But Christianity made a steady progress in Yimchungrü land. The more the persecution, the rich was the harvest. Within 1947 to 1957 there were already eleven Baptist communities planted amidst the tribe.35 Since then Christianity has found tremendous acceptance among
Yimchungrüs. The number of those who practice traditional religion deteriorated steadily. By 1980’s the whole Yimchungrü got Christianized. There are many factors that facilitated this change of status. One main factor is that Christianity came with the message of freedom from fear, superstition and above all independence from wild spirits. To the people whose life was burdened with superstitious belief and costly sacrifices, Christianity was truly a liberating agent. In the age of head hunting the
Christian message of love, forgiveness and fellowship offered Yimchungers hope to live in security and peace. Many were led to believe genuinely the core message that
Jesus Christ is truly the Son of God who died for human salvation. Needless to mention that committed pastors and evangelists were greatly instrumental in making
Christianity bloom among Yimchungers. Their pioneering work of translation, care for the poor and other charitable works earned them people’s love and trust. The
35 Ibid. p.24.
207 conversion of the village chiefs proved a great blessing for the early missionaries.
When the chief accepted Christianity, usually the entire village turned Christian and the easy spread of Christianity in the neighboring villages was felicitated. The missionaries had a focus on the social reformation. They found it necessary to make changes in the social patterns of life to plant Christianity. For Yimchungers it was path of transformation from their trodden paths of sacrifices and offerings done in the nature to a new world of hymns and prayers in the church. The greatest of the immediate impacts of Christian missionaries is said to be the stopping of the traditional practice of head-hunting. The age-old practice of head-hunting was prevalent in the second half of the 20th century in the Yimchunger land though it was given up in other parts of the state.
The impact in the village polity is of considerable importance. The village chief was the ‘all in all’ in a village. The church with its own leadership and influence on the daily affairs of the village, there was its rising influence in the village management and consequently there was deterioration of the power and function of the chief. In the early days of Christianity, it is said that, there was reluctance to pay tributes to the non-
Christian chief by the Christian population, though not evidently. There came different organizations within the village in the name of the church and it distributed the functional power among themselves over the course of time. The one thing common among these local pastors and evangelists is the common ideology they inherited from the foreign missionaries. The attitude of early missionaries as a whole towards the
208 Naga culture was negative. Both foreign and native missionaries in their conscience considered that it was their ‘Christian’ duty to get rid of all ‘heathen practices’ of the local culture.36 This attitude had its own negative impacts. Many of the new converts approached the ignorant Yimchungrüs with an air of superiority. The main content of the early missionaries’ preaching was against drinking of rice beverage. They threatened people of hell fire if they refused to abandon traditional sacrifices and ceremonies and become Christians. It was not easy for Yimchungrüs to give up instantly their traditional religious practices and the habit of the intake of rice beverage.
As a result the early missionaries incurred the wrath of both village elders and traditionalists alike. While on the other hand, in the zeal for souls the evangelists translated the Gospel message literally. They promised too many miracles; that the poor would become rich, the sick will be healed and the promise of better life and heaven.37 Many did receive Baptism but when they could not live up to the strict standard of Christian life, they fell back to their original faith. The Spirit of truth has led people to embrace that which is true, that which is good and that which is liberating. The Baptist presence in the tribe is very strong. Every Yimchungrü village today has a Baptist church. From its humble beginning, the Baptist church today has come to play decisive role in the social life of Yimchungrüs. The Yimchungrü Baptist
Borü Amukhongto (YBBA) centre situated at Shamator is not only a religious centre but also plays important role in social and political life of the tribe. The apex tribal
36 Joseph Puthenpurakal, op.cit., pp. 152-153. 37 Hokishe Sema, op.cit., p.51.
209 body called Yimchungrü Tribal Council (YTC) works in close collaboration with
YBBA. It is also the powerhouse that gives shape, coordination and control of the different activities of Baptist mission within the tribe. Associations like Yimchungrü
Baptist Women Association and Yimchungrü Christian Youth Endeavour functions under the aegis of YBBA. It has established Kihoto Theological College (KTC), which offers a four-year diploma course of Bachelor of Theology and Graduate of
Theology.38 Christian High School, Pungro and Christian High School, Shamator are other landmark achievements of the Baptist Mission in educational field. The Baptist
Church has done immense work in translation and other literary works. Today Baptists have many Reverends and Theologians. Many youngsters of the tribe complete theological studies and later serve as Pastors, Youth Leaders and Women Leaders in different Baptist churches under YBBA jurisdiction.
6.3.2 CATHOLIC MISSION AMONG YIMCHUNGERS
Surprisingly the Catholics, the first Christian Church to arrive in Northeast
India, took so long a time to reach Nagaland with the message of Christ. The Catholic missionaries, Fathers Cacella and Cabral are said to have passed Northeast in search of
Tibet as early as 1626.39 The Catholic Church’s attempt to serve the people of
Nagaland with the Good News of Jesus Christ goes back to 1908 when Fr. Marcellinus
38 M. Khalenmew Yim, op.cit., p. 41. 39 David Syiemlieh, op.cit., 36.
210 Molz reached Tamlu in the present Longleng District. But the first visit could not bear the desired fruit. Nagaland had to wait for some 40 years more before the next opportunity arrived. That was in December 1948 when a group of Spanish Sisters, Srs.
Gaudalupe Velasco and Margarita Cifre of Sisters of Christ Jesus and a Catholic priest,
Msg.E.Bars sdb arrived in Kohima to offer their services to the newly established Naga
Hospital at the request of Mr. Akbar Hydari, then Governor of Assam.40 Within a short span of 30 years the Catholic faith took strong roots among Angamis, Chakesangs,
Lothas, Rengmas, Yimchungrüs, Changs and Sangtams.41 The first of the Catholic missionaries to work for Yimchungers in 1968, was Rev. Fr. T.J. Chacko then stationed at Tuensang. While some people of the place wanted to establish Catholic missions especially for the educational upliftment, there were others who withstood the work of the Catholic Missionaries. There was great opposition for years. However in the course of time, those interested gathered strength for themselves to bring in the missionaries and establish communities and churches. The major Catholic mission centres at Tuensang, Shamator, Kiphire and Pungro with their sub-centers in the associated villages are great avenues for the all-round upliftment of the people especially through educational training and other social welfare efforts. Father T.J.
Chacko, the first Catholic missionary to set foot in Yimchungrü soil, reached Shamator on 4th April 1970 and toured Wongpung, Sangphur, Yakor, Saddle and Shamator
40 Ibid. p.120. 41 Ibid. p. 123.
211 village in his first visit.42 There was not a single Catholic in these villages. The real effort of implanting of the mission can be associated with the attempt for educational upliftment of Father Chacko who took six boys (Rukhiukiu, Pusang, Shahoto,
Yiutsümew, Kiosokiu, S. Kiusümew)43 from Chomi village during his visit to Pungro
Area in the year 1971 to Tuensang for studies in St. John School, Tuensang. They were impressed by the nuances of the Catholic Church and their interest grew day by day.
Six of them became Catholics in the following year; the first Catholics from
Yimchunger Nagas. The humble origin of Catholics among the tribe embarks here.
There was no turning back from then on. These beneficiaries of the Catholic missionaries became missionaries in turn in their own land.
The history of Catholic mission is no better story as far as resistance and persecution is concerned in comparison with the other missionaries who entered the land initially, in fact 28 years later than the Baptists. By 1970 majority of the
Yimchungrüs were already Baptist Christians. The resistance against Catholicism came not from the followers of traditional religion but from Baptist brethren themselves. The first Baptist-Catholic contact in the tribe was marred by mutual suspicion and prejudice often resulting in tension between the two. The mission report of Father Chacko recounts how Baptist leaders intimidated him on his way to Leangkonger Village.44 In fact his very life was put in danger. The testimony of Pungro Catholics recounts the
42 Report of Fr. T. J. Chacko’s Mission Tours of Tuensang District, Nagaland 1969 to 1971, p.25-31. 43 Personal Interview with Samuel Thronji, Pungro, 09 August 2011. 44 T.J. Chacko, My Vocation, Imhpal, 2008, p.32
212 untold hardship a person had to endure for embracing Catholicism. The first catechist45 was locked up in his own house with doors and windows nailed from outside. Even today, any move to accept Catholicism by new villages receives strong resistance from the Baptist brethren. In spite of all kinds of pressure tactics and intimidations,
Catholics among Yimchungrü have grown to a sizeable number. Today Catholicism as a religion is admired and its faithful members practice faith with great dignity and pride in the Yimchungrü world. Even though the presence of Catholic Church is very meager among Yimchungrüs by way of number, it has made great contribution to the region and the tribe in particular. Among the Yimchungrüs of Saramati region, Pungro,
Phuvkiu, New Vongti, and Khonjiri villages have positively accepted the Catholic faith. There is also the stable presence of Catholics in the newly created villages of
Vongwa and Sidiyevong. In Tuensang District, the Yimchungrüs of Shamator and
Leangkonger were the first to embrace Catholicism. Another Yimchungrü village by the name Huker has the Catholic presence of 11 families. Owing to distance and difficulty in communication the community of Huker is attached to Aghunato Parish46 of Zunheboto District. Among the Upper Yimchungrüs, Chessore village is taking the lead in preparing themselves towards accepting Catholicism. The growth of Catholic
Church among Yimchungrüs has been steady and gradual. Today there are some 11 villages with Catholic presence in the tribe. Shamator, which is considered as the
45 ‘Catechist’ means the person who is teacher of faith. In practice he is leader of the community in the local church and the one who assists the priest in the day to day running of the church. 46 Parish means the geographical headquarter of the church, formed for administrative purpose.
