An Overview of Medieval Jewish Philosophy

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

An Overview of Medieval Jewish Philosophy Howard Kreisel Between Philosophic Optimism and Fideistic Scepticism: An Overview of Medieval Jewish Philosophy In the introduction to his magnum opus, The Wars of the Lord, the early fourteenth century Jewish Provencal philosopher, scientist, and biblical exegete Gersonides writes as follows in regard to the difficult questions he addresses in his treatise: “We recognize that there are many reasons why it might seem proper to refrain from exam- ining these questions.”1 He then lists these reasons. The third reason he brings is particularly poignant for our discussion: Third, I think that because of envy, which shall never disappear, some will attribute to me arro- gance and rashness in investigating the question of the eternity or creation of the world. For perhaps they think that the intellect of a sage cannot reach the truth on this topic, except if he is a prophet; all the more so when they have seen that earlier scholars of stature from our nation have not investigated this question in the way [that we propose]. From this they have concluded the impossibility of arriving at the truth on this question by means of philosophy. For if this were possible [they say], it would not have escaped the earlier sages.2 Gersonides responds with a lengthy rebuttal of this argument: Now this argument is very weak. It does not follow that what was not known by the former sages will also not be known by their successors. For in time the truth will be forthcoming, as Aristotle says in book two of the Physics. Were this not so, a man would not investigate any science, but only accept what others have taught him. But if this were the case, there wouldn’t be any science at all – which is utterly absurd.3 Gersonides is a strong believer in the possibility of progress in solving weighty philo- sophical questions. Furthermore, he erases the line between prophet and sage, that is to say knowledge based on revelation and knowledge based on reason, when it comes to these questions, since the prophet attains his knowledge of speculative matters 1 Levi ben Gershom, The Wars of the Lord, vol. 1, trans. Seymour Feldman (Philadelphia: The Jewish Publication Society, 1984), 93 [with some emendations on my part of the translation]. For a recent study of Gersonides’ thought see Seymour Feldman, Gersonides: Judaism Within the Limits of Reason (Oxford: The Littman Library of Jewish Civilization, 2010). 2 The Wars of the Lord, 94. 3 The Wars of the Lord, 94. Note: I would like to thank the anonymous reviewers of this article for their criticisms and suggestions. Open Access. © 2018 Howard Kreisel, published by De Gruyter. This work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 License. https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110553321-002 8 Howard Kreisel in his capacity as sage.4 Gersonides concludes this argument with the following observation: If someone objects that perhaps this doctrine [namely, creation] is one that cannot be philoso- phically demonstrated, we reply that until a proof is forthcoming that shows the impossibility of such a philosophical demonstration, this is not a valid objection against us. Nor is that which Maimonides pronounced concerning the impossibility of [demonstrated] knowledge on this topic a valid criticism, unless the absurdity of what we shall affirm with respect to one of the possible alternatives on this question will have been demonstrated, as has been mentioned. Indeed it can be shown in several ways that the philosophical verification of this doctrine is possible. For we find among the community of philosophers throughout the ages a natural desire to attain the truth on this question, as Aristotle and Maimonides have both related. [Indeed], we ourselves have perceived [this desire] in the accounts of all the inqui- rers [on this topic] that have reached us. Now a natural desire cannot be for something that is unattainable, all the more so if it is unattainable by any investigation. In conclusion, the aforementioned arguments do not preclude completing our investigation of this topic as best we can. For human perfection is completed when one knows reality as much as one can, and it is greater in knowing the more superior things than in knowing the things of inferior rank and value.5 Gersonides essentially completes here the thought Aristotle voices in the opening of his Metaphysics: “All men by nature desire to know,”6 by arguing that nature, meaning God, does nothing in vain,7 and hence all natural desires are in principle for something that can be attained.8 There is a tremendous optimism in Gersonides’ approach to human intellection, a belief in scientific and philosophic progress. It is an optimism that is subtly anchored in the theological belief in God’s wisdom and goodness. Gersonides is convinced that the perfection of the intellect is the true per- fection of the human being, hence God must have also provided the human being 4 For an analysis of Gersonides’ approach to prophecy see Howard Kreisel, Prophecy: The History of an Idea in Medieval Jewish Philosophy (Dordrecht: Kluwer Academic Publishers, 2001), 316–424. 