NON-FORMAL EDUCATION AS A TOOL FOR EMPOWERING GIRLS AND WOMEN IN A RELIGIOUSLY CONSERVATIVE CONTEXT: THE CASE OF NORTHERN NIGERIA
Afolayan Gbenga Emmanuel
Diploma (Educational Management), University of Ibadan, Nigeria B.Ed (Counselling/Economics), University of Ibadan, Nigeria MA (Development Studies) International Institute of Social Studies, The Netherlands MA (Public Policy & Management) University of York, The United Kingdom
The thesis is presented for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy of Murdoch University. Western Australia 2021
1 DECLARATION STATEMENT
I declare that:
• This thesis is my own account of my research and contains as its main content work, which has not previously been submitted for a degree at any tertiary institution.
• This research was undertaken with approval from the Human Research Ethics Committee, Murdoch University (Approval number: 2016/193)
......
Afolayan Gbenga Emmanuel
2 ABSTRACT
Non-formal education has been attributed with many benefits for rural women who are unable to participate in formal schooling. However, little is known about the perspectives of non-formal education programs (NFEPs) from the lived experiences of females—especially in Nigerian Islamic conservative communities. To address this gap, this thesis explored multiple perspectives of NFEP from the lived experiences of females in a region with high rates of child marriage. Using a qualitative case study design, the data were collected through focus group discussions and interviews in two rural communities in northern Nigeria. Participants comprised two leaders from each community; three NFEP personnel; 28 females who had participated in a NFEP, and 24 females who had not participated in a NFEP (n=59). The findings provide unique insight that can guide the phenomenon of NFEPs for rural females in religiously conservative communities. The participants reported a need for literacy skills and economic independence and were generally quite positive about NFEPs in their communities. Most participants in NFEPs reported having increased knowledge, positive attitude and behaviours, improved ability to express themselves, partake in decision-making in the family, and to organise themselves for collective action—all of which resulted to empowering experiences. Also, most male partners (spouses), parents of the participants and male participants (community leaders) were supportive of the NFEP, supportive of women working outside the home and women earning money. The program participants reported that NFEP has been a positive influence on their self-worth, role in the society, future aspirations and dreams for their daughters because of their relative economic independence and the status they seem to enjoy within their communities. Female program non- participants support NFEP but many of them could not participate because their spouses and parents did not allow them. Thus, while many males supported the participation of women and girls in NFEP, gendered barriers still existed. In conclusion, females can be empowered in these conservative communities if it is done in a way that respects socio-cultural traditions.
3 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
First of all, I would like to appreciate the Lord for making it possible to complete my study in peace and not in pieces. Likewise, I would want to thank my previous supervisors, Dr Amanda Woods-McConney and Dr Lindy Norris, for their contribution and guidance which were so invaluable for my PhD journey.
My sincere thanks go to my principal supervisor, Associate Professor Laura Perry, for her knowledge, guidance and astonishing contribution towards the completion of this dissertation. I count myself lucky to have met Associate Prof Laura Perry as my supervisor from the beginning of my PhD journey at Murdoch University. I have been guided by a true mentor who has provided not just academic support necessary for this dissertation but indescribable inspiration, unflagging moral and emotional support throughout the years of my study. There were many turbulent moments that I faced during this journey which would have made me to quit than to continue. Her enthusiasm, encouragement and determination never allowed that to happen. I equally want to thank my co-supervisor Associate Professor Libby Lee-Hammond, whose knowledge, expertise, pertinent advice and inexpressible support gave me hope, life and great insight for my study. I consider it as a great opportunity to have worked with such a great and humane mentor.
I wish to also thank my two research assistants and Hausa interpreters/translators who provided support for me during the period of data collection. In Dutse (Jigawa State), I enjoyed and appreciated the collegiality and hospitality of POTHE and the kind assistance of their staff during the recruitment of the study participants and data collection. I also wish to thank all the community and religious leaders, Hausa-Fulani girls and women who took their time and participated in this study despite their busy commitments. Without their cooperation, commitment and openness, this dissertation would not become a reality.
The fact that this dissertation ever saw completion is largely due to the concerted effort of my beloved wife, Deborah Funmilayo Titilayo Afolayan. I am deeply indebted to her, especially for her unwavering support through thick and thin. Many thanks to my children (Patricia, Bridget, Anjola-Oluwa and van Roosevelt) for their support and understanding throughout my study and stormy moments. I specially want to acknowledge my late father, Pastor Folorunso
4 Afolayan, who tirelessly nurtured and trained me to become what I have become today. Special thanks also go to my loving mother, Mrs Rachael Titilayo Afolayan, including my siblings (Funmilayo, Bode and Iyanu-Oluwa) and my in-laws. Their unrelenting support and a strong belief in me throughout the study and writing process have greatly helped me to attain my predetermined goals. For record purpose, I need to acknowledge the contributions of my late sister (Name withheld) and late brother (Mayowa Afolayan) towards my academic journey. Unfortunately, they are no more to witness my academic achievements. My late grandmother-in- law, Madam Jenrola Adewole and my late mother-in-law, Madam Dorcas Aderonke Oke, deserve to be acknowledged too because they both played pivotal roles in my academic journey. They wholeheartedly supported me financially, morally and prayerfully, even until their last breath on earth. I express my profound appreciation to Professor Farooq Kperogi (Kennesaw State University, U.S.A), whose help in recommending professional and academic Hausa interpreters/translators greatly enhanced the transcription of the data and overall development of my analysis of the data. Lastly, I wish to acknowledge my colleagues and friends, Dr Janene Sproul and Dr Bisi Martins-Imonitie for proofreading some chapters of my dissertation.
5 TABLE OF CONTENTS
TITLE PAGE…………………………………………………………………………..1
DECLARATION STATEMENT……………………………………………………...2
ABSTRACT……………………………………………………………………………3
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS……………………………………………………………..4
TABLE OF CONTENT………………………………………………………………..6
LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS…………………………………………………………10
LIST OF FIGURES……………………………………………………………………11
LIST OF TABLES……………………………………………………………………..12
LIST OFAPPENDICES………………………………………………………………..13
1 INTRODUCTION ...... 14
1.1 RESEARCH PROBLEM ...... 14
1.2 NEED FOR THE STUDY ...... 18
1.3 RESEARCH QUESTIONS ...... 20
1.4 SETTING THE SCENE: A PERSONAL PERSPECTIVE ...... 20
1.5 ORGANISATION OF THE DISSERTATION ...... 23 2 RESEARCH CONTEXT...... 25
2.1 OVERVIEW OF NIGERIA...... 25
2.2 EARLY HISTORY OF NIGERIA BEFORE THE EXPANSION OF EUROPE...... 27
2.3 SOKOTO CALIPHATE ERA...... 28
2.4 BRITISH COLONIAL PERIOD IN NIGERIA...... 30
2.5 INDEPENDENCE, CIVIL WAR AND POST-CIVIL WAR...... 32
2.6 NORTHERN NIGERIA, GENDERED ROLES AND FAMILY...... 34
2.7 THE CULTURAL VALUES OF HAUSA-FULANI IN THE NORTHERN NIGERIA...... 37
2.8 THE RESEARCH SETTING: JIGAWA STATE, NIGERIA...... 39
2.9 CONCLUSION...... 42 3 RESEARCH CONTEXT AND THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK...... 44
6 3.1 LITERATURE SEARCHING AND DATABASES FOR THE STUDY ...... 44
3.2 NON-FORMAL EDUCATION (NFE) ...... 48
3.2 EMPIRICAL LITERATURE ON NFE ...... 53
3.4 LITERACY-FOCUSED NFE ...... 53
3.5 NON-GOVERNMENTAL ORGANISATION (NGO)...... 57
3.6 RELATIONSHIPS OF NGOS WITH CLIENTS, DONORS AND GOVERNMENT...... 63 3.6.1 Clients ...... 63 3.6.2 Donors/INGOs...... 65 3.6.3 Governments...... 67
3.7 PERSPECTIVES ON FEMALE EDUCATION...... 70 3.8 SOCIAL AND GENDER NORMS: WHAT THEY MEAN TO HAUSA-FULANI WOMEN IN
NORTHERN NIGERIA...... 72 3.8.1 Social norms...... 73 3.8.2 Gender norms...... 75
3.9 HAUSA-FULANI WOMEN IN DUTSE, JIGAWA STATE...... 78
3.10 USING A THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK ...... 81
3.11 STROMQUIST'S EMPOWERMENT FRAMEWORK...... 82
3.11.1 The cognitive dimension...... 84 3.11.2 The economic dimension...... 84 3.11.3 The political dimension...... 84 3.11.4 The psychological dimension...... 85
3.12 SIGNIFICANCE OF EMPOWERMENT FRAMEWORK FOR THIS STUDY...... 85
3.13 RELATED STUDIES OF WOMEN'S EMPOWERMENT PROGRAMS IN DEVELOPING COUNTRIES.87
3.14 CONCLUSION...... 92
4 RESEARCH DESIGN...... 94
4.1 EPISTEMOLOGICAL STANCES FOR THE STUDY...... 95 4.2 INTERPRETIVISM...... 98 4.3 THEORETICAL PERSPECTIVE FOR THIS STUDY: PHENOMENOLOGY...... 98 4.4 RESEARCH DESIGN...... 102 4.4.1 Qualitative approach ...... 102
7 4.4.2 Case study...... 104 4.4.3 The role of language and translators/interpreters...... 106
4.5 POSITIONALITY...... 108
4.6 REFLEXIVITY AND BIAS...... 113
4.7 DATA COLLECTION...... …...113 4.7.1 Selection of POTHE (Popular Theatre & Health Education Association...... 114 4.7.2 Recruitment of the study participants...... 115 4.7.3 Gaining access to female program participants...... … 117 4.7.4 Additional preparation for the people involved in data collection...... 119 4.7.5 Two female research assistants...... 119 4.7.6 Translators/Interpreters and the use of Hausa and English...... 120 4.7.7 Interviews...... 121 4.7.8 Focus group discussion (FGD)...... 124 4.7.6 Observation...... 128
4.8 DATA ANALYSIS...... 129 4.8.1 Transcription of the data...... 130 4.8.2 How the data were explicated and interpreted...... 130 4.8.3 A theme in relation to phenomenological research in education...... 131 4.8.4 Conducting a thematic analysis...... 132 4.8.5 Ethics and ethical conduct...... 133 4.8.6 Establishment of trustworthiness...... 134
4.9 CONCLUSION...... 135 5 FINDINGS...... 136
5.1WIDESPREAD SUPPORT FOR NFE PROGRAM...... 137
5.2 BENEFITS OF PARTICIPATION...... 141 5.2.1 Literacy...... 142 5.2.2 Life skills...... 143 5.2.3 Earnings...... 147 5.2.4 Aspirations...... 148 5.2.5 Relationships...... 149 5.2.6 Work...... 151
8 5.2.7 Greater feelings of self-efficacy...... 152 5.2.8 Independence...... 153 5.2.9 Community benefits...... 155 Ability to read, write and speak English Language...... 155 Able to work and contribute to household income...... 157
5.3 BARRIERS/CONSTRAINTS TO WOMEN'S EMPOWERMENT...... …...... 160 5.3.1 Husbands as a barrier...... 160 5.3.2 Parents/husbands as a barrier...... 162 5.3.3 Heavy burden of household works as a barrier ...... 165
5.4 CONCLUSION...... 165 6 DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSION...... 168
6.1 REVIEW OF THE RESEARCH PROCESS...... 168
6.2 ADDRESSING THE RESEARCH QUESTIONS...... 170 6.2.1 Research question one...... 170 6.2.2 Research question two...... 172 6.2.3 Research question three...... 175 6.2.4 Research question four...... 178 6.2.5 NFE program: Cultural change at an individual level...... 178 6.2.6 NFE program: Cultural change at community level...... 182
6.3 CONTRIBUTIONS TO THE LITERATURE...... 185
6.4 LIMITATIONS OF THE STUDY...... 187
6.5 INSIGHTS FOR POLICY AND PRACTICE...... 189
6.6 RECOMMENDATIONS FOR FURTHER RESEARCH...... 190
6.7 CONCLUSION...... 191
REFERENCES...... 193
9 LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS
BRAC Bangladesh Rural Advancement Committee
CARE Cooperative for Assistance and Relief Everywhere
ESSPIN Education Sector Support Programme in Nigeria
INGO International Non-Governmental Organisation
NFE Non-Formal Education
NFEP Non-Formal Education Programme
NGO Non-Governmental Organisation
NPC National Population Census
POTHE Popular Theater and Health Education Association
UNESCO United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organisation
UNICEF United Nations Children’s Fund
UPE Universal Primary Education
USAID United States Agency for International Development
10 LIST OF FIGURE
Figure 2.1 Map of Nigeria
11 LIST OF TABLES
Table 4.1: Interviews schedule—Example of interview question and possible prompts
Table 4.2 Community leaders
Table 4.3 NGO personnel
Table 4.4 Demographics of female program participants
Table 4.5 Demographics of female non-program participants
Table 4.6: Summary of the measures to ensure trustworthiness within this study
Table 5.1: Non-formal education program for rural young women
12 LIST OF APPENDICES
Appendix 1. Information letters
Appendix 2. Consent forms
13 CHAPTER ONE:
INTRODUCTION
1.1 Research Problem
For many years, both Christianity and Islam have had a widespread influence on education, gender relations, beliefs and perceptions of many people from different parts of
Nigeria (Afolayan 2011, 2019; Agbiboa, 2013; de Montclos, 2015). During the colonisation period, European missionaries and administrative governments established Western-type schools in Nigeria. The administration of those schools and the teaching of school subjects were predominantly handled by the European expatriates in both primary and secondary school levels.
Likewise, access to education was restricted in northern Nigeria, along the lines of gender, religion and social class (Afolayan, 2019; Callaway, 1987; Hoechner, 2011).
The education systems inherited from the British colonial government in 1960 was unable to meet the needs of Nigeria—a new country, especially for effective self-administration and swift economic growth. From this little beginning, the growth achieved in education in
Nigeria has been encouragingly notable. Between 1960 and 1983, the enrolment rates in
Nigerian institutions had approximately increased to 5 million (Lawson, 1995). The gross enrolment in primary schools rose from twelve 12 percent in 1960 to 48 percent in 1983
(Lawson, 1995). As a result, the massive educational expansion improved the participation of some groups who had previously been marginalised educationally or had no access to Western- type (formal) education.
Since the early 1960s, however, the progress in Nigerian education has been threatened, in part by the difficulties outside the education system itself. The growing population, ethnic
14 conflict and unfavourable economic situation of the country resulted in stagnated enrolments and poor quality of education in many regions in the early 1980s (Fafunwa, 2018; Miles, 2003;
Umar, 2007). To address the situation, there was a need to diversify the way education is being financed so as to maximise the efficiency and quality of the existing educational system, including the educational infrastructure (Afolayan, 2016a; Bamigboye, Ede & Adeyemi, 2016,
Lawson, 1995). A central concern is bridging the educational gap between males and females in general (Magashi, 2015; UNESCO, 2014). Several countries in the developing world have recorded a thriving growth in broadening the reach of education but in no developing country has men and women benefited equally. Such is the situation in Nigeria. Also, there is educational divide between the northern and southern regions of Nigeria, where enrolment of Hausa-Fulani females in the northern Nigeria is much lower than other regions in the nation (Adebowale,
2019; Afolayan, 2019; Callaway, 1987).
Hausa-Fulani people are mostly Muslims who strictly follow their own version of Islamic doctrines and laws. Hausa-Fulani’s Islamic doctrines and laws often shape their public and private life. In particular, Islamic doctrines shape the position of women in the society
(Afolayan, 2019; Ehrhardt, 2017; Robson, 2006, 2000). The 1999 Nigerian Constitution even allows predominantly Muslim states to apply Islamic Law (Sharia) to “personal matters”, such as property, custody, divorce and marriage. Hence, the protection of Hausa-Fulani women is restricted to those provided by the Sharia laws—a potent limitation to equal rights between men and women. In addition, the patterns of socialisation of Hausa-Fulani women could be termed to be an interplay of Islamic doctrines and strict interpretations of the Islamic laws whenever there are concerns about women’s rights (Afolayan, 2019). All these historical trajectories are reflected in their educational systems, as well as their attitudes towards formal education. Formal
15 education, however, is somewhat considered as an endangerment to Hausa-Fulani values, an endangerment considered to be a dangerous type of education for Muslim women whose duty is to protect Islamic traditions. Given these challenges, the case for bridging the inequalities between men and women through access to education has become crucial.
Generally, there is uneven opportunity and access to education in developing countries
(Afolayan, 2019; England, 2010; Hernandez, 2018; Shields et al., 2008). In particular, the right to education of girls and women has even been subjected to questioning in some settings in developing countries (Afolayan, 2019; Arends-Kuenning & Amin, 2001; Nussbaum, 2004;
Sensoy & Marshall, 2010). Rousso and Wehmeyer (2002) argued that in most educational settings in developing countries, gender bias is more pronounced than gender equity. For Drian
(2004), systemic discrimination against women is embedded in the economic, socio-political and linguistic structures of our society. Subrahmanian (2005) maintained that existing social norms about how the activities and social roles of women and men are to be valued determine the opportunities to which they can access. Women’s illiteracy is therefore the reflection of a socio- political and economic inequality which, to some extent, can result in limited access to education.
Relevant to out-of-school educational opportunities to women who have limited access or do not have access is a notion of education which was considered as an experiential continuum and a developmental initiative bigger than formal education. There had been a favourable historical context for a global interest in non-formal education which is fundamentally described as “any organised, systematic educational activity outside the framework of the formal school system to provide selective types of learning to particular subgroups in the population, adults as well as children” (Coombs & Ahmed, 1974, p.8). NFE programs for women have attracted
16 attention from researchers (Aikman & Unterhalter, 2005; Fennell & Arnot, 2007; Murphy-
Graham & Lloyd, 2016; Stromquist, 2015). Universally and specifically in sub-Saharan Africa, efforts to deal with out-of-school girls and women have included development interventions that focus on facilitating changes within the community and family to encourage female education.
Other intervention efforts have been aimed at developing and conducting non-formal education programs to educate girls and women or facilitate out-of-school females’ entry into school.
Despite several non-formal programs and approaches, the academic community would still need to explore their impacts from different perspectives and in different geographical locations in order to ascertain the potency of female-led, non-formal education programs especially in local or religiously conservative settings.
In spite of the bold undertaking by the Federal, State and Local governments to give
Hausa-Fulani a fair chance at non-formal education progams in Northern Nigeria, adherence to
Islamic doctrines appear to be the greatest challenge to their full participation in NFE programs, especially in rural Northern Nigeria. It is therefore the purpose of this study to investigate the lived experiences of rural young women who participated in a non-formal education program, from the multiple perspectives of different program stakeholders such as the participants of the program, non-program participants, religious and community heads and NGO workers. In addition, the study attempted to explore the benefits of participating in the program and socio- cultural complexities that tend to hinder the participation of women, as they relate to women’s participation in NFE program in such a conservative setting.
17 1.2 Need for the Study
My rationale for this research stems from the need to understand the multiple perspectives of non-formal education program in a conservative setting with high level of child marriage practices. Specifically, it examines the diverse perspectives of non-formal education program for young women living in rural and conservative settings (Archibald, 2015; Taylor et al., 2012).
Previous studies have been conducted regarding women’s participation in NFE program in West
Africa. International organisations such as AGILE (2020), British Council (2014), the World bank (2020) and UNESCO (2014) have all focused on general studies regarding out-of-school children and dropout rates of rural Hausa-Fulani girls/women, faulting religion and poverty as the underlying factors for regional disparities and low enrolment of girls in northern Nigeria— most of which consist only anecdotal reports of the NGOs about the programs. Ukwuaba’s
(2015) quantitative study focused on the extent to which participation in NFEs enhance healthy living practice among rural women in Southeastern Nigeria. Yamundow’s (2001) ethnographic study investigated the perception of women as it relates to the opportunity they have in education, including the strategies they adopt in overcoming the barriers against women in The
Gambia. The Gambia, as one of the countries in West Africa, shares some similarities with northern Nigeria but differs in terms of socio-cultural, economic, and political context.
Ishaq and Ali (2014) examined the factors affecting girls’ participation in NFE in northern Nigeria and explored the benefits of female education for society. They concluded that even though efforts were made by various governments to ensure educational opportunities for all, disparities still exist. These studies on women’s participation have their limitations. As much as they have all focused on exploring out-of-school females and females who dropped out of formal schooling, none focused on obtaining the viewpoints about NFEs from the multiple
18 perspectives of female program participants, female program non-participants, religious and village heads and NGO workers.
The present study attempted to interview young women who participated in the program as well as young women who did not, including the NGO workers and the community leaders
(religious and village heads). On the other hand, understanding the multiple perspectives of these girls and women helped to hear the direct voices and the lived experiences of the young women who participated in the program. Also, obtaining the viewpoints of girls and women who did not participate in NFE program also helped to analyse the socio-cultural limitations that deprived them of gaining access to education. Also, obtaining the viewpoints from community leaders and
NGO workers shed light on the benefits and barriers of the program.
The present study is complex, unique and may be useful for NGOs, international organisations, Nigerian education policy makers and women in conservative settings in general.
Exploring the lived experiences, socio-cultural cultural influences, complexities and factors affecting the participation of rural Hausa-Fulani women can promote the empowerment of women and other development interventions.
There are several empirical studies regarding women’s education specific to countries in
West Africa. Most of the literature comes from anecdotal and evaluation reports by NGOs which do not reveal details of the perceptions of the participants who are directly affected by the phenomenon that is being examined.
19 1.3 Research Questions
The main research question that guided the study was:
How do girls and women in Nigerian Islamic conservative communities perceive NFE program and what are the socio-cultural constraints that prevent access to this program?
Sub-questions:
1. How do women describe the impact of NFE personally and in their communities?
2. In what ways, if any, does NFE programming disrupt cultural norms that harm
women, and how do community members react to this potential disruption?
3. What are the socio-cultural factors that affect women’s participation?
4. In what ways is cultural change taking place due to NFE participation?
1.4 Setting the Scene: A personal perspective
This study has emerged out of the findings of my master’s dissertation in 2011. At the beginning of my master’s programme in the Netherlands, I read Simone de Beauvoir’s The
Second Sex in 2010. I immediately got struck by the dynamism and significance of the claims she made in the book. Inspired by the book, I decided to explore Beauvoir’s critical perspectives on gender as best as I could in my discussion of human rights and gender justice. I wanted to understand ‘why’. Why is life not so equal between men and women? Why have some socio- cultural practices made women invisible and subjected them to violence in some contexts?
20 This was how I delved into the research on widowhood practices and rights of women in
Nigeria as the area for my master’s dissertation (Afolayan, 2011). I investigated widowhood practices and rights of women in Nigeria and discussed how widows can be protected through the localisation of human rights norms. One of the findings in the dissertation was that most affected women were not educated enough to know their rights as human persons (Afolayan,
2011). This is considered as one of the confronting issues that face females living in the rural areas, especially as they attempt to gain access to educational opportunities for the improvement of their lives. This led me to develop a concern for the girl-child and women’s education in
Nigeria, especially for girls and women in rural areas.
Furthermore, there are some incidents that still stay in my mind. They jog my memory and I remember them whenever I ruminate on what led me to the research on women and education in rural areas. Inspired by Simone de Beauvoir’s book, I started looking for a topic for my dissertation that would continue to motivate me over three or four years of my study. As I kept pondering on this, some events kept rearing up in my mind. I am a Nigerian and I am a
Christian. I was born in the Southern Nigeria, and was raised in the region too. While I was growing up in Nigeria, my father sent my late sister (name withheld) to our hometown to live as he could barely take care of us with the money he was making. She was 8-years old at that time.
Upon getting to our hometown, she lost interest in going to school because of the cultural attitude towards education for girls and inequality between boys and girls in terms of schooling.
She later dropped out of school after some years at the age of 14.
It was for this reason she got married at a very tender age and could not take care of her own needs. My sister got married to a family who were not much better off than we were and had a pregnancy which she later lost. I once visited her and asked how she was coping, and
21 whether her husband was kind to her. My sister replied: “My husband beats me. I regretted that I went to our hometown. I regretted that I dropped out of school and got married early”. Sadly, her death in 2006 came as a shock to us but it was the marital problems that caused her sudden demise. The incident reminds me of the dilemmas of girls and women living in rural areas and in
Nigerian Islamic conservative communities. It also makes me wonder how helpful economic activities (e.g. work) and/or education could be if girls and women are given opportunities. This personal experience directed me towards focusing on socio-cultural and economic constraints on these young women’s lives and provoked questions on how these young women view education themselves.
As a (Christian) male researcher from the Southern Nigeria, I understand that education for girls and women in Nigerian Islamic conservative communities is a sensitive matter. I consider education as a veritable tool to enhance women’s capabilities. The work of Nussbaum about women’s capabilities is relevant here. Nussbaum (2000) explains that if women have core capabilities, including access to education (senses, imagination, thought, critical thinking) and still choose a life characterized by seclusion, it is their choice. However, because females are denied the right to education in this setting due to the socio-cultural norms, they do not have access to these human capabilities (I discuss my positionality in depth in section 4.5).
Reflection upon my own journey through Beauvoir’s works, findings from my master’s dissertation and knowledge built through my ‘lived experiences’ (van Manen, 2016, 1990) in
Nigeria have been instrumental to the formulation of this study. Within the context of my master’s study, it was not possible to fully explore the issues surrounding education for girls and women living in rural areas. I saw this study as an opportunity to investigate this further.
22 1.5 Organisation of the Dissertation
Chapter 1 states the research problem. The discussion moved on to the need for study and research questions before setting out the personal perspective of the researcher. It also includes organisation of the dissertation.
Chapter 2 describes the context and background information about Nigeria, and the local context of the study, namely Jigawa State in Northern Nigeria. The chapter discusses the social, economic, political and cultural factors that shape the educational development of Nigeria. After this, the chapter highlights the gendered roles and family traditions in Northern Nigeria. Finally, the chapter presents background information about research setting, Jigawa State—before concluding.
Chapter 3 offers a review of relevant literature and theoretical framework that guide the study.
The chapter was developed through an ongoing iterative process of synthesising the literature in the fields of non-formal education (NFE), non-governmental organisations and gender in education. It explores the different interpretations of non-formal education by the key scholars before highlighting the empirical dimensions of NFE. Then, the chapter examines the definitions of NGOs, its classifications, its purposes, its operations, its sources of funding, relationships of
NGOs with clients, donors and the government. After this, the chapter explores perspectives in female education before concluding.
Chapter 4 is devoted to methodological details of the study. It presents the epistemological position, theoretical perspective, methodology and methods used for the study, including the reasons for using qualitative approaches and methods to answer the research questions. A detailed description of the selection procedure for study participants as well as analysis,
23 establishment of trustworthiness and ethical considerations associated with the research was also included.
Chapter 5 details the findings of the study, using the voices of the study participants, presented in an emerging thematic framework from an interpretive standpoint.
Chapter 6 draws together the results for discussion and conclusion, starting with highlighting the review of the research process before addressing the research questions. It then outlines the contributions of the study, limitations of the study, insights for policy and practice, recommendations for further research and conclusion.
24 CHAPTER TWO:
RESEARCH CONTEXT
In this chapter, the project investigated for this study is put into context. There are four major sections. First, a brief overview of Nigeria, focusing on geopolitical and socio-economic issues, including the emergence of the Nigerian society and subsequent changes induced by the era of traditional Nigerian society, the Sokoto Caliphate and expansion of Europe, colonisation, independence, civil war and post-civil war. Afterwards, I discuss Northern Nigeria, gender roles and family traditions before providing an overview of the research setting, Jigawa State, Nigeria.
2.1 Overview of Nigeria
The geographical area known as Nigeria today is a very young country that was artificially created (Ekineh, 2001). The multi-ethnic and culturally-diverse nature of the areas known as Nigeria today was not put into consideration before it was created. The unification of the areas was artificially done for economic reasons by British Colonial Governor, Fredrick
Lugard in 1914; and she gained her independence from the British in late 1960. The country is a multi-ethnic and culturally diverse society because it comprises peoples of different cultures, languages and social practices who were forced by British administrators to be together as a nation. The artificial nature of Nigeria’s creation is fundamental to understanding the country’s system of government and politics, which have been responsible for several complexities of accommodating various diversities, ethnic, linguistic, geopolitical and religious groups
25 (Coleman, 1958; Eze, 2016; Odeyemi, 2014). Nigeria shares borders and boundaries with The
Republic of Benin, Cameroon, Chad Republic and Niger Republic (see Map 2.1)1
Figure 2.1: Map of Nigeria
1 Available at: https://www.google.com.au/imgres?imgurl=https%3A%2F%2Fi.pinimg.com%2Foriginals%2Fd1%2F75%2F4a%2F d1754ad6661e5630a7e6da3b21fb2a8f.jpg&imgrefurl=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.pinterest.com%2Fpin%2F18366310 954139549%2F&docid=0JgjQB3oKYjGuM&tbnid=3qB5y0hoHFLyUM%3A&vet=10ahUKEwjAiqD0nb3dAhUC wLwKHURWDPEQMwhVKBQwFA..i&w=971&h=1121&client=safari&bih=620&biw=1252&q=location%20of %20Nigeria%20in%20Africa&ved=0ahUKEwjAiqD0nb3dAhUCwLwKHURWDPEQMwhVKBQwFA&iact=mrc &uact [Accessed, September 5, 2018]
26 To further contextualise the project investigated in this study, I shall briefly discuss the traditional Nigerian society and subsequent changes in the following sub-sections:
• Early History of Nigeria Before the Expansion of Europe
• Sokoto Caliphate Era
• British Colonial Period in Nigeria
• Independence, Civil war and Post-Civil War
2.2 Early History of Nigeria Before the Expansion of Europe
The area that is now known as Nigeria comprises more than 250 ethno-linguistic groups with different social practices, but the major ethnic groups are the Yoruba, the Igbo and the
Hausa-Fulani (Afolayan, 2011). The group that the current research focuses on is Hausa-Fulani.
Prior to the British colonisation, most of the ethnic groups that make up the territory now known as Nigeria were distinguished by differences in history, socio-cultural practices, politics and religion (Hopkins, 2019; Mazrui, 2005a). In particular, the city-states2 in the northern region (for example, Katsina, Borno, Kano, Sokoto, among others) that is now known as Northern Nigeria today thrived as trading routes between West and North Africa. However, the Fulani-Hausa kingdoms were vulnerable to external invasions by their neighbours, especially Mali (Isichei &
Uche, 1983). By 14th century, Islam had gained prominent influence in the Fulani-Hausa kingdoms (Mazrui, 2005b).
In the Southern region, kingdoms (Benin, Oyo, Igbo, Igala, among others) were distinctly different from their counterparts in the Northern region in terms of the institutions, political
2 They were called city-states because Hausa-Fulani areas were the bases for the trans-Saharan trade.
27 development and administration. In contrast to Northern Nigeria, kingdoms in the South (which are today known as southern Nigeria) had a diffusion of political, economic, religious institutions and social practices (Afigbo, 1999). Before the expansion of Europe, these Southern kingdoms and city-states (in the North) were engaged in wars that were aimed at expanding their territories and appropriating socio-economic benefits. There were tensions in both the southern and northern regions as are evident in wars such as Egba-Egbado wars, the Yoruba civil wars, and so on (Akinjogbin, 1965; Mabogunje, 1961). The amalgamation of northern and southern protectorates brought a relief as there was a new form of inter-ethnic relations whereby various groups were merged into a single geo-political entity which is today known as Nigeria (Burns,
1929; Eric, 2016).