213 tribe’s Baptist mission centre is on the verge of becoming a Parish with a vibrant
Catholic community of over 80 families. South of Shamator lies Anatonger village from where a few families became Catholic in 2010. Pungro is the only established parish among Yimchugrüs. Kiusam, New Vongti, Old Vongti, Phuvkiu and Khongjiri are the other villages with sizeable Catholic presence in the area. Little Flower High
School, Pungro and St.Xavier School, Shamator stand tall in their own region as true light for the upcoming generations. The concrete example of the growth of the Catholic
Church in the tribe is the many priestly and religious personnel from the tribe. Though the tribe is comparatively new as Catholics, there are already three priests and eight religious nuns from the tribe. There are many young men and women undergoing the training and formation to be religious leaders. Time and hard work in the field of evangelization and church’s involvement in varied ministry bring many people to experience liberation and fulfillment in their personal and social life. Along with the acceptance of new faith, the people of the area also enjoy the varied services of the
Catholic Church, namely, education, medicine and other social development programs.
6.4 CHRISTIANITY AND EDUCATIONAL EMPOWERMENT
The impact of Christianity is better seen in the field of education, even above the numerical strength, which is taken as the measuring rod for growth in the ordinary terms of measurement. The field of education has been greatly influenced and
214 improvised by the Church and its institutions. The network of schools run by the
Churches – Baptists and Catholics – contributed immensely to raising the rate of literacy of the Yimchunger Nagas. The schools have been instrumental in promoting education for girl students and through it their status, which is otherwise lower. The institutions in the early days took care of the elementary and high school education.
While in the rural areas there are more primary schools and the major towns associated with the Yimchungers have facilities for higher education managed by the missionaries. In this regard the Catholic missions are ahead of other churches in establishing educational institutions and building up infrastructure for the same. The scholars have expressed appreciation at length for the massive efforts of the missionaries who have brought changes in all aspects of social life of the people. J.B.
Bhattachargjee speaks of a link between Christianity and developmental works.
According to him, Christian mission concept of developmental works is generally understood in terms of the development of the society. Christianity is a religious faith concerned with spiritual and moral welfare of people. The moral welfare and spiritual life was perhaps not possible without the minimum of material comforts and security.
It was difficult to give attention to the things of heaven without taking necessary care of the things that are of earth. Christian missions have a balanced approach. The general view is that the advent of Christianity made great impact in the lives of Nagas.
At the same time, there is the critical view that speaks of the impact on the traditional culture of the people. J.P. Mills says that “the mistake made by the mission, the gravest
215 in my opinion, and the most fraught with danger for the future is their policy of strenuously imposing an alien culture on their converts.”47 It is also sadly noted that the early missionaries condemned the cultural practices including the customary wears absolutely. Many elders of the society vividly recall the incidents wherein they were led to give up the traditional wear and customary practices, which were spoken of as heathen and pagan. The tribe needs to own Christianity in all dimensions of the culture.
Christianity is not a secluded force of influence on the culture and milieu of the people.
There are other forces that make great impact in the ongoing development of the people and cultural situation of the Yimchungers. The modern culture of consumerism, materialism and secular tendencies have come as a detriment to traditional values of the tribe. The yesteryears’ traditional values such as sharing, piety, reverence, obedience, gratitude, truthfulness, hard work, courage, sincerity, justice, equality, solicitude, peaceful-coexistence etc., are less frequent values today. These were values that constituted the very core of Yimchungrü culture. The challenge for every
Yimchungrü Christian today is to stop just glorying in the past traditional values instead live out those values in their daily lives as a member of that culture. The
Christian missionaries are called the harbingers of western education to Nagaland.
Along with the educational developments, other drastic changes were brought about in the life of the Naga tribes.
47 J.P. Mills, The Ao Naga. London: Macmillan, 1973, p.23.
216 Table 20: Opinion on Christianity as a Major Influence in Changing the Traditional Practices of Yimchunger Nagas
Christianity as a major Influence in Changing the traditional Governing Frequency Percent system of Yimchungers Yes 198 79.2% No 52 20.8%
Total 250 100%
In table above, majority of the respondents (79.2%) are of the view that
Christianity has brought about changes in the traditional practices related to the governing system of the Yimchunger Nagas whereas 20.8% of the respondents are of the view that it is not the direct effect of Christianity that changed it. The latter group opine that the changes connected to the governing system was resultant of the administrative reforms of the political agencies of the different times.
Table 21: Age-wise Opinion on Christianity as an influence on changing the traditions of Yimchunger Nagas Age Group of the Respondents Views of the Respondents Under 25 26 - 35 36 - 45 46 - 55 56 years Total years years years years & above
31 56 58 31 22 198 Yes (15.7%) (28.3%) (29.3%) (15.7%) (11.1%) (100%)
12 23 8 52 5 (9.6%) 4 (7.7%) No (23.1%) (44.2%) (15.4%) (100%)
43 79 66 36 26 250 Total (17.2%) (31.6%) (26.4%) (14.4%) (10.4%) (100%)
217 The influence of Christianity is an undeniable fact. However the opinion varies while picking the major area of impact. In fact the changes brought about by
Christianity can be felt all over the state of Nagaland. Table 26 enumerates the types of changes brought about by Christianity, as viewed by the respondents.
Table 22: Changes Brought about by Christianity on the Traditional Governance
Types of Changes Frequency Percent
Value system 153 61.2 %
Organization 58 23.2 %
Social Structure 29 11.6 %
Others 10 4 %
61.2% of the respondents are of the view that Christianity has brought changes in the value system. Another 23.2% of the respondents feel that the changes brought about by the advent of Christianity is organizational in character. It refers to the developmental changes in the formation of the village under Church organizations compared different set up in the olden days. The tribe is better organized under the banner of ‘tribal organizations’ differently from what it was earlier. Other positive changes that are expressed by the respondents as brought about by the advent of
Christianity are more democratic approach of the village administration, changes in the living standard, more cooperation, values of tolerance and attitudinal changes.
However, not all the changes brought about by Christianity are perceived as positive by
218 the respondents. They are also of the view that Christianity has diminished the sense of respect for elders or has led to the discarding of many traditional practices that held great value to the social and cultural fabrics of the Yimchunger community.
6.4.1 EMERGENCE OF SOCIAL LEADERS
Since the establishment of Christian mission, beginning with the American
Baptists in the 20th century, the role of the Christian missionaries has been great.
Though there were a lot of problems in starting the missions, there has been a lot of work done in forming the believers practically in all villages in the rural and urban areas alike. Gradually, there arose hundreds of committed leaders both social and religious – men, women and youths - sustaining the local Christian communities. The rapid growth of believers, churches, mission centers, lay organizations, emergence of lay leaders, pastors, etc., speak volumes of the lasting impact of the Christianity in the land of Yimchungers. The growth of the church in number also became instrumental in the growth of the leaders in social level. The social and religious matters were so intermingled that in what is social there was the religious touch and in all that was religious in nature also carried the social involvement. Missionaries have made considerable contribution for the all round development of the Yimchungers. The church is a powerful agent of social transformation.
219 6.4.2 CHANGING SOCIAL SCENARIO
Christianity among the Yimchungers has come a long way over decades. It has made tremendous progress among the tribe. Today there is no Yimchungrü village without a Church or followers of Lord Jesus Christ. Though Christianity came in recently into the tribe, it has helped the people to progress so rapidly in manifold ways.
The contribution of the Church has in a way brought new life in all spheres of life - religious, spiritual, social, political and economic. No other force has brought far- reaching effect as Christianity among the Yimchungrüs. The tribe as a whole owes huge gratitude to the pioneers and the present missionaries who brought Christ and his message among the tribe. The first and foremost feature of Christianity is seen in terms of the number of believers. The Yimchunger population as a whole is converted into
Christianity though they are distributed into the various denominations over the time, with the difference of number due to the ongoing change of affiliation to different denominations at different times. Now the Baptist Church has the majority of the
Christian followers in the tribe, though not many Christian denominations are active in
Yimchungrü area. Other than the Baptists and Catholics the Pentecostals have a small group of followers in the Pungro.