5 Wars of the Lord, 96. 6 Aristotle, Metaphysics, Book 1.1, 980a22. 7 The notion that nature does nothing in vain is inherent in Aristotle’s philosophy and is voiced by him in On the Heavens, Book 1.4, 271a33, and in Parts of Animals, Book 4.13, 695b19. Maimonides brings this notion in the name of Aristotle in Guide of the Perplexed 2, 14, and Gersonides mentions it in Wars of the Lord 1, 4; 5, 3, 6. 8 Maimonides had voiced the other side of this idea when he argued in Guide of the Perplexed 1, 31 that for what is impossible for the human being to apprehend, “he will not find that his soul longs for knowledge of them.” (trans. Pines [Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1963], 65). His position in the same chapter on whether all things that the human being longs to know are within his grasp to attain, however, is not without ambiguity. He is explicit on the point that on many of these matters it is impossible for human beings to arrive at conclusions that can be proven demonstratively. This still leaves open the question on the epistemological status of non-demonstrative proofs, a point to which I will return later on. Between Philosophic Optimism and Fideistic Scepticism 9 with the capacity to attain this perfection.9 Moreover, Gersonides does not believe that revelation provides privileged information in the domain of speculative knowl- edge that in principle is closed to rational discourse. When it comes to weighty philosophical- theological issues, he does not regard himself as a dwarf sitting on the shoulders of previous giants, a metaphor which was often used as a justification for the belief in scientific progress despite the traditional belief in the superior stature of the ancients10; Gersonides clearly sees himself as a giant in his own right. While the explicitness and extent of Gersonides’ optimism in philosophic and scientific progress is perhaps atypical of his Jewish philosophic contemporaries – most of them were prone to pay at least the customary lip service to the special nature of prophetic knowledge or to the intellectual superiority of the forefathers – his basic stance is in fact characteristic of Provencal Jewish philosophy.11 Nor is he the only one who accords the prophet no essential superiority over the philosopher in specu- lative matters. His contemporary, Nissim of Marseilles is even more outspoken in this matter. He argues that the public leadership role that the prophet assumes detracts from his ability to continue to rise on the ladder of knowledge, an impediment that the philosophic sage does not have to overcome in his quest for knowledge.12 It should be pointed out, however, that there are limits to Gersonides’ philosophic optimism. He rejects the possibility of reaching a level of knowledge whereby one experiences ontological conjunction with the Active Intellect,13 a possibility that most of his philosophic contemporaries continued to accept. It also should be noted that he does not feel that he has solved the issue of creation with demonstrative argumentsc, only with dialectical ones, as is true of the other issues with which he deals in his trea- tise. Yet this fact in itself does not in any manner mitigate his philosophic optimism 9 This is certainly not to argue that there are no limits to the human capacity to know in Gersonides’ thought, or that all human beings share the same capacity: see below, n. 13. 10 On the attitude of medieval Jewish thinkers to the wisdom of the ancients see Abraham Melamed, On the Shoulders of Giants: The Debate between Moderns and Ancients in Medieval and Renaissance Jewish Thought [Hebrew] (Ramat-Gat: Bar-Ilan University Press, 2003), esp. 140–153. 11 For a study of the relationship between prophet and sage in the philosophy of Maimonides and his followers in Provence see Howard Kreisel, Judaism as Philosophy: Studies in Maimonides and the Medieval Jewish Philosophers of Provence (Boston: Academic Studies Press, 2015), 270–314. 12 Kreisel, 307–310. This argument was previously already made by Samuel Ibn Tibbon in his Com- mentary on Ecclesiastes, where he criticizes Maimonides’ view on this issue; see Aviezer Ravitzky, “The Political Role of the Philosopher: Samuel Ibn Tibbon Versus Maimonides,” Maimonides Studies 5 (2008): 345–374. Levi ben Avraham in his Livyat Hen also presents this position; see Kreisel, Judaism as Philosophy, 300. 13 See Seymour Feldman, “Gersonides on Possibility of Conjunction with the Agent Intellect,” AJS Review 3 (1978): 99–120.