2.3 Sokoto Caliphate Era
This thesis uses the terms Hausa and Hausa-Fulani (the major ethnic group in Northern
Nigeria) frequently. It is quite challenging to determine a clear definition of who is Hausa or
Hausa-Fulani and who is not (Afolayan, 2019; Salamone, 1975, 1985; Wall, 1998). The present study uses both terms interchangeably. Just like other countries in West Africa, Northern
Nigeria was influenced by Islam. Islam was adopted in Northern Nigeria, and it became a factor in the political change (Bunza, 2005; Hunwick, 1992; Umar, 2001). More importantly, trans-
Saharan trade and the pilgrimage to mecca provided the platforms of contact between Hausa-
Fulani kingdoms and the heartlands of Islam in North Africa and the Middle East (Oladiti, 2014).
Political, theological and mystical ideas were passed on through these exchanges and the 18th and 19th centuries witnessed a number of attempts to create Islamic states in the region
(Hunwick, 1992; Laremont & Gregorian, 2016).
28 One of the successful attempts to create Islamic states was in the area of what is now known as Northern Nigeria in the 18th century. In particular, in 1804, Usman dan Fodio called for a jihad3 against Hausa-Fulani states whose leaders he referred to as ‘unbelievers’4. His effort gave rise to the creation of the Sokoto Caliphate. A glance through the Sokoto Caliphate in the area that is now known as Northern Nigeria reminds us that Usman dan Fodio took basic principles of Islam and then gave those Islamic principles his own flavour. Over the centuries, those principles have continued to stay and form the norms of the Hausa-Fulani society, and they have an impact on this study because of the way the roles of women have been redefined.
Part of Usman dan Fodio’s principles that still has a great influence on the lives of
Northern women’s lives today is that of ‘seclusion’5 of women. This has resulted in the withdrawal of girls and women after their marriages from most parts of public life. According to
Ogunbiyi (1969, p.56), women have no “freedom of action” except they are supervised by their husbands. However, there is an indication that women had freedom of movement during the lifetime of Prophet Muhammad and his early successors. Thus, the seclusion of women in
Northern Nigeria was the result of Usman dan Fodio’s interpretation of lslam rather than being prescribed in the Koran or Hadith. Hence, this describes the way Islam is practised in the area investigated by the current research.
3 Jihad means striving for Allah
4 Means ‘kuffar’
5 This is called ‘kule’ in Hausa language
29 2.4 British Colonial Period in Nigeria
Europe expanded by sea because trade happened by sea (Crosby, 2004; Konvitz, 2020;
Paine, 2014). The British carved out an area of influence and control for economic gains by establishing a sea ferrying company that was known as the Royal Niger Company (RNC) to monopolise trade in the coastal regions that later evolved into modern day Nigeria. As was the case when Europe expanded, the trade was handled by RNC that was running commercial enterprises in Nigeria’s coastal areas (Chimee, 2014). In addition, the British colonists attempted to establish and maintain a colonial state in Nigeria, and this started with the annexation of Lagos as a Crown Colony in 1861 (Afigbo, 1991; Gandy, 2005). The British colonists continued to pursue their interests in 1903 with the military invasion of the Sokoto Caliphate. Still, some aspects of the Caliphate structure, for example its Islamic legal system, were retained and brought forward into the British colonial period.
After the British colonists sought for direct control of the RNC’s territories, the northern region was renamed the Northern Protectorate, and the land in the Niger-delta and other lower coastal regions were merged together and later renamed the Southern Protectorate. Lagos remained the administrative capital of the South, while Zungeru was the administrative capital of the North. In 1914, Federick Lugard amalgamated the two protectorates to form the Colony and
Protectorate of the Niger-area which is now known as Nigeria without seeking the opinions of the Nigerians (Falola, 2009). The main reason for this amalgamation was purely economic. The
British felt that the Northern Protectorate was poor because of the following major reasons: a)
No direct access to the sea; b) Had a sizeable area; c) Had huge population figures. For these reasons, the British merged Northern Protectorate together with Southern Protectorate and channelled the resources from the Southern Protectorate to the Northern Protectorate in order to
30 carry out capital intensive projects (Tamuno, 1972). Unfortunately, the amalgamation failed to unite Nigerians as conceived by the British colonists (Ikime, 1975; Odeyemi, 2014).
Following Lord Lugard’s success in the North, he devised an indirect rule policy (Ikime,
1968; Mamdani, 2018). Under this policy, the British administrators ruled through the existing political institutions rather than establishing a new administrative system. The British did not understand the local customs but the local institutions were utilised while intrusion with local customs was lessened to some degree. Over the years, the indirect policy rule developed into a local government system, especially in the northern emirates. The local government system led to a challenging network of patron-client ties which constituted the ways things were done at the local level (Pierce, 2006; Tinbenderana, 1989), and these patron-client ties have persisted into the present. Moreover, Lugard imposed the indirect rule policy in the South but the policy faced resistance by the Southern people, and later resulted in various revolts in many areas. This eventually resulted in vicissitudes in the indirect rule system in the area known as Nigeria today.
Many changes accompanied the British rule in Nigeria (Awe, 1999; Whitaker, 2015).
This included the spread of western education, Christianity by the missionaries and the English language during this period. Also, the economy was based on the export of cash crops such as cocoa, palm oil, groundnuts, among others (Falola, 1989a, 1989b; Shenton & Freund, 1978;
Shokpeka & Nwaokocha, 2009; Varvar, 2007). To prevent the opposition to the British rule, the colonists adopted a ‘divide-and-rule policy’ keeping Nigerian groups separate from one another
(Falola, 1999). For example, native authorities were co-opted in the northern region because the
British thought that contacting people through their traditional leaders would reduce opposition to their rule. In the southern region, the British administrators established a political hierarchy
31 and ruled through those people they could easily control, without considering whether they had held positions of traditional authority before or not.
Western education and Christianity were warmly accepted in the South but was not allowed in the Northern Nigeria. This led to uneven development between the Northern Nigeria and Southern Nigeria, particularly in the areas of education and infrastructural facilities, and these growing socio-economic inequalities later caused political tensions. This became a real problem prior to, and after the independence (Afigbo, 2005, 1991), and until now, the delicate balancing of necessary support between Northern and Southern Nigeria has sometimes been met with a tragic lack of success.
2.5 Independence, civil war and post-civil war
The British rule in the North and South led to the disparity and tensions among the ethnic groups in terms of funding, education and economy, and this became a feature of independent
Nigeria. However, immediately after the Second World War, nationalist ideas, feelings and actions were intensified through the inspiration given by the Nigerian soldiers who eventually came back home when Second World War ended (Coleman & Coleman, 1958; Jackson, 2007;
Mordi, 2020). The cogent reasons for these feelings, ideas and actions were because the Nigerian soldiers had been exposed to some trading practices and they had seen that white men were not invincible. For example, they had witnessed how Britain was conquered by Japan, and this had removed the notion that the whites were naturally powerful and superior to the black people on all fronts. In addition, the national progress in India also served as an inspiration to the Nigerian soldiers, traditional rulers and other nationalists to embark on the struggle for independence.
32 Eventually, this struggle paid off, and made the British to introduce socio-economic and political reforms in Nigeria. All these reforms by the British led to the attainment of independence on the
1st of October, 1960.
In 1963, Nigeria altered its ties with Britain and became a federal republic (Hopkins,
2008; Mayall, 1976; Uche, 2008). Four years later, Nigeria entered into a civil war because the federal military government that assumed power was not able to address ethnic tensions and produce a constitution that would be acceptable to all sections of the areas that are today known as Nigeria. The efforts of the then government to remove the federal structure greatly raised more tensions and led to another coup which claimed the lives of many Igbos in the South. The killings of thousands of Igbo people residing in the North prompted many of them to return to their region (South), where they eventually threatened to secede from Nigeria. This led to a civil war—Biafra War (see Anber, 1967; Harnischfeger, 2019; Nixon, 1971).
By 1970, the Biafra secessionists surrendered and the war ended but it was estimated that millions of ‘Igbos’ had died from warfare, starvation and disease (Achebe, 2012). After the civil war, reconciliation and reintegration was rapid and effective and Nigeria was saddled with the responsibility to turn to the task of economic development. Fortunately, there was rapid growth as Nigeria experienced an oil boom in this period (Pinto, 1987). Sadly, the civil war between
1967 to 1970 did leave a significant legacy to Nigeria. The ethnic dilemma continues to affect
Nigerian political rhetoric, creating damaging tensions. These tensions were dwarfed because the military was still ruling after the war. The military government was by no means democratic and corruption and ineffectiveness increased (Ebegbulem, 2012). All in all, the effects of the civil war led to a period of authoritarian military rule for 29 years (1966-1979) and 1983 to 1998. It
33 took Nigeria a long time to return to democratic rule in 1999, after 38 years of military rule— mostly by the Hausa-Fulani military officers.
Since Nigeria’s civil war has been over for more than three decades, one would expect that the young country would have addressed the issues of the socio-economic disparities between the Northern and Southern Nigeria. However, there is still continued tension and disparity between the Northern and the Southern Nigeria, especially in the areas of education, funding, economy and so on. The recent food blockade of Southern Nigeria by Northern Nigeria is an evidence of the continuing tension between both regions in Nigeria (For more details, see
The Cable, 2021). The focus of the current research is on non-formal education for girls and women in Northern Nigeria.
2.6 Northern Nigeria, Gendered Roles and Family Traditions
Northern Nigeria occupies an area of 281, 872m2 and contains more than half of the population of the entire country according to the creation of states in Nigeria. The major ethnic tribes in the region are Hausa and Fulani. The Hausa-Fulani peoples have distinctive socio- cultural practices, most of which have not changed much even until now. The cogent reason for this is because of the strong native systems of government they had (Barber, 1997). For example, the Hausa-Fulani people have a very restricted mode of dressing which is greatly influenced by their religious beliefs in Islam (Adamu, 2007; Medubi, 2010). While Hausa-Fulani men wear
‘Babanriga’ (large flown gown) with robe-like designs (Jalabia and Juanni) and caps (fula), women are always covered in their wrappers which can be described as ‘abaya’, head ties, blouses, shawls and hijabs.
34 Furthermore, the traditions of the Caliphate continue to impact the lives of the people in this region, especially the women. For instance, the affairs of marriage are seen as public and family matters rather than something personal and individual. As Solivetti (1994, p.258) notes, marriage “involves the domestic units of the future husband and wife and more generally the entire village”. The Hausa-Fulani socio-cultural traditions permit the family/parents to manage marriages (Afolayan, 2019; Callaway, 1984; Otite, 1991). Traditionally, it is a serious offence if you abduct a girl even with her consent under the Penal Code which reflects Hausa-Fulani’s cultural attitudes (Solivetti, 1994). Also, the Northern Islamic rules do not allow Hausa-Fulani women to make their own matrimonial choices. It empowers a father to have the exclusive right to choose a husband for a daughter who has not reached puberty or adolescence (Afolayan, 2019;
Amadiume, 2015; Csapo, 1981). The Hausa-Fulani socio-cultural tradition even goes further and empowers the father to have authority over his daughter’s first marriage irrespective of her age.
According to Solivetti (1994, p.258), “the essential social fact is clear: marriage is a manifestation of the families’ will, not of the will of the couple getting married”
Even though fathers and daughters may want to reach an agreement through the intervention of mothers, daughters are still obliged to obey their fathers. Any contradictory views against their fathers’ wishes are seen as deviant. A daughter who is attempting to resist early marriage may have two options: to leave her husband’s house immediately after the marriage and live independently outside marriage, perhaps as a prostitute; or to get a divorce from her husband
(Solivetti, 1994). As a result, early marriage appears to be the traditional solution to any possible disagreement between fathers and daughters in terms of selecting a husband. This does not mean, of course, that the Hausa-Fulani tradition as per marriage has not undergone some changes in the
35 present age. However, traditionally, the family management of marriage in Hausa-Fulani land is practically strong, and this encourages early marriage practices in the region.
From my discussions with some Hausa-Fulani women in Jigawa State in 2016, I learnt that when a Hausa-Fulani girl/woman gets married she enters seclusion under purdah6. It then becomes the job of unmarried preadolescent girls to help run the household and to hawk products
(for example, foods) prepared by married women in purdah. Since only young girls and postmenopausal women are able to participate in public places, this context enters the economic realm. This [enforced] ‘invisibility’ of Hausa-Fulani girls/women during reproductive years tends to shed more light on a dominant gender ideology. It becomes clearer why some of these girls/women may want to have an independent income since they tend to be frustrated by the lack of access to job opportunities (Afolayan, 2019; Callaway, 1984, 1987; Wall, 1998).
In terms of female education, Usman dan Fodio said that girls and women have the right to be educated. However, he insisted on education in a strict Qur’anic doctrine. According to
Umar (2001, 2006), Islamic reforms in part are one of the reasons the region has the lowest percentages of formal (Western) education and general literacy rates. In the post-independence period, Universal Primary Education (UPE) was finally made available to the entire northern region. Despite government’s intervention through Universal Primary Education (UPE) programme in 1976, there was a wide educational disparity between Southern and Northern regions in Nigeria (Afolayan, 2019; Callaway, 1987; Knipp, 1987).
As UNESCO (2012) shows, seventeen (17) out of thirty-seven (37) states in Nigeria were at risk of not achieving youth and adult female literacy in the country as they have youth and
6 Purdah is synonymous to seclusion.
36 adult literacy rates between 14.5 to 49.3 percent. The affected states are northern states in
Nigeria which are predominantly populated by Muslims and pastoralists (For further details, see
Yusef, 2008). In all the states in Northern Nigeria in 1999, there were lower rates of educational participation.
The factors responsible for the in educational participation in Nigeria have been broadly discussed by several scholars. For example, Clarke (1978) investigated the pivotal roles of Islam in nation-building process in Nigeria, and its influence on education. Tibenderana (1983) examined the role of the Northern leaders in the spread of western education in Northern Nigeria, as well as the commencement of girl-child education in the Northern native administration schools. Callaway (1987) examined the cultural representation and social change of Muslim
Hausa women. Umar (2006) investigated the trends of education and Islam in Northern Nigeria.
All these studies reported that the primacy of ethnic politics and socio-cultural factors have shaped the women’s educational development in Northern Nigeria. Let me now briefly discuss the research location for this study in the next section.
2.7 The Cultural Values of Hausa-Fulani in the Northern Nigeria
Ethnic groups are not ‘natural’ groups because ethnicity itself is a socio-cultural symbol.
This suggests that ‘something’ that is ‘natural’ must set off ethnicity before the mobilization of such coherent group can be constructed around it. The need for that ‘something’ is usually tied to social, economic or political reasons in order to differentiate one cultural/ethnic group from another (Salamone & Salamone, 1993). The same parameter is used to structure relationships and values between members of different cultural/ethnic groups.
37 Basically, ethnic/cultural group exists to advance their cultural values and organize social interactions between and within groups that share common descent. Ethnic/cultural identity changes as circumstances change, the definition of belonging to a particular ethnic/cultural group also changes—including their cultural symbols. Oftentimes, these changes often set off shifts in cultural/ethnic relationships, values and therefore propel other socio-cultural changes. This illustration is relevant to Hausa-Fulani’s cultural values. Apparently, Hausa and Fulani are two ethnic/cultural groups that have lived together for centuries; sharing common socio-cultural norms and cultural values and having several socio-cultural resemblances (Afolayan, 2019;
Salamone & Salamone, 1993).
Several principles to maintain boundaries for Hausa-Fulani were adopted. The most significant of these are recognition of Hausa-Fulani identity and adherence to and expression of
Hausa-Fulani cultural values (Salamone & Salamone, 1993). The presence of Islam among the
Hausa-Fulani, and other recognized ethnic/cultural groups in Northern Nigeria also helps in defining cultural values that are commonly shared. In addition, another developmental standpoint in Hausa-Fulani’s cultural values unfolds the relations between men and women as they become focal point in the expansion of cultural themes. In addition, Gilligan’s (1977, 1982) concerns about gender bias was traced to a core cultural value of Hausa-Fulani. Since then, there have been other studies of Hausa-Fulani women which point to cultural value revolving around gender relations (Afolayan, 2019; Callaway, 1984; Coles & Mack, 1991; Pittin, 1984a, 1984b;
Schildkrout, 1978, 1982).
Hausa-Fulani’s cultural values establish guides for behaviour, Islamic religious practice and gender relations (Coles & Mack, 1991; Salamone, 1993; Schildkrout, 1978, 1982). In particular, Hausa-Fulani’s cultural values cut across a person’s behavior, demographic factors
38 (age, gender, socio-economic status, family position, time, place), the socio-cultural factors of others engaged in the behavior and whether the behavior is worthy of a person that identifies with their cultural value. These cultural values tend to be relational, depending on several insiders’ accounts of significant real situations in Hausa-Fulani life. Among those real situations are Hausa-Fulani concepts of the lifespan (Salamone, 1993), marriage (Afolayan, 2019;
Callaway, 1984; Coles & Mack, 1991), education (Afolayan, 2019; Callaway, 1984, 1987), among others. The present study majorly focuses on the educational aspect and the implication for girls and women.
The present study does not claim that it is an ethnic/cultural research; however it is important to let the reader know that Hausa and Fulani are different cultural/ethnic groups and they have intimately lived together for many years, and for socio-cultural, economic and political reasons. Hausa-Fulani people in Jigawa State are no different. For this reason, I refer to both groups as one cultural/ethnic group (Hausa-Fulani) in this study.
2.8 The Research Setting: Jigawa State, Nigeria
The present study was carried out in two Hausa-Fulani communities, Village H and
Village M, and they can be categorised as ‘rural’. They constitute, first of all, agricultural communities. Most people in these communities are farmers and herders. The two rural communities are near Dutse (the capital city) in Jigawa State, Nigeria. In Chapter 5, where the profile of the socio-cultural environment for this study is presented, I provide further details about the research sites for this study.
39 Jigawa State was chosen for this study because it was one of the few states in the northern region that was peaceful as at the time this research was carried out between November and December, 2016. Jigawa was formerly part of Kano State which is considered one of the major urban centres in West Africa. It is located in the north-western region of Nigeria. The northern part of Jigawa State shares a border with Niger Republic. It is one of the significant states for the entire Muslim area of Northern Nigeria. Jigawa is blessed with vast, fertile arable land to which almost tropical crops could adapt, and this constitutes one of its vastly valued natural resources (ESSPIN, 2015).
The 2006 National Population Census (NPC) puts the official population of Jigawa State to be over 4 million people. I use available NPC data because a national census has not been done since 2006. Jigawa has a total land mass of approximately 22,410km2. The population of the state is largely rural and the sex distribution is nearly equal: male is 50.8 percent and female is 49.2 percent (ESSPIN, 2015).
Majority of the people inhabiting Jigawa are the Hausa-Fulani in North-western Nigeria, and the minority groups are Kanuri and Badawa. Majority of the population in Jigawa live in the rural areas where their major occupations are subsistence farming and cattle rearing (ESSPIN,
2015). Jigawa State is homogeneously and mostly populated by the Hausa-Fulani, who can be found everywhere in the area. In general, the three dominant tribes in Jigawa State are Hausa-
Fulani, Kanuri (largely found in Biriniwa LGA) and Guri (Largely found in Kiri Kasama LGA).
Jigawa State is an Islamic State because nearly all the Jigawans are practising Muslims.
Islamic religion has an influence on all the communities and families in the state, and by extension Northern Nigeria. Culturally, and according to Islamic doctrines, Hausa-Fulani women
40 are among the most strictly secluded Muslims in Africa (Afolayan, 2019; Callaway, 1987; Cole
& Mack, 1991). While being secluded in the Purdah, married Jigawan women are involved with domestic chores such as childbearing and child-care, food processing and preparation and house- keeping. At the time of this research in 2016, a few Jigawan women, especially unmarried older women, were seen participating in outside-home activities such as farming and trading activities.
It surprised me because that is contrary to the empirical literature on Hausa-Fulani studies
(Callaway, 1987; Wall, 1998) which indicates that Hausa-Fulani women, in general, are not allowed to be involved in day-to-day activities outside the home.
Polygamy is common in northern Nigeria, both in the urban and rural areas (Afolayan, 2019).
Young girls are usually married off to older men, who may be old enough to be their fathers or grandfathers. Oftentimes, the young girl may be the man’s second, third or fourth wife because
Islam allows Muslim men to have up to four wives. The implication of this is that the first wife usually has more power and status in the house. This may affect the subsequent wife’s situation because she is subject to the authority of the first wife. A young girl/woman who enters such home as a second, third or fourth wife is usually overworked with a lot of household chores and may not be shown love by the senior wives. For Hausa-Fulani girls and women, doing household tasks, bearing children and obeying their husbands are presumed to be the way to respecting and obeying Islamic family values and meeting this obligation takes precedence over all other things, including education. In my research locations, there are men who have multiple wives but I was concerned about the implication of polygamy for the young girls and women in the communities.
41 Jigawan economy is mostly characterised by informal sector activities. Jigawans are majorly engaged in subsistence farming and animal husbandry. Business activities are undertaken on small and medium scales (SMES), especially in agricultural products, livestock, groundnut and other consumer goods. Other informal sector activities are blacksmithing, leatherworks, cap-making, tanning, dyeing, food selling, food processing, among others. Jigawa
State is yet to enjoy a solid footing in the modern-day manufacturing sector but small-scale businesses are growing in numbers, especially in the areas of food processing and other agro- allied businesses (ESSPIN, 2015).
2.9 Conclusion
We can now better appraise the role played by the ethnic rivalry, colonial legacy and spread of Islamic religion in shaping the area that is today known as Nigeria. Ethnic rivalry leads to unfavourable consequences for the peaceful co-existence of diverse ethnic groups but these consequences are far more than what may appear at first site. Ethnic rivalry in Nigerian society points to the fact that the structural pressure towards merging distinct regions along with their different languages, religions and traditions, and marginalisation of other ethnic minorities, is perceived to threaten the national identity of the Nigerian state.
Nigeria’s ethnic rivalry crises had been there before the British colonialism (Falola, 1998;
Odeyemi, 2014; Osaghae & Suberu, 2005; Osaghae, 1986), but the colonial legacy of the British, with the use of the ‘divide-and-rule’ approach, intensified the ethnic crises in Nigeria (Blanton,
Mason & Athow, 2001; Osinubi & Osinubi, 2006). More importantly, amalgamation of the
Southern and Northern Protectorates in 1914, which was primarily done for administrative
42 convenience and commercial interest, was part of the key trigger of ethnic crises. The problem was also carried over to independence and the civil war period as all ethnic groups were struggling to be seen as Nigerian due to ethnic and parochial allegiances.
Since there were/are varying cultural patterns among different ethnic groups in Northern and Southern Nigeria, distribution of education was unequal. Hence, there was a need to structure the school system to promote integration and reduce educational inequalities among ethnic groups in Nigeria. Lastly, the spread of Islam and the quick acceptance of Islamic reforms with local flavour in Northern Nigeria impacted the lives of the people, especially the northern women’s lives. In particular, Hausa-Fulani women’s status and roles were redefined (Hutson,
2001). Consequently, Hausa-Fulani women’s participation was channelled towards reproduction and the care of children within the home (Callaway, 1984; Lockwood, 1997; Schildkrout, 1982).
The redefinition of women’s roles in Fulani-Hausa land has affected the lives of their education until today (see Adamu, 1999; Barkow, 1972; Hutson, 2001). Therefore, access to educational opportunities appears to improve.
Nigeria has witnessed a rapid growth in female education in the last decade but despite some governmental initiatives, the participation of girls and women has been unequal to that of boys and men, especially in Northern Nigeria. Data from Nigeria Demographic and Health
Survey demonstrates that there are huge gender gaps in Northern Nigeria, especially in the
North-Western Nigeria, where 39 percent of females (between age 15 and 19 years) had ever been to school compared to 65 percent of males in 2008 (NPC, 2009). This is the current reality in Jigawa State where this study was conducted. Generally, my focus in this study is educationally-driven, and it is an in-depth investigation of perspectives of non-formal education for females in two rural communities in Dutse, Jigawa State.
43 CHAPTER THREE:
RESEARCH CONTEXT AND THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK
This chapter firstly explains the literature databases used for this study. Then, it explores the evolution of non-formal education (NFE), and different dimensions of NFE as interpreted by different key scholars with a specific focus on issues which might be expected to be critical for females. After this, it discusses the pivotal roles of NGOs in delivering female-focused NFE program in rural developing communities before explaining the perspectives in female education, social and gender norms and what they mean for girls and women in Nigerian Islamic conservative community. Lastly, it sets out the theoretical framework for the study.
3.1 Literature searching and databases for the study
The educational literature databases searched were ERIC, A+ EDUCATION and WEB
OF SCIENCE for the purpose of literature review. This was to ensure that all research works from relevant journals and reports were considered for the study. Google Scholar was also searched for the purpose of the review to ensure that all relevant research works relating to education for girls Northern Nigeria were considered for the literature review. Initial search was built around the following two criteria:
1. Articles and reports that deal with NFE programs and NGOs within developing
communities which are similar to the case-study community
2. Articles and reports that deal with female-focused NFE programs in developing
communities.
44 3. Parameters used for articles selected are: Articles written in English; articles with
full text and articles that were published until late December, 2020.
4. The initial search used the terms:
(a) Non formal education AND “developing countries”
(b) Nonformal education AND “developing nations”
(c) Nonformal education AND “developing countries” AND (girls OR female OR
women)
(d) Education AND (girls or women or female) AND Northern Nigeria
(e) Non-governmental organisations AND “non-formal education”
(f) Non-governmental organisations AND “developing countries”
ERIC returned 251 results, A+EDUCATION returned 9 results, Web of Science returned
3 results, Google Scholar returned 103, with no articles being in common. The 406 search results were categorised, using reading titles and abstracts in order to conform with the following criteria: (1) non-formal education reference (2) recommendations for girls and women who were in developing countries (3) Non-governmental organisations reference (4) recommendations for non-governmental organisations in developing countries (5) education for girls and women in
Northern Nigeria. Articles were excluded if referring to non-formal education or non- governmental organisations in developed countries.
A second search focused on the non-governmental organisations and non-formal education specifically for girls and women within the purview of Nigeria and Northern Nigeria.
The second search used the following terms:
1. Nigeria AND (“nonformal education”) AND (girls or women or females)
2. Nonformal education AND (Nigeria* OR Northern Nigeria*)
45 3. Nonformal education programs AND Northern Nigeria AND (girls OR female
OR women)
4. Non-governmental organisations AND “non-formal education” (girls OR female
OR women)
5. Non-governmental organisations AND “non-formal education programs” (Nigeria
OR Northern Nigeria)
ERIC returned 801 results, A+EDUCATION returned 22 results, Web of Science returned 8 results, Google Scholar returned 197 results which were filtered by reading titles and abstracts for adherence to the following criteria (1) includes non-formal education and non- governmental organisation reference (2) includes non-formal education programs reference (3) focuses on non-formal education in Nigeria and Northern Nigeria (4) published after 1995. The exclusion criteria were duplicate papers. This process left 112 unique papers, which were read in full, only 11 of which suggested guidance relating to non-formal education for women and non- governmental organisations.
The literature that emerged included different interpretations of NFE and its features, dimensions of NFE as advanced by key scholars, Female-centred NGO programs, roles of NGOs in development practices, implementation of NFE programs and gender inequality in education.
As a result of this process, the literature review process for this study resulted in a comprehensive body of literature associated with the study.
Overall, the review captures a range of voices (Adamu, 1999; Adiri et al., 2010;
Afolayan, 2011, 2014, 2015; Amadiume, 2015; Baily, 2011; Ben Chucks, 2004; Carmichael,
2011; Dutt, 2017; Eldred et al., 2014; Erulkar & Muthengi, 2009; Eweniyi & Usman, 2013;
Falola & Abidogun, 2014; Fuhriman et al., 2006; Konate, 2011; Maddox, 2015; Odok, 2020;
46 Pitikoe & Preece, 2016; Robson, 2006; Udo et al., 2020; Ukwuaba & Igbo, 2013), insights and understandings (Afolayan, 2016a, 2016b, 2017; Akpama et al., 2011; Alhassan, 2010; Angko,
2013; Csapo, 1981; Fayokun, 2015; Frankema, 2012; Galvan, 2001; Kainuwa et al., 2013;
Kaufmann et al., 2019; Kuran, 2018; Monkman, 2011; Murphy-Graham, 2012; Murphy-Graham
& LIoyd, 2016; Ogunjuyigbe & Fadeyi, 2002; Parr, 2001; Stromquist, 1990, 1992, 1997, 2007,
2011; 2014; 2015; Thurston, 2016; Tvdet, 2006; Uddin, 2017; Vega & Bajaj, 2016) to signify the extent to which current studies redefine existing knowledge purposefully on the subject matter
(Afolayan, 2019; Bano, 2009, 2018, 2019, 2020; Belete, 2011; Chilisa & Ntseane, 2010; Coombs
& Ahmed, 1974; Dighe, 1985, 1992; Hoppers, 2006; Jackson, 1997; Jenkins & Idele, 2020;
Kolawole, 2010; Mayombe, 2017; Mfum-Mensah, 2003; Mulenga et al., 2018; Nath, et al., 1999;
Olateju, 2010; Ololube & Egbezor, 2012; Taylor et al., 2012; The Brookings Institution, 2018;
UNESCO, 2015; Unterhalter et al., 2013; Usman, 2009, 2010; Walker, 2012). The other parts in this chapter are organised in five parts. The first offers an overview of how NFE has evolved and has involved different key scholars who highlighted different dimensions in interpreting NFE.
The second examines the empirical literature on female-focused NFE programs in poor and developing communities, with focus on NFE programs that are driven by literacy and empowerment. The third focuses on the NGOs and their roles in delivering NFE programs in developing communities. The fourth examines the debates on gender in education. The last explores perspectives of female education in developing-world context by discussing major factors that affect women’s education.
47 3.2 Non-Formal Education (NFE)
Non-formal education (NFE) emerged as a practical solution in the field of education in
1968 through Philip Coombs’ work. However, it was Coombs and Ahmed’s seminal work in
1974 that shifted the attention from formal education to non-formal education. Formal education—a systematically organised, structured and administered educational system—was unable to contribute to the development and meet the needs of the majority who live in poor and developing communities (Coombs & Ahmed, 1974). Citing an irregular effort to reach the rural areas of developing communities in the process of development, formal education was unable to meet the needs of rural populations for four reasons. First, there was greater allocation of resources for cities where development professionals felt that there would be greatest reach for the least amount of resources (Coombs et al., 1973). Second, there was a gap between the content of what was being taught in rural schools and the actual demands of rural life and socio-cultural values (Coombs et al., 1973). Third, education policies were geared towards formal education, neglecting the large groups of out-of-school youth and adults who make up the bulk of rural populations (Coombs & Ahmed, 1974). Finally, there was population growth and lack of financial and human resources, or at least, a lack of willingness, to fund formal education due to rising costs (Coombs & Ahmed, 1974)
The realisation of the above problems prompted educational planners and economists from the World Bank, UNESCO and the United Nations (UN) to look for alternatives outside of formal schooling, which eventually led to the emergence of non-formal education (NFE). It was at this juncture that a quite specific body of literature began to emerge because of the geo- political situation and the functioning of organisations such as the World Bank, United Nations,
UNESCO and international non-governmental organisations, among others (Brennan, 1997;
48 Coombs & Ahmed, 1974; Evans, 1983; Kedrayate, 1997; La Belle, 1976, 1984). This marks the beginning of a new literature in the field of NFE. The scholarly literature on NFE is extensive but this chapter focuses on how NFE has evolved and has involved different key scholars who highlighted different dimensions in interpreting NFE. Of particular interest to this study is also the NGOs and their roles in development practices, with emphasis on the delivery of NFE program to women in developing communities.
Despite decades of use, scholars conclude that NFE has different interpretations
(Brennan, 1997; Coombs, 1968; Coombs & Ahmed, 1974; Evans, 1983; Hoppers, 2006; La
Belle, 1982; Mfum-Mensah, 2003; Nath, Sylva & Grimes, 1999). As a result, NFE’s various definitions and contexts have influenced the way it is interpreted within the education system
(Bano, 2009, 2019; Grandstaff, 1976; Murphy-Graham & LIoyd, 2016; Romi & Schmida, 2009).