6.4.3 CULTURAL FUSION AND DIFFUSION
The arrival of Christianity marked a clear-cut division of the socio-cultural milieu of the people. The social scenario was dominantly enveloped within the cultural and
220 traditional views and practices. The conversion of the people from animism to
Christianity presented a new perspective to life. While head-hunting remained a threat to the missionaries from the beginning, it was not limited to its physical domain. It was a matter of perspective and approach to life. The greatest and fastest impact of
Christianity, while among the many, can be mentioned as ‘ending of head-hunting’ in the region. In comparison to the other parts the state, the practice was still on even into the second part of the twentieth century. Like many other parts of the North East, the region too had taken great strides in accepting Christianity in number and time, abandoning many socio-cultural moorings. In the initial stage there was a clear distinction between the ‘converted,’ and ‘indigenous,’ groups of people within the same village. Over the time, even quicker than it was thought of, the number of converts grew bigger and the indigenous groups became smaller and even insignificant.
6.4.4 THE TRIBAL IDENTITY
In the early days, the identity of the people was centered on the membership to a particular village. Every village was a state on its own for all matters. The life of an individual was limited to the boundaries of the village except for war and occasional business, especially in search of salt and iron implements. Over the time, with the arrival of Christianity, there developed more and more a connection and a link of relationship among the villages and a new identity of being part of the bigger group as
221 a tribe and as people belonging to one church. Organizationally it is seen in the formation of Church Council in the village level, further in the tribal level and also in the state level. Religious development linked with the development of the tribal dialect especially as a means for worship-services had its longstanding impact in the form of developing a language for a tribe and through it the content of identity. If such efforts were not taken, the Yimchungers would depend upon the major tribe for written materials, which is a conflicting factor for many smaller tribes even now. There is a growing fear of the weakening of interest in the development of the tribal language, with the onslaught of educated people using English as a medium of communication in many fields. While there is abundance of literature available in English in the field of academy, economy, commercial, social media, etc., there is very little advancement in the case of the tribal language. Religious reformation in the first phase and the educational development in the later years are closely related to each other as great agents of social change for Yimchunger Nagas. It has modernized the people but retained a lot of tribal cultural and social elements. The essence of tribal culture like clan, attire, folk art, music, etc., is being preserved as essential. The modernization has also influenced the designs and format of traditional ornaments, attire, architect, etc.
222 6.4.5 CHANGE OF WORLDVIEW
The growth of the church through the mutual relation and interactive growth created new possibilities for the people to move beyond the village and geographical region into places and people who were otherwise unknown to them. The sense of
Universal brotherhood, blended with the concept of forgiveness, had the direct impact on the thinking of the people especially in the context of headhunting and inimical views on other villages. The new attitude restrained the people from head-hunting and facilitated better relationship with different villages and tribes on a positive perspective. The social organization further moved ahead guided by the new modes of organization, patterns of common worship, architecture, etc. The people gathered together from various regions in the name of the tribe and church, bringing together people who were traditionally secluded and limited to the boundaries of a smaller region. The new perspective is clearly reflected in the flourishing and vibrant Christian communities, which have been instrumental in spreading Christian faith to all villages of the region. The change and growth in the perspectives brought unity and solidarity not only among themselves but also with other tribes of the region and with the
Christians of all the surrounding places as well, in fact, with those across the borders of the state and nation too. Tribal cultures, mentality, language, customs and designs were adopted in some ways as vehicles for imparting Christian messages especially in liturgy and celebrations. This has also in turn helped in the preservation and advancement of the tribal language and cultural values.
223 The changing social scenario is the consequence of the various factors. The direct and indirect impact of the Christianity is above all. The educational efforts and social developmental efforts associated with the direct evangelization of the missionaries have brought in tremendous changes among the tribals. It varies from daily habits and dress pattern to the organization of social class and other areas of social life. The people are no more head-hunters or naked people. The ethnical violence of olden days, perpetuated in many forms, has come to a stand-still. The cessation or changed forms of Feast of Merit, Christianized observances of birth, sickness, marriage and death also are eloquent scenes of Christian impact in the social atmosphere. In the presence of changes that are spoken of as advancement in living, there are also challenging impact that have put away the grace of life by adopting the modern mechanical ways of living. Development of class structure based on economic and political status, the growing dividends between the rich and the poor, replacement of naturally woven clothes with synthetic fabric, the cheap mechanically produced dye with the indigenous dye are clear impacts of modernity over the tribal social scenario of the past. The ornamental jewels, cosmetics, modern designed cloths and fabric, etc., have outplayed the presence of culturally designed materials in the market and even for daily use. The traditional ornaments have become the thing of the past due to the non- availability and the possibility for easy replacement by the modern materials and designs.
224 CHAPTER 7
SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION CHAPTER 7 SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION
Yimchunger Nagas, a Naga tribe with its own history and traditional identity, have a stock of culture and unique aspects of life with its own social organization. The early history of the Yimchunger tribe is framed in oral traditions and these are the best available storage of information on all aspects of the tribe and more prominently in the absence of written records and mark for themselves a world of rich cultural heritage.
For details of information on their origin, the tribe has a range of myths and legends handed down orally. Myths, legends and stories provide an explanatory description of the origin and practices of daily life of the Yimchunger Nagas. Though all Naga tribes in general hold that they migrated using the corridors of Burma, the theory is true especially for Yimchungrü Nagas and the name of the tribe confirms it. As discussed in the previous chapters, they have been held in similarity with other Naga tribes, especially those within the state boundary of Nagaland. The recent development of clustering of the six tribes as ‘Eastern Naga tribes,’ along with the Phom, Chang,
Konyak, Sangtam, Khemungean and Yimchunger is a new outlook within the traditional understanding of being closely related to one another, also calls for greater attention of their economic development and other similar concerns.
Sufficient evidences are there to show that Yimchunger Nagas had the social organization centered on ‘Kiulongthsürü,’ from pre-recoded times. It is based on the historical and traditional Yimchungrü culture. The governing system is not an independent entity but a system of network developed and merged out of the various elements of the life of the Yimchunger society. The important lesson that concerns us here is that fact that the unique governing system of Yimchungrüs has been the nerve of the tribe traditionally. The history, traditions, organizational governance, etc., are interlinked based on the principles of its foundation and philosophy of social life. The social structure of the Yimchungrü society is also built around the Kiulongthsürü, the centre of all governing authority. The establishment and maintenance of Kiulongthsürü were built on two major principles, i.e. Patriarchal and patrilieneal Heredity and
Participative Democracy. The former ensured the organizing principle of disconnected linage of the society from the founder of the village to the present day village- authroity. The lineage of the founder of the village was continued through the office of
Kiulongthsüpuh and the co-founders through Kiulongthsürü. The second principle is
‘participative democracy,’ which is methodical foundation for running the affairs of the village. It facilitated everyone to have an opportunity to express themselves on matters that affect them. Discussions, meetings, settlement of cases, etc., were conducted with the concern and participation of those mattered. Therefore participation by the entire community in decision process was considered vital and a key principle in Yimchunger way of life. The self-ruled government in practice is more than the rule of the majority of our day. Here the emphasis is on participation, consensus and cooperation. Though only a few hold offices, the freedom to express one’s opinion and to participate in the decision making was possible for all villagers. Kiulongthsüpuh has the final word on the matter representing himself on the wisdom of all. He is not an autocrat but the first among the equals. It is his responsibility to discern the true and best for his people based on the traditional wisdom and customary practice. In this perspective we can say that Yimchunger Governing system holds high the principle of democracy in its functioning. Though the members of Kiulongthsürü are inducted based on heredity, the freedom of choice, effected by the clan, ensures the selection of the best in a direct democratic manner. Among the many traditional values, the spirit of equality and belongingness to the clan/tribe were very dear to every Yimchungrü. It is also assured that any authority, be it religious or social, is primarily to foster community’s well- being. Thus we find various mechanisms, democratic in its application, are at work in order to usher and maintain peace, justice, understanding and resolution for all within the community, inclusive of the structure and functioning of the governing system.
It is evident that the Yimchunger society is not static ever through. Change is the norm of nature. Heraclitus says that a person cannot step into the same river twice.
People change, nature changes, climate changes and most clearly the society changes.
Yimchunger society is no exception to it. What the society is today is not the same as what they were a century before, nor is it same as what it was a few decades back. It has changed much in every field within a span of half a century. The society undergoes changes due to various factors. Some elements are modified or even lost and some are added in line with the flow of time. The course of change can be gradual or rapid, peaceful or violent, orderly or erratic. Change in the use of electronic technology is rapid compared to the growth of women in education which is gradual. This change implies the alteration of a society in its status over a period of time. Joseph Fichter says that “change is a variation from a previous stage or mode of existence.”1 Yimchungers, once purely limited to their agricultural fields have now grown economically and built up politically. The people have been well influenced by the arrival of the Christianity.