Recommended publications
  • ASTRONOMY and ASTROLOGY in the HEBREW POETRY of SEPHARAD* Ciencia En Un Contexto Poético: Astronomía Y Astrología En La Poesía Hebrea De Sefarad
    SCIENCE IN POETIC CONTEXTS: ASTRONOMY AND ASTROLOGY IN THE HEBREW POETRY OF SEPHARAD* Ciencia en un contexto poético: Astronomía y astrología en la poesía hebrea de Sefarad JOSEFINA RODRÍGUEZ-ARRIBAS The Warburg Institute, University of London BIBLID [1696-585X (2010) 59; 167-202] Resumen: Este artículo es una primera aproximación a la presencia del conocimiento astronómico-astrológico en un considerable número de poemas escritos por judíos de Sefarad o asimilados a dicha tradición (ss. XI-XV). El conocimiento científico, en particular conceptos astronómicos y astrológicos, al igual que la poesía, jugó un papel importante en el currículo de los musulmanes y judíos de la Edad Media. Ahora bien, la transmisión de este conocimiento científico en forma poética tuvo lugar tanto en árabe, como en griego y latín (poesía didáctica). Además, en sus orígenes el piyyu̪ (ajeno a la tradición sefardí y anterior a influencia islámica alguna) también hizo breves alusiones a temas astronómicos. Con todo, parece que astronomía y astrología florecieron en hebreo en Sefarad y por influencia árabe, que también dejó una gran impronta en la poética judía; muestras de ello se tendrán en cuenta en esta ocasión (con traducciones en el apéndice). Abstract: This article is a preliminary overview of the presence of astronomical-astrological knowledge in a considerable number of poems written by Jews in Sepharad or rooted in the Sephardic tradition (11th-15th c.). Scientific knowledge, notably astronomical and astrological concepts, played an important role in the curriculum of medieval Muslims and Jews, as did poetry. However, the transmission of scientific knowledge in poetic form took place not only in Arabic, but also in Greek and Latin (didactic poetry).
    [Show full text]
  • Philosophic Homilies of Nissim of Girona - 14704
    Syllabus PHILOSOPHIC HOMILIES OF NISSIM OF GIRONA - 14704 Last update 12-09-2021 HU Credits: 2 Degree/Cycle: 2nd degree (Master) Responsible Department: Jewish Thought Academic year: 0 Semester: 1st Semester Teaching Languages: Hebrew Campus: Mt. Scopus Course/Module Coordinator: Prof. Zeev Harvey Coordinator Email: [email protected] Coordinator Office Hours: Tu 11:30-12:30 Teaching Staff: Prof Zeev Harvey page 1 / 4 Course/Module description: One of the great medieval authorities on Jewish law, Rabbi Nissim ben Reuben of Girona ( Ha-Ran, c. 1310-1376) is known for his Commentary on BT Nedarim, his Commentaries on Rabbi Isaac Alfasi's Halakhot, and his Novellae on various Talmudic tractates. However, he was also a profound and original philosophic homilist. His book of philosophic homilies, known as "Derashot Ha-Ran," had a significant influence on medieval Jewish philosophy both directly and also indirectly, through his student Rabbi Hasdai Crescas and his student's student Rabbi Joseph Albo. Course/Module aims: We shall read together one homily from Derashot Ha-Ran. In the last month of the semester, we shall discuss the papers of participants. Learning outcomes - On successful completion of this module, students should be able to: ability to analyze a medieval philosophic sermon Attendance requirements(%): 100% Teaching arrangement and method of instruction: Reading and discussion Course/Module Content: A seminar paper (about 20-25 pp.) or a short paper (about 7-10 pp.). The paper is to be submitted by the final class (11.1.22). It may be on any subject connected with Derashot Ha-Ran, and may be written in accordance with various approaches, e.g., historical, analytic, or philological.