Let us now turn to the key scholars who have contributed to the pool of various interpretations of
NFE.
Philip Coombs, an economist, was the first key scholar to use the term ‘non-formal education’ (NFE). Through his seminal works and co-written works with Manzoor Ahmed in
1974, Coombs used the term ‘non-formal education’ within the context of struggle against rural poverty in developing communities (Coombs, 1968; Coombs & Ahmed, 1974). Coombs and
Ahmed (1974, p.8) defined NFE as “'any organized, systematic educational activity outside the framework of the formal school system to provide selective types of learning to particular subgroups in the population, adults as well as children”. This definition reveals that NFE is a type of learning activity that is confined to sub-groups with particular needs and it is flexibly conducted outside the formal schooling system. Coombs and Ahmed noted that NFE was meant to give people outside the formal schooling system a chance for basic literacy and numeracy—an
49 opportunity to learn productive skills, and a way to participate effectively in the development of their communities (Coombs, 1968; Coombs & Ahmed, 1974). They further explained that their participation would allow the development of citizenship skills, as people would learn to articulate needs and to organize themselves to meet those needs (Coombs & Ahmed, 1974).
Other criteria defining NFE is being more sensitive to the local needs and equity issues of the very poor people in the developing communities (Coombs & Ahmed, 1974). In the subsequent decades, NFE’s interpretation has been informed by other scholars’ interpretations.
In his recent synthesis of NFE, Rogers (2004) further expands the interpretation of
Coombs and Ahmed (1974). He describes NFE as a developmental tool that needs to be linked with development programs of international organisations such as the United Nations
Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organisation (UNESCO), World Bank, among others. These international organisations use NFE as a development tool to reach people with low socio- economic status in the developing communities (Rogers, 2004). To reach the poor people in rural communities, Rogers argues that NFE appears to be the “preferred tool” (2004, p.82) to respond to local demands and equity issues in the developing communities.
In another interpretation and separate from the development discussion, NFE is also interpreted as an ‘empowerment tool’ for the marginalised population. This is tied to empowerment literature through its roots in Paulo Freire’s work on empowerment with the peasants in Brazil (Freire, 1972). In his groundbreaking book, Pedagogy of the Oppressed, Freire viewed education as a way of liberating marginalised people (Freire, 1972). By liberating people, education empowers them to change oppressive conditions and gives meaning to their everyday experiences (Freire, 1972). Freire’s theoretical narrative is relevant to this study because he was not only talking about the oppressed people, marginalised populations or the developing
50 communities; he was also looking at these issues from an educational perspective. In terms of my study, this corresponds to a more humane interpretation of NFE.
It is through this empowerment discourse that Moulton (1997) applies Paulo Freire’s empowerment framework to women, where she notes that, “Freire was concerned with empowering groups of men to take charge of their political and social environment… Groups are not empowered until their individual members gain the sense of efficacy and understanding to act together” (p.13). Previously, the movement for NFE was actually aimed at men (Rogers,
2004). It took the intervention of Kindervatter in 1979 to link NFE with women. Stromquist
(1988, 2015) expanded the empowerment discourse on the role of NFE and its influence on women in terms of being conscious and liberated from a struggle against patriarchal communities. However, to a greater extent, in the early years, NFE was limited to sustaining women’s subordinate roles rather than focusing on women’s empowerment and liberation
(Rogers, 2004).
Building on the work of Coombs and Ahmed (1974), La Belle (1982) states that NFE could be interpreted as a lifelong learning which encompasses the entirety of youths’ and adults’ lived experiences and various aspects of socio-economic practices in the society. According to
La Belle (1982, p.60), NFE “has demonstrated some utility for youth and adults in responding to societal problems involving health, nutrition, unemployment, food production, and so on, that tend to characterise Third World concerns”. This interpretation describes NFE as a way of fostering continuous social interaction between oneself and the environment, which often takes different forms in a variety of environments and situations. As La Belle elaborates (1981, 1982), these learning environments are established institutions, with or with no educational objectives, but with the way they promote continuous social interactions, they act as educational settings.
51 Even though lifelong education revolves around different significant and complex educational experiences which may be informal, unplanned and incidental, as part of people’s everyday lives,
I did not attempt to explore all educational experiences in all settings. Rather, I attempted to explore complex experiences of study participants in non-formal settings and contexts.
Whilst there are different interpretations and emphasises with respect to NFE, some common features have also been identified in the literature (Fordham, 1993; Mfum-Mensah,
2003; Murphy-Graham, 2012; Murphy-Graham & LIoyd, 2016). They are as follows:
• Operate outside the formal schooling
• Encompass locally relevant needs of developing communities
• Reach the needs of poor and marginalised groups
• Have clearly defined objectives and purposes
• Maintain a level of flexibility (in terms of program design and delivery) to
withstand changing circumstances of developing communities
• Focus on specific learning areas
• Designed for students who are not officially enrolled in formal schools
Still, the different interpretations of NFE in the literature leave an unclear description of a universalised definition of NFE, in terms of giving people outside the schooling system an opportunity to be literate, productive and to participate in the development process. Some argue that the issue of different interpretations of NFE is not a concern at all since it is an accepted reality of the nature of NFE (Hoppers, 2006; Sefton-Green, 2013). Thus, one could say that these varied interpretations of NFE are best when relational and not absolute. Drawing on the theoretical positions and in view of the context and setting of my own study, these are the
52 features of NFE that relate to the context of the current research. In the next section, empirical studies are explored which similar to the current research on NFE from real-world examples.
3.3 Empirical Literature on NFE
This section reviews empirical studies on female-focused NFE programs, with focus on literacy and empowerment. These two NFE categories are important because they constitute the common, typical forms of NFE in the developing communities, and they respond to widespread needs which often give meaning to women’s lives in developing countries (Kefela, 2010; Oyitso
& Olomukoro, 2012; White & Lorenzi, 2016). Understanding of the specificities of NFE program is critical in the context similar to the present study.
3.4 Literacy-focused NFE
Literacy is one of the fundamental components of NFE programs and it is considered essential for promoting human and socio-economic development (Post, 2016; UNESCO, 2017,
2015). Through literacy, women develop confidence gradually to resolve their problems by making their informed decisions rather than seeking for people to help them. As a result, they are transformed socially, economically and politically. Literacy for women is not only about reading and writing because it means so many things to girls and women and their societies. Scholars such as Robinson-Pant (2005) and Oyitso and Olomukoro (2012) note that women-focused literacy programs give women a voice in the family and in the society. Since literacy programs enhance women’s capability to speak out, women then have the opportunity to become free agents of social change in their various communities. This is relevant to the focus of this study
53 which investigates the perspectives of NFE programs for marginalised girls and women in rural communities.
Konaté’s (2011) qualitative study in Lassa, Mali, reveals that literacy programs help the female participants to develop critical thinking. Through social interactions, the actions taken could bring about social changes that would affect their lives and the communities positively.
The author further indicates that when NFE programs are built around the needs of individuals and societies, they can become veritable tools alleviate poverty, illiteracy and gender inequities in such settings. Poverty has been seen as a major driving force that encouraged people to participate in the program (Konaté, 2011). Most female participants pointed out that illiteracy was responsible for their lack of economic power. They also felt that by knowing how to read and write, they would know better and get skills required to get jobs. Also, Raditloaneng and
Mulenga’s (2003) study also indicate that poverty has significant correlation with illiteracy and gender inequities. This implies that women’s low levels of literacy and lack of appropriate training can impede the ability of women to; contribute meaningfully, get economic gains from their labour, access leadership positions, and to take part in decision-making in their families and communities.
A longitudinal study carried out by Burchfield et al (2002) in Nepal about the impact of women’s literacy programs showed that the female program participants were motivated to play greater roles in decision-making in their homes, engage in income generating activities, reproductive health practices and participation in politics. Another longitudinal research by
Metcalf and Meadows (2009) show that literacy programs increased the self-confidence and self- esteem of women and made them build confidence to make their own decisions rather than depending on others. Also, Shabaya and Kanadu-Agyeman’s (2004) evaluation study on NFE
54 programs in Kenya, Zimbabwe and Ghana reveals that female program participants are better equipped to enter into the paid labour force and resist cultural practices such as female genital mutilation, early marriage and domestic abuse by their male partner.
Kuenzi (2005) documented a qualitative research in 50 villages in the region of Kolda,
Senegal. The study was aimed at how NFE programs (the Programme Inte’ gre’ de Podor) impacts community development. Kuenzi’s finding indicates that participants gain a variety of confidence-boosting civic skills which enable them to subsequently improve their own lives and their communities. Kuenzi (2005) found that women who had participated in the literacy program were able to read and write. Being able to read and write one’s own letters appears to be associated with being able to protect one’s interests and keep one’s personal business to oneself, thereby maintaining control over self (Kuenzi, 2005). Another study carried out by Gee (2015) in
Bangladesh suggested that literacy programs help to broaden women’s livelihood opportunities, in terms of jobs, better involvement in decision-making at home and participation in community development programs. Similarly, Dighe’s study (1995) in India revealed that literacy programs provided the program participants with a platform where that facilitates social exchanges—a place (away from home)—where they could meet in groups and share their experiences. This learning experience motivated them and empowered them to take proactive action concerning the challenges that are confronting them (Dighe, 1995).
Literacy-focused NFE has the potency to provide appropriate skills, attitudes and opportunities to the rural learners but its success varies across settings. Maddox’s (2008) study in
Bangladesh reveals that rural women said that they enjoy reading school books with their children because they now feel more confident unlike before. Wilson and Shrestha (2003) in their chapter in “International Handbook of Educational Research in the Asia-Pacific-Region”,
55 explore the contexts in which literacy programs take place. The conclusion arrived at in this study shows that literacy-focused NFE programs can provide appropriate skills and attitudes to the rural dwellers. However, the success of the program varies across contexts. In South Africa,
Sibiya and Van Rooyen (2005) conducted a qualitative study for women who are under 20 years of age in order to examine factors influencing the participation of women in literacy programs.
The results of their study indicated that objectives did not reflect the expectations of the participants because they were hoping to gain immediate relief from their financial situation, especially through more paid employment opportunities. An evaluation study of four NFE projects by Fiedrich, Jellema, Haq and Nawolga (2003) conducted in Bangladesh and Uganda revealed that women decided not to participate in the programs because they did not see the immediate socio-economic benefits.
Likewise, the setting where the literacy program is being implemented is essential.
Maddox’s (2005) ethnographic study reveals the risk and vulnerability connected with women’s literacy in Bangladesh. Maddox (2005) notes that literacy classes were conducted secretly because of the patriarchal norms in the areas (Maddox, 2005). This kind of finding has implications in terms of how we understand women’s literacy in rural settings. More specifically, in the case of women in Bangladesh, the basis of literacy skills for women seems to be awash with contestation and risk which involves ‘problematic patriarchy’ in the negotiation of new social roles and identities (Maddox, 2005).
In summary, the literature confirms that a positive relationship between literacy-focused
NFE programs and knowledge and skills, which improve the capacity and participation of women in the community. Through their participation in the programs, women develop literacy skills and their abilities are improved with various job-related skills. Academic literature reveals
56 that to be successful in attendance and outcomes, literacy programs must be participatory, culturally sensitive and must relate to the needs of the rural and marginalised women, focusing on both human and socio-economic development sides that result in participants being more independent. This academic literature is significant to this study, given that this study also investigates perspectives of NFE programs for females in complex and risky (rural) settings. In this study, Northern Nigeria is used as the case study and it is a region that is religiously conservative. The following section will explore empowerment efforts through NFE programs.
3.5 Non-Governmental Organisations (NGOs)
This section reviews literature on how NGOs operate, or become involved in funding and delivering educational programs. The empirical literature on NGOs is reviewed because they are the vehicles responsible for operation and delivery of educational programs, especially in developing communities.
The diversity of NGOs’ orientation, scope and size combined with the representation of different interests make the definition of the term an uphill task but various authors agree that they are non-profit organisations structured on an international, national or local level to perform a variety of services and humanitarian functions for the people (AbouAssi, 2012; Clarke, 1998;
Herzer & Nunnenkamp, 2013; Ponte & Richey, 2014). In its most basic form, an NGO can be described as a non-profit organisation geared towards improving the quality of lives of disadvantaged people in a particular community. However, one needs to know that this definition may not apply to every context due to different structures that characterise NGOs in multi- national contexts. To resolve the complexity of NGOs’ definition, Vakil (1997) recommends that
57 NGOs can be generally classified by the types of activities they engage in and level of operation at international, national or local community level.
Various issues of current importance such as education, women’s empowerment and public health have increasingly swept through the African region. The current research focuses on the activities of a particular grassroots NGO, Popular Theatre and Health Education
Association (POTHE), whose activities span across rural communities in Dutse, Jigawa State
(Northern Nigeria), dominated by the Hausa-Fulani ethnic group. This organisation was chosen because it is a grassroots-based organisation which is best positioned to provide space for women’s voices to be heard, and its activities are more locally relevant to the needs of women living in the area. In the next subsection, I will briefly explore the purposes of NGOs before looking at the way NGOs function in order to operationalise their programs.
The main purpose of NGOs is to design and implement development-related programs that can help the disadvantaged and poor communities. For example, some INGOs such as Save the Children and BRAC have many development-related projects in many locations in developing countries. The major aim of these organisations is to deliver services that will improve the socio-economic conditions of people in their communities. According to Edwards
(1999), Save the Children operates healthcare services, delivers education programs, and provides micro-credit for the communities. But there are other purposes of NGOs in developing nations.
NGOs’ missions may also include humanitarian relief supports, development projects and socio-political responsibilities (Ahmed & Potter, 2006). A relevant example for this is the case of the earthquake that struck in Haiti. When the earthquake happened in January 2010, several
58 NGOs acted immediately to provide emergency relief (e.g. food and clothing) to the affected people who had lost everything in the natural disaster (Cerny & Durham, 2005). Likewise, during the deadly Indian Ocean Tsunami that affected some Asian countries in 2004, many
NGOs sent relief experts to Sri Lanka, India, Thailand and Indonesia, and made provision for first-aid, food and shelters for the victims (Cerny & Durham, 2005). In their evaluation study,
Cerny and Durham (2005) indicated that NGOs’ involvement in these concerned communities was one of the most productive strategies to provide humanitarian relief supports.
Some NGOs tend to monitor government and intergovernmental organisations (IGOs), and some NGOs monitor transnational corporations’ projects. The Narmada dam is another instance of NGOs’ supervising mission on the World Bank’s activities in India (Fisher, 1995).
When the World Bank attempted to assist Indian government with the construction of the
Narmada dam, local NGOs teamed up with INGOs and protested against the project because the concerned stakeholders in the area did not see the project as a beneficial one either for their environment or the members of the community. The World Bank dropped the project because of the clamorous demonstrations organised by the NGOs and people living in the area. In another study by Diamond (1995), NGOs were seen as important instruments which enable people to have voices and interests in organising pro-democracy interests that had not yet been heard among women’s groups, rural dwellers, farmers, unions, and religious groups. NGOs are organisations which are expected to deliver projects that serve the needs of the environment where they are operating.
NGOs operate through the (principal-agent) relationship between them and their patrons.
Relevant literature suggests that NGOs reduce their scope of activities to those preferred by donors, and that this reduction is most restraining when the primary client or donor is the
59 government. For instance, Bebbington (1997), a long-time observer of NGO works in developing communities has strongly been concerned over whether NGOs serve the population specified in their mission statements or the donors who fund their programs. Bebbington and Farrington
(1993) questioned whether NGOs answer the call of the communities they serve or instead serve the interests of their donor agencies. In a later study, Bebbington (2005) observed an unusual trend in which NGOs involved in the alleviation of poverty were increasing through an evolution that has gravitated away from political action. Bebbington notes that there has been a “certain depoliticization of poverty, in which poverty discussions are increasingly separated from questions of distribution and social transformation…” (2005, p. 706). A number of empirical studies reach similar conclusions. Examining NGO operations in Brazil, Garrison (2000) finds that as NGOs spring up, they bring with them a more technocratic discussion that serves to legitimise the neoliberal Brazilian government. Another author, Gray (2003), finds that NGOs in
Vietnam operated more like government sub-contractors whose motives and methods were not all that distinct from the government’s. This suggests that regardless of the operational style the
NGO adopts, it is important to understand the relationship of the organisation to the wider power structure in which it attempts to exert influence. With respect to the current study, POTHE is an organisation that operates more like a grassroots NGO whose motives are to support efforts that build the capacity of rural women within the cultural traditions of Hausa-Fulani by affirming their rights to benefit both socially and economically.
The bulk of funds for NGOs often come from official donor-funding. Donations coming from different funding sources include private funding (donations, fundraising), public support
(government grants) and commercial ventures (selling products or providing services at a lower price) (Werther & Berman, 2001). Hodge and Piccolo (2005) note that all these different funding
60 sources have their benefits and shortcomings. Fundraising requires time and administration; government funding is riddled with bureaucratic hurdles and politics, whereas commercial activity raises concerns about organisations losing focus on their main purpose (Fischer &
Wilsker, 2011). Funding is mostly granted for a specific cause set up by individuals, INGOs or philanthropists in developed countries whose donations are often tax deductible. It is through these sources that NGOs actively fundraise their programs and maintain their networks.
Empirical studies attest to the claim that the source of NGOs’ funding is mostly from western donors and is directly related to the likelihood of adopting their conditionalities (Olawoore,
2017; Plipat, 2006; Suárez & Gugerty, 2016). Yet, even among the foreign funding organisations, differences occur, with some funding agencies desiring to use human rights and social justice conditionality more than their counterparts. For example, Plipat (2006) confirms that some NGOs that receive funding from Australia and Europe would possibly embrace right- based approaches than others receiving funding from American donors.
This is also evident among registered NGOs in Tanzania, of which about 90 percent are funded from western countries’ sources (Haapalainen, 2007). A study conducted in Tanzania shows that the creation of some NGOs in the country came at a time when there was keen interest by the donors to fund NGO programs in Tanzania (Edwards, 2014). But conditions were attached to the donations. The conditions by donor organisations are as follow: any receiving
Tanzanian organisation needs to embrace their preferred methods and address specific causes that are supported by them (Edwards, 2014). Oftentimes, the projects or programs of most NGOs usually mirror the areas of interest or agendas of the donor agencies. This impacts the loyalty, missions and operations of most NGOs, especially in developing countries (Edwards, 2014;
Edwards & Hulme, 1996). It also makes NGOs to embark on projects or programs that are not in
61 tandem with what the community actually needs (Cooley & 2002). Since NGOs would need to satisfy their foreign donors, it therefore means that there would be little contribution from the stakeholders in the community (Afolayan, 2016a; Benson, 2012; Ebrahim, 2003).
Some NGOs in developing countries often find it difficult to get funding for their programs or projects. Unfortunately, when an NGO’s survival depends on making strategic decisions based on a market environment characterized by uncertainty, the NGO’s interests will be shaped by incentives to appease donors in an effort to position themselves to receive future funding which the NGO needs for their own survival (Cooley & Ron, 2002). McMahon (2017) notes that NGOs often pay attention to relatable stories surrounding their services and the impact of their services. Such stories would now become what the NGOs would be using to compete with other NGOs when applying for donations in the future. As a result, this story-inspired technique often influences NGOs to operate with loyalty to their funding agencies and with a lack of clarity in their goals and dealings with local community (Afolayan, 2016a; McMahon,
2017).
Also, NGOs may embark on programs or projects that are not relevant to needs of the community or within their operations. Pursuing such projects or programs may mean that there are donor agencies’ interests on such projects/programs, including available funding (Szporluk,
2009). In the course of pursuing projects and programs for the sake of survival, the relevance of
NGOs tends to be diminished and de-legitimised in the community. A building donated to a school in a rural northern-Nigerian village to satisfy donor interests might become community storage of pastoral goods or be converted into a new headquarters of vigilante of the community or remain empty because it was built in a poor location with little community involvement. One could say that the NGO achieved their aims and fulfilled their obligation by addressing a
62 perceived cause that their donor agency supported. However, there was no input from the community members concerning the implementation of such project or program. Therefore, there is no possibility of sustaining such a project or program because once there is no funding, the NGO would no longer be interested. In this kind of situation, Moyo (2009) notes, the project resources and knowledge would dry up. Without involving local communities in any program or project, transfer of knowledge in such setting will not be achieved.
This study is mindful of how funding impacts program development and implementation, and how this in turn impacts relationships between different stakeholders. The next section will explore this area of relationships.
3.6 Relationships of NGOs with Clients, Donors and Government
This section explores the empirical studies regarding the relationships of NGOs with their main key stakeholders, starting with the relationship with clients, followed by donors/INGOs and governments—respectively.
3.6.1 Clients
Most of the projects that NGOs get involved in, with respect to developing communities, are developmental, and these projects could include education, health, infrastructure-building and women empowerment (Nair & Campell, 2008). Empirical literature provides works that deal with developmental issues in Africa. These include studies on HIV/AIDS (Nair & Campell,
2008; Pfeiffer et al., 2008), healthcare services (Manji & O’Coill, 2002), education (Roudi-
Fahimi & Moghadam, 2006) and women entrepreneurship (Vossenberg, 2013). A number of
63 case studies in the literature also concentrate on infrastructural projects (Aldashev & Vallino,
2019; Shams et al., 2014). Since most of the NGO projects target the people who need this assistance, or these services, the citizens of developing communities can be regarded as the
‘clients’. There are many significant aspects of NGOs’ relationship with clients that could be drawn out of the literature (Bromideh, 2011; Cheng & Mak, 2010; Townsend et al., 2004) but the most important aspects of the relationship that is relevant to my study is local/grassroots involvement.
Involving the local community in NGO programs has been seen as an important practice in development studies (Duffy, 2006; Hviding, 2003). These authors emphasise the need for locals to be consulted, to be involved in the development programs, and to be educated in these programs so as to become self-sustaining in the future. In a study of the politics of cross-border conservation areas and the power of the NGOs involved in these projects in Mozambique, Duffy
(2006) finds that while conservation areas can be advantageous to the clients in the areas, there are some times when the locals are not even approached for their inputs or thoughts. For example, a survey was carried out and it was found out that 40 percent of the villagers living around the proposed Transfrontier Park were not informed that it was to become one (Duffy,
2006). The NGO involved in the project hired a consultancy firm to carry out their community consultation exercise but the firm was later fired because it was found out to be a scam, and unfortunately the NGO did not bother to continue with the community consultation exercise.
Duffy (2006) concludes that the NGOs and Mozambican government did not take into cognisance the clients as they were just acting in order to gain money from the projects for their self-interest.
64 In contrast to the problem highlighted above, the study by Galvin and Habib (2003, p.865) finds out that the NGO and donors involved in the water provision in South Africa promoted ‘decentralisation’ (“bringing development closer to the people and promoting participatory approaches”) as they see it as a tool to empower local citizens through local authorities. Local authorities have their own set of problems but they tend to be more in tune with the local people and therefore better placed to service their needs.
3.6.2 Donors/INGOs
NGOs’ relationship with donor agencies is a difficult one. This is because NGOs depend so greatly on donors because they consider donor funding in establishing and maintaining their organisations since they are non-governmental establishments (Aldashev & Vallino, 2019).
Generally, the most significant matters in the NGO-donor relationship revolve around fundraising, accountability and dependency.
Fundraising is important to NGOs’ operations since they are not profit-oriented organisations. The availability of funding gives room for NGOs to design and implement programs. Donor agencies are organisations through which development funds are appropriated.
They may come in three forms, for example: multilateral agencies, government aid departments and charitable organisations. Aldashev and Verdier (2010) investigated how NGOs schedule their time between fundraising and working on projects. They find that several NGOs often attempt to operate in the areas that would likely attract private donations. Whenever they realise there was a certain amount of donor income, there would be a lot of competition between NGOs, which eventually indicated that more time was spent on fundraising efforts. As a result, donor
65 income plays a major role in NGO funding, and has created a dependency on the operation of
NGOs in developing communities (Edwards & Hulme, 1996). While fundraising is a vital segment of the NGO-donor relationship, it tends to open up a much larger issue, an issue that appears to be one of the most difficult for NGOs to handle, namely, the issue of accountability.
Accountability is a challenging issue for NGOs. Given that they are created to deliver services and implement projects for those who are in need, it makes sense to say that they should be held accountable for those whose need they are meeting, their clients. However, with so much flowing into developing communities through NGOs from donors, they have an obligation to be aware of what the donors want.
Oftentimes, the agendas of donors may not align with NGO missions. As Bebbington and
Farrington (1993) observe, there can be a clash of interests and ideologies between NGOs and donors. The NGO’s objective may indicate that enabling and teaching local clients to establish and operate their own programs should be the principal one. However, donor agencies (including governments) often influence NGO operations, resulting in legitimacy issues. Legitimacy is significant for NGO operations. According to Atack (1999), legitimacy can be divided into representativeness, distinctive values, effectiveness and empowerment. In particular, NGOs are expected to gain the trust of their NGO counterparts, the government in whose country they operate and that of the clients they serve. But NGOs’ legitimacy could be under threat by the donor’s agenda.
Donor agenda are the main reason that accountability remains a problematic issue.
Lockwood (2005) explains the funding policies and their impact on the developing communities.
He also mentions the interference of donor agencies in local governance. Some donor agencies
66 have attempted to make the state operations smaller—for instance, the policies in Kenya where the state role in healthcare was cut down for a better system of church and private healthcare
(Hearn, 1998). Originally, donor agencies attempted to adopt this approach in developing communities where governments and their policies were seen as corrupt, dubious and inefficient
(Lockwood, 2005). Donor agencies, therefore, attempted to reduce the size and influence of the state. They later realised that this policy was not yielding desired outcomes, and as a result they attempted to reform poor governance structures (Lockwood, 2005; Moyo, 2009). Some donor agencies pursue development intervention on a humanitarian ground, but some are probably involved for their own self-interest (Busumtwi-Sam, 2002). In the end, Edwards and Hulme
(1996) conclude that donor agendas offer both threats and opportunities for NGOs. Increased funding from donors enables NGOs to increase their projects but offers threats such as decreased legitimacy in the eyes of governments and communities where they are operating. In conducting this research, the researcher was cognisant of any impact with respect to accountability, in terms of how the study participants (which include NGO personnel) engage with, and report to the research project team as this may have an impact on the data analysis and findings.
3.6.3 Governments
In developing countries, relationships between governments and NGOs are not the same.
The relationships vary from country to country and are subject to changes any time. Mostly, the relationship between government and NGOs depends on the governance system of the state. For example, multiparty systems, as seen in most governments in the developing world, are likely to be more sympathetic to the cause of NGOs than governments which are still in the process of
67 consolidating power in a single-party country. Thus, NGOs are likely to thrive in an environment where political parties are weak.
Even though the government does not offer grants and funds, they do make them available for special programs that are specifically designed by governments. Thus, NGOs are expected to fit their proposals into these programs, and as a result NGOs become mere implementers of the ideas and programs designed by the governments (Jayagupta, 2009; Coston,
1998). A number of visits by the NGO personnel to concerned government departments or officials may be required before the approval of funds, otherwise the operation of the project may be delayed (Jayagupta, 2009). In some cases, those NGOs that solely depend on government funding may experience the tension of cooperating with bureaucratic and corrupt governmental agencies in order to receive grants from the government for the completion of their programs or projects (Bratton, 1989; Edwards & Hulmes, 1996).
In a bid to avoid reliance on government funding, many NGOs turn to foreign donors for funds, foreign donors like World Bank, Save the Children, Oxfam, Population Council (Dupuy et al., 2015), among others. Foreign funding tends to lead to some innovative experiments, new initiatives and new approaches but it is much more complicated as stated earlier in the previous section. Take for example, the impacts of the funding source. Different types of NGOs— international, national and local—heavily depend on funding from foreign donors (Lewis et al.,
2009; Muskin 1997, 1999).
Mwangi’s (1986) study reveals that NGOs in Kenya receive 90 percent of their annual operating expenses overseas. The government responds to this kind of unhealthy situation in blurry ways. On one hand, governments may seek for additional resources for the development
68 programs. On the other hand, governments may feel that NGOs would be organisations that represent foreign interests. Given such a paradoxical government-NGO relationship, it is difficult to believe that there can be any kind of collaboration between the government and NGOs.
However, there are few instances when NGOs’ working relationship with governments yields positive outcomes.
A relevant example that Sood (2000) cites is that of ‘Pravah’ in India, a network of activists, experts and NGO representatives working together to provide drinking water to people in Gujarat through the promotion of community participation. Sood (2000) observes that one of the most significant strengths has been the NGO’s efforts to develop a positive and open relationship with Indian government. There are some cogent reasons that made the government-
NGO relations successful. First, it was successful because Indian government provided official support to encourage the NGO operations in priority communities without undermining the
NGO’s autonomy (Sood, 2000). Second, government-NGO relations provide more effective levels of democratic governance and development strategy through staff training and improvement of management capacity (Sood, 2000). For example, Pravah and other NGOs, by relating closely with the government, have been successful in convincing the officials to allot a huge amount of money to different alternative social infrastructures which were initially implemented solely through NGOs (Clark, 1995; Sood, 2000). As a result, the Indian government made a resolution to allocate huge financial resources for these alternative development interventions, thereby altering current policies (Clark, 1995; Sood, 2000).
Given the contested state of governance and responsibility in the region of my research site, it is important to understand to whom an NGO holds importance in the field of education, and why. In addressing this, this qualitative study is intended to understand females’ perceptions
69 about non-formal education from different perspectives in the voices of community leaders, female program participants, female non-program participants and NGO personnel in Northern
Nigeria.
3.7 Perspectives on female education
In this study, it is also important to understand the perspectives that are critical to the current situation of girls and women in the developing world. This will, among other things, show what has been confronting women’s education in various developing societies. By exploring perspectives on female education, I attempt to discuss a range of factors influencing women’s access to education within the context of this research.
There is strong indication to support the view that female education has been intentionally weakened in most of the educational systems of the developing societies. For example, Akande (1987, p.75) strongly suspects that over the years there might have been
“injustices to women in the educational systems of the world”. Following a detailed study relating to female education, in particular their access to and opportunity of education, Moore
(1987) also shares a similar view by noting that female education has suffered massively and hopes that the 21st century would mark the beginning of addressing such gender inequality.
According to her:
“The nations of this world are tied to each other in a web of human connections, not least of which is education. One of the most striking things about the world’s education in the previous centuries has been its systematic exclusion of women. Let us expect that the most exciting thing about the world’s education in the twenty-first century will be the systematic inclusion of women at all levels in all fields” (Moore, 1987, p. 33)
70 Considering women’s education thoroughly at all levels, the above statement indicates that
Moore (1987) is fully aware of the enormity of gender inequality in education, particularly in terms of access to and opportunity of formal or non-formal education.
If the situation as regards female education in developing societies in general is disheartening, how much more disheartening it must be in conservative regions where religion often confines women to the home and forbids them to interact with men. Keddie and Beck
(1978, p. 16), for example, assert that “fewer women are educated in the Muslim world than in other culture areas, and although the absolute number of women educated is growing, so is the gap between men and women”. Minces (1982, p. 71) goes further by suggesting that in Muslim societies “the simple fact of allowing girls access to schools is a considerable step forward”. Al-
Hariri (1987, pp. 53-54) notes that “Traditionally women’s education has suffered in most countries…Socio-economic and cultural factors…have been generally responsible for this past neglect”. It therefore appears that the critical challenge confronting women has been their invisibility in the public sphere—that is, inability to be allowed to articulate their thoughts, fears, hopes and aspirations on issues such as education, work, marriage, sexuality and family planning
(Afolayan, 2011). White (1978, p. 53) claims that “women’s educational achievement and participation in economic activity in Muslim societies varies with the enforcement of Islamic restrictions on women”. This adds up, as I witnessed this during my 3-month fieldwork in
Northern Nigeria in 2016. As we can see, that is 41 years apart, yet the situation of women has probably not changed much.