Advent of schools, colleges and University have helped the people to enrich themselves in the field of education and opened new doors for employment. A traditional and primitive face of the people, have been replaced by modern avenues of life. Social mobility across tribal and geographical barriers has changed their lifestyle in all its spheres, updating with the growth of the world from micro space of a village to macro space of a global village. It has been a change from the world of ‘message runner’ to the networks of ‘internet.’ There is a spatial enclosure with the speed of modern mechanism making the distance so little in all levels. The range of social change has encompassed all aspects of life, with westernization being a leading element of social change bringing differences in approach, perspectives and lifestyle.
The governing organization has had the variation as the society went through the different phases of time. The system of Gaonburah and Dobashi introduced by the
British has become the rule of the day. Dobashis have become the guardians of the
1 H.K. Rawat, Sociology, Basic concepts, Rawat Publications: Jaipur, 2012, p.269. customary law. In every district and sub-divisional level there is Dobashis’ court. The shift of authority from traditional village council to the government administrative system is an obvious shift in the guard of rule. The village council is empowered to keep up the law and order in the village and the government carries out the developmental works through VDB, in which all the village council are also members.
VDB is animated by the Chairman selected for a term of five years. While referring to the Court of justice in district level or state level for settlement of cases there is a clear declining of the village polity in practice. This has been the direct impact of globalisation and imposing growth of modernization. However there are sufficient cases of adherence of people to the traditional methods of conflict resolution believed and practiced especially in the rural environment. There is a deep rooted sense of belonging of the people to the village and the village system of sustenance. The creation of village council was in view of having a medium of interaction between the government administration and the villagers in the grassroots. It was aimed at decentralization of power and better implementation of policies and programmes in the lower level. It is a process of adaptation and renewal. In connecting the various levels of leadership under the umbrella of the Government administration, it brings them closer and obviously it builds a network of relationship; providing room for wider outlook and greater vision in the leadership. Under the influence of modern education and exposure to a bigger world, there is the resultant effort to improve the legal system of the traditional society. While, ‘eye for an eye, tooth for tooth,’ was in practice in settling of disputes in the olden days, the present world brings out a renewed outlook through modern codification of the traditional laws and practices. The society is in a state of flux. With the ongoing progress in the upgradation of the infrastructure and there is a need to upgrade the village leadership with an organizational development.
With the wider gulf between the traditional and modern ways of thinking and implementation of policies, there can be fallout in the end-result. Therefore it is not that the modernization of the governance is outplaying the traditional mode or that they are incompatible, but it is about actualization of the modern developments through education and training to adopt and upgrade for a desired end. It is observed that the vast majority of the Yimchunger Kiulongthsürü in the area is uneducated and even illiterate. It is not easy for them to deal with the implementation of modernized governing policies. On the other hand, it is being complemented by the presence of the educated and enlightened younger generation who are taking active part in the organizations like VDB and other agencies working in the village. The challenge of the time is to build these agencies into implementing unit of all round development of the village and the society at large.
The governing system had the structure and method of functioning from time immemorial. The later days saw the changes in the form and policies in the hands of the British and the Indian government. The introduction of Village Council Act has brought out some functional adjustments of the village governing system. It is important to mention that the changes are better observed taken in two aspects; form and function. As explained in the third chapter on the governing system, the British combined the existing mode of leadership and their own administrative purpose and strategy, thereby keeping up both the local and their own. The British wanted the political mileage in their way while the local population felt elevated with the recognition and the process of doing things their way. In this the basic structure seemingly remained untouched but the policy making changed with external administrative offices having the decision power in their hand and it converted the local authority into an implementing agencies. It is a fact that the application of tribal rules and customs in the court of justice has prevailed and it has sustained the traditional governance in its own way. The bottom-line principle ensures that the village membership is paramount for the Yimchunger Naga. The village is basis of one’s identity and the rest of life is based on it.
Over and above the various political and social administrative developments, the Nagas in particular enjoy the liberty to pursue their own traditional customs and customary laws. Article 371 A(1) of the Indian Constitution ensures the customary law and practice that the processes of dispensing justice, administration of the villages and land ownership and its transfer will be according to the Naga customary laws. Further as mentioned above, the formation and functioning of the Naga Tribal courts in the villages and the Dobashi courts in the administrative circles of the government also assures the practice of customary law. The proceedings are conducted in these courts strictly according to the tribal laws and regulations. This is amply supported by the due recognition of the Tribal Chief by the government as in the case of the Ang of the
Konyaks. They play vital role in the mechanism of social management not only within a village but also for the tribe in general. Among the Nagas, the Konyaks have the most effective hereditary chieftainship. It is maintained through the inter-village marital links of the clans of the different Angs. The principal wives of the Angs are taken from the chiefly clans of other villages. The Angamis have a council of elders at different levels of clan and village. The elders are the representative of the clan/khel. They maintain that they never had a strict system of chieftainship. Settlement of village disputes and other problems pertaining to the village was done by a council headed by the oldest member of the village selected by the village community through an age-set system. Among the Sema Naga tribe, the Chief was very powerful and he administered the village through the help of chochomi. The traditional administrative systems of tribes like Lothas and Rengmas are unique in their own way with a share of democratic formation of those governing the village. The Ao Nagas on the other hand have a highly elaborate village council composed of the elders (tatar) representing the clans for fixed periods. The body of rulers, putu-menden, ensures the administration of the village for the stipulated time. The impact of Christianity has been significant in the governing system of the
Yimchunger Nagas as much as in the case of other Naga tribes of the state. The christianised and educated elite playing their new role of influence in the village council, Area Council, etc, there is the emerging middle class. It is also observed that with the gradual association and onset of social developments in various forms, many traditional practices and customs of the Yimchunger Nagas have become part of a folk tale and costumes and attires part of museum. For instance the bachelors’ Dormitory, once revered as an essential necessity of a village, is a rare and nominal. The dress pattern has taken altogether a new turn, making the customary weaving and wearing part of ancient look. This is more than clear when we notice that in the modern world where there is hardly any marriage taking place with the wedding couple in cultural attire. Dress, ornaments, art, music, architecture, etc., have all been invaded by the westernized designing and view of life. Referring to the various agencies of change in
Indian society, Srinivas, the great Indian sociologist, defines westernization as “the changes brought about in Indian society and culture as a result of over 150 years of
British rule, the term subsuming changes occurring at different levels…technology, institutions, ideology and values.”2 According to him, westernization is better preferred to modernization. He opines that the modernization is based on the principle of rationality of goals which can’t be taken as for granted, since human ends are based on value preferences. According to his writings, the Westernization basically implies the
2 M.N. Srinivas, “A Note on Sanskritization and Westernization,” in Caste in Modern India and Other Essays, London: Asia Publishing House, 1962, p.55. impact which is historically untenable and unavoidable.3 Close to Westernization is the social development of modernization, in which the elements are included which come about by a revolution in the means of communication, more urbanization, more literacy, increase in the per capita income, adult franchise, etc. The carriers of westernization especially in the tribal regions of North East India included mostly those who were indirectly influenced by it, like those who received new education, the missionaries, those who entered into trades or served as professional staff under
British, etc. The effects of industrialization and urbanization in the modern India have changed the rural structure too. There have been changing outlook in the practice of the traditional social organization. This is amply visible in the development of the ‘village based functioning of the ‘Kiulongthsürü’ of the olden times to the nationally related
‘village councils.’ So also the changes are seen in the various other social realms such as marriage, family, literature, art, religion, etc. Modernization is often spoken in terms of the urbanization of the region. According to S.N Eisenstadt, ‘Historically, modernization is the process of change towards those types of social, economic and political systems that have developed in Western Europe and North America from the
17th to 19th century and spread to other European countries and later to South
American, Asian and African countries. It is displayed through social mobilization, social differentiation and urbanization, social political movements, education,
Organizational systems, etc. In India it has impacted through industrialization,
3 M.N. Srinivas, Social Change in Modern India, Los Angeles: California, 1966, p.7. urbanization, secularization, etc.4 There is a growing inflation of the urban population in the state due to various factors. Dimapur, Kohima and Mokokchung are the fast growing towns in terms of facilities and modern standards of living. With the advancement and developmental works centered on the towns and rural areas getting neglected there is a wide gap between the urban and rural regions. The rural areas are deprived of transport and communication facilities apart from other basic necessities like education and health care. On the contrary, the facilities for education, medical care, transport, etc., are of great thrust given in the urban area. This evidently causes further flow of people especially the educated and skilled labourers to move out into the towns and greater urban areas in search of better job and living facilities. The insecure social situation and lack of industrial entrepreneurships within the state also add reasons for many talented and trained people to go out for jobs. An analytical approach from the cultural perspective reveals that such migration of people from the tribal and communitarian traditional living style make them lose their traditional binding. Modernization clearly brings in changes. Consequently new trends, new groups and new ways of livings emerge. In order to smoothen and regularize the social management there needs to be a guided transformation of the society, which is aimed at progressive democratic, social and scientific ideals. This calls not only for structural changes but also functional changes, requiring the promotion of values of mutual tolerance, equality, etc. Good leadership is a key element in this regard and good
4 Sharma, op.cit. p.356. leadership is mutually related to the availability of good citizens in the society. The
Yimchunger society is a well-knit Naga tribe with its past history, coloured with customs and traditions. It stands to face the ‘challenges’ of time as a society in the global village. In the growing impetus of globalization and modernization, many traditions stand to be overrun and forgotten. Therefore, it is precious to preserve and promote the cultural and traditional values of Yimchunger tribe. The institution of kiulongthsüru is not an entity in itself away from the rest of social and cultural realms but it is a well-knit unit of the society connected with all other structural and functional elements of a society. The plans and programmes especially in the field of material and physical developments through Five Year Plans, Rural Development Programmes,
Employment Schemes and policies, and such moves of the Government have brought structural and behavioural changes in the people of the state. The economic advancement is a radical change of the time. The development is too common a word in present time, but it is often limited to the material aspects of life. The word is equally important to refer to the human development. Material development without human development brings more problems than prosperity. Both phases of development are equally important that one alone can’t ensure holistic prosperity of the human world. Given the organizational structure of the land, the village communities and councils have great role in responsibly caring for the proper upbringing of the people of the land. Ensuring of proper functioning of public institutions and resources like schools and hospitals, proper implementation of fund allotment for developmental projects, impartial supervision of law and order, improvisation of agricultural methods, revitalization of ecological resources, preservation of social and cultural values, etc., are of great urgency in the modern world. The involvement of village council/leaders is spread out through planning, implementation and responsible accounting of the developmental activities.