    [Show full text]
  • TALMUDIC STUDIES Ephraim Kanarfogel
    chapter 22 TALMUDIC STUDIES ephraim kanarfogel TRANSITIONS FROM THE EAST, AND THE NASCENT CENTERS IN NORTH AFRICA, SPAIN, AND ITALY The history and development of the study of the Oral Law following the completion of the Babylonian Talmud remain shrouded in mystery. Although significant Geonim from Babylonia and Palestine during the eighth and ninth centuries have been identified, the extent to which their writings reached Europe, and the channels through which they passed, remain somewhat unclear. A fragile consensus suggests that, at least initi- ally, rabbinic teachings and rulings from Eretz Israel traveled most directly to centers in Italy and later to Germany (Ashkenaz), while those of Babylonia emerged predominantly in the western Sephardic milieu of Spain and North Africa.1 To be sure, leading Sephardic talmudists prior to, and even during, the eleventh century were not yet to be found primarily within Europe. Hai ben Sherira Gaon (d. 1038), who penned an array of talmudic commen- taries in addition to his protean output of responsa and halakhic mono- graphs, was the last of the Geonim who flourished in Baghdad.2 The family 1 See Avraham Grossman, “Zik˙atah shel Yahadut Ashkenaz ‘el Erets Yisra’el,” Shalem 3 (1981), 57–92; Grossman, “When Did the Hegemony of Eretz Yisra’el Cease in Italy?” in E. Fleischer, M. A. Friedman, and Joel Kraemer, eds., Mas’at Mosheh: Studies in Jewish and Moslem Culture Presented to Moshe Gil [Hebrew] (Jerusalem, 1998), 143–57; Israel Ta- Shma’s review essays in K˙ ryat Sefer 56 (1981), 344–52, and Zion 61 (1996), 231–7; Ta-Shma, Kneset Mehkarim, vol.
    [Show full text]
  • Medieval Jewish Philosophy and Its Literary Forms'
    H-Judaic Lawee on Hughes and Robinson, 'Medieval Jewish Philosophy and Its Literary Forms' Review published on Monday, March 16, 2020 Aaron W. Hughes, James T. Robinson, eds. Medieval Jewish Philosophy and Its Literary Forms. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2019. viii + 363 pp. $100.00 (cloth), ISBN 978-0-253-04252-1. Reviewed by Eric Lawee (Bar-Ilan University)Published on H-Judaic (March, 2020) Commissioned by Barbara Krawcowicz (Norwegian University of Science and Technology) Printable Version: http://www.h-net.org/reviews/showpdf.php?id=54753 Among the religious and intellectual innovations in which medieval Judaism abounds, none sparked controversy more than the attempt of certain rabbis and scholars to promote teachings of ancient Greek philosophy. Most notable, of course, was Moses Maimonides, the foremost legist and theologian of the age. Not only did he cultivate Greco-Arabic philosophy and science, but he also taught the radical proposition that knowledge of some of its branches was essential for a true understanding of revealed scripture and for worship of God in its purest form. As an object of modern scholarship, medieval philosophy has not suffered from a lack of attention. Since the advent of Wissenschaft des Judentums more than a century and half ago, studies have proliferated, whether on specific topics (e.g., theories of creation), leading figures (e.g., Saadiah Gaon, Judah Halevi, Maimonides), or the historical, religious, and intellectual settings in which Jewish engagements with philosophy occurred—first in
    [Show full text]
  • Moses Hayim Luzzatto's Quest for Providence