For Egypt, it appears that the country followed a fairly liberal policy with respect to women’s education. Minai (1981, p. 70) notes that “the Egyptian constitution granted equality of education to women in 1924”. This was a response to demands for female education which
71 dated back into the earlier century. Khattab and El Daeif (1982) also claim there was a rapid social change towards female education by the end of the nineteenth century because the movement was championed by “Muslim religious leaders and social reformers who were more extensively in contact with societies which advocated for the emancipation and education of women” (p. 171). Unfortunately, this contrasts with two other Muslim societies, Pakistan and
Sudan. For Sudan, Sanderson (1975, p. 229) notes that “education for girls was alien to Sudanese
Muslim, legal, religious and family institutions”. For Pakistan, also mostly Muslim, Smock
(1981, p. 91) states that “in a culture in which the private world of the family marks the boundaries of awareness and concern for women, secular education has been seen to have little utility for them”. When females are demoted to the private sphere, not only is secular education of trivial use, it is often unreachable.
Over the years, female education has undergone severe neglect and this cannot be attributed to a single factor. Therefore, I will briefly examine social and gender norms that militate against female education. Before examining these norms, I want to mention that social and gender norms vary from society to society, and even within the same society, some differences may exist.
3.8 Social and Gender Norms—What They Mean to Hausa-Fulani Women in Northern Nigeria.
This section presents a brief conceptual debate about social and gender norms so as to help understand the cultural and religious context in which this study is situated.
72 3.8.1 Social Norms
Social norms, unwritten rules that influence behaviours, attitudes and practices of groups and societies, have received much and long-standing attention in the social science literature.
Anthropologists have extensively investigated how social norms are operationalised in different cultural settings (Geertz, 1973). Sociologists have examined how social norms function and how they influence individuals to act (Durkheim, 1951; Parsons, 1937, 1951). Also, economists have described how being attached to norms can influence the way market operates (Akerlof,
1976; Young, 1998). Other fields in social sciences have also studied social norms and applied it to their works. For example, scholars in legal studies see social norms as an alternative to legal rules (Posner, 2000).
Even though the social norms literature has multiple meanings which appear sometimes paradoxical—in terms of how social norms are constructed and how they influence human behaviours—social norms are generally described as rules of action shared by individuals in a particular society or a social group and they determine the behaviours and practices that are considered appropriate and acceptable for the members of that society or group (see Afolayan,
2011, 2019; Cislaghi & Heise, 2018). As a result of these multiple meanings, a broad range of family-kingship, demographic and economic markers have been used to explain the elusive concept, ‘social norms’. Some of these markers may include, age at marriage for females, sex preferences for children, property possession, early/arranged marriage, mobility, unequal relationships between men and women, seclusion, education for girls and women, concentration of girls and women in informal sector, and access to resources (Afolayan, 2011, 2019; Renne,
2004).
73 There are difficulties associated with the above-mentioned markers. Afolayan (2011,
2019) highlights some of these difficulties: (i) the different contexts affecting how women’s status is defined; (ii) the difficulties in the unequal socio-cultural roles between men and women; (iii) difficulties of legal pluralism; (iv) parental influence; (v) the difficulties in the patriarchical system; (vi) religion. For anthropologists, however, these difficulties may not be regarded as difficulties because they may consider them as preconceived phenomena that may have different cultural interpretations in different cultures (Amadiume, 2015; Borneman, 1996;
Bunting & Merry, 2007; Merry, 2011; Stark, 2018). Due to the problem of equivalence, anthropologists are concerned with the contextual realities of women’s situation, both within a cultural context and cross-culturally (Ardener, 2006; Riley, 1997).
Anthropologists often reject the assumption of universal women’s subordination and unequal social roles between men and women because it is regarded as a reflection of Western researchers’ bias. For instance, in socio-cultural contexts where there is prevalence of complementary gender roles, different gender roles do not automatically imply women’s subordination. In response to this fact, Rogers (1978) proposed that there should be an investigation that would examine women’s place in relation to men within particular socio- cultural context.
By challenging women and men about their gendered roles and ideologies, an overview of their ‘relative power’ (which Rogers 1978, p. 155, defines as “control over significant resources”) in a particular socio-cultural context can be made. Rogers (1978) argued that in socio-cultural contexts where men and women have different social roles and ideologies which enable them to have “control over significant resources, a balance of power is most likely to
74 occur” (Rogers, 1978, p.155). Otherwise, if social roles are different and there is prevalence of a single ideology, power relations between men and women will be unequal.
An important aspect of Roger’s analysis that is critical to this study is identifying what
‘significant resources’ connote in a particular socio-cultural context and examining whether it is women or men that control these resources. Rogers (1978, p.155) noted that these ‘significant resources’ are not only “economic resources (e.g. land, labour, food, money), but also include such resources as ritual knowledge, specialist skills, formal political rights, and information”.
While such a broad definition of resources and other anthropological perspectives are bound to generate criticisms, an analysis based on such parameters is in a better position to open up the basis of social norms from a local perspective.
3.8.2 Gender Norms
Gender norms as a concept emerged from the massive discussions on gender among scholars, practitioners and activists in the 1970s. In the emerging term, gender was popularised by feminists to distinguish the persistent ordering of human activities, roles, behaviours, practices, social structures and preferences, with particular attention to the differences between female and male. This persistent ordering of female and male is socially constructed rather than a function of biology, and is significantly symbolic, and as Afolayan (2011) points out, gender is a persistent symbol of power relations. Gender is all-encompassing and is embedded in the images, ideologies, interactions, entitlements and distribution of power in different facets of social life (Afolayan, 2011, 2019).
Norms are just one component of the entire gender system, along with gendered institutions, gendered roles, gendered power relations and gendered socializations. In this way, gender norms could be simply described as the socially acceptable rules and obligations that all
75 genders ‘should’ ([and in some context] ‘must’) abide with in order to protect the entire gender system.
The term, ‘gender norms’, has always been evolving since the last decade of the 20th century. Gender norms entered the development lexicon at a period when the international non- governmental organisations and other international bodies started making concerted effort and commitment to promote gender equality due to pervasive gendered power imbalances
(Afolayan, 2011). By early 21st century, the term—gender norms— started gaining popularity in the academia (Cislaghi & Heise, 2020). At the outset much work on gender norms was aimed at promoting women’s rights and welfare but work on men and masculinity contributed immensely towards the popularity of the term, with several works emerging on how dominant norms of masculinity are somewhat harmful for both men and women (Afolayan, 2011, 2019;
Cislaghi & Heise, 2020; Connell & Messerschmidt, 2005).
However, given the rise of queer studies and transgender activism, divergent theoretical views on gender emerged almost decade ago. Consequently, debate on gender norms and gender as a system started becoming part of the competing understandings of gender identities, either as a man, a woman or something in between. Also, people started substituting the term ‘gender’ for ‘sex’, losing the normal difference between biology and social construction.
The new shift on sex and gender is beyond the scope of this dissertation. The shift afforded sex and gender with respect to behaviour, health and education (DePalma, 2013;
Ridgeway, 2009). Gender is fundamentally constructed for social relations and is part of the lived experiences of individuals, people around them and their social world (Afolayan, 2011).
Apparently, gender is considerably entrenched in social relations, power, ideologies and institutions (Afolayan, 2011, 2019). Gender offers strong categorization for differentiation that
76 exists between people and is part of the processes that make up class and race, including other lines of power dynamics. In addition, sexuality and sexual meanings are also constructed which makes the processes to be more complexly challenging.
Four major things characterise gender norms discussion and they are all relevant for this study. One, gender norms are firstly learned during childhood, in particular from parents/guardians and peers through the process of socialisation (Afolayan, 2015; Bem, 1981;
Tenenbaum & Leaper, 2002). Afterwards, gender norms are strengthened (or challenged) in the family and the entire social environment (which comprises school, workplace, religion, media, economic systems, legal systems, penal systems and media). Two, unequal gender norms can result in unequal power relations which often make women to be subjected to oppression and gender-based violence (Afolayan, 2011, 2019). Third, gender norms are present in (institutions) and reproduced by institutions. For example, religion, politics, law, school, government and the economy are institutions that are historically developed and currently dominated by men. The only institution that has given major, albeit subordinate, role is the family. Even though there have been many changes that show the advancement of gender equality in these institutions and the reclamation of women’s history that evidently reveals their earlier significant role and participation, men are still having overbearing influence in these institutions. Lastly, gender norms are constructed and reconstructed by social relations through individual’s engagement in social practices and symbolic rites that represent, align or contest various maleness and femaleness ideologies (Afolayan, 2011).
Overall, all these discussions have implications for education, wellness and health of women and girls. This study only focuses on non-formal education program for girls and women in Nigerian Islamic conservative communities. In addition, it becomes necessary to
77 explain and describe my research setting as it relates to the social and gender norms that are operated there, with particular attention to girls and women in the Hausa-Fulani Muslim community of rural Dutse in Northern Nigeria.
3.9 Hausa-Fulani Women in Dutse, Jigawa State.
This section examines the position of Hausa-Fulani women as defined by the appropriate social and gender norms that are practised in rural areas in Jigawa State, where this study was conducted. This study was conducted in two rural communities near ‘Dutse’ (the capital city) in
Jigawa State, Nigeria. For more details about Jigawa State, go to section 2.7. Traditionally, the position or place of Hausa-Fulani women in these areas is enhanced when they are married
(Afolayan, 2019). Marriage enables Hausa-Fulani women and girls in this area to establish new social relations and their place in their husband’s house.
The whole region is a patrilineal society. Most marriages in these communities are arranged by their parent (usually the father). Depending on the desire of the husband, or the position and wealth of a woman’s family, and the educational status of such woman, she may be in a secluded marriage that restricts her movements in different ways. For most rural Hausa-
Fulani Jigawan women, this indicates that they stay in their houses. However, with their husband’s permission, they may be allowed in the evening to visit relatives or family friends if they are accompanied by one of the members of the family (who may be a man or older woman in the household). A few of them who complete secondary or post-secondary education may be allowed to work outside their homes as teachers and health workers but such women mostly live in the city (Dutse) and work in the rural communities that are not too far to their house. Hausa-
Fulani women’s roles in these communities are secondary and subordinate to that of their husbands (Afolayan, 2019; Renne, 2004; Robson, 2000). A Jigawan woman is basically
78 assessed by her submission and servility to her husband, which is subsumed under the cultural norms of the region. Hence, marriage determines the educational prospect of Jigawan girls and women—especially where betrothal takes place at a tender age.
Majority of men in these two communities are farmers and pastoralists. Symbolically, their wives are saddled with the responsibility of taking care of the visitor or relative either by serving them milk, water or preparing food for them. On the part of women, this is an indication of social status which symbolizes social relations and hospitality. Pastoral Hausa-Fulani men depend on their wives for this symbolic social duty. However, if perhaps their wives refuse to serve particular person milk or prepare food at their request, there is nothing they can do to it.
Even though Hausa-Fulani men can serve the milk to their visitor, stranger or relative by themselves, it does not equal the symbolic significance of being served by their wives.
For rural Jigawan Hausa-Fulani women, Islamic teachings are embedded in their cultural norm.
Based on the doctrines of the Quran and the Hadith, they are obliged to obey and respect their spouses. A number of married women in this study frequently mentioned respect as an important obligation for married women in their communities. This significantly conveys a force of moral obligation in certain situations and to a large extent, this is controlled by men.
For example, the significance of respecting their husband’s directive by staying at home indicates that husbands are mostly responsible for providing food, clothing and other things needed for their wives and children. This also means that these rural Jigawan Hausa-Fulani women are not allowed to work unless their husbands say otherwise.
However, these girls and women support their parents and husbands in their food processing, embroidering and knitting businesses and also work with them at the farms. In fact, providing support for their parents and husbands is another cultural value that characterizes the
79 status of rural Jigawan Hausa-Fulani women. A woman who supports her spouse either in the house or in the farm is also respected. For example, a woman who works for her spouse at home potentially provides more protection for one’s respect, in part, by reducing the chances of damaging one’s respect through contact with male-strangers. Since a woman is not allowed to go out, it is expected that no one will lure her or put pressure on her. By the teachings of Islam, men govern the affairs of women as stated in the Quran because it is believed that Allah has made men to be superior to women. Nevertheless, the submission of rural Jigawan Hausa-
Fulani woman to her spouse is also to the Hausa-Fulani’s social norm itself. Afolayan (2019) noted that male domination in Hausa-Fulani region demonstrates the practices of patriarchy at the centre of their social and gender norm systems.
Finally, the approach to female education in Nigerian Islamic conservative communities in Northern Nigeria suggests that fathers and husbands are duty-bound to train their daughters and wives respectively, by sending them to Quranic schools. For older women and girls who have completed basic education (either primary or secondary education) or who come from top political and prominent families, Quranic learning is given to them separately under the tutelage of Islamic teachers (Callaway, 1987; Hiskett, 1973). Quranic learning option raises the issue about access. Access to married women is more challenging than access to unmarried women, yet the married women are still being able to undergo Quranic learning through the employment of older women, usually widows or some learned women or newly graduated girls and boys who have been recommended by their teachers.
The emphasis on female education in these Nigerian Islamic conservative communities is placed on teaching their women about the Islamic ways of life. This teaching is geared towards producing a responsive Islamic environment at home and transmitting moral training to
80 the children. Becoming better Muslims, wives and mothers in the Islamic way is more paramount to these communities than for their girls and women to be educated to discover their intellectual interests and nurture their aspirations. Some women in this study reiterated this; however a few of them, who expressed to go back to formal school, are being supported to achieve their goals through the help of their parents, spouses and NGOs. Based on the gender ideology reflecting local interpretations of Islam in these Nigerian Islamic conservative communities, Quranic school option for women and girls are seen as important pre-school religious opportunities for their women and girls. Hence, Islam is being used to legitimise gender roles within the purview of their local contexts.
3.10 Using a theoretical framework
I use theoretical framework to guide this study in order to ensure consistency of definitions and constructs (Koh, 2013). A theoretically-driven study offers consistent structure and is of high importance in new research. Merriam (1998) argues that we would not know what to do if there is no theoretical framework or conceptual framework that provides “the structure, the scaffolding, the frame of your study” (p. 45). Conceptual framework or theoretical framework is significant in new study or fields of study in whatever format that a researcher decides to bring it to the study—be it contributory, detailed or basic (Miles & Hurberman, 1994).
Likewise, a theoretical framework could be described as a compass that guides research design, as it influences the way data is collected, analysed and interpreted (Swanson & Holton, 1997).
Several theoretical frameworks emerge from different fields of study (Anfara & Mertz,
2014). They make it possible for us “to see in new and different ways what seems to be ordinary and familiar” (Anfara & Mertz, 2014, p.xxvii). The selection of Stromquist’s empowerment
81 framework for this study (discussed in the next section) is guided by relevant constructs evidenced in the field of education, social science and development studies, involving research with NFE program, women/girls, NGO workers and community leaders. This is relevant because this study focuses on multiple perspectives of NFE program, as reviewed in the earlier sections.
Thus, using a theoretical framework expands, enriches and elucidates the knowledge gained from the study.
3.11 Stromquist’s Empowerment Framework
Empowerment has acquired diverse meanings since the second half of the seventeenth century. In the last few decades, however, there has been a new meaning when used to refer to women’s empowerment. The new meaning emerges from the rebirth of women’s social movement and feminism, where ‘empowerment’ has witnessed greatest theoretical development.
The feminist adoption of the term is rooted in the fights for civil rights in the U.S. by African
Americans (Stromquist, 1995) during the Popular Education Movement which dated back to
1970s in Latin America based on the recommendations of Freire (1970), and conceptual proposals of Foucault (Hall, 2001). These developments gave birth to a new conception of power which departs from its conventional meaning of domination. As an alternative, the new conception becomes a force to reckon with, as it engenders independence and power. The idea of gaining independence and power is seen as an internal power which results in transformation
(Stromquist, 1995).
Empowerment has been theoretically framed by numerous theoreticians and nearly all of them acknowledge that it is a process that expresses itself in different contexts and that it
82 comprises both individual and collective elements (Rowlands, 1997; Stromquist, 1995, 2002,
2015). Stromquist (1995, 2015) clearly states that empowerment involves both individual and collective processes. I find Stromquist’s theoretical framework suitable for this study as it comprehensively connects empowerment with gender and education. In particular, it enables observation of key interlocking dimensions between processes of empowerment, knowledge, the social environments in which they occur, and the mutual nature of these interactions and social change (Stromquist, 1995, 2015). This study focuses on how NFE program is empowering young women who participated in Nigerian Islamic conservative community. The female participants in the study interacted with NGO workers, spouses, parents/guardians and community leaders as they participate in the NFE program within their respective villages.
Stromquist (2015, p. 308) defines empowerment as "a set of knowledge, skills, and conditions that women must possess in order to understand that their world and act upon it”.
Stromquist’s (1995, 2015) empowerment framework comprises four dimensions:
i) the cognitive dimension (capability to understand one’s reality and changes in knowledge) ii) the economic dimension (capability to make independent income) iii) the political dimension (Being conscious of power inequities, and possessing capability to organise and mobilise) iv) the psychological dimension (feelings that one is self-efficacious, self-competent, worthy of better conditions)
83 3.11.1 The cognitive dimension
The cognitive dimension relates to women’s understanding of themselves, their conditions and the need to make informed choices that may deviate from socio-cultural norms and understanding patterns of behaviour that enhances independence within the family and the community (Stromquist, 1995, 2015). Also, it entails acquisition of new knowledge to have better understanding of gender relations; as well as destroying old beliefs about the existing patriarchical structure. The cognitive dimension involves knowledge about sexuality and legal rights that shape gender relations in marriage (for example, control of wife’s body and fertility, household duties and decision-making in the family (Stromquist, 1995, 2015).
3.11.2 The economic dimension
The economic dimension relates to women being able to engage in productive activities that will give them independence to control financial resources, not only one’s capacity to generate income, but also the capacity to make informed decisions on how it is used and what is used for (Stromquist, 2002, 2015).
3.11.3 The political dimension
The political dimension has to do with the ability to analyse the immediate social environment in socio-political terms, and it also relates to the ability to organise and mobilise for community development. Also, it entails making household decisions collectively or in
84 partnership with one’s husband, contributing one’s ideas and opinions in community governance processes and leading groups.
3.11.4 The psychological dimension
The psychological dimension encompasses feelings that individuals are competent, self- confident and worthy of better conditions and (Stromquist, 1995). Women need to demonstrate self-confidence and self-esteem and develop self-assertiveness in order to call for social change.
Women need to feel competent to enter public sphere. As Stromquist (2015, p. 316) notes, these attributes must be shared “with other women so that individual actions may foster collective actions that will challenge existing power relations”. This can only be realised through collective experiences and efforts because the skills gained by women through collective and participatory efforts are transferable to various social situations.
3.12 Significance of empowerment framework for this study
Empowerment framework acknowledges that perceptions and abilities of individuals are mechanisms for human development and linked to the social environment in which they exist.
Lived experiences are part of the framework which makes it possible to explore the recognition and illustration of all other dimensions on the participants at the centre (in this study, they are young women and girls who participated in the NFE program).
The strength of Stromquist’s empowerment framework lies in its ability to combine the dimensions of the economic, political, cognitive (knowledge) and psychological as they bear on
85 the transformation of the individual (in particular, women) in society. In this study, the young women at the centre of the empowerment framework is in continuous interaction with surrounding relationships (parents/guardians, spouses, community leaders) and social world
(state and non-state actors) which also influence young women at the centre who influences
‘others’ (in this study, young women who have not participated in NFE program) through these interactions. These interactions between female program participants, community leaders and
NGO workers are not one way. NFE program affects the female program participants' transformation and they too influence themselves, their homes and social environment.
Empowerment framework recognises women’s transformation as an ongoing process over life (Kabeer, 1999; Maton, 2008; Stromquist, 1995, 2015). The framework shows how women can gain knowledge, independence and makes sense of their social world and impacts on the social world. It shows how women make meaning in life and how transformation occurs through their participation in agenda-setting and development intervention program in their local settings.
Empowerment for women is a complex responsibility that requires action across different dimensions in order to realise a visible and sustainable goal. It requires active involvement of local organisations that are genuinely concerned with the emancipation of women. Active involvement of local organisations and local leaders are critical in order to ensure that this collective action is translated to tangible development intervention outcomes. The engagement of
NGOs, especially local NGOs, is fundamental to promotion of societal change and it supports women development in everyday life and personal conduct (Afolayan, 2019; Ibrahim & Tiwari,
2014).
86 Lastly, empowerment framework provides a meaningful way to view the factors that influence the participation of these women and girls in the development intervention program in their local settings. These are important for framing this study and enabling the resulting data to be comprehensively understood.
3.13 Related studies on women’s empowerment programs in developing countries
Empowerment framework is aptly relevant for this study as it is evidenced by its extensive contemporary use in the field of education to analyse how NFE programs have enhanced the capabilities of rural girls and women; in terms of financial autonomy, literacy skills and raising of consciousness about women’s rights (Bandiera et al., 2012; Eldred, et al., 2014;
Hashemi, et al., 1996; Moll et al., 2015; Murphy-Graham, 2012; Stromquist, 2015). These contemporary studies further lay credence on the appropriate choice of this framework for the study as it involves perspectives of different stakeholders that are relevant in the implementation of non-formal education program for girls and women in Islamic conservative communities.
Women’s empowerment programs support individual agency and group cohesion, providing skills and giving opportunity to women to secure loans and to engage in vocational training (Bano, 2018, 2019; Hashemi et al., 1996). Having access to the public sphere and engaging in group discussions enhance sharing of individual experiences, which in turn leads to development of social networks. Stromquist’s (2007) findings from Brazil revealed that even women with minimal progress in literacy reported improvements in self-confidence. Another study by Vakis et al. (2011) reveals that better social interaction improved the communication among participating women, community members and leaders, and that this interaction “can
87 promote knowledge exchange and induce important changes in behaviours and attitudes” (p.76-
77).
A more recent empirical study of women’s empowerment program covering Nepal,
Indonesia, India, Sierra Leone, Senegal, Brazil, Pakistan and Bolivia was conducted by Eldred
(2013) and sponsored by UNESCO. Eldred (2013) found that literacy experiences had positive outcomes and that valuing women’s experience, discussion in circles and small groups, and the use of native language and bilingual approaches contributed significantly to their empowerment.
Also, drawing from data collected from 55 development intervention programs dealing with women issues in 15 countries, researchers found that one of the strongest predicting factors of women’s empowerment was the ability to organise and learn from their experiences (Pathways of Women’s Empowerment, 2011).
Empowerment efforts through NFE often provide space for development of supportive relationships in order for girls to learn how to make decisions and act as leaders under the mentoring of caring adults. CARE (an international NGO) has carried out an experimental study in Bangladesh, Egypt, Honduras, India, Kenya, Malawi, Tanzania and Yemen, where 190,000 girls were reached through extracurricular activities in community groups (Moll et al., 2015).
The evaluation of this experimental study in these eight countries, based on self-reported data from the girls after two years of program participation, explored outcomes related to issues such as adolescent pregnancy and sexual abuse and rape in the communities (Moll et al., 2015). These girls reported substantial improvements in endorsing equal rights for women and men. In addition, other transformations included the changes in the perception of girls concerning their preferences for avoiding early marriage (Moll et al., 2015).
88 A similar evaluation of an empowerment-focused NFE program was made by Warner et al. (2014), who conducted case studies of four big NFE programs carried out in Egypt, Ethiopia,
India and Bangladesh. One of the goals of the programs was to reduce the number of child marriages, using different strategies. Some of the programs focused on the improvement of economic and sexual health. Other programs focused on the improvement of communication skills and re-entry of girls into formal schooling. It was found that the programs were successful in decreasing girls’ preference to marry under 18 years of age and in identifying risks associated with child marriage (Warner et al., 2014). It was also revealed that the strategy with the greatest impact by far was the provision of information, skills and supportive networks (Warner et al.,
2014).
Another significant empowerment effort through NFE program is the one based on the curriculum and pedagogy offered by the Tutorial Learning System (Sistema de Aprendizaje
Tutorial, SAT). It was first developed in Colombia by FUNDAEC, an NGO focused on training and education. SAT is now being implemented in several countries in Latin America and Africa, with a curriculum that provides an alternative secondary school and diploma pathways and treats gender as an explicit curriculum element, while focusing on critical thinking, discussion and debate (Murphy-Graham, 2012). A qualitative evaluation of SAT based on 10 females who had participated in the program for at least three years (and compared with non-participant women) found that they had increased their levels of self-confidence and critical analysis as well as their ability to negotiate spousal relations. Taken as the main indicators of empowerment were the women’s subsequent participation in higher education, creating and owning a small business, or negotiating spousal relations (Murphy-Graham, 2012).
89 Empowerment efforts through NFE also deal with provision of skills and income generation. Ruiz-Bravo (1994) documented the empowerment programs of girls and women from low economic status in South America. She found that the program offers tangible skills to the participants, as well as an avenue where women are able to simultaneously increase their household income. Hashemi, et al. (1996) conducted a study which lasted for more than four years in six villages, with a survey of 1,300 married women under the age of 50 in Bangladesh.
They found that programs which focus on income generation give opportunity to women to secure loans and to engage in other vocational training. Referring to the success of the Grameen
Bank in Bangladesh as a simple credit program, Hashemi, et al. (1996) contended that loans are of paramount importance and the effect of obtaining those loans will subsequently result in greater levels of women’s empowerment. According to the authors, this allows empowerment to be a result rather than a goal for the program. The program participants in this study were also involved in a village-based soft loan.
Likewise, an evaluation of BRAC7’s program (a Bangladeshi NGO program) conducted in Uganda by Bandiera et al. (2012) examine how empowerment-driven NFE programs have impacted the capabilities of adolescent girls in the rural communities. The authors found that the programs have strong positive impacts on income generating activities, health and agency outcomes for the participants. Findings include; increased participation in income producing activities by 35 percent, self-reported condom use by those who were sexually active increased by 50 percent, pregnancy rates dropped by 26 percent and there was a 76 percent reduction in adolescent girls reporting having sex against their will compared to the previous year. Bandiera et al. (2012) however acknowledge that the program would not have been successful if not for
7 BRAC is formerly known as the Bangladesh Rural Advancement Committee
90 the support of the community, family and NGO personnel (Bandiera et al., 2012). They note that the involvement of the community leaders and parents of the participants is integral to the program.
Reflecting on the above, a number of impact evaluations and a few studies indicate that the implementation of empowerment programs for women is somewhat unidimensional. That is, it often focuses on the acquisition of knowledge, skills and increased capabilities, and mostly limited to influencing girls’ preferences and opposing child marriage, creating and owning a small business or negotiating spousal relations.
In this review, however, impact evaluation reports are far more than empirical studies.
Since most of these impact evaluation studies are sponsored by international organisations such as CARE, BRAC and other similar international organisations, there is a tendency that the results might have been influenced by them. This suggests that there may be very little evidence about the effectiveness of these empowerment programs. However, the little empirical studies that are reviewed in study give us a little beacon of hope that women’s empowerment programs stand a chance to have successful outcomes as claimed in developing countries. For example, Bandiera et al. (2012) acknowledged that the program was successful because key stakeholders in the community were involved. This is significant to the present study, as it investigates the NFE program from the perspectives of community leaders, program participants, female non-program participants and NGO personnel.
91 3.14 Conclusion
A significant issue that emerges from the literature review is that the advancement made so far in female education is yet to address all the challenges facing girls and women in developing societies. In particular, the challenges facing female education are enormous, complicated and can be located differently at different segments of each community, with particular attention to local contexts. The literature reveals that some problems are peculiar to particular nations and regions but several countries in the developing world are generally confronted with gender inequality in education.
In response to the perpetuation of gender inequality in education, a growing literature underscoring contextual interventions at the grassroots level is aimed at improving the socio- economic situation of females who are school dropouts or are unable to go to school (Ombati &
Ombati, 2012; Zeng et al., 2014). Various non-formal education programs are becoming a leading mechanism of development intervention for gender equity in education (Kuenzi, 2006;
Ololube & Egbezor, 2012; Stromquist, 2015). On account of the flexible operations and grassroots-level organizing experience, NGOs are assigned with the mission of delivering programs to mitigate gender inequity and enhance women’s empowerment. Nigeria is no exception to this growing trend, in which NGOs are delivering empowerment programs to girls and women to improve their livelihood and status.
Overall, empowerment framework contributes to the illumination of the extent to which
NFE program is empowering girls and women in Nigerian Islamic conservative communities. In this study, I examine how non-formal education program is used as a tool to empower women in
Nigerian Islamic conservative communities, using a qualitative approach to understand the
92 different perspectives of community leaders, female program participants, female non-program participants and NGO personnel, in their own voices.
93 CHAPTER FOUR: RESEARCH DESIGN
The goal of this study is to investigate the perceptions of non-formal education program of young women in rural communities in Northern Nigeria. The research design for this study is qualitative and it draws upon Crotty’s schema to show the multiple perspectives about NFE program in Nigerian Islamic conservative communities, and to show how certain socio-cultural factors affect female participation. I chose Crotty’s schema for this study because it provides a blueprint to conceptualize, clarify the background, and think about how the ideas underlying this research align and provide a cohesive research design. This alignment helped me to be consistently stable with the intellectual rigour of qualitative research as I undertook this particular research task.
This chapter sets out the research design and steps taken in carrying out this research. I drew on Crotty’s schema and used it for the design of this research. According to Crotty (1998), framing a research design requires four essential elements: epistemology, theoretical perspective, methodology and methods. These four elements are briefly defined by Crotty (1998, p. 5) as follows:
“Epistemology: the theory of knowledge that defines what kind of knowledge is possible and legitimate Theoretical perspective: the philosophical stance informing the methodology and thus providing a context for the process and grounding its logic and criteria. Methodology: the strategy, plan of action, process or design lying behind the choice and use of particular methods and linking the choice and use of methods to the desired outcomes Methods: the techniques or procedures used to gather and analyse data related to the research question or hypothesis.”
94 Crotty’s schema outlines the important elements underlying the research process.
Epistemology, the first element in Crotty’s schema, informs each subsequent element.
4.1 Epistemological stances for the study
Various philosophical stances regarding ontology, epistemology and methodology are held by researchers to guide their focus, vision of the world and actions underlying the research process (Crotty, 1998; Scotland, 2012). The epistemological stance provides a lens through which I examined the research process and data, and also influenced my view and how I made sense of my social world as a researcher. For this reason, my research activities were underpinned by an epistemological grounding that provides logical position for making decision about knowledge that is adequate and legitimate (Maynard, 1994). Thus, the epistemological grounding for this study revolves around ‘social constructivism’.
Epistemologically, social constructivism emerged out of the work of Vygotsky (1978)8 but has been widely explored by other scholars (for example, Crotty, 1998; Geertz, 1973;
Lincoln & Guba, 2013; Reusser, 2001). There are a number of viewpoints that are propounded by scholars regarding social constructivism. For example, Geertz (1973, p. 1) views knowledge as a “human product” that is created socio-culturally. This is also echoed in the works of Crotty
(1998) and Lincoln and Guba (2013) who argue that social constructivism is an approach that helps people to construct their multiple realities through their interaction with human beings and their social world as they attempt to make sense of their lived experiences. In addition, these
8 Vygotsky’s work was originally written in Russian language before it was later translated into English language.
95 lived experiences are rooted in their social contexts and influenced by socio-cultural environments.