The Yimchunger Nagas are consisted of six sub-tribes and clans, with their own dialects, festivals, textile, etc., believe in the common ancestry and commits to keep up the unity among its members. This is fundamental to their identity as a tribe, related to all aspects of life from birth of an individual to the governing system practiced by the tribe. The unity and oneness of the Yimchungers are preserved through continuous efforts of the leaders over the course of time. The inner unity is strengthened through activities of common interest by associations and other social platforms of togetherness. Yimchunger Nagas had a hidden past in comparison to other tribes in consideration of their contact with the outer world. They are rarely referred to in the early writings of the historians and other writers like the British historians making us to assume that there was very limited interaction of the tribe with the outside world in the olden days. They are simple, friendly and hardworking. They have lived in a world of their own establishing villages one after another. The oral traditions describe that they struggled to make their own settlements as of today fighting out their way against the neighbouring tribes and through the practice of head hunting. The Yimchungrüs are an agrarian people. Their life style is closely related to land and nature. The traditional tribal feasts, ceremonies, sacrifices and rituals are timed according to the jhuming cycle. These feasts and ceremonies have both social and religious characters. Agriculture is another area of change that creates ripples of impact in other aspects of social life. The age old agro-based community that practiced jhuming now stands to increase the ecological imbalance. In the face of modern demands of expensive monetary exchanges as part of daily living, jhum cultivation is highly inadequate. Lack of implementation of industrial agricultural methods and modules, lack of irrigation facilities, poor road connectivity, etc., leave people to hapless situation. In the given situation, the terrace cultivation, cash-crop cultivation, etc., are on the increase. Lack of literate and trained farmers to adopt and implement the modern machinery and methods in agricultural is another reason for the slow growth in this sector. The mode and outlook of life, built around the agricultural life- pattern of Yimchunger Nagas for centuries now stands to alter with the changes in this arena of life.
Yimchungrüs retain their distinctness through their traditional practices, value system, cultural observances, religious life and the outlook of life. We discover that
Yimchungrü traditional life has been strongly led by faith in the divine inspiration. The people’s response to this divine inspiration is seen in the various beliefs and practices of the tribe. Yimchungers, though unknown for its true genesis, are called animists taking the term in its wider meaning in reference to the religious beliefs and practices. Their belief in a supreme power, called ‘Arimpuh,’ is expressed in various practices of life. They adhere to this power faithfully and fearfully as it has control over everything in the universe and also believed to make its presence felt in day to day life of all.
The past story of Yimchunger Nagas is limited to the head-hunting days of old and establishing their own villages and fields for their survival. That has changed.
Christianity, though relatively young in Yimchungrü land, has been the greatest institutional impact-creator. The progress can be compared to the growth of a little seed to a glamorous tree. Christianity has come as close as the identity of the tribe. Christian colour and cultures pervade the Yimchunger world in all walks of life. There is obviously a challenging quest to make it reflect in personal living. There are reasons more than many showing the gulf between proclamation of faith by word and living witness in action. This leaves a world of contradiction to anyone who observes the society closely. Christianity is not about replacement of an existing culture with another but a way to make Yimchungers better Yimchungers. Yimchungrü culture and
Christian message are not two opposing forces. In many areas they mutually enrich each other. These meeting points need to be highlighted and made known as
Yimchungrü Christians. Today it will not be possible to replace what is Christian with
Yimchungrü cultural elements or vice versa but can be meaningfully interpreted them, helping the Yimchungers to deepen in Christian faith and cultural values. The modern world considers the educational advancement as paramount for all forms of social development. The survey shows an increasing number of schools and the students who attend it. Though the society, a few decades ago, discouraged education and prevented the girl-children attending school, the present day status shows that there is an increased effort emphasizing the need for educated generation.
The RTE (right to education) regulations under the aegis of the Directive Principles of
State Policy of the Constitution of India has laid down more effective possibilities to ensure free and compulsory education upto the age of fourteen. Census 2011 indicates that the literacy rate of Tuensang District is 73.08% and of Kiphire District it is
69.54%. The Government of Nagaland brought to effect the Communitisation of Public
Institutions and Services Act, 2002 and framed the rules for Communitisation of
Elementary Education to involve the community in sharing the responsibilities for the management of elementary education and to inculcate a sense of responsibility to the community. Based on the initial experience and response of the people in 2003, Mr.
Chuba Chang, then Minister for Education, Nagaland, said that the department is hopeful that through the policy of Communitisation the inherent problems of control, monitoring, supervision, management of both manpower & finance will be streamlined.5
5 Mr. Kiremwati, The First Year of Communitisation of Elementary Education in Nagaland, 2002-2003, Kohima: Government of Nagaland, 2003, p.7. The Naga villages, once self-governed and self-sufficient, are described as village-Republic. They possessed indigenous traditional system of governance and development including the system of ‘morung’ for education. The introduction of school opened by American Missionaries assisted by the British interrupted the continuity of the traditional ways of the society. The little-learned began to man the offices as clerks. The society slowly formed the class of elite by those associated with the British officers and on the other side were the ordinary villagers. The possibility of salary lowered the dependence on land for some section of the society. The class system that began with the ‘white-collar’ job became mark of the day with the fast growth of education and western culture. It has also adversely affected the clan system with more and more mixed marriages taking place across tribes and communities.
Intra-clan marriage, robbery, murder, rape, etc., which were rare because of the serious implications and positive disposition of the community, have now overtaken the peace and tranquility of the society.
The base of the Yimchunger society is the clan system, which controls and regulates many matters of social living individually and collectively. It has had positive impacts such as caring and responsible sharing with those who are otherwise weak and orphaned. Originally it meant safety, security through representation in the
Kiulongthsürü. It assured that all members of the village are taken into consideration through their representation in the council. In the negative side in the modern world we see that it is growing into a form of a pressure group coercing the decision-making process such as electoral politics.
The world is growing amazingly global and the land of Yimchungers is catching up at a considerable speed in regard. The external and material properties like dress, art, music, infrastructure, etc., adequately display this effect. The survey brings to light with adequate proof in the deterioration of the traditional and cultural values and the insufficiency of genuine effort in rediscovering the same, and are found to be limited to the ideas of ‘cultural programs, exhibition, festal gathering,’ etc. It shows that the popular programs are not substantiated with the education and promulgation of the values and norms which are deep in its meaning. It is required that more serious aspects of culture like literature, music, ethics, morality, values, etc., should be rediscovered with its original sense along with the effort to display the material aspects of the culture. The traditional knowledge about health care and nutrition will be of great strength and contribution towards sustaining the cultural wealth if it is recognized and reorganized through proper documentation and practical follow up. The study observes that very many areas of life remain untouched and invites future endeavours of research in the field of sustaining the cultural values amidst the globalized world, imparting the cultural values and values of the tribe to the growing generation, who are severed from the culturally animated social life. It shows that the use of indigenous and alternative systems of medicine can be enhanced within the framework of overall health infrastructure available for people through research, institutions, hospitals and other ways of establishment.
The study on the ‘Governing system of Yimchunger Nagas’ was a confined attempt to rediscover the people, Yimchunger by name, and based on the topic of research to understand their identity in the context of their historicity, geo-social environment, customs and traditions. The magnanimity of resourcefulness around the tribe is a lot more. The future holds rooms for greater possibilities, which can broadly be termed as ‘empowerment.’ The process of empowerment enables individuals and groups to fully access personal or collective power, authority and influence and to employ that strength when engaging with other people, institutions or society.