    City University of New York (CUNY) CUNY Academic Works All Dissertations, Theses, and Capstone Projects Dissertations, Theses, and Capstone Projects 10-2014 'Like Iron to a Magnet': Moses Hayim Luzzatto's Quest for Providence David Sclar Graduate Center, City University of New York How does access to this work benefit ou?y Let us know! More information about this work at: https://academicworks.cuny.edu/gc_etds/380 Discover additional works at: https://academicworks.cuny.edu This work is made publicly available by the City University of New York (CUNY). Contact: [email protected] “Like Iron to a Magnet”: Moses Hayim Luzzatto’s Quest for Providence By David Sclar A Dissertation Submitted to the Graduate Faculty in History in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirement for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy The City University of New York 2014 © 2014 David Sclar All Rights Reserved This Manuscript has been read and accepted by the Graduate Faculty in History in satisfaction of the Dissertation requirement for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Prof. Jane S. Gerber _______________ ____________________________________ Date Chair of the Examining Committee Prof. Helena Rosenblatt _______________ ____________________________________ Date Executive Officer Prof. Francesca Bregoli _______________________________________ Prof. Elisheva Carlebach ________________________________________ Prof. Robert Seltzer ________________________________________ Prof. David Sorkin ________________________________________ Supervisory Committee iii Abstract “Like Iron to a Magnet”: Moses Hayim Luzzatto’s Quest for Providence by David Sclar Advisor: Prof. Jane S. Gerber This dissertation is a biographical study of Moses Hayim Luzzatto (1707–1746 or 1747). It presents the social and religious context in which Luzzatto was variously celebrated as the leader of a kabbalistic-messianic confraternity in Padua, condemned as a deviant threat by rabbis in Venice and central and eastern Europe, and accepted by the Portuguese Jewish community after relocating to Amsterdam.
    [Show full text]
  • 1 Jews, Gentiles, and the Modern Egalitarian Ethos
    Jews, Gentiles, and the Modern Egalitarian Ethos: Some Tentative Thoughts David Berger The deep and systemic tension between contemporary egalitarianism and many authoritative Jewish texts about gentiles takes varying forms. Most Orthodox Jews remain untroubled by some aspects of this tension, understanding that Judaism’s affirmation of chosenness and hierarchy can inspire and ennoble without denigrating others. In other instances, affirmations of metaphysical differences between Jews and gentiles can take a form that makes many of us uncomfortable, but we have the legitimate option of regarding them as non-authoritative. Finally and most disturbing, there are positions affirmed by standard halakhic sources from the Talmud to the Shulhan Arukh that apparently stand in stark contrast to values taken for granted in the modern West and taught in other sections of the Torah itself. Let me begin with a few brief observations about the first two categories and proceed to somewhat more extended ruminations about the third. Critics ranging from medieval Christians to Mordecai Kaplan have directed withering fire at the doctrine of the chosenness of Israel. Nonetheless, if we examine an overarching pattern in the earliest chapters of the Torah, we discover, I believe, that this choice emerges in a universalist context. The famous statement in the Mishnah (Sanhedrin 4:5) that Adam was created singly so that no one would be able to say, “My father is greater than yours” underscores the universality of the original divine intent. While we can never know the purpose of creation, one plausible objective in light of the narrative in Genesis is the opportunity to actualize the values of justice and lovingkindness through the behavior of creatures who subordinate themselves to the will 1 of God.