Reusser (2001, p.2058) clarifies the social constructivist standpoint in the following way:
“People construct their knowledge, not only from direct personal experience, but also from being told by others and by being shaped through social experience and interaction. The basis of personal development and enculturation, thus, is not socially isolated construction of knowledge, but it is co-construction of a social and cultural space”. Drawing from the above, one could see that the construction of knowledge is not an isolated process. Rather, knowledge is constructed through interaction with others and within a social context. As Robson (2002, p. 27) notes, the predetermined aim of a researcher is to know different ways through which knowledge and meaning are socially constructed.
Personally, I believe that the views of human beings through their engagement with social practices and encounters are constructed individually. In addition, individuals’ views are unique to them within the context of their interactions and the environment they live in. My views guide the way I interpret the perceptions, thoughts and experiences of my ‘study participants’ (community leaders, female program participants, female non-program participants and NGO personnel). In this research work, my study participants’ perceptions are constructed uniquely by their own meanings and views regarding the non-formal education program. The way each study participant constructs his/her meaning may be different because each study participant’s lived experiences differ.
The study participants may live together in the same environment but experience this environment differently. I also feel that each of my study participants describes their own views of realities (Patton, 2015). In this study, the initial realities of girls and women who have participated in the NFE program revolve around who they were in their cultural setting before
96 they participated in the study. Also, the initial realities of the young women who have not participated in the NFE program include their lived experiences before they participated in the study. One cannot also ignore the realities of community leaders’ and NGO personnel’s dynamics. Such realities are sympathetic to the emic aspect of how NGO workers and community leaders perceive and understand the essence of social life. These realities suggest that the participants are not ‘blank slates’. All the study participants are with some set of knowledge which they constructed on their own based on their personal circumstances within their social world. Consequently, individual circumstances within that cultural setting are the things that have constructed their knowledge in those initial realities while the new realities emerge out of their participation in the program. In this study, the theoretical stance is constructivist and interpretivist.
Thus, the social constructivist paradigm is able to reflect the multiple realities that people construct and the way through which these reality constructions influence their lives, as well as their engagement with the realities in their world. Similar phenomena may not mean the same thing to everyone. Gray (2014) notes that meaning and truth are constructed out of the participants’ interactions within their local settings. Lincoln and Guba (2013) and Patton (2015) agree. For Neuman (2006), individuals can construct their realities through the way they interact and exercise their beliefs. Overall, people construct their own meaning in different ways, even if it ss in relation to the same phenomenon. The reality may appear multiple or differing but that is the rationality of social existence in the world.
Next, I will now discuss interpretivism—a theoretical stance that is associated with constructivism.
97 4.2 Interpretivism
With respect to this study, each study participant recounts an interpretation of non-formal education from the perspective of his/her experience. My choice of an interpretive paradigm is because of my philosophical standpoint. My philosophical standpoint suggests that social phenomenon is subjective. Every human participant interprets based on their lived experiences
(Denzin & Lincoln, 2011). The community leaders, female program participants, female non- program participants and NGO personnel recount their perspectives and their views of their multiple realities, reflecting their lived experiences and experiential learning (Merriam & Tisdell,
2015, p.9). We construct reality socially. I construct and interpret the meaning of the world as perceived by my study participants in this research. Neuman (2006) concurs with this view and he states that an interpretive researcher would want to have knowledge of people under investigation. An interpretive researcher does this by understanding a particular environment, and the people living in such an environment. He/she then interacts with them to know the feelings and interpretations that the participants have towards social phenomena and explore things that happen through their eyes.
As my study participants’ views and understandings of non-formal education program is shared in focus group discussions and interviews, comparison is made of the interpretations and components of NFE program provided.
4.3 Theoretical perspective for this study: Phenomenology
In this section, I discuss the theoretical positioning of my study, drawing from phenomenology. I explain its philosophical and theoretical perspectives, and its relevance to the
98 study. Phenomenology, as a philosophy, emerged from the work of German philosopher,
Edmund Husserl (Husserl, 1970). The philosophy of phenomenology has had an influence on areas in social research such as education, psychology, political science and nursing (Crotty,
1996; van Manen, 1990; Yanow, 2009). Phenomenology is about interpreting human experiences, for example education, as experienced by people who have lived through them
(Moustakas, 1994). van Manen (1990) refers to these experienced phenomena as the life-world of the individual—that is, the world as it is experienced by people who have lived through them.
According to van Manen (1990, 2006), this lived experience marks the beginning and the end of phenomenological research because it tries to get full understanding of human experience.
Phenomenology consists of three main traditions which represent philosophical views about experiences. These phenomenological traditions are transcendental, existential and hermeneutic in nature. Transcendental phenomenology is concerned with exploration and description of phenomena in relation with their essential structures in order to give meaning to the lived experiences in the world in which one lives (Moerer-Urdahl & Creswell, 2004).
Existential phenomenology is concerned with the uniqueness of human existence, including issues of social being, social relations, free choice or actions in life situations and individual embeddedness in a particular culture (Todres & Wheeler, 2001). Hermeneutic phenomenology deals with how human experiences are interpreted and comprehended from different perspectives by actual personal experiences as they are/were lived (Kafle, 2011). My study is informed by this tradition and draws on the work of Moustakas (1994).
My study is aligned with the hermeneutic phenomenology—a phenomenological typology that interprets accounts of human beings and their actual personal experiences as they are/were lived in their environment. The cogent reason for identifying with this type of
99 phenomenology is to identify and investigate the meaning making of the lived experiences of the rural young girls and women. Phenomenology is relevant to this study, in terms of exploring the perceptions of the study participants to understand the way they make meaning of their lived experiences of participating in NFE program. This study describes what it is for married or unmarried young women to participate in educational program in a conservative environment where social roles of men and women are not equal—using their personal words. Such descriptions may enhance our understanding, contributing to a new way of understanding young married and unmarried women who live with a different perspective of a program or policy or community action (Simon, 2009).
Understanding and constructing meaning and knowledge from the participants’ lived experiences about a particular phenomenon are based on relationships with the real world. My personal philosophical stance fits in with this approach. Being situated in a particular context helps individuals to make meaning from that context. Our lived experiences relate with the social settings and the relationships we build with others. I believe that our world can be interpreted through these lived experiences and relationships we share with others. Hermeneutic phenomenology is therefore used here to describe and understand a particular phenomenon in- depth and gain an insight about the ‘essence’ of individuals’ lived experiences and relationships of that particular phenomenon (Moustakas, 1994; van Manen, 2007).
My knowledge is built out of the lived experiences and relationships with the world around me. I was interested in exploring “…how complex meanings are built out of simple units of direct experience” (Merriam, 2002, p. 7). A hermeneutic phenomenology offers interpretations of lived experiences and enables hidden meanings to be unearthed. It is an art of interpreting descriptions of human lives and the meanings associated with those descriptions.
100 Therefore, hermeneutic phenomenology is relevant to my philosophical grounding and facilitates the present case study.
The present study is seeking to describe the underlying essence of the case study in a rural setting by exploring the lived experiences of the study participants. The present study attempts to investigate the significance of the NFE program for females in rural and religiously conservative settings by exploring these young women’s lived experiences. My study is an interpretive investigation into the NFE program for young rural women, bringing multiple perspectives to the essence of a phenomenon from the perspectives of female program participants, community leaders, NGO personnel and female non-program participants. Through hermeneutic research, we have the knowledge of the world in which we live in.
van Manen (1990) outlines six methodical procedures which are helpful to conduct hermeneutic phenomenological research. While these methodological procedures are neither absolute nor fixed and cannot be used as a formula, I see them as useful guides when exploring phenomena. The six procedures are:
“(i) turning to a phenomenon of lived experience; (ii) investigating of experience as we live
it; (iii) reflecting on the essential themes which characterise the phenomenon; (iv) describing
the phenomena—the art of writing and rewriting; (v) maintaining a strong and orientated
relation to the phenomenon; (vi) balancing the study context by considering parts and the
whole.” (van Manen, 1990, p. 30)
Overall, the multiple views of the young females, community heads and NGO workers and thematic analysis help me to gain understanding of the lived experiences of the study participants. This enables me to know what the experience of participating in NFE program is
101 like for the girls and women in rural and religiously conservative settings. The narratives of the female program participants, community leaders, NGO personnel and female non-program participants describe the views, feelings and knowledge resulting from the lived experience of the phenomenon of non-formal education program.
4.4 Research Design
This is a qualitative phenomenological case study as this study looks at a particular case
(POTHE’s NFE program) and a particular phenomenon (experiences of women/girls who have participated in the program). In the next two sections, I discuss the qualitative approach with the case study approach.
4.4.1 Qualitative approach
Qualitative research is an area of inquiry that places a priority on people’s lived experiences and the meanings they ascribe to their experiences (Miles & Huberman, 1994;
Patton, 2002). Qualitative research is inductive in nature. Qualitative approach searches for answers by exploring many places and the people living in these places.
Fundamentally, qualitative researchers examine phenomena in their natural environment in order to gain insightful interpretations and rich descriptions of such phenomena through the meanings people assign to them (Afolayan, 2019; Berg, 2009; Denzin & Lincoln, 2005). Overall, qualitative research helps researchers to develop a comprehensive understanding of others and to explore the ways people give meaning to their everyday lives in their social world.
102 I chose to conduct qualitative research in order to gain insights into how to answer questions about lived experiences, situations and meanings about non-formal education programs from different standpoints of the study participants in Northern Nigeria. In particular, qualitative research allowed me to explore different perspectives of non-formal education for young girls and women in rural and religiously conservative setting, finding out social factors that could influence their participation, and identifying interesting themes that emerge from the study
(Creswell, 2007, 2013, 2014).
The emerging themes from the focus group discussions and interviews with the community leaders, female program participants, female non-program participants and NGO personnel will be analysed to create new insights into the study focus as data collected brings about new understandings. At the heart of the research is the context and the participants as an inseparable whole, examining what participants do and go through in their day-to-day activities and its importance as considered by the study participants (Taylor & Bogdan, 1984). The focus group discussions and interviews explored socially constructed perspectives and individual personal meanings respectively. In qualitative research, one is expected to make sense of phenomena through rich description and exploration of an insider’s perspective (Lincoln & Guba
1985; Polkinghorne, 2005) by investigating how the community leaders, female program participants, female non-program participants and NGO personnel respond to phenomena in their social world (van Manen, 2016). Potter (1996, p. 67) refers to this as “meaning making by humans”.
103 4.4.2 Case study
Case study research is situated within qualitative approach, and it is aimed at helping researchers to investigate and understand problems, issues or phenomena within their real-life context (Merriam, 1998; Gerring 2007). There has been much debate by different case-study scholars about the meaning of case study in research context. One of the key scholars in case study, Yin (2009), notes that case study provides a comprehensive and detailed understanding of a phenomenon, using single or multiple sources of evidence within their real-life context.
Merriam (1998) agrees with Yin’s (2009) framing, however she emphasises in-depth understanding of phenomena and meanings which people ascribe to their real-life experiences.
On the other hand, Stake (1995), another key scholar in the field of case study, highlights particularisation of the complex real-life phenomenon.
All the above case-study definitions suggest that case study in research examines multifarious phenomena in a particular environment to expand knowledge about such phenomena. The case study investigated in this research is the phenomenon of a non-formal education program conducted in Dutse, Jigawa State, Northern Nigeria. It is a single case study that comprises two sites—Village H and Village M. In order to explicate the circumstances and particularities of this particular case study, the definition provided by Simons (2009) is useful.
Simons (2009, p. 21) describes case study in the following way:
“Case study is an in-depth-exploration from multiple perspectives of the complexity and uniqueness of a particular project, policy, institution, programme or system in a real-life context. It is research based, inclusive of different methods and is evidence-led” In the definition, Simons identifies case study as a mechanism for in-depth exploration. In this study, in-depth study is at the core of my research investigation. The study is epistemologically and theoretically designed for in-depth exploration.
104 Another key feature of case study as noted by Simons (2009) is the ability to present multiple perspectives. The phenomena of a non-formal education program for females in
Northern Nigeria cannot be understood from a single perspective. The religious conservatism of the area, the traditional practices and expectations associated with life experiences for females and the sensitivities and constraints that impact the operation of NGOs necessitate the inclusion of multiple perspectives to fully understand the case. Participants in the study therefore included community leaders (comprising village and religious heads) who are seen as the ‘gateway’ to the rural communities in Dutse, Jigawa State. The involvement of community leaders allowed me to gain their informational perspectives about non-formal education for girls and women in their communities. In addition, we get the perspectives of NGO personnel who have been responsible for developing and delivering development program. We also get the perspectives of young women in the two communities—in particular, those who have experienced the program and those who have not. Collectively, this range of perspectives supports the development of a deep understanding of this real-life context.
The third case study feature, as noted by Simons, is ‘complexity’. In this study, complexity is associated with the political context. The study was conducted in a delicate setting that is off limits to many people as a result of the Boko Haram insurgency and other security concerns in Northern Nigeria. Also, the complexity of the study is associated with the way Islam has been developed in Northern Nigeria (see Barkow, 1972; Callaway, 1994; Foxall, 1992). The way Islam has been interpreted and enacted in this environment still has a great influence on the lives of Hausa-Fulani women. For example, social norms that emerged out of Usman dan
Fodio’s interpretation of Islamic principles in Northern Nigeria still impact the ways the roles of
105 women continue to be defined and the potential to be re-defined (for more details, see Chapter
2).
The fourth case study feature, as noted by Simons, is ‘uniqueness’. Additional complexity associated with this case study relates to gender and positionality. I discuss my positionality in a later section. This feature of the case study makes it both complex and unique.
In addition, the study is unique because this kind of study has not received much attention it deserves in the literature.
Another of Simons’ features refers to ‘programme’ in a real-life context. Simons also refers to case study as “a programme in a real-life context” (Simons, 2009 p. 21). This research is a case study and accommodates Simons’ (2009) case study framework on the in-depth understanding of the programme. Finally, and again in line with Simons’ definition, this case study has the potential to inform educational policy and practice within communities in Northern
Nigeria.
4.4.3 The role of language and translators/interpreters
Language is used to express meaning and it also influences how meaning is constructed.
Hausa and English languages were the two languages that were used in this study based on the language realities of the setting. The selections of words and languages were cautiously made by each study participant to describe the individual participation experience in NFE program. Since the cultural setting where the study was carried out consists of predominantly Hausa speakers, I needed to adopt alert strategy, observation, judgment and reflection. This insight is important in hermeneutic phenomenology because individuals often identify with his or her natural setting on
106 some certain social phenomena. The interpretation falls between the text, translator and the interpreter. This reveals the collective meaning in the exercise. I shall come back to the issue relating to the role of the translator and interpreter later in this chapter since I have earlier stated that I am not a fluent speaker of Hausa language which was used by most of the participants during the fieldwork.
Husserl (1970) cautions that there are limitations of language in hermeneutic description.
We only understand a part of things or a perspective of things; the whole comprehension can elude us. Through hermeneutic phenomenological investigation, we find the interpretation of the lived experience through the perceptions and interpretations of the participant. This makes this methodology relevant for this study.
Let me now turn to the issue about the role of the translator and interpreter, as is applicable to the current study. As a social researcher, I understand what it feels like when conducting a research and it happens that there is a language barrier between the researcher and participants (Larson, 1998; Temple, 2002; Temple & Young, 2004). I know that I have an obligation to ensure that the data collected and/or translated is credible. With words as data, I know the language barrier between me and my participants could be a methodological challenge.
This made this study to be a difficult one.
To mitigate this methodological challenge, female research assistants, professional interpreters and translators were engaged for the study. They were hired to provide services to overcome language barriers between me and my study participants who were majorly young women. The interpreters and translators in my study played different roles. The interpreter in this research provided oral translation services during my interview with the community leaders in
107 the research sites. In contrast, the translators in this research provided services translating all the transcribed interviews.
This study does not have any objective or research question on language and translation.
The interpretation of the data and conclusions were drawn from the participants’ narratives during interviews and focus group discussions. Phenomenological inquiry allows flexibility and
Simons’ (2009) case study framework facilitates my understanding of the analysis of the data, allowing the framing of lived experiences of research participants in this hermeneutic phenomenological research.
4.5 Positionality
In this section, my focus is on the reflexivity of my positionality as a researcher and the claims, prior experience and socio-cultural beliefs that play out in this study (Afolayan, 2016b).
All researchers are apparatuses of their research works as all information is filtered through their eyes and ears and the data analysis is influenced by their life experiences, research skills and academic backgrounds (Lichtman, 2013).
I always see life, including this research, as an expedition. My conception of seeing research as an expedition suggests that everything that happened—whether good or bad things— could be seen as a progress, stagnation or failure, on this expedition. Using ‘expedition’ as a metaphorical word in this sense suggests that this study attempts to explore a particular phenomenon. Denzin and Lincoln (2005) note that one must immerse oneself in daily reality for expansion of knowledge. This brings to light my consciousness and the way to determine a meaningful sense of individuals’ lived experiences.
108 I am a male Christian researcher from Southern Nigeria, researching issues that relate to
Muslim women in Northern Nigeria. Issues associated with my positionality have been discussed earlier; but to ensure ethical conduct of this research, it was important to state a number of points here as they relate to the following:
• As an outsider, it was important for me to live in the communities and schedule
meetings with the parents/guardians and village and religious heads in order to
learn about Hausa-Fulani customs and practices.
• It was also important for me to ensure that the voices of the study participants
were heard and the interviews were conducted in a place where participants felt
comfortable.
• Respecting and honouring participants and the Hausa-Fulani’s customs and
cultural practices were also important.
All the above points were taken into consideration for ethical reasons.
As a Nigerian man who lived the first thirty-two years of his life in Nigeria, lived in
Europe, Senegal, Malaysia and Australia for five out of the last eight years, raised three children in both Nigeria and Australia, and worked in various roles in Nigeria, The Netherlands, Senegal,
Switzerland, Congo Brazzaville, Malaysia and Australia in the last ten years, I acknowledge that
I still maintain my identity as a Nigerian. However, my ‘Nigerianess’ (identity) has been constructed and reconstructed through my academic, research and work experiences in Nigeria and overseas. Nevertheless, frequent relocations in Nigeria and overseas have resulted in recurrent partial and diasporic insider status.
109 Based on my social and work experiences with socially disadvantaged people— especially widows, disabled girls/women, early married girls and prisoners (Afolayan, 2019,
2015, 2014, 2011), I acknowledge that there is a personal connection to my study. I was interested in understanding the complexities of the Northern-Nigerian region as unearthed to me through my work at the Centre for Civil Reformation and Rehabilitation (CCRR). CCRR is a local NGO that is saddled with the responsibility of helping different categories of female prisoners with rehabilitation and reintegration into society, reconciliation with relatives and families, as well as organising vocational training programmes for them. Consequently, this provided me with a ‘nuanced’ understanding of the lived experiences of socially disadvantaged girls and women.
To ensure that the voices of research participants were heard and also to gain their trust, my supervisors and I agreed to hire two local female assistants who were educated and trained so that they would understand my research and the appropriate qualitative methods employed to carry out the research. There was a need for the recruitment of local female research assistants because I am a male researcher and I am not a proficient speaker of Hausa language (a language that is widely used in Northern Nigeria). In addition, I felt that hiring local female research assistants would help the participants (female program participants and female non-program participants) feel comfortable enough to open up and share their lived experiences unlike with a male investigator with partial and diasporic insider’s knowledge of the research sites. For village and community heads, I hired a male interpreter who assisted me in interpreting Hausa language into English. All these helped me to have the trust of my participants. Besides, it assisted me to have fundamental knowledge of my study participants’ varied experiences.
110 To prevent misconception of the participants’ experiences, I used illustrative questions to enable my participants to tell their stories comfortably. With the help of my supervisors, we were able to come up with non-directional questions which aligned with the research questions. The framing of the questions was not direct in order to make the participants express themselves freely, and for me to hear their voices. With the support of my two research assistants, I used explanatory and reviewed comments extracted from participants’ stories to facilitate co- construction of meaning. As a result, all of us became subjectively aware of participants’ perceptions and lived experiences about non-formal education program that may have been taken for granted previously.
As a male researcher, working on social phenomena that concerned females affected the way I proceeded with the research. In dealing with this, I engaged my whole self in the research process, as I began to reel out what was real and important to my life. Of course, I was aware that lived experiences of female Nigerians in rural communities would differ from mine because
I was initially seen as a visitor—a ‘Western’ Nigerian (since I do not live in Nigeria, they saw me as a person with partial and diasporic insider status). With the help of my research assistants, they later saw me as one of them, but this time as a half Nigerian who has diasporic status. Truly,
I experienced being ‘new’ in my country (Nigeria) as I developed linguistic skills in Hausa language and engaged in discussions with the NGO workers, religious and village heads in Dutse
(Capital City of Jigawa State) and the two research sites (Village H and Village M) which are outside Dutse—respectively. I deepened my interest in the sociology of education, educational marginalisation, gender, social anthropology and community development. A review of literature relevant to non-formal education as an empowering tool for females in Nigerian Islamic
111 conservative communities uncovered a paucity of research specifically related to female education discourse.
Likewise, my experiences of being part of a community of researchers in gender education, negotiating the socio-cultural, economic and political aspects, and uncovering the tacit understandings of non-formal education for females in a region with high level of child marriage, led me to believe in the importance of including community and religious leaders, development practitioners and researchers in education and rural studies. Above all, I consider that the voice of the girls and women in conservative regions of the world has not been fully heard as desired in research and I strive to help their voices to be heard.
I took self-awareness and of reality as a human being, with me into interpretive act.
When I asked my participants to tell their stories, I expected that their stories are realities constructed by them. Participants’ experiences, relating to how non-formal education program impacts their lives, highlight different ways through which the program has affected them. These realities became best of competing interpretations as their socially constructed realities appear to gain consensus—Patton refers to this as ‘multiple realities’ (2015).
Drawn from these realities, I reached a conclusion about the conceptual framework that makes most sense from the research topic and what emerged from their experiences. In addition, an investigation of non-formal education program and its impact on girls and women in a conservative region was best undertaken using qualitative methodology in order to develop a profound understanding of their realities and using case studies.
112 4.6 Reflexivity and Bias
I paid attention to reflexivity (Afolayan, 2016b). I am conscious of the possible power imbalance between my study participants who might feel intimidated by me, a male, an outsider and an educated person. Recognising this, I tried to be impartial to the extent possible, staying neutral when personal thoughts of participants are revealed. In spite of the power relations, my positionality, insider and outsider positions and the shared effect of the study process on me and the study participants, attention was paid to reflexivity (Afolayan, 2016b).
Utilizing open and probing questions with professional and thoughtful listening skills often lead to varied meanings to be understood by the investigator. It becomes imperative to be conscious that the participants may feel less comfortable if they notice feelings of superiority, especially with respect to their experience level, status and educational level as participants, compared to that of the researcher.
I am aware of the possible asymmetries of power and the possible distorting effect, especially due to the relationship that may exist between the two local female research assistants
I hired to conduct focus group discussions for the female program and non-program participants.
This made the work less stressful because the young girls and women (both program participants and non-program participants) were comfortably free to discuss with two women who share the same locality and religion with them.
4.7 Data Collection
This section deals with the following procedures adopted for gathering the data for the study.
113 4.7.1 Selection of POTHE (Popular Theatre and Health Education Association)
As stated in Chapter 2, Jigawa State was chosen for the present study because most of the states in Northern Nigeria were not safe as of 2016 due to the invasion of Boko Haram insurgents and kidnapping of schoolgirls in the region. Since most areas in the region were conflict-ravaged, I searched for an area that was somewhat safe for carrying out research in the region. It was only Jigawa State that was somewhat safe at this particular time. Dutse is the capital city in Jigawa and that is where NGOs are situated because other areas are majorly rural. I therefore contacted all the NGOs implementing NFE programs in Dutse via phone calls, letters and through the help of my two female research assistants for one-on-one visits. Unfortunately, it was only one NGO that was interested in the study and that was POTHE.
POTHE is a grassroot NGO founded in 2002 in Jigawa State, with the central guiding idea of creating awareness and organising educational programs, mobilising youth, empowering women and raising women’s consciousness about their freedom and empowerment (POTHE
Report, 2016). Its headquarters is located in Dutse, Jigawa. It also has two branch offices in
Gumel and Kano State.
POTHE has strategic partnerships with International non-governmental organisations
(INGOs) and governments in undertaking and implementing female-inspired community-based programs (POTHE Report, 2016). POTHE has implemented a number of non-formal education programs in rural communities in Jigawa State. The program that was implemented by POTHE in the two rural communities (Village H & Village M) as at the time of this study was
‘Mobilising for Development’ (M4D).
114 At the time this study ended, the M4D program had been fully implemented by POTHE.
M4D is a non-formal project that aims to establish community acceptance and support to encourage girl-child education and decrease the number of school drop-outs among adolescent females (POTHE Report, 2016). As a result, POTHE was saddled with the responsibility of providing vocational training, basic literacy in English and Mathematics to secure admissions to schools or to start their own businesses (POTHE Report, 2016). The program was implemented between January and June 2016, but three months were added for the program to be fully implemented in three of the Local Government Areas in Jigawa State: Malam Madoru, Miga and
Ringim. The program was sponsored by the Department for International Development (DFID) with grant award number: 322514–NGMFZ–INV–PH2–JG-012 (POTHE Report, 2016). Overall,
POTHE was selected because its program and the settings where the program was implemented aligned with the focus of the present study.
4.7.2 Recruitment of the study participants
Purposive sampling approach was used to recruit the participants for this study and in recruiting multiple groups of people who are able to inform the research question and the aims of the study. Purposive sampling enables the construction of “information-rich cases” (Patton,
2002, p.46) which then result in the development of in-depth understanding of the issues central to the purposes of the study.
Participants in this study were eligible for inclusion if they met the following criteria:
• Females who are indigenes of Village H and Village M communities.
• Females who have participated in the NFE program in the communities
115 • Females who have interest in the NFE program but have not been able to
participate
• POTHE personnel who taught the NFE program in the two communities
• Village and religious heads of each community or their representatives
These criteria were adopted to make sure that their perspectives and experiences were relevant to the study.
Likewise, I obtained an approval from Murdoch University’s Human Research Ethics
Committee before the recruitment process for the study participants commenced. In order to recruit the study participants, I involved POTHE (local NGO) with the recruitment of the program participants since it would be easier for them to access the sites where the program was conducted (Village H and Village M). I was advised by POTHE staff that the first step for us was to contact village and religious heads to ensure that I familiarised myself with the customs and cultural practices of the research sites. As the gateway to the communities, permission was sought from them to conduct the research and to involve the young women in their communities.
In this study, I refer to both village and religious heads as community leaders.
Also, POTHE personnel who taught in the program across both sites and had experience teaching and covering all program content areas were purposefully chosen. POTHE workers who met these criteria were recruited because they have better understanding of the program, rural communities and the young girls/women who had either participated or not participated in their program. One of the senior officers in a leadership position at the NGO’s office (POTHE) helped in the recruitment of the NGO personnel who met the above criteria.
116 Non-program participants were recruited through a snowballing technique. Program participants were asked to invite some of their friends who were interested but unable to participate in the program and they passed the invitation on to their friends and sisters.
Participants of this study consisted of multiple groups of people. They comprised:
• Two village heads and two religious heads
• Three NGO workers
• Young girls/women who had participated in the non-formal education program
(16 program participants in Village H, 12 program participants in Village M)
• Young girls/women who had not participated in the non-formal education
program (15 non-program participants in Village H, 9 non-program participants in
Village M)
4.7.3 Gaining access to female program participants
After my first meeting with the grassroot NGO (POTHE) in Dutse, formal letters about this study, an invitation to be involved in the study and a consent form were handed over to the study participants (see Appendices 2 and 3 for the participant information letter and oral consent form respectively). For NGO workers, the documents were written in English and verbal consent was recorded. Another meeting was scheduled with POTHE in which we discussed how to contact the community leaders of the two sites where their program was implemented. On the same day, in my presence, they rang all the community leaders of the two societies and informed them about my intention with respect to my research. Luckily, we were told to come to meet
117 them the following day. I was advised to bring along all the necessary research documents with me since they are also involved in the study.
Our meeting with leaders in each community yielded positive results as I was permitted to access the young women and they were also part of the study. After the meeting, I handed over participant information letters and consent forms to the leaders of each community. I used the same participant information and consent form formats for the NGO personnel. Participant information was different. The main differences between the participant information letter and consent form were the way they were addressed to each category of the participants and the language used to write the documents. For example, an appropriate salutation was included in the information letter, and consent form for the community leaders (village and religious heads) and the documents which were originally written in English were translated into Hausa. Community leaders in the two villages then verbally consented to participate in the research.
At the end of the meeting, the leaders of each community (village head and Imam) called for a general meeting with all the villagers and they introduced me to them and informed them about my mission in their villages. The villagers recognised POTHE personnel as I could see from the way the villagers were relating with POTHE personnel. After the meeting with the villagers, POTHE personnel, two local female research assistants and myself/the researcher moved from one house to another to meet with those who had participated in the NFE program.
In Village H, we met 21 females who had participated in POTHE’s program but only 16 people were interested to participate. In Village M, we were able to meet 16 females who had participated in the program, but only 12 accepted to participate in the study. The females who did not show interest in participating in the study did not explain why they were not interested in the study. Afterwards, the research assistants read the information letter (Appendix 1) and consent
118 form (Appendix 2) to female program participants in Hausa because literacy was an issue for many. Participants also consented to participate verbally.
For female non-participants, we asked program participants if they knew of any potential participants who had not participated in the program and who may want to participate in the study. The research team, including female research assistants and myself/the researcher met each of the female non-program participants who had been mentioned to us, and asked if they were interested in the study. We met 18 females in Village H but only 15 indicated their interest in participating in the study. For Village M, only 9 females were interested out of 13 potential females we met. No reason was given as to why they were not interested. After this, the research assistants read the information letter and oral consent form to female non-program participants in
Hausa because literacy was an issue for all of them. Participants also consented to participate verbally.
4.7.4 Additional preparation for the people involved in data collection
The design of the study required additional preparation for the people who were involved in data collection as outlined as below.
4.7.5 Two female research assistants
The researcher needed local female assistants to facilitate focus group discussions in
Hausa language and to assist in the transcription and other data-gathering tasks. The researcher also needed female research assistants and translators to undertake additional preparation and get
119 qualified translators. In addition, it was important to accommodate the use of different languages
(Hausa, Pidgin English and English) to avoid data distortion.
Two local female research assistants were engaged to facilitate focus group discussions.
This was required because cultural practice in the communities does not allow direct engagement between women and men—especially a male visitor. Female assistants were also engaged to assist with translation and transcription.
The research assistants were trained on how focus group sessions are conducted in a qualitative approach and they were instructed on how to allow participants to respond to each other’s ideas and exploring reasons behind the participants’ responses. This allowed the research assistants to address issues that were perceived as particularly relevant to participants, rather than those emphasised by the female assistants or the researcher. Research assistants were instructed on how to organise the discussion to make the study participants feel comfortable and honoured.
The female assistants’ roles also included observing non-verbal interactions during the focus group sessions at both research sites. This was needed to supplement the verbal data.
Lastly, female assistants also documented the general content of the discussion.
4.7.6 Translators/Interpreters and the use of Hausa and English
Translators/ interpreters were engaged in this study. The translators/interpreters for this study comprised:
• One professional translator/interpreter
• two local female assistants
120 • two academic translators/interpreters in Hausa studies from Bayero University,
Kano State
The professional translator/interpreter interpreted for the researcher during the interviews with village and religious heads. He also helped the researcher transcribe audio-recorded interviews since interviews with the village and religious heads were conducted in Hausa. The female assistants transcribed and translated audio-recorded data generated from the focus group interviews. Data were translated from Hausa into English by the professional interpreter/translator and these translations were checked together by the professional interpreter/translator and myself/researcher. Interview and focus group discussion (FGD) guides were also translated into Hausa.
A further level of verification was provided by two academic translators from Bayero
University (Kano State, Nigeria). The two academic translators were recommended by a U.S- based academic who is recognised as an expert in Hausa studies.