Empowerment is not giving people power, as they already have plenty of it, but it is enhancing the wealth of their knowledge and motivation to do for themselves more magnificently. The process of empowerment is letting one’s power out into the world for the benefit of all. It encourages people to gain the skills and knowledge that will allow them to overcome obstacles in life or work-environment and ultimately help them develop from within themselves and the society. The arena of empowerment includes further measures of study and research. The study takes us to further concerns that ensure good governance, which is an inclusive process of actualization of what is desired and decided. Yimchunger governing system is a collective process therefore the various groups within the system are addressed while talking about the possibility of empowerment. Educated leadership is essential for the development of the society. The various efforts by way of policies and projects have not diminished the traditional governance of the Yimchungers in principle. They have in no way proven to be hindrance either. However the lack of educative formation to absorb the nature and functioning of the advancement in policies has affected the overall functioning of the local governing agency. It is necessary that the village governing agency be adequately trained in line with the developments of the governing system in the local level as well as state and national level. Administrative advancement is the requirement of the society and it is possible with the empowerment of those directly responsible. The traditional mode of ‘morung education’ suited to the time in training the young generation to the demands of the society. In the preset age, the morungs have gone past and they have been partially replaced by the schools. Given the ordinary experience of village affairs in the ordinary circumstances, the managerial skill will remain limited without further experiencing the new. It was also found that the knowledge level of the vast majority of the members of Village Education Committee in the village is limited to school as an institution and that too in its functional level. This makes their responsibility limited to the external management of the school. Thus, they become limited in their personal and organizational capacity to develop or substantiate the curriculum and the functioning of the school from within. For instance, the practice of proxy teacher or the absence of the teachers is directly connected to the influential leaders of the society and it is practically impossible for the Village Education
Committee to take action or follow the procedure impartially. They remain handicapped by the simple fact that they are not the final authority in the actual execution of policies and programmes. Therefore it stands wide and clear that the village leadership/micro leadership will have to be educated and empowered through various ways like updating trainings, exposure programmes and public accountability.
Social cohesion is achieved through equality of its members in relation to the availability of the resources. This calls for concern in relation to the education of women and girls in the context of Yimchunger Nagas. Special measures will be needed to eliminate discrimination, universalize education, eradicate illiteracy, create a gender- sensitive educational system, increase enrolment and retention rates of girls and improve the quality of education to facilitate life-long learning as well as development of occupation/vocation/technical skills by women. Sociological empowerment often addresses members of groups who have excluded through discrimination based on disability, race, ethnicity, religion or gender. There are numerous efforts in the national and international level, focus on gender equality and the empowerment of women. For instance, there have been major World Conferences on women – Beijing 1995, Nairobi
1985, etc. The principle of equality is enshrined in the Indian constitution in its
Preamble, fundamental Rights, Fundamental Duties and Directive principles. The 73rd
Amendment, Article 243 D (2), reserves one third of the seats in the Panchayats for women. The Constitution not only grants gender equality but also empowers the State to adopt measures of positive discrimination in favour of women and the downtrodden.
Sano Vamuzo in the background of the ‘Women Reservation Bill,’ says that in a society, women cannot decide on the welfare of men. 6 Likewise, men cannot decide the fate of women. Hence, decision making body consisting of only men who comprise of only 50 percent of the population cannot be taken as the decision-making body of the people. The body should comprise of both genders to make it comprehensive and more efficient, because a society can never become a developed society without the support from the womenfolk. This reservation for women would ensure a significant presence, enabling them to act as an important pressure group. The presence of a critical mass of women would lighten the sense of responsibility among women, ensuring that their interests would be adequately represented. Given the Christian background of the state, it can be considered that from the Biblical perspective it requires all Christians to pursue relationships of mutual submission and of reciprocal servanthood. As Christians, all are to partner with and complement each other in building a society that honours this principle and to recognize the divine mandate from
God as responsible stewards of His creation. The present structure of governing system with patriarchal domination, it does not seem to be quite ready yet to share political power with the womenfolk, conveniently citing the Naga customary laws as the supporting arguments for the leadership privileges. Traditional and cultural layout out of the society does not seem to give women equal access to power as men. So the patriarchal mind coupled with the rigid customary laws restricts women’s possibility to have inheritance, political participation and equal social opportunity causing a distinct
6 Sano Vamuzo presented her arguments as the Chairperson of Nagaland State Commission for Women. lower social status for women. Women are practically excluded from all important decision making bodies such as Tribal Council, VDBs, Village Councils and State
Legislative Assembly. However positively talking the growth of Women Associations like Yimchunger Women Association, Eastern Naga Women Organization, etc., are growing marks of their concern heard more than earlier. Today the empowerment of women has become necessary as an integral part of development and progress which can be vitiated through policy making for which reservation is aimed to provide an equal field to women folk. It is to empower women whereby they are able to organize themselves, increase their own self reliance, to assist their independent right to make choice, to control resources which will assist in challenging and eliminating their own subordination. Globalization has presented new challenges for the realization of the goal of empowerment, gender equality, resource-management, etc. The micro-level studies that were commissioned by the Department of Women & Child Development, presents the lack of access to employment and quality of employment for women.
Benefits of the growing global economy have been unevenly distributed leading to wider economic disparities, the feminization of poverty, increased gender inequality through often deteriorating working conditions and unsafe working environment especially in the informal economy and rural areas. Strategies should be designed to enhance the capacity of women and empower them to meet the negative social and economic impacts, which may flow from the globalization process. The health-care provisions, mother and child care, etc., are related matters in the over-all development of the women status and economy. Achieving true gender equality, however, requires resolving the many inequities, discriminations and barriers that are encountered by both women and men. Empowering women and men is an indispensable tool for advancing both human and social development, reducing poverty and improving prospects for future generations.
Kiulongthsürü is the organizational structure of governance of the Yimchunger
Nagas, based on the act of founding the village. The founders share the responsibility by maintaining and sustaining it into a mature society. There are many who share this responsibility in the form of various offices thereby clearly displaying a system of division of labour. Apparently the power is vested on a single person called
‘kiulongtsüpu’ but it in practice it is a shared responsibility accomplished by the elders of the village. The land is the identity and source of sustenance. The practices, customs, traditions, laws, observances, etc., are all aimed at the well being of the entire community. The individuals belong to a family, clan and finally to the tribe. No one is an orphan or wayward in the tribe. Everyone belongs to others and everyone has the responsibility to each other. The feasts and festivals are source of celebration and renewal of commitment to the society. The rules are in place to regulate and control the disobedient members of the society. The society also has a network of beliefs and religious practices. The modern nature of Yimchunger Naga tribe is undoubtedly the impact of Christianity, education, modern Political organization and globalization. Though there have been various changes in different aspects of the governing
System of the Yimchunger Nagas, it is important to note that the continuity of tribal institutions and traditions has been ensured of its relevance across centuries. Nagaland
Village and Area Council Act 1971, enacted by the Government of Nagaland is a combination of both the traditional and modern Village Council System, assuring the traditional principles to be at work in the management of the village in the modern circumstances. Suiting to the modern developments of election of representation and head of an organization, the Act places rules concerning appointment of Members,
Secretary and Chairman of the Village Council with further rules on tenure and payment as honorarium. Funding of developmental projects through State and Central
Government agencies is a further step towards the modernization of the Village
Governing system. With these modern elements at work, a lot more is seen in terms of the prevalence of the customary elements in the field of governance. The traditional mode continues to be at work for instance, in the settlement of land disputes, theft, murder, marriage, divorce, adoption, etc. So also we see that the traditional value system continues to be in effect in the practices of opening a new village, selection of the members to the Council, appointment of the Head Gaonburah, etc. It is observed that in the decision making process there is respectful superiority to the traditional heads of the village in comparison with the elected or appointed members. The administrative powers are now shared between the Village Council and the Civil
Administration. The village Council, as mentioned in the statutory law, shall be auxiliary to the district administration and shall have full power to deal with the internal administration of the village including law and order, maintenance, etc. Every recognized village in Nagaland has a village council which duly approved by the state government. In this way the traditional system of governance and its structural organization is not ignored but village council is the adapted form of the traditional mode of governance. The introduction of the village council has not negated the customary laws and regulations but legalized and approved its practice within the context for actualization. According to Yogendra Singh, “tradition is a cumulative heritage of society which permeates through all levels of social organization, for example, the value system, the social structure, and the structure of personality.”7 It is a social heritage. Sociological perspective of tradition emphasizes the functional role of the various elements of the society. The governing system is the means through which the society maintains its order and controls its disorder. The Yimchunger system of governance, ‘Kilongthsürü,’ has the basic elements at work such as kinship-bonds, territorial foundation, ethnic boundary, headman assisted by the village-elders, management of law and justice and property relations are all analytically tied together.