    [Show full text]
  • Rabbi Nissim of Girona on the Constitutional Power of the Sovereign
    Rabbi Nissim of Girona on the Constitutional Power of the Sovereign Warren Zev Harvey* Of all medieval Jewish philosophers after Maimonides, the one whose legal thinking is most constitutional was Rabbi Nissim ben Reuben of Girona, known by the acronym Ran (Rabbenu Nissim). He was born in about 1310 and died in 1376. He lived, taught, and judged in Barcelona, then part of the Crown of Aragon. A prolific writer, he authored a celebrated commentary on Rabbi Isaac Alfasi’s Sefer ha-Halakhot and a commentary on the tractate of Nedarim, printed in standard editions of the Babylonian Talmud and customarily studied in the place of Rashi’s commentary (which does not exist on that tractate). In addition, he wrote novellae on selected tractates of the Babylonian Talmud and scores of legal responsa. In the realm of philosophical thought, he composed an influential collection of philosophic homilies, known asDerashot ha-Ran (“The Homilies of Rabbi Nissim”); and he also wrote an unfinished commentary on the Pentateuch, ending with Gen 23:20. All of his works were written in Hebrew.1 Ran was the leading authority of his day in rabbinic law and the most original Jewish political philosopher between Maimonides and Abrabanel. He was also, as already said, the most constitutionally minded of all medieval Jewish philosophers after Maimonides. It is because of the constitutional nature of his legal philosophy that I have entitled this paper, “Rabbi Nissim of * This paper was originally delivered as the seventh annual Ivan Meyer Lecture in Jewish Law at the Center for Jewish Law and Contemporary Civilization, Benjamin N.
    [Show full text]
  • 3 Al-Farabi, Avicenna, and Averroes in Hebrew: Remarks on the Indirect Transmission of Arabic-Islamic Philosophy in Medieval Judaism
    3 Al-FArAbi, AvicennA, And Averroes in Hebrew: remArks on tHe indirect trAnsmission oF ArAbic-islAmic PHilosophy in medievAl JudAism James T. Robinson erhaps as early as the eighth century, in the Islamic East, the traditional Sanskrit tales about the Buddha’s enlightenment—about his recognition of his own mortality and training with an ascetic monk—were translated into Persian and Arabic. The Arabic version, entitled Bilawhar wa-Būdhāsaf, then served as Pthe basis for renderings into Georgian, Greek, Latin, Hebrew, and a long list of European vernacular languages.1 These renderings were, more often than not, not straightforward translations but adaptations, often introducing significant modifications into the frame narrative. The Greek version, for example, transformed Bilawhar—an ascetic teacher—into Barlaam, a saintly Christian monk, and his disciple Budasaf or Yudasaf—the Buddha—into Joasaph or Josaphat, a saintly Christian Neophyte.2 The Hebrew version is no less surprising than the Greek, when Bilawhar be- comes not a Jewish sage but a Neoplatonic philosopher, and his 1 For the Arabic and Persian versions, see D. Gimaret (1972); D. Gimaret (1971). See also S. M. Stern and S. Walzer (1971). For the Georgian and Greek versions, see: D. M. Lang (1957), idem (1966); John Damascene (1914). The Hebrew version was edited by A. M. Habermann (1951), with extensive apparatus and commentary. For the vernacular versions, see most recently the studies of the German and English versions: S. Calomino (1990); K. Ikegami (1999). 2 In fact, both Barlaam and Joasaph/Josaphat became Christian saints. 60 The Judeo-Christian-Islamic Heritage final lesson to his young disciple is not a lesson in religious prac- tice but an introduction to neoplatonic metaphysics, based on the Arabic versions of Plotinus—namely, that complex of texts associated with the Theology of Aristotle.3 This is one example of the indirect transmission of Greek and Arabic philosophy in medieval Judaism.