4.7.7 Interviews
In this study, I conducted individual semi-structured interviews with the community leaders and NGO personnel. I used semi-structured interview because it offered flexibility and allowed me to respond to various views of the interviewees, as well as interesting topics raised by them (Merriam & Tisdell, 2015). The interview set of questions relates to the case study framework. During this type of interview, interviewees were able to clarify, change the subject, ask questions, repeat and interrupt (Mertens, 2010; Minichiello, et al., 2004). This maintained the
121 qualitative nature of the data collection, with respect to understanding the study participants’ multiple views and lived experiences.
In this study, in-depth individual semi-structured interviews allowed the community leaders and NGO personnel to ruminate and articulate their views and beliefs comfortably. Some examples of the interview schedule are illustrated in Table 4.1. The full interview guide is in
Appendix 3.
Table 4.1: Interview schedule—Example of interview question and possible prompts
Question Prompts
Tell me your view about non-formal Tell me a little bit about any educational
education program in general program you might have come across before
or that you know. Where do you come across
it? With whom? What is the program about?
What are the activities and goals of the
program?
That sounds interesting! Thank you very
much.
122 All interview sessions took place in the month of November, 2016. The timing enabled access to both the community leaders and NGO personnel who eventually chose different days and times that they were available. Details relating to the demographic data of the community leaders and NGO personnel, as well as the conduct of the interviews appear in Table 4.2 and
Table 4.3.
These face-to-face (F2F) interviews were scheduled at hours and at times convenient for the participants. Interviews for community leaders took place at the venue of their choices. They chose the official house of the village head. Interviews for NGO personnel took place at
POTHE’s headquarter office in Dutse. Each interview session lasted between 30 and 50 minutes and was audio recorded after consent was given for the usage of a recording device during the interview. The professional translator/interpreter was present with the researcher at all interviews.
Community leaders in Village H:
Village head (VHH)
Religious head (RHH)
Community leaders in Village M:
Village head (VHM)
Religious head (RHM)
123 TABLE 4.2: COMMUNITY LEADERS Name Age (in years) Gender Occupation Position Interview format VHH n/a Male Fmr. civil servant V.Head F2F RHH n/a Male Farmer/animal Chief F2F rearer Imam VHM n/a Male Farmer/animal V.Head F2F rearer RHM n/a Male Farmer/animal Chief F2F rearer Imam
TABLE 4.3: NGO PERSONNEL
S/N Age (in Gender Occupation Position Interview years) format 1 n/a Female NGO Monitoring evaluation F2F officer 2 n/a Male NGO Facilitator F2F 3 n/a Male NGO Financial controller F2F
4.7.8 Focus group discussion (FGD)
FGD differs from in-depth semi-structured interviews as they involve discussions on a specific topic with a moderator (Bucknall, 2012; Hennessy & Heary, 2005). FGD can be described as the collection of information in the form of an interview with a group of four to six participants (Creswell, 2008). Group dynamics enhances better data (Farnsworth & Boon, 2010).
For this reason, focus group discussions were considered for female program and non-program participants. We organised four group discussions which included female program and non- program participants in each village. All the focus group sessions were facilitated by my two female research assistants. They facilitated all the focus group sessions because the two communities are religiously conservative and they do not allow direct contact between men and women, especially men from outside their communities and religion.
124 I chose focus group discussions for these categories of participants because I thought using this qualitative approach would help generate information on participants’ views, experiences and beliefs, and will encourage participants to talk more freely. I feel that FGDs would give an opportunity for the young women to discuss, interact and evaluate their views about non-formal education program in more detail than in face-to-face interviews.
In spite of the advantages of FGDs, there are some limitations as the literature shows.
Bryman (2008) explains that FGDs can be problematic to transcribe as there are multiple voices, rendering some sections inaudible. In addition, it is also noted that the responses given can be peer-influenced or influenced by the facilitator (Hennessy & Heary, 2005). Nevertheless, there are several benefits of using focus groups with young women. FGD allows young women to share their views in a less rigid format, where they do not have to answer every question or be influenced by other peers’ participation (Hill, 2006). FGDs involving female program and non- program participants are aimed at exploring their perspectives about non-formal education in their various communities.
Focus group discussions also took place in the month of November, 2016 and were facilitated by the two local female researchers. Focus group discussions included interactions among female program participants in the two research sites, including female non-program participants. These two sets of females were grouped separately. The timing enabled access to both the female program and non-program participants who actually chose different days and times when they would be available. Details relating to the demographics of female program and non-program participants appear in Table 4.4 and 4.5 respectively.
125 Having undergone training, the female research assistants facilitated the sessions by presenting the subject, asking questions, probing and controlling the discussion and making sure that no one dominated the discussion. FGD sessions were arranged at hours and at times convenient for the young women. In H village, FGD sessions were conducted in a community hall as directed by the community leaders. Four (4) focus group sessions were conducted for 16 program participants and three (3) focus group sessions were conducted for 12 female non- participants. Each FGD took approximately 40 minutes, with group sizes averaging 4-5 people in each group.
In Village M, FGD sessions were conducted in a big hut as directed by the community leaders. Three (3) focus group sessions were conducted for 12 program participants. Two (2) focus group sessions were conducted for 9 female non-participants. Each FGD took approximately 35 to 40 minutes, with group sizes averaging 4-5 people in each group. All the
FGD sessions were audio recorded after consent was given for the use of a recording device. All the names in Table 4.4 and Table 4.5 are pseudonyms to ensure anonymity.
Table 4.4: demographics of female program participants
Participant Name Gender Age Age at Marital No. of kids Job type Code Marriage status
1 Madhat F 20 10 Married 3 Food vendor
2 Rabbiya F 16 12 Married 2 Food seller
3 Naajidah F 17 12 Married 3 Tiger nut seller
4 Maheera F 14 11 Married 2 Groundnut seller
5 Zaara F 19 11 Married 4 Not working
6 Zafirah F 11 n/a Single n/a Food seller
7 Utaybah F 12 n/a Single n/a Food vendor
8 Nabeeha F 22 15 Married 3 Sell beans cake
126 9 Madaniyah F 10 n/a Single n/a Sell rice and stew
10 Laila F 11 n/a Single n/a Sell local spaghetti
11 Madia F 13 n/a Single n/a Doing petty trading
12 Maasama F 16 10 Married 3 Sell pepper and onions
13 Kabirah F 14 11 Married 1 A grinder
14 Habiba F 12 10 Married 1 Roasted tiger nut seller
15 Hadiya F 14 n/a Single n/a A trader
16 Wasilah F 15 12 Married 2 Sell groundnuts
17 Umayrah F 12 11 Married nil Not working
18 Badra F 16 14 Married 1 Tiger nut seller
19 Baha F 28 12 Married 5 Sell rice and beans
20 Hadiya F 14 12 Married 2 Food vendor
21 Ubah F 17 13 Married 2 Groundnut seller
22 Bahira F 19 14 Married 2 Chinchin seller
23 Nadira F 23 11 Married 3 Sell roasted groundnut
24 Zafeerah F 21 13 Married 4 Food vendor
25 Hadil F 16 11 Married 3 Sell kolanut
26 Aaleyah F 15 13 Married 1 Tailor
27 Hadijat F 10 n/a Single n/a I assist my mother in selling groundnut
28 Medinat F 14 10 Married 2 Not working
Table 4.5: demographics of female non-program participants
Participant Name Gender Age Age at Marital No. of kids Job type Code Marriage status
1 Aishah F 24 11 Married 5 Rice and bean seller
2 Sabeeyah F 16 12 Married 2 Farming work and rice processing
3 Kaleema F 31 11 Married 4 Pepper grinder
4 Pakiza F 27 12 Married 1 Rice processing and
127 selling
5 Haadiya F 29 12 Married 3 Vegetable seller
6 Yafiah F 36 12 Married 3 Rice processing
7 Haafizah F 11 n/a Single n/a Helping parent to sell rice and beans
8 Haajarah F 10 n/a Single Rice seller
9 Maajidah F 13 10 Married 1 Food seller
10 Ulima F 18 13 Married 2 Not working
11 Aabirah F 15 11 Married 2 Selling local spaghetti
12 Laila F 24 13 Married 3 Food seller
13 Madaniyah F 14 12 Married 1 Not working
14 Kaamla F 17 10 Married 3 Not working
15 Zaafira F 12 n/a Single n/a Helping mother in her shop
16 Faaizah F 13 13 Married nil Sugar-cane seller
17 Saadat F 15 14 Married Not Sell fish and meat provided pepper-soup
18 Saabiqah F 22 12 Married Not Sell roasted groundnut provided
19 Waaliyah F 22 12 Married 4 Puff-Puff seller
20 Maahirah F 15 11 Married 2 Make local snacks
21 Baasima F 11 Not Married nil Helping husband in the provided farm and at home
4.7.9 Observation
I had not scheduled observation as part of my research technique, especially with FGD sessions, but the field situation gave me the opportunity to observe my research assistants in both research sites. I positioned myself discreetly and was observing research assistants to ensure that the procedure was appropriate, and consistent with the training sessions. In other words, I was observing the research assistants to ensure that they were conducting the FGD in a way that was
128 encouraging the participants to be involved and speak freely. These observations were essentially helpful to understand each community and community dynamics which influences the participation of girls and women in the NFE program.
I made it a point to stand in one corner outside the venue, taking care not to cause distraction or disruption during the FGD session. A minimum of 20 minutes was spent for each
FGD session. At both research sites, I used the opportunity to look at the interaction patterns, body language and gestures of participants to gauge the involvement of participants. I particularly used observation in order to be able to look at the engagement of all the participants, and also to observe what was happening in the general environment.
Notes were taken in my field diary, where my observations, impressions, thoughts and reactions about the setting, any matters or concerns, and reflections are jotted down. I built upon the experience of my first observation and refined things aptly and organized myself for the later ones.
4.8 Data Analysis
This section presents the data analysis processes of the data collected for the study.
Thematic analysis was employed for the data analysis, following these interconnected stages: reading and rereading the data, familiarising with the data, identifying themes, mapping and interpreting the data. With the exception of transcription and translation, which were done with the support of the research assistants, interpreter and translators; other data analysis processes such as coding and defining themes and concepts, finding associations and providing explanations and interpretations were done by the researcher so as to protect the anonymity and
129 confidentiality of the data. Likewise, this was meant to mitigate the possibility of the data being influenced by the transcriber, interpreter and the two research assistants. Let us now turn to the data analysis processes that resulted in the data being ready for presentation and discussion in the next two chapters respectively.
4.8.1 Transcription of the data
Immediately after each interview session, the audio recording was transcribed and translated into English with the help of the interpreter and two female research assistants. After each focus group discussion session, my female research assistants transcribed the data for convenience in Hausa. After this, the Hausa version was translated into English and these were checked and verified by the professional translator/interpreter and the two academic translators/interpreters to ensure that misinterpretation is prevented and the standard of exactness in transcriptions is maintained.
4.8.2 How the data were explicated and interpreted
After the check and verification exercises of the transcripts by the two academic translators, I printed out all the copies of the transcripts. I read and reread these transcripts in order to immerse myself in the study. I read the transcripts for more than ten times. In my first reading, I developed a set of forty-two categories. After multiple rereadings of these transcripts, these categories were expanded to identify and map minor themes. For example, in these data, the category of views about NFE program by female program participants was expanded into three themes:
130 • Widespread support for NFE program
• Benefits of participation
• Barriers/constraints to women’s empowerment (continued need for changing
social norms)
The varied themes above showed the multiple perspectives of NFE program, perceived and explained by the words of my study participants.
4.8.3 A theme in relation to phenomenological research in education
Hermeneutic interpretive phenomenology adopts interpretive analysis to sectionalise the data and these sections are categorized (Tesch, 1990). Each categorization produces themes.
Some of these themes are collections of words, sentences or phrases regarding a common concept, such as ‘knowledge about life skills’ (Zafirah, 11-years old). This is a methodical way of allowing the themes to emerge and change (van Manen, 2007). Van Manen (2006) elucidates that the theme emerges from our experience of focus. It is a process of encapsulating the phenomenon so as to recognise and explicate an aspect or perspective of the lived experience.
Each theme emerges from our yearning to make meaning out of something. The quote
(below) from Zafirah, an 11-year-old female program participant, referred to the benefits of participation in NFE program. She was mindful of analysing the realities about herself, considering her would-be reputation as the kind of mother she plans to become:
“Before this program, I had thought I would get married quickly to free myself from the burdens of hawking things for my parents. But my eyes are opened now. I am wrong. I am ignorant of what I was supposed to know before. I am informed. I am no longer ignorant. I will take my time to concentrate on my hat business and find my own husband. How will I explain to my children that I made the same mistake that others are making here?”
131 4.8.4 Conducting a thematic analysis
I started going through FGD and interview protocols back and forth in order to confirm the areas of interest and investigation that are systematically covered in each case site. I became very familiar with the wordings used by my study participants. There were some particular phrases (narrating the lived experiences) that surprised me and captivated my attention. The details that were expressed in such strong and plain descriptions are interesting. There were common themes that recurred in the responses of female program participants and non- participants during the FGD sessions. For example, during the discussion about their views about marriage, they would generally make reference to unequal gender roles in marriage relationships and education. I added this theme to the previous list.
Stromquist’s (1995, 2015) empowerment framework, which I discussed earlier in section
3.11, enabled me to further analyse and formalise the repetition of the categories, themes and sub-themes that emerged from the data collected. Stromquist’s framework enables awareness of emerging categories under four dimensions:
1. Cognitive dimension
2. Economic dimension
3. Political dimension
4. Psychological dimension
For a category such as the socio-cultural factors (under Stromquist’s cognitive dimension), the initial themes that emerged are:
1. Barriers/constraints to women empowerment
2. Continued need for changing social norms
132 3. Socio-cultural inhibitors to women empowerment
After inspecting the categories carefully, I started looking for common and contrasting themes and sub-themes within them. This is the fundamental stage in the data analysis process.
Next, a careful exploration of the themes in each category allows explanatory comprehension of that particular issue from multiple perspectives. This comprises examining closely the complexity and uniqueness associated with the socio-cultural factors that affect women’s participation in NFE program.
The process entails moving from the transcripts to interpretations of that text
(interchangeably and repetitively) so as to indicate the essence of phenomenological case-study sites. This comprises changes between looking at the detailed and bigger pictures of the Hausa-
Fulani’s social norms. Next to this is the uniqueness of the case study as it relates with gender and positionality, including the uniqueness of the study. This is followed by the NFE program in a real-life context for women. This case study accommodates Stromquist’s political, psychological and economic dimensions on the importance of widespread support for NFE program and the development of an in-depth understanding of the benefits of the program to female participants and the rural communities in Northern Nigeria. Much reflection is required to discuss the potential of the case study to inform educational policies, NGO practice and community involvement in Northern Nigeria.
4.8.5 Ethics and ethical conduct
Ethics consideration is a significant thing at every phase of the data collection (Kvale &
Brinkmann, 2009). Also, confidentiality is important. During the interviews, I did not mention
133 the name of the previous village visited, or community leaders’ names or their views. Verbatim quotations from the transcripts are significant in this study.
I use pseudonyms for all the identities in this study as clearly specified and promised in the information document sent to my study participants before the FGD and interview sessions.
Data collected were kept and locked in a filing cabinet and treated as confidential in order to protect the identities of the young girls and women, community leaders and NGO personnel who participated in the study (Denzin & Lincoln, 2011). Electronic copies of documents are kept on a password protected laptop and then forwarded to an external storage device.
Each study participant is aware that the researcher is from the Southern Nigeria and he is a doctoral student and that the data are for research purposes.
4.8.6 Establishment of trustworthiness
The idea of trustworthiness is significant in qualitative research because it is not scientific research. However, we still need to have measures to make qualitative research credible and trustworthy. I draw on the work of Guba (1981) who identifies special criteria that can be used to demonstrate how my findings can be considered trustworthy. Guba (1981)’s framework is useful and therefore I apply it to my study as can be seen in table 4.6:
134 Table 4.6: Summary of the measures to ensure trustworthiness within this study
Quality criterion Strategies used in this research Credibility • Recognised data collection methods were used to explore a complex and unique program in a culturally sensitive context • Data collected were systematically analysed • Thick descriptions pertinent to the research context were drawn from participants’ expressions in their own words • Training was organised for female assistants on how focus groups interviews are conducted within case study design • Professional interpreters and academic translators were engaged for the purposes of translation, transcription and verification. • Accommodated the use of different languages to avoid data distortion and followed required ethical procedures • Respected the customs and cultural practices of the research sites as this was extremely important so as to protect the participants Transferability A rich description of multiple perspectives of non-formal education program for young women was generated through this case study. Whilst there is no intention for the findings to be generalisable, there may be academic researchers working in non-formal education contexts who may have the capacity to relate to my research design and findings from the research. Dependability A qualitative case study methodology was used and was tailored in a way that aligned with the research objectives so as to generate a thick description of multiple perspectives of non-formal education program. Data were collected in different ways from multiple sources Robustness of the data was enhanced by the engagement of the translators to verify the transcriptions of the data generated. Data gathered were enriched because study participants’ experiences were presented in a manner that allowed their voices to be heard without altering their narratives. Confirmability Findings were drawn from the data and measures were taken to avoid subjectivity and bias
4.9 Conclusion
Research approach, data collection and data analysis are presented in this chapter. This study is an interpretation of the FGD and interview transcripts to identify recurrent themes and subthemes in the investigation of NFE program from the multiple perspectives of stakeholders in
Nigerian Islamic conservative communities.
135 “It is in the knowledge o f the genuine conditions o f our lives that we must draw our strength to live and our reasons for living”. -Simone de Beauvoir
CHAPTER FIVE:
FINDINGS
The above epigram introduces us to the NFE program to describe and analyse the observable impact of the NFE interventions on female program participants and their communities. Likewise, this chapter describes the experiences of the study participants to explicate the socio-cultural factors that influence the participation of the girls and women in the
NFE program, as well as the benefits of NFE program. The analysis is thematically organised. It focuses on the NFE program to determine their connection to how the program is empowering women. However, this study is a situation-and-outcome-driven project rather than an evaluation project. Thus, the narrative in this chapter is just like an image on a jigsaw. To ensure easy access for the reader, this jigsaw has been thematically divided into three broad ‘tiles’ (themes) and several sub-themes which makes the findings to unfold under appropriate groupings and discussed. They are as follow:
• Widespread support for NFE program
• Benefits of participation: o Literacy o Life skills o Earnings o Aspirations
o Relationships o Work o Greater feelings of self-efficacy
136 o Independence o Community benefits
• Barriers/constraints to women’s empowerment—continued need for changing socio-cultural norms: o Husbands as a barrier o Parents/husbands as barriers o Heavy burden of household works as a barrier Some of the responses by the study participants were varied and interrelated. The study participants spoke for themselves and articulated their own views and perceptions. So, their words as directly quoted, are written in italics.
The complexity and sensitivity of the study require protection for the research locations and the study participants. I protected the names of the villages (Village H and M). I also protected the identities of the study participants by assigning a pseudonym to each study participant. For example, the head of community H is coded Community Leader (CL) 1; Chief
Imam of Community H is coded CL 2; the head of community M is coded CL 3; Chief Imam of
Community M is coded CL4. This is also applicable to all the names of the participants.
5.1 Widespread support for NFE program
As previously stated in chapter 3, the interpretation of non-formal education is diverse based on the nature of the program and the setting in which it takes place. In spite of the different views by the study participants, their responses indicate that there is widespread support for NFE program in the two villages. For example, some of the female program participants stated:
“It’s a program that gives us second chance to learn how to write, read, speak and do some simple arithmetic” (Zaara, aged 11).
137
“That program is an educational program for adults who cannot go back to school to learn how to write and read” (Wasilah, aged 15)
“It is a good program that makes you to know who you are, discover your potentials and how you can make use of them. I learnt the new ways of preserving the tomatoes and pepper from not getting spoiled quickly before they are sold in the market” (Hadiya, aged 14)
“I see it as a program that makes us to know how to calculate profit in the business” (Aaleyah, aged 15)
“I like the way they use drama to teach us different things we can do to earn money” (Utaybah, aged 12)
And here is a humorous, but an interesting perspective about NFE program:
“It is a program that takes you out of illiteracy” (Madaniyah, aged 14).
A contrasting viewpoint, but an interesting one is presented by this female program participant:
“This program allows me to do other things; not only book book. For me, it is a program that deals with having knowledge about the age to marry and how to do business” (Laila, aged 11).
The community leaders also expressed their support for NFE program. Their responses align with what female program participants said, as they also viewed NFE program as a learning program that offers second chance to the illiterates or those who have not been to school before.
Community leaders also expressed their support by viewing NFE program as:
“…a second opportunity for those who did not go to school at an earlier age” (CL2)
138 He (CL2) also reported that it is a program for illiterates and dropouts but he said that the program is important for both boys/men and girls/women. According to him:
“It is a convenient form of learning for those who are not literate or for those who have dropped out of school for one reason or the other; and that is why is important for boys, girls, men and women”.
CL3 made mention of play acting, one-on-one teaching and group facilitation. According to him:
“It is a flexible learning program that is planned by the people who organises (sic) it for our children who wish to participate. Through play acting, through one-to-one teaching and group facilitation, the program organisers have tried to pass on literacy and business skills”
Another community leader added: “My view about education and this particular program is that whoever gets educated can also educate another person and this leads to development in the community. I encourage people to participate in the program” (CL1) Since the community leaders are the gatekeepers and custodians of culture in the two villages, it was expected of the NGO (POTHE) to seek approval for the program they would want to implement. In this study, POTHE firstly conducted the field work to introduce their program to the communities. This was when village and religious heads of the two communities were consulted for their support. One of the NGO personnel expressed this:
“The program has received support from the concerned stakeholders such as religious heads and community leaders. If the community and religious had not given the entire community the go-ahead to participate in the program, we would not have any participants because the community respects their leaders so much” To confirm what the NGO personnel said, the Chief Imam of one of the villages expressed his recognition of the program:
“I had the opportunity to participate in the program before. I support the program”
139 There is also support for NFE program by female non-program participants, even though they did not participate in the program. Below are some of their responses which indicate their support for the program:
“NFE is another education where you can learn if you cannot cope with government schools” (Sabeeyah, aged 16). “They teach them how to read, write and understand English in the program” (Aishah, aged 24)
“I have been influenced by the change I’ve seen in girls who participated in the program. Me (sic) too want to join them” (Haadiya, aged 29).
“I saw positive changes in those who have joined this program and I wish to join to enjoy these positive things (Madaniyah, aged 14).
“I do not have time to participate but l will be participating next year” (Zaafira, aged 12)
It was evident that most of these female non-program participants have good impressions about the value of the program, especially since it would enable them to work and earn money to support their families. However, some of them have not been able to join the program because they would need the permission of their husbands. This barrier prevented some of them to join while the remaining ones are still hopeful that they would join the program in the future.
“I will participate later when my husband allows me” (Sabeeyah, aged 16) “I have not been allowed to attend any program but in sha Allah I will also attend” (Aishah, aged 24).
“I am yet to participate in the program because I have not gotten permission from my husband but I would like to” (Aabirah, aged 15)
The above responses indicate that these women who have not participated in the program have good impression about NFE program and they value it as well because of the changes it would bring to their lives and household. But it is also evident that all these women agree
140 that women in those communities are not independent due to unequal gender relations which require them to ask for permission from their husbands before they could join the program.
Overall, NFE program received a widespread support from the study participants as it was seen as a mechanism to improve women’s literacy skills, knowledge about life skills and economic independence. The support exuded by the study participants for NFE program places the art of knowing how to read, write, communicate and do business as personal enjoyable experiences. Female program participants’ support for NFE program is not only personal but it is also pedagogically-driven. In particular, the use of drama influenced the knowledge of the female program participants and this helped them to gain new insights into the skills needed for making money and developing positive behavioural change. Theoretically, it is not about acquiring knowledge and skills alone but how one applies the knowledge and skills acquired to critically respond to the existing problems. This will usher us into the next section, where I present the findings about the benefits of participation in the program.
5.2 Benefits of participation
Female program participants reported that their participation in the NFE program is beneficial to them in many ways. Among the benefits of participation mentioned by them are as follow:
o Literacy
o Life skills o Earnings
141 o Aspirations o Relationships o Work o Greater feelings of self-efficacy o Independence o Community benefits
5.2.1 Literacy
Female program participants reported that the program equipped them with literacy skills as many of them are now able to read, write, speak English and do some simple arithmetic. These aspects are evidenced by what the NGO workers reported in the interview sessions:
“We organised literacy classes for the participants in our program and this helped them to have basic knowledge in reading, writing, speaking and doing simple arithmetic.” (Ist NGO worker)
“The participants did not only gain skills in reading, writing and speaking English, they gained some social and emotional skills to overcome any challenges they may be facing in their villages” (3rd NGO worker)
Conversely, in the focus group sessions, female program participants also indicated that:
“I can read, write and communicate in English language better than before” (Rabbiya, aged 16)
“I can calculate the money I make in my shop everyday instead of waiting for my husband to do it for me”
“Through this program, I have been able to communicate better in English, read and write” (Habiba, aged 12)
142 The acknowledgment that the program is beneficial to the female program participants are expressed by one of the community leaders:
“The program has helped our girls and women to read and write. They also communicate well in English language and this has helped them to relate well.” (CL 2)
And an interesting but serious was what another community leader expressed here:
“The program is important and beneficial not only to females but also to boys and men”. (CL 1)
Female program participants expressed that the program was beneficial to them, especially in the areas of writing, reading, speaking English. The community leaders also noted that NFE program is an important exercise for their women, as it allows their knowledge and skills to be valued for work and for social relations with men.
5.2.2 Life Skills
Female program participants noted that the program made it possible for them to be able develop and improve their life skills. These are evident in the following quotes:
“In this program, I was taught how to make ‘kufi’ hat and I am thinking of getting a shop to start making kufi hats on a large scale” (Zafirah, aged 11)
“I acquired skills to take care of myself and children” (Wasilah, aged 15)
“It’s a program that puts light back into my life. I can say this is a program that helps to make positive changes not just to myself but my families, my friends and community” (Zafeerah, aged 21).
143 “It is a good program that makes you to know who you are, discover your potentials and how you can make use of them. I learnt the new ways of preserving the tomatoes and pepper from not getting spoiled quickly before they are sold in the market” (Hadiya, aged 14)
“I learnt the new ways of preserving the tomatoes and pepper from not getting spoiled quickly before they are sold in the market” (Hadiya, aged 14)
Their responses show that life skills involve a wide range of practical skills, work-related fields and livelihoods needed for positive independent living and behavioural outcomes.
Likewise, the female program participants also expressed that the program has enabled them to know more about their body, health and hygiene, contraceptive methods, legal age of marriage and healthy timing and pregnancy spacing. That is, they are more knowledgeable about their ‘sexual and reproductive health.’ This is also part of the life skills. The next sub-section deals with this aspect of life skills.
Sexual and reproductive health knowledge
One of the female program participants explained:
“Our teachers discussed a lot of things openly through entertaining ways of teaching us, especially through drama, and in details and this helped me to learn and know more about women’s body, health condom and other issues” (Madia, 13)
Another female program participant highlighted the benefits of the program in the following way:
144 “…a lot of new and important things about marriage. If I have not been allowed to participate, I don’t know how I would have known anything about condom use for women and other things in this rural place.” (Maasama, 16)
Another female program participant stated the following and this resonated with what several female program participants said:
“Like correct age to marry, childbearing, gap between children, condom use, and taking care of body. I benefited from everything in this program. (Laila, 11).
In addition, one of the female program participants stated her observations in relation to the effects of child marriage practice and early childbearing in her rural village:
“I observed in my village that if a girl gives birth before 18 or 21, it may lead to serious health ‘matsala’ (problem) for her. This incident happened to me when I gave birth to my first child at age 12. We were taught that females face a lot of problems if they become a mother very early” (Maheera, 14).
Learning about their sexual and reproductive health provides them a basis through which they can negotiate with others, such as husbands, parents, in-laws, and others. Another program participant noted that her husband told her that the program made the difference in her life. She stated that her husband said:
“If you have not participated in the program, how would you have known about these sexual health things?” (Wasilah, 15)
Another female program participant added:
“ Look Hajia, I know much now about how to prevent myself from having sexual infections. This is important for me. You won’t understand” (Baha, 28)
145 Furthermore, the female program participants talked how it has impacted them in delaying the time of marriage:
“I am no longer ignorant. I will take my time to concentrate on my hat business and find my own husband at the right time” (Zafirah, 11)
Zafirah went further and said:
“Look, husbands, parents and guardians do not have enough knowledge of the consequences that child marriage brings to a girl’s life in most of the villages. I don’t think they have it. But I know when a girl is pregnant at 10 or let us even say 11, she is in a great problem. Her health is in danger. She cannot continue in her school. That makes her a dependent person and a burden for both her parent and her husband if she is married” (Zafirah, 11).
One of the NGO workers threw more light on the issue of the lack of knowledge about the sexual and reproductive health:
“For example, parents and their daughters are not aware of the negative effects of child marriage on the girls. They do not have knowledge about reproductive health issues like child marriage, contraceptive methods, hygienic practices, sexually transmitted infections, vesicovaginal fistula, childbirth gap, spacing of pregnancies and so on. Now, through our program they have the knowledge about their sexual and reproductive matters” (NGO worker 1)
Overall, as rural dwellers, it may look impossible for these female program participants to have improved their knowledge about their sexual and reproductive health since there is little or no awareness about women’s sexual health in their villages. The female program participants, therefore, find the program beneficial because more females reported that they were more knowledgeable about their sexual and reproductive health. The benefit of the NFE program is unique here because the female program participants were able to express what they learned and
146 how it has impacted their lives, perhaps due to the appropriate teaching methods adopted, especially through drama.
5.2.3 Earnings
NFE program was also seen as beneficial, especially in terms of earnings. As revealed in the focus group sessions, it is very evident that all the girls and women in this present study appreciate earnings. This is also revealed in the interview sessions with the community leaders, as noted below:
“It is a program that have (sic) taught our girls and women about various opportunities to earn income. Many of them were given training on how to sew clothes; to do goat business, cap business and so on... That’s what the program has done to our girls and women” (CL2)
“The program is all about skill-based training on vocation and income- earning” (CL1)
Given the amount of time these young women spend on unpaid labour, they desired earnings in order to realize their full economic potentials. Unfortunately, rural Hausa-Fulani women do not have the same access to these resources like their male counterparts. Through
NFE program, some of these women got financial benefits through soft loans given to them by the NGO to set up business. Afterwards, a number of female program participants saw themselves as better women because they could earn money and support their husbands. One of them noted that:
“I am able to earn money and save. I am a better wife for my husband because I can support him” (Madhat, 20)
147 Others reported that NFE program has given them independence and enabled them to be able to contribute to their family income:
“After the program, I let my husband know what I have learned from the program, about doing the business, about saving….Since then, my husband…has allowed me to be going out to buy things and support our household income” (Maheera, 14)
Likewise, Nabeeha (22) reported the following:
“I can say that this program has enabled me to make positive changes, not just myself but in my family and community. I make money and is an addition to our household income”
It is interesting to know that NFE program has offered opportunities for the female program participants to earn money, which helped them support their businesses and contribute to family income.
5.2.4 Aspirations
In the focus group sessions, the female program participants stated that NFE program has enhanced what they aspire to become and how they want their lives and the future of their children to look like:
“I want to become a business person and that’s why l need to know how to calculate money because it’s my husband that used to do it for me. But now, l do it by myself. I have business of my own where l sell goats” (Naajidah, 17). “I have realised it is good for me to take time before marrying. I want to have an independent life and live in our own house and raise three to four children if possible” (Zafirah, 11).