Land and clan organization are two outstanding features of the system. N.K. Das speaks of the North East tribal village organization as ‘the typical early state’8 in which ties of kinship were counterbalanced by those of locality, where competition and
7 Rajendra K. Sharma, Indian Society, Institutions and Change, New Delhi: Atlantic Publishers, 2004, p.324. 8 N.K. Das, Ethnic Identity Ethnicity and Social Stratification in North East India, New Delhi: Inter- India Publications, 1989, p.81. appointment are counterbalanced the principles of heredity, where non-kin officials and title-holders played a leading role in administration, and where redistribution and reciprocity dominated the relations between the social strata.9
Yimchunger Kiulongthsürü is an ever green influence in the life of a
Yimchungers not only in terms of an administrative unit but a way of living as a member of a village, clan and tribe. Tradition and Modernity are two features equally affecting the Yimchunger society of the present time. There are three levels of thought prevalent in the social world. The first group holds on to the traditional aspects of life by which they measure the happenings of the time as right or wrong. Second is the group that holds modern outlook in doing things, with very little attention to what is considered traditional practice having no reasonable authority over the matter. The third group is the one which works out an amalgamation of the two. The introduction of Gaonburas & Dobashis, Village Council and Communitisation Policy are some clear examples of it. Preservation of the traditional authority of the law has been ensured through the posts of Gaonburahs and Dobashis, while the VDB is the medium of management of modern policies. The tide of time witnesses the transition of beliefs, customs and practices. The establishment of Village Council is an indication of perfect transition of the ancient into the modern, the rigid exclusion of women from the village
9 Ibid. decision making body in spite of the policies by the government is an example of the continued existence of deeply rooted traditional perspective.
The observation on the organizational governance of the village tells us that in the current world it is greatly influenced by the political parties. The fund allotment and employment are greatly controlled by the political organization in line with the political parties. This causes division in loyalty and vision of the leaders in various levels. The respondents to the research-questionnaire said that this cannot be proved by way of rules and regulations but it is a matter of experiential impact. In the absence of extensive measures to check corruption, the governance of the village is affected in all ways; from selection to evaluation. The Indian nation is a vast geographical unit. It consists of big area of land and people. The states, mostly formed in the background of cultural diversity, display unity in diversity. It is a collection of varied people, culture, topography, climate, etc. In terms of government policies this has great impact.
Yimchunger population, inhabiting in the eastern land of the sate of Nagaland, has its own variation and variety in comparison with other areas of state and the nation at large. This reveals that the implementation of government policies cannot have its expected outcome without taking into consideration the local situations. Administrative re-organization is an ‘accomplishment in process.’ Therefore the formation and articulation of policies need their basis in the actual context for implementation. Urban- rural differences, developed-undeveloped areas, educated-uneducated population, tribal-population, etc., are important aspects that play considerable role in the actualization of a policy. Policies of governance and management are inherent in traditional and modern forms of government. The goal and objective laid out by both are largely the same in principle though they differ in the methods of implementation. The level of efficiency and impact depends on the agency for organized monitoring of the various matters of governance. There is obviously the lack of such efficient and impartial monitoring of the village governance system. The desire for improved status is to be supported by such agency for organized monitoring of the functions of governing body to bring to effective accomplishment. Jonathan Fox provides a useful definition of ‘accountability politics’ as ‘the arena of conflict over whether and how those in power are held publicly responsible for their decisions’. This helps to highlight that accountability is not only a set of institutional mechanisms or a checklist of procedures, but an arena of challenge, contestation and transformation.
It is a matter of further research and study to bring to light the various aspects related to the Yimchunger Nagas as a tribal society. Migration of the tribals from their parent village in search of education and job and its immediate consequences in the village governance, Political Awareness and participation, Diversified economy,
Yimchungers from local to global world, etc., are some of the emerging areas of concern which require further analysis to know its impact on the social life and its specific influence on the governance of the village. The small world of a village- homeland of the olden days is now widely connected to a region, state, nation and the world. So also the world of problems such as environmental pollution, deforestation, menace of cancer, AIDS, etc., have become the problems of tribal villages too. The impact of modern media and internet which connects anyone to anyone across the globe has its role in the social formation of a Yimchunger Naga, no matter where one lives. The tribals can no longer be termed as people restricted to a land of their own.
They have become a part of larger process of globalization.10 Therefore the observations made above open the doors for further queries on the various further developments related to the governing mechanism of Yimchunger Nagas. Theory,
Method and Data are important elements of a study on the society. The Indian sociologists vary in their methodological approach. A.R. Desai speaks of orthodox
Marxists approach while M.N. Srinivas advocates British functionalism. S.S.Ghuraye,
R.N. Saxena, and A. K. Saran at large confirm to traditional perspective though differ in their views. Yogendra Singh on the other hands suggests a ‘synthesis’ of general and specific dimension in regard to sociology in India.11 On the intellectual pursuit,
‘indigenization and contextualization’ will pose to be further arena of study and research. Ramakhrishna Mukherjee speaks of Indian social institutions as unique and therefore the study of any society should be done in relation to that particular society in all aspects of observation and evaluation. Ideology, theory and method are related to
10 S.L. Doshi and P.C. Jain, Social Anthropology, Delhi: Mittal Publication, p.384. 11 B.K. Nagla, Indian Sociological Thought, Jaipur: Rawat Publications, 2011, p. 381. the context.12 The native scholarship will need to develop new methods and applicable theories in relation to the ‘native categories of thought and pattern of living.’ This will require indigenous techniques of research that will encompass the ‘sociology’ of tribal life and society with due emphasis on people as part of the whole as well as individual group of people. Indigenization is a plea for self-awareness and rejection of a borrowed consciousness and calls for an inside view.13 It demands for a re-examination of the very structure of social sciences and to evolve suitable strategies for their promotion in the differing and challenging situations of modern times. It is relevant also to see that the post-modernization with its inter-disciplinary approach makes a greater call on the cohesive approach towards societies emphasizing on thinking globally.
Yimchunger Tribal Society is unique in many aspects of life. Given the context of universal attitude of the present age, there is the need to overcome the narrow feelings and attain universalization, that is, to find space not only as a unique social group of themselves but also to be part of the larger society as people of state, nation and the world. It is to attain the larger spectrum of collective responsibility as members of the human world. It affirms the unity of mankind beyond the ethnic borders of tribal identity. It is largely relevant in the context of tribalism, regionalism and the partisan feelings that disrupt social order in the present context of Naga tribes across the region.
12 Ramakrishna Mukherjee, Sociology of Indian Sociology, Bombay: Allied Publications, 1979, p.40. 13 B.K.Nagla, op. cit., p.382. It is clearly observed that the social life of the Yimchunger Nagas is ever on the track of adaptation. It is a process ever on the motion with adjustments and adaptations.
In the world ahead, Yimchunger Nagas will uphold their traditions, with some adjustment, however, in getting into the rhythm of governance of the society in the modern context and complexity. The idea of local governance involves much wider meaning than that of local government. As Mishra states, governance refers to the way decisions about public affairs are made in a society and includes a variety of aspects and processes; organizationally therefore, it ranges over a much broader canvas than government entities.14 Maximising self-governance, introduction of participatory planning, rural development and development of sectors with comparative advantage pose for significant increase of the capacity of the people both in the government and private sectors. Together with the challenges of ethnical conflicts, poverty, illiteracy and political violence and their related impact on the upkeep of the governance of the society, capacity building and skill development to enhance their productivity, the need is to generate a class of enduring entrepreneurs and refined leadership within the tribal society, supported with the creation and development of institutional infrastructure and personnel.
14 T.M. Joseph (ed.), Local Governance in India, Ideas, Challenges and Strategies. New Delhi: Concept Publishing Company, 2007, p.xxii. BIBLIOGRAPHY
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Yimchunger, T. Lakiumong. (2000). The Traditional Beliefs and Practices of Yimchunger Nagas Kiussor: Kiussor Baptist Church.
Yonuo, Asoso. (1974). The Rising Nagas: A Historical and Political Study. Delhi: Vivek Publishing House.
Zehol, Lucy. (1998). Women in the Naga Society. New Delhi: Regency Publishers.
2. Articles
A. Journals
Asie Dwise, Corporate Governance: An Informative Glimpse, International Journal of Governance. 1(2), 2011, pp.206-214
Bose, Kumar Pradip. “Abstract Individual, Concrete Person: Overcoming Individualism in the Sociology of D.P. Mukerji.” Sociological Bulletin, vol.63, No.2, 2014. pp.185-205.
F.G. Bailey, “For a Sociology of India,” Contributions to Indian Sociology, No.111, July 1959, pp.81-82.
Kurian, Kokto. Parental Instruction in Yimchungrü Tradition. Oriens Journal. Vol.V, 2014, Shillong: Oriens Theological College. pp.160-174.
Lokho, N. “The Tradition and Culture Homogeneity of the Departed Nagas,” Josephite ‘98’, Jakhama: St Joseph College. pp.34-35.
Office Records on Court Proceedings, D.B’s Court, Shamator.