148 Another female program participant expressed that:
“An educated woman with job, who married at the age of 20 or older will have a good marriage. My thoughts changed after l participated in this program. I have concluded in my mind that I would not get married early. I like school but I prefer being a tailor and I want to learn how to sew clothes and face the business in order to have money before thinking of marriage. I don’t want any man for now. Marriage will be later” (Madia, 13)
A few of the female program participants also reported how NFE program influenced their aspirations for their children:
“It’s my parent’s decision to get me married early in life. I wanted to go to school but it did not go well with them. Now, I do not want my daughters to experience what I experienced. They will go to school” (Baha, 28)
So, the finding reveals that NFE program has the transformational capacity to enhance women’s aspirations and influence their educational aspirations for their children. However, socio-cultural norms could impede the aspiration of women in some situations, especially in rural settings.
5.2.5 Relationships
Another important element which was seen as the benefit was the relationship between the
NGO personnel and female program participant (Note: the program participants referred to NGO workers as teachers or facilitators). In this study, most of the NGO personnel had a strong desire to offer assistance to the participants, recognised participants’ interests and understood the socio- cultural dynamics in the participants’ environment in which the program was carried out, as well as their needs. NGO personnel also capitalised on the program participants’ interests and peer relationships and the ways these could be supported to help them achieve their goals.
149 One of the ways in which this relationship was most evident was in providing advice to the program participants on the kind of job they can choose. The program participants considered it as beneficial:
“The facilitators always advise me. Their advice has helped me in making some decisions about the work to do” (Madhat, aged 20).
“The facilitators have been helpful to me on the job l can do by explaining the details about each job to me” (Zafirah, aged 11).
Other important things expressed are:
“I needed to create time so I could focus on my handwriting problems. I talked to my teacher on this problem and she gave me 2D exercise book to improve my handwriting. This helped me to be free with our teachers and we are very close. I like them so much” (Utaybay, aged 12)
“My teacher provided N20000 for me to start the business” (Baha, aged 19)
“My teacher taught me on how to interact and relate with my co-wives and since then there have been peace at home. That’s why we are 5 and 6”
“My parents had married young and believed it was in my interest to do the same. After repeated visits by our facilitators, they decided to call off the marriage in order for me to return to school” (Laila, aged 11)
Relationship means a lot to female program participants. In particular, quality support and opportunities were unleashed for improved interaction between NGO workers and the young women, as NGO workers observed closely the needs and problems of the participants when they arise. Female program participants became more conscious about how the NGO workers relate with them and solve their problems and reported how these have been beneficial to them.
150 5.2.6 Work
Another benefit identified by the female participants was their appreciation for work, citing that it would lead to income-generating business and the ability to support the family income, as well as delaying the time for marriage.
For Nabeeha (aged 22), she noted:
“…to be able to increase family’s income and to be myself, doing my thing the way I want it”
Another female program participant, Madia (aged 13), reported that:
“A woman who has no work to do cannot support her husband and children and this is not good for children especially when the breadwinner of the house is not earning so much. I want to work and I want to enjoy my freedom”
Hadiya (aged 14) also expressed that:
“I have skills of going to any business of my choice. If l had been taught in this way before, l wouldn’t have made some mistakes l made before”
“I want to be able to walk around and I do not want anyone to be following. I can take care of myself when I go out” (Maasama, aged 16)
Interestingly, Utaybah (aged 12) explained that having opportunity to work:
“will make you to be able to marry a man of your choice who will allow you to work and do whatever you want to do, including going back to school. For me, I have things l can fall on even if l don’t go back to school”
151 The value these young women place on work is not only borne out of engaging in income- generating work to support the family but also to gaining independence to walk around unaccompanied.
5.2.7 Greater feelings of self-efficacy
Self-efficacy was an important benefit identified from the data. The female program participants reported greater feelings of self-efficacy than before; in terms of doing their things, supporting their spouses, relating with people, making their choices, harnessing individual capacity towards earning money and ensuring that their daughters go to school. Madhat (aged
20) felt that she is:
“…a better woman, a better wife and a better mother”
She explained further that:
“I am a woman because I am not afraid to do things. I am a better wife for my husband because I can support him. I am a better mother because I’m going to make sure that my own daughters go to school”
The above benefits are significant because they underpin Madhat’s perceived views of the benefits accrued to her for participating in the program.
In terms of relating with people, Rabbiya (aged 16) said that:
“I am not shy again to speak with people, even if I go to Dutse market. I have gained confidence to do anything I want to do and to relate with people.
152 Naajidah (aged 17) also reported that:
“Nobody can push me again and influence my choice. I will believe I will be able to handle my personal issues by myself and I will not experience any obstacles.”
Zafirah (aged 11) focused on her efficacy in relation to personal capacity towards earning money and assistance of the NGO workers who helped her to fulfil her ambition of making Kufi hat:
“The assistance rendered to me by our teachers have enabled me to fulfil my ambition of making kufi hats on a large scale. I now have better knowledge of myself and what I can do to earn money”
The above findings exemplify how female program participants gained a range of self- knowledge insights through their participation in NFE program. This self-knowledge impacted on their perception of relating with people. A key feature of the insights gained was an emerging relation, for many female program participants, of the critically important role of handling things by themselves (independence) and doing work to earn money.
5.2.8 Independence
Independence emerged as a major benefit derived from the program. In the program, independence was evidenced in the program as noted by one of the NGO personnel:
“…participants succeeding on their own to make choice of husband; determining the time for marriage; doing business of their choice; using their income for anything they want to use it for and learning to accept any mistakes they make” (NGO Personnel 3).
Inherent in the above quote is a connection with women’s capacity for independence. Likewise,
“I am not shy again” (Rabbiya, aged 16), “I can express myself better…” (Maassama, aged 16)
153 and “learning from my past mistakes” (Nadira, aged 23) were mentioned many times as a kind of individual attitude that encompasses self-efficacy, tenacity and risk-taking behaviour. Female program participants also appreciated being independent worker and having I-can-do-it attitude as evident here: For Naajidah (aged 17), she noted:
“I have business of my own where I sell goats. I will have my own house at the right time”. “I can calculate the money I make in my shop everyday instead of waiting for my husband to do it for me” (Naajidah, aged 17).
Female program participants believed that the opportunity to walk in the public and capacity to make decision on their own and to be motivated to set and achieve their personal goals was an indicator of independence which they see as an important benefit as evident here:
“My husband has changed. He has allowed me to be going out to buy things and manage the family. For me, this means a lot” (Nabeeha, 22).
She further noted:
“I can take decision for myself without any fear. My husband was the one deciding things for me before even though I do not like such decisions.” (Nabeeha, aged 22)
Another female program participant expressed this:
“I don’t know the reason why he wants to give me to his friend. But my participation in this program saved me. It really enlightened me; it made me understand what I want and it influenced the decision of my father. I let him to know what I have decided on the issue” (Utaybah, aged 12).
Likewise, the capacity to set and achieve personal goals was appreciated by the female participants:
154 “I have been encouraged by our teachers to make plans for my goals and to look at how l can achieve within a specific period. This has really helped me a lot” (Naajidah, aged 17)
Thus, female program participants in this study acknowledged and valued the role NFE program played in their lives. They identified their ability to recognise their skills on any business task (their self-efficacy) and their capacity to be independent as a key benefit for participating in NFE program. For these young women, a significant aspect of NFE program which they valued was the capacity for being independent.
5.2.9 Community benefits
The study participants identified the benefits of NFE program to the community, but their perspectives varied slightly. The benefits that were frequently mentioned are as follows:
• Able to read, write and speak English language
• Able to work and contribute to household income
Able to read, write and speak English language
The study participants identified literacy as one of the indicators that fosters the development of rural communities. This was particularly evident from both community leaders’ and NGO workers’ responses to the interviews. For example, CL 1 (Village A) mentioned that:
“…the program has helped our girls and women to know how to read and write. They communicate well in English language. This has made other women to see a need to be literate. It does not stop there. Our women use the skills they have gained to encourage us and to inspire their friends too in the village. This is good for our village because they are literate, and they can do better jobs to support their families”.
155 Also, CL 4 (Village B) indicated that:
“I am happy that a few of our daughters in this village want to go back to school while many of them prefer to learn trades and work. This is part of the development projects for our village because other girls will be encouraged to go to school or learn trades. So the problem of illiteracy is reducing little by little. That is good for us.”
The above responses suggest that community leaders in this study recognise that NFE program has the potential to increase the capacity of their girls and women. It implies that being a literate person helps reduce the problem of illiteracy and opens up job opportunities to sustain the families.
One of the NGO workers also noted that:
“So through their participation in our programme, some of the girls who have dropped out of school and do not want to go back to school were connected to non-formal education system to gain some basic literacy skills. It happened the other way for a few girls who wanted to go back to formal school. There was a girl in our program in this village that was sent to Abuja to talk to other young women in rural communities and inspire them on the alternative things they can do instead of child marriage. The whole community was happy that their girls are being literate through our program. They cherish literacy in this village because most of them are illiterates. Some of the parents told us that the skills they gained have increased the capacity of their children to do other profitable works which have them to remove burden from their families”.
The above statement exemplifies how some of the women and girls are considering going back to formal school or learning through non-formal education system to acquire necessary literacy skills and be trained in any vocation they may want to do. Apart from acquiring literacy skills, they were exposed to alternative pathways to child marriage through the inspiration they got from other girls who have participated in NFE program. As a result, the capacity of the girls and
156 women is improved to engage in profitable jobs which can be another source of supporting their families.
Therefore, the theme of being literate and being able to use literacy skills to inspire others, provides another perspective of NFE program, one which is centred on the pivotal role of non-formal education in rural community setting. As such, this theme is also related to the following one—that being literate in that rural community setting requires being able to work and contribute to your family income.
Able to work and contribute to household income
The ability to work and contribute to family income was considered as a benefit for girls and women in the two villages. These ideas highlighted what work and contribution towards family income means for the young women. The focus group discussion and interview responses indicated that the young women value income-generating work and they want to also support their family. These were also part of the responses of the community leaders and the NGO workers too. In this way, we see that the young women (as stated earlier), including the community leaders, associate their understanding of the benefit of NFE program to the opportunity of work it offers them with their ability to support their family in their respective community. Also, the community leaders and NGO workers also reported that NFE program has provided opportunity for women to get engage in income-generating works. As a result, it has been possible for the female program participants to contribute to the family income:
“The program has helped our daughters and women to work and generate income. The money has helped several households” (CL 1 of Village A)
157 “The income-generating activities our women do have helped them to support their parents and husbands because our working women are financially ok and they are doing well in their various businesses.” (CL 3 of Village B)
The above statements by community leaders indicate how beneficial NFE program is to not only the young women but the whole household—with respect to work and income generation. The community leaders considered that their ability to engage in income-generating work would influence such women’s capabilities to support their husbands and their homes, thus suggesting NFE program is critical for financial capability of young women in the rural community.
In contrast, however, one of the community leaders (CL 2 of Village A) admitted that the program has helped their young women to work and support their family, but he does not think that all the women should be working because of their caring and other duties at home.
“I think the program is fine and it is true that our young women now have their businesses and they are making money. This is good for our village. Although it depends on each individual home, I do not think every woman should be working here. They have a lot of work to do at home, for example taking care of the children, cooking and helping their husbands in the farms. That’s just my thought but I know the program has offered interesting assistance for our women in terms of doing business and making money” (CL 2 of Village H)
The issue raised by the above community leader (Imam) relates to the social roles of women in Hausa-Fulani society. He considered that a working woman may not have time to perform her caring and other social roles at home, thus bringing in another perspective to the discussion about women’s engagement in income-generating works and providing support for the family—within the context of this study.
158 Another perspective on women’s engagement in work and how it benefits the community was raised by the NGO workers. In the following extract, NGO worker 1 (a female NGO worker) explained how the program enabled the young women financially:
“…the program has really empowered them. In Jigawa State where female child marriage is prevalent, many girls lack access to school, employment or other opportunities. And for the child brides who are expected to have only domestic responsibilities in Hausa communities, having alternative ways of spending time and building resources can be socially and financially rewarding.”
In describing how NFE program empowers the young women, NGO personnel 1 stated that NFE program is an alternative tool to delay child marriage. She further explained that engaging in productive activities can be fulfilling—both socially and financially.
From this section, we can see how NFE program is used as a veritable tool for female engagement in work and support mechanism for the family. It was also revealed that NFE program was being used as an alternative tool to delay female child marriage. Although one of the community leaders stated that the engagement of women in work could mean that their caring and other roles at home may be affected, it does not remove the fact that NFE program is fulfilling for the young women and the community as a whole—not only on financial but also social fronts. One thing that is significant to this interplay of work and contributing to one’s family income is being able to socialise.
159 5.3 Barriers/Constraints to women’s empowerment—Continued need for changing socio-cultural norms
Using the data from the research, I begin by discussing three major barriers/constraints to
Hausa-Fulani women’s empowerment which suggest that there is continued need for changing socio-cultural norms in these Hausa-Fulani communities. I describe the barriers as follow:
o Husbands as a barrier
o Parents/husbands as barriers
o Heavy burden of household works as a barrier
5.3.1 Husbands as a barrier
There is frequent mentioning of getting permission from husbands before women could be allowed to participate in NFE program or allowed to go out by 5 out of 28 female program participants and 4 out of 21 female non-program participants in the present study. Power dynamics in marriage relationships between Hausa men and women is felt to influence the participation of young women in NFE program, as shared here:
“Marriage should not be a thing that gives power to men to rule over the affairs of women. It should not be that I need to take permission from my husband before I go out or attend program. What about if he does not give me permission to do what I want to do or allow me to go to wherever I want to go? That’s the way many marriages are in the North” (Female Program Participant: Baha, aged 28)
“If you ask anybody about Hausa people, they will tell you that in Hausa communities, our husbands are our gods. In my house before it was my husband who would decide on things. I do not know how much he has” (Female Program Participant: Zaara, aged 19)
160 “I have not enrolled in the program because I have not gotten permission from my husband but I will like to participate. I do not want to say anything more than this for personal reasons” (Female Non-Program Participant: Sekinat, aged 20)
“ln sha Allah l will participate l will participate later because my husband has said l will” (Female Non- Program Participant: Maahirah, aged 15)
Similarly, these young women noted that men are favoured in Hausa communities and this was seen as a possible barrier to participation in NFE program:
“Men are favoured in our society and that’s why we women need to be ready and financially stable before getting married” (Female Program Participant: Nabeeha, aged 22)
“I will participate later when my husband allows me…I have realised that marriage in this part of the world is not fair to girls and women. All girls and women need to do is to obey for men to control and dominate. Is that fair?” (Female Non-Program Participant: Sabeeyah, aged 16)
In the focus group sessions, these young women also mentioned that Hausa society is patriarchal (male-dominant) and stated that women’s voices also need to be heard:
“The existing structure of marriage in this area is majorly determined by men. Girls and women need voices too in the structure” (Female Non-Program Participant: Aabirah, aged 15)
The study participants also stated that they believed that Hausa society considers it in- appropriate for women to walk alone in the public unless accompanied.
“The socio-cultural barriers attached to the mobility of girls and women in these villages are also a real concern. Married women need to get permission from their husbands before they can go out, limiting their access to work outside home. And if they want to go out walking, male family members need to accompany them. Sorry, I cannot speak further than this. It is a sensitive and delicate issue here” (2nd NGO Worker)
161
Taken together, husbands appear to influence the participation of young women in NFE program from the perspectives of power relations between men and women and the existing patriarchal structure in Hausa society. The marital relations between husbands and wives in these areas seem to be one of the master and maid, and are patriarchal.
5.3.2 Parents/husbands as a barrier
Parents were reported to have influence on the participation of young females in the NFE program. Data drawn from the focus groups and interviews with NGO workers indicate that majority of the female program participants, who are still living with their parents, were supported by their parents in their decision to participate in NFE program. However, it was very difficult for some parents to support their female children to participate in NFE program. Four out of 28 female program participants in this study reported that it was very difficult for their parents to support them in participating in NFE program. Five out of 21 female non-program participants reported the same complexity. In addition, one of the NGO workers also corroborated the concern about parental influence in the program.
“Parents play a major role in deciding the fate of their children in the Northern Nigeria, especially female ones. They have the rights and whatever they say is likely going to be the final” (3rd NGO worker).
Focus groups and interviews revealed that certain socio-cultural norms influenced their parents’ support for their participation in NFE program. This comprised concerns about the
162 decisions of some parents to marry their daughters off and perceived inappropriateness of being seen interacting with opposite sex in the public:
“Everything was about our parents’ decision. Most of us would have loved to pursue education but we knew we would not succeed. We just need to follow whatever our parents say. I couldn’t participate in this program until I got married because my parents did not allow me to participate at that time” (Female Program Participant: Zaara, aged 19)
“My parents had married young and believed it was in my interest to do the same. After repeated visits by our teachers they decided to call off the marriage and I was able to participate in this program” (Female Program Participant: Laila, aged 11)
“I do not know why parents will just say go and marry at a young age instead of attending school programs since we cannot go to normal school” (Female Program Participant: Hadiya, aged 14)
“My parents withdrew me from school and said I should marry. That was what affected me attending the program at that time and I do not have time now (Female non-program participant: Kaleema, aged 31).
“In my own case, my parent decided to make me marry and I am ok with my destiny” (Female non-program participant: Haadiya, aged 29).
“We experienced difficulties with some parents. It was difficult to convince some parents to allow their daughters to participate in the program because of the other plans they have for their daughters” (3rd NGO Worker)
On the other hand, parents were also seen as a support structure for participation in NFE program. Some female program participants reported that their parents encouraged them to participate in the NFE program as evidenced below:
“My parents love the program because they have seen other young women enrolling in the program in our village and they wanted me to join them” (Female Program Participant: Zafirah, aged 11)
163 “My father told me that it would be good for me to participate in the program, at least for me to be able to read, write and speak good English or learn any trade that I want” (Female Program Participant: Madaniyah, aged 10)
Besides, parental constraint is also connected to religious and gendered beliefs. Some female program participants reported that Hausa-Fulani religion does not support the idea of woman walking in the public place while others had opposing opinions:
“Looking at it from our religion, the primary place of a woman is at home. You don’t need to be moving around and you do not do anything. So, if any woman does anything that is contrary to this, it will mean that such person is violating Hausa tradition and religion” (Female Program Participant: Wasilah, aged 15).
However, other female participants said that things are presently changing:
“Religious belief about women walking back and forth alone in the public is changing little by little because of the exposure and belief of some parents and changes in the Hausa traditions over the years. I am not speaking for all Hausa people” (Female Program Participant: Baha, aged 28)
“Unlike the city, the situation in rural Hausa communities are different. There is a different feel about it. It is not full of people moving all the time in the villages. There are few Hausa women walking outside their home in Hausa villages, except they are going to farms with their husbands or walking around their compound. Also, some women are not always allowed to work. It depends on their parents or their husbands” (Female Program Participant: Maasama, aged 16)
Overall, parental/spousal influence on the participation of young women seems to be determined by how Hausa-Fulani’s version of Islamic doctrines and gendered beliefs are interpreted and practised, especially in rural Hausa-Fulani communities. Their version of Islamic doctrines and gendered beliefs are undergoing change in this contemporary age; still there is a continued need for changing these social and gender norms.
164 5.3.3 Heavy burden of household works as a barrier
Heavy burden of household works make the work-life balance and the participation in
NFE program for Hausa-Fulani women difficult, as illustrated here:
“I have not been allowed to work or to attend any program but in sha Allah I will attend. Household responsibilities have not given me chance but may be later. We shall see” (Female Non-Program Participant: Aishah, 24).
“I don’t think I would attend the program because there is no way I can combine it with cooking, cleaning the house, preparing food for the family, taking care of my kids and other house works. I love the program but I do not want to go against my husband’s instructions. I am expected to stay at home and do these household works” (Female Non-Program Participant: Madaniyah, 14)
It was also noted that assisting co-wives at home is another problem of not being able to participate in NFE program:
“House works are too much for me. I assist my co-wives in cooking and performing other assigned household duties. As the youngest wife I need to assist them. I can’t participate now (Female Non-Program Participant: Faaizah, 14)
All these barriers/constraints have the potency to affect the participation of Hausa-Fulani women in NFE program.
5.4 Conclusion
Overall, analysis of the transcriptions of the focus group discussions and interviews confirmed the main findings that emerged from the analysis. The analysis identified a number of
165 aspects that support the contention that (in general) female program participants benefited from the non-formal education program. Even though the settings are religiously conservative, patriarchal and do not always support education for females in absolute terms, the positive comments from the female program participants, NGO personnel, village and religious leaders show that non-formal education program served as answers or at least partial solutions to challenging situations of the females in such settings.
More importantly, NFE program had the most significant influence on women’s economic and psychological empowerment. Many participants (including village leaders and
Imams and spouses) demonstrated good impression about NFE program and felt that the program is beneficial—especially to their women. In particular, they felt good about women working and earning money outside the home, which appears to be uncommon social practice for
Hausa-Fulani women in the rural areas. It also indicates that women’s economic independence can be enhanced through participation, conscious use of the skills acquired from the program and support from the NGO. Besides, the female program participants demonstrated self-confidence, greater feelings of self-efficacy, independence and aspirations which also have positive impact on the future plan for their children.
Data revealed that NFE pedagogy adopted by the NGO made the program easier, inviting and more organised for a number of the participants. In particular, female program participants’ comments suggest that the use of drama led to better understanding of what they were being taught and that this, in turn, encouraged them. Based on the participants’ observations, they perceived improvement in the female program participants’ functional literacy skills (speaking English, reading, writing, being able to calculate, among others), access to resources, and remained positive about what they aspire to do in the future.
166 The strong finding in this study is that despite the fact that the research settings of this study are religiously conservative and patriarchal and there are issues about child marriage practices as well in the areas, the males (including the community leaders and spouses) feel good about their women earning money outside the home. This suggests that socio-cultural norms are not static because they evolve over time. In the next chapter, these areas shall be explained further, and the research questions will be responded to.
167 CHAPTER SIX: DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSION
This chapter begins by providing a review of research process with a specific focus on establishing the particular contributions of each chapter to the different aspects of the research.
Following this, the chapter addresses the research questions systematically based on the key findings that have emerged from the data analyses presented in chapter 5. The first research question examines how the women describe the impact of NFE personally and in their communities. The next research question explores ways through which NFE programming disrupts cultural norms, including how community members react to this potential disruption.
The third research question examines the socio-cultural factors that affect women’s participation.
The fourth research question revolves around ways through which cultural change is taking place due to women’s participation in NFE. Lastly, the limitations and the implications of the study are presented.
6.1 Review of the research process
Before answering the research questions, I begin this chapter by setting the scene regarding the research perspective about women’s access to education in Northern Nigeria, with particular focus on Jigawa State. In chapter 1, I outline the problem statement and provide a short outline of the aims of the study, personal perspective, research questions and the significance of the study.
Putting the research into context justifies a need to provide a brief overview of Nigeria, along the lines of her history, geopolitics and socio-economic issues in chapter 2. After this, I
168 narrowed it down to the discussion on northern Nigeria, gender roles and family traditions—as well as the setting for the current study (Jigawa State, Nigeria).
Through a continuing iterative process of synthesising the literature in the fields of non- formal education (NFE) and non-governmental organisation (NGO), chapter 3 was developed.
Likewise, in reviewing the literature, it became clear that the literature paid scant attention to non-formal education for young women in rural and conservative villages in Northern Nigeria and that literature does not address the multiple perspectives of the phenomenon of NFE program and details about how NFE program enables the participants in the conservative-rural communities. Most studies available are evaluation of NGO program. It became clear that more studies were needed to provide explicit illustrations of how beneficial NFE program are to both participants and the communities. Such was the intent of this research. In chapter 3, I also present theoretical framework for the study (Stromquist’s empowerment framework).
Chapter 4 aims to present the research design of the study and the steps taken in examining the multiple perspectives of NFE program from the participants involved in the study.
Chapter 5 attempts to show how the data were analysed and interpreted. Chapter 6 attempts to answer the research questions of this study and findings from the study were discussed along with empirical studies. Also, this chapter outlines the contributions of this research work, limitations and directions for future research efforts. Lastly, some recommendations are also included.
169 6.2 Addressing the research questions
Four questions underpinned this study. Firstly, this study aimed to find out how women describe the impact of NFE personally and in their communities; and secondly the study aimed to explore the ways through which NFE programming disrupts cultural norms that harm women and how community members are reacting to this potential disruption. Thirdly, the study aimed to investigate the possible socio-cultural factors that affect the participation of these young women in the program. The fourth research question examines the ways through which cultural change is taking place due to women’s participation in NFE program.
6.2.1 Research Question One
Research Question One asks, “How do women describe the impact of NFE personally and in their communities?”
Although the study participants do not have similar interpretations about the NFE program, there is widespread support for NFE program. The program was tailored around literacy skills, business skills and knowledge about life skills (including sexual and reproductive health). The female program participants demonstrated significant changes; in terms of knowing how to read, write and improve their communication skills in English and building confidence to do things on their own.
Women were equipped with knowledge and business skills through NFE program.
Creating a solid foundation of knowledge and skills in business enabled them to know how to calculate daily and weekly income they make in their businesses, and to improve their saving
170 habits. This is an important transformation for these young women because knowledge and skills in business helped them to be financially and economically independent. And knowledge in life skills also gave them the opportunities to improve themselves, acquire work skills, earn money, uplift their livelihoods and support household income and by extension their communities.
Another important aspect was the way the program was structured (NFE pedagogy). The methods used in delivering the program by the NGO personnel (facilitators) were helpful to the female program participants. Women appreciated the methods used for the program because they were able to gain new insights into the knowledge and skills required for independent living and positive behavioural change. In particular, the use of drama was very helpful in terms of delivering the program. In structuring the program in a well-coordinated manner that meets the needs of the program female participants, the role of the NGO personnel (facilitators) in delivering the NFE program was considered significant.
Empirically, literacy-rich environment is achieved when NFE programs are tailored around the socio-cultural realities of a particular rural setting (Dutt, 2017; Fuhriman et al., 2006;
Pitikoe & Preece, 2016). The literature shows that NGO-sponsored literacy programs can play a significant role in helping women to improve their knowledge, psychological and economic skills and active engagement of women to make them functionally productive (Ben Chuks, 2004;
Stromquist, 2015, 1992; Fuhriman et al., 2006).
While there is a little attention about NFE literacy programs for women in rural Northern
Nigeria, much is known about the literacy programs for women in other rural parts of Nigeria
(Jenkins & Idele, 2020; Olateju, 2010; Kolawole, 2010). The only empirical work for women of
Northern Nigeria only assesses the efficacy of health literacy program on the pastoral Fulani
171 women and their families, including how the aims and objectives of the Nomadic Educational
Policy have been obtained (Usman, 2010). The emphasis of the work is on literacy and how it informs health practices.
This study shows multiple views about the impact of NFE program for rural females in
Northern Nigeria; showing why NFE program is significantly viewed as a flexible and structured functional literacy program that offers rural women opportunity to take both individual and collective actions which allow them to be independent and provide support for family income and the community. The multiple perspectives of NFE program for rural women in Northern
Nigeria demonstrates how improving literacy level of rural women in conservative communities can be instrumental to their achievement of a range of capabilities such as being autonomous, engaging in income-generating work, taking care of children and supporting household income.
6.2.2 Research Question Two
Research Question Two asks: In what ways, if any, does NFE programming disrupt cultural norms that harm women, and how do community members react to this potential disruption?
The data show that NFE programming has disrupted the existing cultural norms that tend to harm Hausa-Fulani girls and women. This was made possible through access to information/resources, self-confidence and self-expression, decision making and collective actions. First, the study reveals that NFE program enabled the young women to have access to significant information/resources. Second, this study shows an increase in the confidence of the female program participants, showing how they will no longer be shy again to relate with people
172 and speak out. Third, the study reveals the ability of the female program participants to express themselves on issues relating to marriage (early/child marriage) saying that their thoughts about marriage have changed. Fourth, the study uncovers their ability to negotiate and make informed decisions about their relations with their spouses and their parents on marriage-related matters.
The literature says much about the women’s access to information/resources in education
(Murphy-Graham, 2012; Stromquist, 2015), but much has not been written about women’s access to information/resources in rural Northern Nigeria about NFE program. In this study, more is known about access to information/resources by young women in rural Northern Nigeria about NFE program. Since these young women have access to information/resources and they are making money, it was reported that their spouses began to support them. On a general level, female program participants brought to the NFE program little or no knowledge about their sexual and reproductive health. This is typical of rural Hausa-Fulani girls and women but NFE program enabled them to access significant information/resources that gave them a sense of power to make a difference in their marriage and their lives (Afolayan, 2019; Usman, 2009).
Hence, access to NFE program contributed considerable improvement in women’s age at marriage, reproductive and sexual health knowledge.
For self-confidence and self-expression, the literature shows that women who have participated in NFE program reported gains in self-confidence and self-expression (Akande et al., 2014; Stromquist, 2015, 2007). In this study, female program participants’ improved perceptions of their own individuality, interests, value and engagement—as demonstrated during the focus group sessions—revealed that each female program participant’s experiences were shared, and social networks were developed. This enhanced their confidence to negotiate for more equal or less exploitative marriage relationships with their family and broader community.
173 The female program participants demonstrated that social interaction enhanced significant changes in their behaviours and attitudes towards marriage and other important issues that matter to them. It is also believed that this transformed behaviours and attitudes can contribute significantly to their psychological empowerment (Murphy-Graham, 2012; Stromquist, 2015).
These young girls and women need to demonstrate self-confidence and greater feelings of self- efficacy for them to achieve their goals and succeed in interpersonal engagements. NFE programming indirectly caused re-ordering of the socio-cultural norms in the communities. This transformation significantly enabled the women to be psychologically and economically empowered.
Furthermore, a large body of empirical literature reveals that women who participated in
NFE program are enabled to engage in better-decision making about their private lives (for example, opposing child marriage or an older male suitor); and at household level they are economically empowered which make them less dependent on their spouses’ decision-making and more capable of making independent decisions (Eldred et al., 2014; Erulkar & Muthengi,
2009; Murphy-Graham & Lloyd, 2016). In this study, the rural women valued remunerated work which enabled them to generate income and develop self-controlled micro-businesses. These young rural women used their income to support their households and spouses. Through this, they developed a sense of being valued in the family, gaining increased decision-making and knowing to negotiate with husbands, co-wives, extended family and village members. Also, the implementation of NFE program in the two villages influenced female program participants’ preferences and thoughts about early marriage.
Finally, the literature has a lot to say about collective action resulting from women participation in NFE program. Literature has shown that men in the rural community viewed
174 women as ‘powerful’ when they are collectively together (Baily, 2011; Monkman, 2011). It has also been shown that women’s ability to speak to men about issues that matter to them have significantly improved (Baily, 2011; Stromquist, 2015). But little is known about how community members react to the potential disruption caused by NFE programming. In this study, the community members reacted positively. The village heads and Chief Imams of the two communities approved and supported the program. The NGO workers also confirmed the support they have received so far from the village heads and Chief Imams of the two communities. In particular, the community leaders supported the program and considered their women (female program participants) as ‘agents of development’ because of their engagement in the remunerated works in which they used to support their households. The community leaders felt that being able to work has not only contributed to the increase in household income but has also contributed to the economic independence and improved the capabilities of their women to work.
6.2.3 Research Question Three
Research Question Three asks: What are the socio-cultural factors that affect women’s participation?