Peters, B. G. and J. Pierre. “Governance Without Government? Rethinking Public Administration.” Journal of Public Administration Research and Theory, Vol. 8, No. 2, 1998, 223-243. 258 Phutoli, Chingmak. A Theological Reflection on the Culture and Social Life of Tribals in India. Journal of Tribal Studies, Vol. III No.2. July – December 1999. Rajabari, Jorhat: Department of Tribal studies, Eastern Theological College.
Recommendations of Rajiv Gandhi Foundations Seminar on Panchayat Raj held at Kohima, 6-7 Aug. 1996, Government of Nagaland.
Singh, Yogendra. Indian Sociology,’ Current Sociology, Vol. 34, No.2, 1986, Summer.
Tiwari, R.K. ‘Tribal Development Administration: A Review.’ Public Governance and Decentralization, S.N. Mishra et.al. 2003, New Delhi: Mittal Publications.335- 344.
B. Newspapers
Razu, John Mohan. “Unmasking Democracy, Governance and Development,” Nagaland Post, Dimapur: 9th March, 2014, p.6.
Kinsela, Nivard, Doctrinal Life, 59/2, “People of Pungro Await development”, The Sentinel, Gawahati, 16th February 2011, p.4.
3. Websites http://www.e-pao.net, ‘Westoxification of Nagas,’ Mayori, R.S. http:// www.en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jean-Jacques_Rousseau as on 23rd June 2012. http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Governance as on 21 July 2010. http://www.census2011.co.in as on 2nd Feb. 2011 http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Social_contract as on 21 August 2011. http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Thomas_Hobbes, as on 23rd June 2012. http://www.philosophypages.com/hy/3x.htm as on 28th August 2012 http://www.nagaland.nic.in as on 20th September 2012 http://www.nagaland.gov.in as on 12nd April 2013. 259 http://www.encyclopedia2.freedictionary.com as on 3rd July 2013 http://www.historycentral.com as on 13th November 2013 http://www.iep.utm.edu as on 26 October 2014
260 ANNEXURE
Questionnaire
A. General Background of respondent
1. Name (optional)
2. Marital Status a. Single
b. Married
c. Divorcee
3. Sex a. Male
b. Female
4. Age
5. Occupation
6. Educational Qualification a. Under-matriculation
b. Matriculation
c. Pre- university
d. Graduate and Above
7. Present Address *
Ph. No. *
Email Id: *
8. Village & District
261 N.B
1. Kindly tick your choice among the multiple choice questions
2. Kindly substantiate your answer with supportive views wherever it is asked.
3. Please, do complete all the questions with utmost care.
4. Please use additional sheet of paper, if you would like to express your views related
to the topic of my research.
1. What do you think is the origin of the Yimchungrü tribe?
1. Migration 2. Originated from ‘Khemiphu’
3. Any other (Specify) …………………………………
2. Do you think that Yimchungrü tribe migrated to the present land along with the other tribes?
1. Yes 2. No
3. If yes, specify the tribe/s …………….……………………..
3. What tribe/s do you think Yimchungrü is closely related to in culture and traditions?
1. ……………………… 2 ……………………… 3. ……………………
4. Do you think that Kiulongtsiirü was the original governing body of the Yimchungrü Tribe?
1. Yes 2. No
262 5. Do you think that introduction of G.B’s and Dubashis by the Britishers hindered the traditional practice of Kiulongtsüpu?
1. Yes 2. No
If Yes, how? ……………………………………………………………….
6. Do you find that the Kiulongtsiirü of the olden time is similar to the present form of Village Council?
1. Yes 2. No 3. Can’t say
7. Can the Village Council be accepted as a better replacement of the traditional Kiulongthsiirü?
1. Yes 2. No. 3. Can’t Say
If no, why……………………………………………… ………………….
8. What, according to you, should be the relevant way to select the Village Chief (Hd. GB)?
1. Hereditary 2. Seniority 3.Election
2. Others (please specify) …………….
9. What should be the method, according to you, to induct a member to the council?
1. Hereditary 2. Clan representation
3. Election by the Village 4. Others (please specify) …………….
10. Do you think that the Village Council should be formed by the clan representatives?
1. Yes 2. No
3. If Yes/No, why ………………………………..
263 11. Do you think that women were well represented in Kiulongtsiirü?
1. Yes 2. No.
12. Do you think that Kiulongtsürü specifically upheld the rights and privileges of the women?
1. Yes 2. No
If yes, how ……………………… …………………… …………………
13. What is your view on the induction of women in the village council?
1. Needed 2. Not Needed
2. Each council can decide 4. Others (please specify) …………….
14. Do you support the 33% Women Reservation in Village Council?
1. Yes 2. No
3. Please specify your answer …………… ..……… ………… ….. .. …
15. What, according to you, is the main function of the Village Council?
1. Law and Order Situation 2. Welfare and Developmental works
3. Others (please specify) …………….
16. How do you rate the efficiency of the village Council in keeping up the customs and traditions of the tribe?
1. Active 2. Passive
2. Others (please specify) …………….
17. What, in your view, is the nature of the functioning of your Village Council?
1. Autocratic 2. Democratic
3. Theocratic 4. Others (please specify) …………….
264 18. How well does the Village Council settle various disputes among the villagers?
1. Very Efficiently 2. Efficiently 3. Not efficiently
19. Which according to you is the best system to deal with disputes among Yimchungrü Nagas?
1. Village Council 2. Dubashis’ Court
3. The Civil Court 4. Any other (specify) ……………………
20. In your opinion, has the formation of VDB in addition to the Village Council brought in better village governance?
1. Yes 2. No
If yes, how …………………………………………………..
21. Do you think that the introduction of Christianity has influenced the traditional practices of the village administration?
1. Yes 2. No
3. If yes, how ………………………………………………….
22. What do you think is the major change brought by Christianity with regard to village governance?
2. Structural difference 2. Organization
3. Value systems 4. Any other ………………………..
23. Do you think the modern education has changed the traditional form of village administration?
1. Yes 2. No
3. If yes, specify ………… ………..
265 24. Are you familiar with the Communitization Policy?
1. Yes 2. No
25. Do you think that the Communitization is same as the traditional governing system of the Yimchungrü tribe in principle?
1. Yes 2. No
26. Do you think that the policy of communitization has brought better governance to your village/town?
1. Yes 2. No
3. If yes, specify……………………………
27. Article 371 (A) in the Indian constitution has special features to protect the land and natural resources of the tribals. It gives various privileges for the protection and promotion of the cultural and traditional practices of the tribal people.
27. a. Are you aware the provision given to you through the constitution of the nation?
1. Yes 2. No.
27. b. Do you think that sufficient efforts are taken by the government to protect and promote the traditional practices of the Yimchungrü tribe?
1. Yes 2. No.
If No, what do you suggest …………………………….. ……………………….
28. Eastern Autonomous Council is a new proposal for the better governance of the Eastern Nagaland. Do you agree with this view?
1. Yes
2. No
3. Please elaborate your answer …………………………
266 2. Interview Schedule
The following questions frame the informative search on a person to person query in the form of informal interviews. The responses were recorded with the electronic media besides ‘paper and pen’ mode, for further analysis.
1. Could you narrate the origin of your tribe?
2. Could you kindly narrate about the six clans of the Yimchungrü tribe?
3. What are binding aspects of village membership?
4. Do you have a special procedure of ‘adopting’ new members to your village?
5. Could you explain the land owning system in the tribal tradition?
6. Could you explain the socio-economic status of the tribe over the past few decades especially, under the influence of Christianity, Political Organizations?
7. What is change that you notice in your tribal traditions and customs after becoming Christians, e.g. Naming Ceremony, Marriage, Family, funeral, etc?
8. What do you think is the change of traditional status of the Village Chief and his council in the modern context?
9. Earlier there was morung for training the youngsters. Now there are schools and colleges for youngsters. Are these sufficient replacements? Should we re-establish the morung? How have these modern institutions influenced the social life in the village?
10. What are the various traditional methods of dealing with conflicting situations? (e.g. theft, murder, accident, family conflict, conflict between clans, villages, tribes)
11. What do you suggest for the better implementation of the Indian constitutional provisions for the village/tribal functioning?
267 12. Earlier the village was managing its own village affairs. Then came the establishment of VCs, VDBs, etc. and brought them under a state-level network. How do you see the position of the village authority in this perspective? Has it given a better status to the village governing body? Or has it made the village governing body, one time independent, now more dependent and controlled by an external body?
13. In the present times, the village developmental activities are directly or indirectly controlled by the political leaders. How does it affect governance as a whole?
14. How do you explain the role of Yimchungrü Tribal Council in relation to the functioning of your village council?
15. How do you explain the importance of the ‘Backward Quota’ as a means of economic and social upliftment of the Yimchungerü Nagas?
16. What measures do you suggest for the better governance of the Yimchunger Naga Tribe (structural/occupational/organizational)?
268