The three major barriers/constraints that emerged from the data are: (i) Husbands (ii)
Parents/husbands (iii) heavy burden of household works
Contemporary Muslim Hausa-Fulani women in rural areas in Jigawa State emerge as closely confined to the domestic sphere from childhood, with Islamic characterization of God’s purpose for them—the role of domestic caretaker, wife and mother. Jigawan women’s lives are
175 characterized by early marriage, high fertility, seclusion (for reasons of propriety and religious obligation), polygamy and submission to male dominance. One of the female program participants in this study said that “our husbands are our gods”. Another participant added that
“men are favoured in Hausa-Fulani communities”. These confirm the kind of relationship between religion and Hausa-Fulani socio-cultural norms, with particular attention to the way statuses and roles of Hausa-Fulani women (either as daughters or wives) are affected. As a result, power dynamics in marital relations between Jigawan men and women affects the participation of women in NFE program. Women’s participation is subject to the permission of their husbands, as they are obliged to respect the decision of their husbands. This constraint, which is deeply rooted in Islam and Hausa-Fulani cultural traditions, mitigates against women’s participation in NFE program. To participate in the program, wives need the permission of their husbands. Previous research has documented that Hausa-Fulani men have power over their wives and their wives are expected to respect the decisions of their husbands (Afolayan, 2019; Bano,
2019, 2020; Callaway, 1984; Eweniyi & Usman, 2013; Fayokun, 2015; Usman, 2009). Hence, submission to husbands’ dominance has impact on their wives’ participation in NFE program.
On the part of parents, they may decide to use force in making their daughters get married at a tender age by withdrawing them from schools and refusing them to participate in education program (Afolayan, 2019; Amadiume, 2015; Unterhalter et al., 2013). When a girl is withdrawn from school or not permitted to participate in educational program, she may become vulnerable to child marriage. Her new role, either as a wife or mother, often comes with the expectation that she would take care of home, the children, husband and the extended family.
Some parents in Hausa-Fulani communities still have cultural belief that educating a female child is a waste of time and that Western education does not align with the version of Islam they
176 practice (Afolayan, 2019; Frankema, 2012; Kuran, 2018; Thurston, 2016; Unterhalter et al.,
2013). Being a predominantly Muslim region, it is expected to adhere to the Hadith of Islam, in
Northern Nigeria, which eventually influences the participation of girls and women in education.
Islam influences education of girls and women—which is measured principally—but not solely—in terms of preservation of traditional female roles and Islamic values (Afolayan, 2019;
Frankema, 2012; Ogunjuyigbe & Fadeyi, 2002). For example, some studies show that many
Muslim parents prefer their female children to attend Quranic schools than to allow them to participate in other education programs because they feel that Quranic schools would preserve traditional female roles and preserve religious values (Adiri et al., 2010; Afolayan, 2019; Csapo,
1981; Ogunjuyigbe & Fadeyi, 2002). So, under this religious belief, it is difficult for girls and women to access education without the permission of their parents or their husbands.
Furthermore, Hausa-Fulani women need to deal with dilemma of heavy burden of household works; which is also considered as a barrier/constraint to their participation in NFE program. Some of these rural Hausa-Fulani women remain secluded for reasons of propriety and religious obligation, without having anyone to run errands for them. And even if domestic chores are shared among co-wives, there are complaints about unequal workloads among them. Women are responsible for all domestic duties and child care, all of which leaves no time for them to participate in educational program or attend school (Alhassan, 2010; Kainuwa et al., 2013). This is the situation that some of the young women in this study have found themselves.
Previous empirical studies indicated that parental influence and unequal power relations between men and women affect female participation in NFE because both are driven by endemic male-dominant (patriarchal) structures in most Nigerian communities (Afolayan, 2019, 2011;
Udoh et al., 2020; Usman, 2009). Also, literature reveals that poverty, cost of educating girl-
177 child, poor performance and educational background of parents could impact female participation in NFE (Alhassan, 2010; Kainuwa et al., 2013).
All the three barriers/constraints significantly limit the participation of women in NFE and even within the public sphere. This study supports the claim that Islamic doctrine of Hausa-
Fulani people defines the women’s role as that of housewives. As a result, many of them are kept in seclusion. This often affects the mobility of Hausa-Fulani rural women and it also affects their participation in NFE program because they need to be at home to perform caring and domestic duties. The study supports the claim that spousal and parental influence can be detrimental to female participation in the NFE program. The experiences of the young women who participated in the study demonstrated that these barriers can make up for women’s inability to express personal choices and participate in the educational program.
6.2.4 Research Question Four
Research Question Four asks: “In what ways is cultural change taking place due to women’s participation in NFE?
6.2.5 NFE program: Cultural change at an individual level
Culture is always changing as new development interventions are introduced to a particular society. Each society strives and continues to exist according to the socio-cultural norms of its surrounding. New ideas, new developments and new development programming are added from generation to generation. All these dynamic processes of society enhance socio-
178 cultural norms with fresh transformation, and for every generation there is a cultural change than the previous one. Thus, societies and socio-cultural norms undergo changes with a continued process. The case study of rural Hausa-Fulani women in Jigawa State is a sensitive and complex one because of the tensions between Islam, socio-cultural norms and Western culture which significant impact on women’s education (Afolayan, 2019; Callaway, 1987).
In this account, contemporary Jigawan women in the rural areas are confined to domestic sphere from childhood and they are subjected to early marriage, seclusion, submission to male dominance and polygamy based on the social and gender norms of the region. As a result, the status and roles of Hausa-Fulani are affected. However, with the introduction of NFE program in the two communities, cultural change is taking place to redefine the status and the roles of their women. In particular, the data show that cultural change is taking place in these two communities due to women’s participation in NFE program.
In the context of this study, female program participants were conscious of themselves and they were able to acquire up-to-date knowledge and skills through reading, writing and communication. They could see their social world and hear the voice of others around them in a more meaningful way which make them to grow and mature personally, as well as within their communities. Consequently, these young women were able to learn and practice skills they needed to effectively accomplish the tasks of daily life and know basic things about the sexual and reproductive health.
The study also reveals that NFE program enabled the women to develop positive feelings about themselves which help them to be able to speak confidently with people in the community.
Many of the participants also reported having control over their earnings but they conceded that
179 these earnings were also used to support their family needs. They reported that having regular income gave them bargaining chip to negotiate more power within their homes which would otherwise not be the case. This further translated into shared decision-making in their various homes. This boosted their self-esteem, self expression, self-efficacy and self-confidence (an uncommon phenomenon in rural northern Nigeria). By developing these all-round skills and knowledge, they demonstrated capacity to learn, discover and develop on their own a healthy attitude of their surroundings, socio-cultural norms and power dynamics. Female program participants became aspirational; aspiring and willing to work hard to achieve their future goals, even if partially. Older female program participants wanted their children to attend school and not to marry early. They wanted to support their husbands and have a say in the running of household affairs. Some of the girls typically wanted to go back to schools and get good jobs with good income while some of them wanted to have businesses of their own and marry men that they love as their husbands. Many participants reported that achieving all these
‘functionings’ (Nussbaum, 2002) and attaining independence both within and outside the home
(Afolayan, 2019; Stromquist, 2015) were made possible through their participation in the program and this might also have impacted their roles in the community.
The literature has a lot to say about how the NFE program has impacted rural women but the literature about the NFE program’s impact on rural women in religiously conservative settings is a growing area of study in rural Jigawan communities (in the Northern Nigeria). The findings of this study reflects a growing trend in academic scholarship which argues that non- formal education programs have an invigorating dynamic for rural women, in terms of access to knowledge and skills (Unterhalter et al., 2013), increased self-worth (Baily, 2011), capacity to engage in income-generating work and opportunity to gain economic independence (Stromquist,
180 2015; Ukwuaba & Igbo, 2013) and their relationship to men and to their communities (Baily,
2011; Mfum-Mensah, 2003).
Feminist scholars such as Stromquist (1990, 1992, 2015), Afolayan (2019) and Dighe
(1992, 1985) have indicated that women’s inability to go to school in developing countries can best be understood by looking at how patriarchy and traditional gender roles have constrained female access to schooling. In the present study, Hausa-Fulani women’s access to schooling was indeed limited by patriarchy (Afolayan, 2019; Odok, 2019) and Islamic ideology (Adamu, 1999;
Eweniyi & Usman, 2013), which reinforce the premises of feminist theory of women’s education in developing countries (Chilisa & Ntseane; 2010; Jackson, 1997; Stromquist, 2014, 1990). As children and adults, Hausa-Fulani women performed traditional roles of taking care of their homes, children and spouses. The Hausa-Fulani women’s caring responsibilities often limit their access to schooling.
Since their traditional roles have restricted their access to schooling, the female program participants considered their participation in NFE program as beneficial. In some aspect, the socio-cultural forces in Hausa-Fulani often intensify traditional gender roles and restricted female participation in schooling and NFE program as some of the female non-program participants indicated. Nevertheless, in other aspects, female program participants expanded their occupational and social and economic roles, broadening their access to NFE program.
The version of Hausa-Fulani’s Islamic doctrines embody patriarchy which explains the
Hausa-Fulani women’s inequity in schooling. But, the male partners and community leaders are in support of women’s business activities outside the home because of their support for NFE
181 program in their respective religiously conservative communities and because the women were making money.
Also, Hausa-Fulani women’s economic independence over household finances suggests that they could potentially support the schooling of their daughters in the future, helping to compensate for their own lack of educational opportunities. Thus, the participants’ responses demonstrated the impact of NFE program on shaping their knowledge, skills, self-worth, independence and the future dreams they may have for themselves and their daughters.
6.2.6 NFE program: Cultural change at community level
Being able to work was considered as substantial benefits for the young rural women who participated in the NFE program, as well as for their community. Hausa-Fulani women’s appreciation for work has been inspired not only by financial necessity. Rural Hausa-Fulani women’s appreciation for work is considered to be a means through which they could develop their own potential and to voice their interests. This results in transformation that tends to be beneficial not only for them but also for others in the community.
Also, being able to mentor other people was also seen as beneficial to the community.
Being able to mentor others involves demonstrating mastery of the tutor role, which includes reflecting on what the female program participants have learned in the NFE program classes and the functional literacy skills and livelihood skills they have developed. As they establish mentoring relationship with others who have not participated in NFE program and guide their growth through learning, the community leaders saw them as role models that could represent their communities.
182 The evidence offered in the literature for being able to work and contribute to household income by rural women is drawn from the observations that the NFE program provides a good means of livelihood and sustenance to women; provides support for their economic role and development; and provides a better chance of understanding how to manage home and raise children properly (Belete, 2011; Mayombe, 2017). In addition, evidence from the study of
Eweniyi and Usman (2013) indicated that non-formal education for women determines their income, capacity and their contribution to their families and society. Stromquist’s (2015) research is also helpful as her study indicated that non-formal education has the potential to enhance the functional literacy skills of women, as well as empowering them economically.
Research studies from Galvan (2001) and Stromquist (2015, 1997) also indicate that NFE program provide a number of positive opportunities for women to engage in income-generating activities, to socialise and to undertake learning for themselves. Stromquist (2015) further noted that NFE prepares rural women not only for labour market but also for acquiring basic literacy skills, understanding and challenging their social world. However, she noted that the financial support that NFE program receives at present is not congruent with the role it can potentially play in empowering women economically (Stromquist, 2015).
In the literature, non-formal education was the mechanism by which rural women feel that they could transform—that is, “shedding stigma from the past” (Parr, 2001, p. 65). As Baily
(2011) noted, NFE program offers women to transform their lives by empowering them to recognise their value to both family and broader community. Overall, the evidence from a range of studies identifies the value to women of their participation in NFE program (Angko, 2013;
Akpama et al., 2011; Kaufmann et al., 2019). This implies that women may be supported through
183 NFE program to work and contribute to household income and also acquire functional literacy skills.
In the present study, empowerment of women is associated with psychological and economic dimensions. The participation of the young women in NFE program made to confidently reflect on their lived experiences. They demonstrated self-awareness and self- efficacy skills. They felt confident to exercise their agencies and be recognised as productive and independent individuals. These improved functionings gave them new directions as they continue to aspire to achieve desired goals for themselves, their children and their family.
This study supports the literature by showing that NFE program can be transformational for rural women (Stromquist, 2015; Taylor et al., 2012) in terms of working and contributing to family’s income. Most of the female program participants were able to work and support their families after participating in NFE program. Despite the challenges in their conservative communities, these young women were able to conquer their fate by turning around their lives after participating in NFE program. NFE program provided the tools to realise their dreams for themselves, their family and others in the community.
The study supports the claim in the literature that NFE programs are a veritable mechanism that may provide a number of opportunities for women to be empowered socially and educationally (Baily, 2011; Carmichael, 2011; Stromquist, 2015). NFE impacts on power relations as it reconstructs spousal, household and community relations. When rural women are empowered, they live a more fulfilled life and their opinions are valued by community members.
By learning to be useful for oneself, household and community, the young women were able to
184 speak about their problems and talk to their parents—standing up against early marriage, even though their communities are religiously conservative.
6.3 Contributions to the Literature
Studies on non-formal education program for girls and rural women in a religiously conservative setting have revealed that access to non-formal education programs can significantly enhance women’s self-efficacy, functional literacy skills and capability to engage in income-generating activities. The findings of previous researchers by Ololube and Egbezor
(2012), Stromquist (2015) and Usman (2009) underscored that non-formal education programs play a significant role in helping rural and marginalised women to improve their knowledge and functional literacy skills, and enhance productive engagement in economic activities. Global agencies like UNESCO (2015) and The Brookings Institution (2018) reporting on non-formal education program for girls and women in developing countries indicated that s form the basis of lifelong learning and have the capacity to transform women’s lives and are important for targeting life skills in combination with vocational and socio-emotional skills.
For the female program participants in this study, appreciation of work, doing business and the economic and financial independence to be able to make money and support the family were the strongest things found. Most of the young girls and women loved the program and appreciate income-earning work, adding that access to NFE program has offered improved conditions for themselves and their families. The female program participants all advocated the need for NFE program as key for economic and financial independence for women. This corroborates the research findings of Dutt (2017) who indicated that creating favourable
185 condition for rural women to participate in NFE program and to have employment opportunities enables them to be economically productive and independent.
For female non-program participants, most of them regretted their inability to have access to NFE program, saying that access to the program would have transformed their lives and their children if they had been allowed to participate in the program. The single most significant factor that made access to NFE program possible for the young women who were able to participate in the program was that their parents or husbands allowed them to attend the program. This is in agreement with the findings of Stromquist (2011), who reported in her study that family, as well as individual’s willingness, were sources of support. In this study, the participants reported that their parents, husbands and community leaders supported them to join the program but they themselves were willing to join the program in order to acquire knowledge and skills that would be useful for them and their families. This study adds to the understanding of the phenomenon of
NFE program, showing the significance of involving multiple stakeholders when designing and implementing NFE program in religiously conservative environment.
Previous research studies conducted by Udoh, Folarin and Isumonah (2020), Konaté,
(2011), Mulenga et al., (2018) and Walker (2012) found that early marriage, patriarchy, poverty and religion were found to be socio-cultural factors affecting rural women to participate in NFE programs. The present study agrees with these findings on women’s educational participation in sub-Saharan Africa. Poverty did not count as a barrier to women’s participation in this study but this contradicts the findings of Konaté (2011) and Mulenga et al., (2018). Most of the participants in this study acknowledged that poverty is not a problem for their inability to be educated or to participate in program. The two major socio-cultural factors that they considered as real challenges are patriarchy and religion (Islam). This is consistent with the findings of
186 Afolayan (2019) and Odok (2020), who held that patriarchy and Islam perpetuate the unequal distribution of power between men and women and were seen as barriers to women’s education in Northern Nigeria.
In addition, this study highlights the importance of extending the role of NGO personnel to be inclusive of explicit attention to personal problems of the participant, not just the program.
This study has established the role of NGO personnel is important in participants’ ability to discover and use their potentials. Increasing awareness of the role of NGO personnel as facilitators, experts and part of the stakeholders will add weight to the benefits of NFE program in conservative environments.
Overall, the strongest contribution of this study is that despite that the environment is religiously conservative and patriarchal, many men—including community leaders and spouses—are happy for women to achieve economic independence. They are happy that their spouses and residents are working and earning money outside home which they use to support them. Apparently, this finding is contrary to the earlier studies, including imagination and assumptions that people often express, about women in rural Northern Nigeria (Adiri et al.,
2010; Afolayan, 2019; Fayokun, 2015; Csapo, 1981; Ogunjuyigbe & Fadeyi, 2002 Unterhalter et al., 2013; Usman, 2009).
6.4 Limitations of the study
This study has some limitations. The first limitation was its short-term nature. In order to better investigate the multiple perspectives of NFE program from individuals’ lived experiences; it may be necessary to take a long-term view. Following up on the major female program
187 participants in two and five years, for example, might allow one to compare varying women’s literacy abilities, positive attitudes, economic independence, self-expression and ability to partake in decision making after a more reasonable length of time. Comparing female program participants to female non-program participants would help to control for the general socio- economic progress which would have taken place in the villages.
Another limitation of the current study was the complex nature of carrying out such risky research by a male Christian researcher in a religiously conservative setting. Conducting the present study was complex for a male Christian researcher because it was impossible for such researcher to have direct contact with the women. It is not allowed due to the version of Islamic doctrines they are practising. It was also difficult to collect data. The study context was ideal because of the existence of large group of girls and women who are interested to participate in the study. Unfortunately, some parents and husbands did not allow their female children and spouses to participate in the study. Also, collecting data from boys and men who have participated in NFE program might have provided valuable data on the dynamics surrounding lived experiences of both men and women participating in NFE program in such religiously conservative settings.
A very important limitation of this study may have been the failure to include systematic study of lived experiences of men in the research design. Although the main goal of the study is to investigate the multiple perspectives of NFE program from the lived experiences of women, an implicit assumption of this and several empirical studies of women’s participation in NFE program is that there is a difference between women’s participation and men’s participation in
NFE program. Since many problems with access to education apply to men in religiously conservative and rural settings as well as women, it is necessary to unravel general dilemma of
188 NFE program from that perspective. In the current study, unfortunately, anecdotal evidence on men’s lived experiences in NFE program was not gathered, and comparisons are not considered as well. Future research of women’s lived experiences in NFE program may be improved by explicitly stating the comparisons that are to be made between men’s and women’s lived experiences and then building formal investigation of rural men’s participation into the research design.
6.5 Insights for Policy and Practice
Following the findings of this study, resulting insights are proffered to policy makers, development agencies, governments and non-governmental organisations in their mission to make NFE program accessible to all women in the religiously conservative communities.
In agreement with the UNESCO’s principle of acceptability and adaptability; international non-governmental organisations concerned with NFE for women in religiously conservative regions should consider and validate the cultures and religion of the participants of the program as a valuable element (Tvdet, 2006). No educator can disregard the fact that culturally-inspired NFE curricula and prior knowledge stimulates acceptance, motivation and results in learning and ownership. As the stakeholders carry on their campaign to implement for rural women, effort has to focus on matters relevant to the participants in religiously conservative settings instead of imposing or emphasising foreign-based curricula, which only serves the interest of foreign donors, international non-governmental organisations and other international organisations. Parents and community leaders in Northern Nigeria often fail to see the relevance of the program presented to them because they are not aligned to their socio-
189 cultural values, religion and identity. For example, Ministry of Education (MOE) and its other agencies acknowledge that Northern Nigeria has its own unique socio-cultural context and there are parts of their cultural values that make it challenging for female to complete their secondary schools. Therefore, NFE will be appropriate for such scenario. They need to start supporting
NFE for their young women, especially in rural areas.
Both in the present and the future, development practitioners must know that providing appropriate NFE curriculum equips learners (participants) to talk back to their social world, as it is meant to be grounded in participants’ contexts, needs and lived experiences (Vega & Bajaj,
2016). NFE program has to be flexible so that it can be adaptable to the needs of the rural and conservative communities and respond to the needs of the girls and women within their varied socio-cultural settings.
Systematic transformation is needed within the organisational structure to support and involve multiple stakeholders and locally-relevant women in the decision-making process to serve as role models to female learners/participants. Government, local NGOs, community leaders and the entire society should support and create appropriate platforms for women in rural and conservative regions to speak out on their aspirations, choices, ideas and goals, as well as ensuring locally-relevant approaches to make NFE program accessible.
6.6 Recommendations for further research
There still remains a need for further studies on the challenges that affect women in religiously conservative regions in Nigeria. There are many studies of women’s participation in
190 Southern Nigeria that have only employed quantitative studies. Further research may consider a mixed approach and extend their research to other conservative areas in Northern Nigeria.
Also, a research concentrating on rural areas in other part of Northern Nigeria may shed more light on the specifics and social dynamics that were not available in this study. Similarly, a research considering men as participants may also lead to a wider debate on the issue of women’s participation in NFE program, especially in religiously conservative regions where denial of access to NFE program seems prevalent.
6.7 Conclusion
The purpose of this study was to investigate the multiple views of rural Hausa-Fulani women in northern Nigeria, community leaders and NGO personnel on the phenomenon of non- formal education. Conducted to better understand the experiences of select Hausa-Fulani and views of community leaders and NGO personnel regarding NFE program, this study focused on varied views about NFE program, their impacts on marital relations, socio-cultural factors that influence women’s participation in NFE and benefits of the NFE program to the participating women and their communities. Previous studies have underlined that the NFE program plays a significant role in the lives of rural and marginalised women, by helping them to increase their knowledge, self-efficacy, functional literacy skills and enhance their capacity to be economically productive (Afolayan, 2019; Konate, 2011; Stromquist, 2015; Usman, 2009). In addition, the findings also point to how poverty, patriarchy, gender, religion, early marriage and gender relations create disparities in power, independence and educational participation, typically to the disadvantage of Hausa-Fulani women (Afolayan, 2019; Robson, 2006; Usman, 2009).
191 In the present study, the researcher particularly wanted to hear the voices of Hausa-Fulani women in rural Northern Nigeria, those who have participated in the non-formal education program and those who have not been permitted to participate. It was one of the goals of this research to underline the benefits of NFE program to the participants and the community, as well as highlighting the socio-cultural factors that hinder the participation of the women who have not been able to participate.
Findings of the study revealed that NFE program is a key factor for human development for all the female program participants. Results indicate that Hausa-Fulani women who have participated in the program have a higher sense of economic independence, self-efficacy and aspirations than their counterparts who have not participated. Female non-program participants did not convey a similar sense of economic independence, self-efficacy and fulfilment. Although they did not admit being inferior to their counterparts who had participated in NFE program, they expressed some of the social and economic advantage that the female program participants have over them. Most of the study participants supported the program for women, including the male community leaders.
It becomes imperative to say that trends are changing and that more Hausa-Fulani girls and women are becoming to realise the transformation that education offers. In the recent times, parents are also becoming to realise the huge benefits of educating females who not only support their family of birth but also their family of marriage. Despite the gender disparities in education in the region, most of these Hausa-Fulani girls and women yearn for provision of non-formal education program that would transform and emancipate them.
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221 APPENDIX 1: INFORMATION LETTERS
Focus Group Discussion On Non-Formal Education In Northern Nigeria Participant Information Letter (Female program and female non-program participants)
My name is Gbenga Afolayan and I’m from Murdoch University. I am interested in understanding what you think about non-formal education for females in northern Nigeria. I wish to invite you to participate in a focus group discussion on non-formal education. I value you as a person and l would like to know about your personal experiences. Since I am a male researcher, two local female research assistants have been recruited to talk with you during focus group interviews in order to protect your privacy. This study is part of my PhD Degree and is being supervised by Associate Professor Laura Perry and Dr. Amanda Woods-McConney at Murdoch University, Australia.
If you decide to be involved in this study, you will be asked to participate in a focus group interview with other females in your community. The focus group interview will take about 45 minutes and will be audio taped just so that we can be reminded of what the group has said. Each focus group will include about 5-8 people. By participating in this study, you may benefit others by helping people to understand more about education for females.
There is absolutely no pressure to be a participant in the study. If you choose to participate you can decide to withdraw your consent to participate in this research. Withdrawing from the research study or choosing not to participate will not cause any problems for you.
Please complete the attached consent script if you agree to be a part of the study. My research assistants are happy to talk about any concerns you may have [contact details of RAs to be inserted]. lf you wish to talk to somebody else about your concerns you can contact Murdoch University’s Human Research Ethics Committee on 93606677 or email [email protected]
I hope you agree to be part of this exciting study. This letter is for you to keep.
Sincerely,
Gbenga Afolayan
222 An Interview Session On Non-Formal Education In Northern Nigeria Participant Information Letter: NGO Personnel/Workers/Facilitators
Dear [Name to be inserted],
My name is Gbenga Afolayan and I’m from Murdoch University. I am interested in understanding what you think about non-formal education for females in northern Nigeria. Since you are part of the esteemed educational stakeholders in this community I am keen to invite you to participate in the study. This study is part of my Phd Degree and is being supervised by Associate Professor Laura Perry and Dr. Amanda Woods-McConney at Murdoch University, Australia.
If you decide to be involved in this study, you will be asked to participate in an interview session. Interview discussions will be held at a time and place that is convenient for you. An interview session will take about 60 minutes. I will ask about your personal experiences and views of non-formal education for females. By participating in this study, you may benefit others by helping people to understand what non-formal education is all about for females and how it may impact their lives in your community. All your answers will be strictly confidential.
There are no anticipated risks related to this research. Several steps will be taken to protect your individual privacy and maintain confidentiality of the information you provide. While the interview will be audio taped, the data collected will be stored in an e-folder on my laptop and will be password protected in such a way that it is only accessed by me. Once I return back to Australia, the data will be stored securely for five years in accordance with ethics procedures of my institution. Your identity will be made anonymous in the written materials resulting from this study and pseudonyms will be used with any quotes attributed to you.
The results from this study will be presented in journals and conferences to help understand how non-formal education may affect lives of females in terms of learning, employment, decision- making about marriage and other aspects of women’s lives.
Your participation in this research is completely voluntary and there are no direct benefits for participating in the research. You may withdraw from the study at any time for any reason. However, once the data has been analysed you cannot withdraw the information you have provided.
Please complete the attached consent form if you agree to be a part of the study. If you have any questions or require any information about this study, you can contact me on 08033894xxx/+6140695xxxx or email [email protected] lf you wish to talk to somebody else about your concerns you can contact Murdoch University’s Human Research Ethics Committee on 93606677 or email [email protected]
I hope you agree to be part of this exciting study. This letter is for you to keep.
Sincerely, Gbenga Afolayan
223 An Interview Session On Non-Formal Education In Northern Nigeria Participant Information Letter: Community/Religious Leaders
Dear Distinguished Leader,
My name is Gbenga Afolayan and I’m from Murdoch University. I am interested in understanding what you think about non-formal education for females in northern Nigeria. Since you are part of the esteemed educational stakeholders in this community I am keen to invite you to participate in the study. This study is part of my Phd Degree and is being supervised by Associate Professor Laura Perry and Dr. Amanda Woods-McConney at Murdoch University, Australia.
If you decide to be involved in this study, you will be asked to participate in an interview session. Interview discussions will be held at a time and place that is convenient for you. An interview session will take about 60 minutes. I will ask about your personal experiences and views of non-formal education for females. By participating in this study, you may benefit others by helping people to understand what non-formal education is all about for females and how it may impact their lives in your community. All your answers will be strictly confidential.
There are no anticipated risks related to this research. Several steps will be taken to protect your individual privacy and maintain confidentiality of the information you provide. While the interview will be audio taped, the data collected will be stored in an e-folder on my laptop and will be password protected in such a way that it is only accessed by me. Once I return back to Australia, the data will be stored securely for five years in accordance with ethics procedures of my institution. Your identity will be made anonymous in the written materials resulting from this study and pseudonyms will be used with any quotes attributed to you.
The results from this study will be presented in journals and conferences to help understand how non-formal education may affect lives of females in terms of learning, employment, decision- making about marriage and other aspects of women’s lives.
Your participation in this research is completely voluntary and there are no direct benefits for participating in the research. You may withdraw from the study at any time for any reason. However, once the data has been analysed you cannot withdraw the information you have provided.
Please complete the attached consent form if you agree to be a part of the study. If you have any questions or require any information about this study, you can contact me on 08033894xxx/+61406950xxx or email [email protected]. lf you wish to talk to somebody else about your concerns you can contact Murdoch University’s Human Research Ethics Committee on 93606677 or email [email protected]
I hope you agree to be part of this exciting study. This letter is for you to keep.
Sincerely, Gbenga Afolayan
224 APPENDIX 2: CONSENT FORMS ORAL CONSENT SCRIPT (Female program and non-program participants)
Research Project: Non-Formal Education in Northern Nigeria
As noted in the information letter, this research will require about 45 minutes of your time. During this time, you will participate in a focus group discussion about your experiences with non-formal education and how it may affect daily lives of females in terms of learning, employment, decision-making about marriage and other aspects of women’s lives.
Your consent is required as follows: 1. I agree voluntarily to take part in this study. 2. I confirm that I meet the criteria for participation in this study:
Age:
3. I have been given a full explanation of this study. 4. The researcher has answered all my questions and has explained possible problems that may arise as a result of my participation in this study. 5. I understand that I will be asked some questions which may be seen as personal and private. 6. I understand that my name and identity will be stored separately from the data, and these are accessible only to the investigators. All data provided by me will be analysed anonymously using pseudonyms. 7. I understand that I will not be identified in any publication arising out of this study without my permission. 8. I understand that all information provided by me is treated as confidential and will not be released by the researcher to a third party unless required to do so by law. 9. I understand I am free to withdraw from the study and stop participating at any time without needing to give any reason.
Name of participant: ______
Signature of Participant: ______Date: …..../..…../…….
I confirm that I have provided the Information Letter concerning this study to the above participant; I have explained the study and have answered all questions asked of me.
Signature of researcher: ______Date: …..../..…../…….
225 CONSENT SCRIPT (Community/Religious Leaders)
Research Project: Non-Formal Education in Northern Nigeria
As noted in the information letter, this research will require about 45 minutes of your time. During this time, you will be interviewed about your experiences with non-formal education and how it may affect daily lives of females in terms of learning, employment, decision-making about marriage and other aspects of women’s lives.
Your consent is required as follows:
1. I agree voluntarily to take part in this study. 2. I confirm that I meet the criteria for participation in this study:
I am 18 years old or above……….
3. I have read the Information Sheet provided and been given a full explanation of this study. 4. The researcher has answered all my questions and has explained possible problems that may arise as a result of my participation in this study. 5. I understand that my name and identity will be stored separately from the data, and these are accessible only to the investigators. All data provided by me will be analysed anonymously using pseudonyms. 6. I understand that I will not be identified in any publication arising out of this study without my permission. 7. I understand that all information provided by me is treated as confidential and will not be released by the researcher to a third party unless required to do so by law. 8. I understand I am free to withdraw from the study and stop participating at any time without needing to give any reason.
Name of participant: ______
Signature of Participant: ______Date: …..../..…../…….
I confirm that I have provided the Information Letter concerning this study to the above participant; I have explained the study and have answered all questions asked of me.
Signature of researcher: ______Date: …..../..…../…….
226 CONSENT SCRIPT (NGO WORKERS/PERSONNEL/FACILITATORS)
Research Project: Non-Formal Education in Northern Nigeria
As noted in the information letter, this research will require about 45 minutes of your time. During this time, you will be interviewed about your experiences with non-formal education and how it may affect daily lives of females in terms of learning, employment, decision-making about marriage and other aspects of women’s lives.
Your consent is required as follows:
1. I agree voluntarily to take part in this study. 2. I confirm that I meet the criteria for participation in this study:
I am 18 years old or above…….
3. I have read the Information Sheet provided and been given a full explanation of this study. 4. The researcher has answered all my questions and has explained possible problems that may arise as a result of my participation in this study. 5. I understand that my name and identity will be stored separately from the data, and these are accessible only to the investigators. All data provided by me will be analysed anonymously using pseudonyms. 6. I understand that I will not be identified in any publication arising out of this study without my permission. 7. I understand that all information provided by me is treated as confidential and will not be released by the researcher to a third party unless required to do so by law. 8. I understand I am free to withdraw from the study and stop participating at any time without needing to give any reason.
Name of participant: ______
Signature of Participant: ______Date: …..../..…../…….
I confirm that I have provided the Information Letter concerning this study to the above participant; I have explained the study and have answered all questions asked of me.
Signature of researcher: ______
227