    [Show full text]
  • Competing Tropes of Eleventh-Century Andalusi Jewish Culture*
    Competing Tropes of Eleventh-Century Andalusi Jewish Culture* Ross Brann Judaism and the Jews, whose very names are determined by ties of memory to a particular place (Judea), embraced the concept of diaspora out of political, religious, and historical necessity. Following the exile of Judean elites to Babylonia in 587 BCE, the idea of diaspora became enmeshed in a complex bundle of remembered and imagined experiences such as destruction and dispossession along with decidedly ahistorical aspirations such as redemption and return.1 Diaspora thus became a critical feature of the dialectic of Jewish history in that it described the current state of the Jews' dispersion and sense of rupture with a past "pristine age" yet reinforced their expectation and hope that it was destined to come to an end with the "ingathering of the exiles." Jews of very different literary, intellectual, and spiritual orientations treated Exile/Diaspora as the central trope of Jewish experience. How was this trope handled in Andalusi-Jewish culture?2 Here, I am concerned * This essay is a revised version of a talk presented at the University of California (Berkeley), the University of Washington (Seattle), King's College (London), Yale University, and Cornell University. 1 "Scattering," "dispersal" [Ezekiel 36:19: "I scattered them among the nations, and they were dispersed through the countries"], and recuperation [Ezekiel 36:24: "I will take you from among the nations and gather you from all the countries, and I will bring you back to your own land"] are already inscribed as tropes in the biblical literature of the first exile after 587 BCE.
    [Show full text]
  • Judaic Studies (JUST) 1
    Judaic Studies (JUST) 1 JUDAIC STUDIES (JUST) JUST 3023 Great Thinkers: Maimonides-Politics, Prophecy and Providence (4 Credits) Using "The Guide for the Perplexed" as our central text, we explore the complex philosophical ideas of Moses Maimonides (1135-1204), one of the central figures in medieval philosophy and Jewish thought. Our study includes analyses of his ideas on: principles of faith, human perfection, intellectual vs. "imaginational" approaches to truth, pedagogy and politics, reasons for the commandments, the nature of God and divine will, the limits of human knowledge, the mechanics of prophecy, and the parameters and implications of providence. Cross listed with PHIL 3023 and RLGS 3023. Prerequisite: junior standing or instructor's permission. JUST 3024 Maimonides: Greek, Islamic, and Christian Encounters (4 Credits) Using the "Guide of the Perplexed" as our central text, we explore the complex philosophical ideas of Moses Maimonides (1135-1204), a central figure in the history of philosophy and in the history of Jewish thought. In this course, we examine in depth the relationship between Maimonides’ core ideas and various Greek, Muslim and Christian thinkers, including: Aristotle, Plotinus, al-Farabi, Avicenna (Ibn Sina), al-Ghazali, Averroes (Ibn Rushd), and Aquinas. Topics to be explored include: what is "metaphysics?"; God’s unity and essence as existence itself; the mystery of knowing and not knowing God (including a consideration of God’s ways as well as "negative theology"--viz. the extent to which we do not know God); God as pure intellect; the nature of the cosmos and the "separate intellects"; creation vs. eternity vs. emanation: philosophical and religious perspectives on the origins of the universe and implications for "living in the world with/out God." In our study, we will also address the methodological implications of cross-religious and cross-language analyses, and how to spot and address (in your own work and in the work of others) tacit cultural biases at play in the interpretive process.
    [Show full text]
  • The Order of Nature and Moral Luck: Maimonides on Divine Providence
    The Order of Nature and Moral Luck: Maimonides on Divine Providence Steven Nadler University of Wisconsin-Madison Rationalist Jewish thinkers, just because of their rationalism, faced a particular challenge when approaching the problem of evil. On the one hand, they were committed to the idea that the problem did have an answer, that the humble skepticism or fideism that closes the Book of Job (“God is so great that we cannot know him” [Job 36:26]) is not the last word on the matter. An explanation can indeed be given for the suffering of the virtuous and the prosperity of the vicious. There are accessible reasons why bad things happen to good people and good things to bad people. It is something we can understand. On the other hand, not even the most convinced rationalist of the medieval period was willing to say that God’s reasons are completely transparent to human understanding, that we can know the deepest secrets of divine wisdom and find therein the theodicean answer we seek. Another factor is the rationalist’s need to avoid the anthropomorphization of God. Maimonides, Gersonides, and others were all concerned to explain divine providence without resorting to the portrayal of God as a personal agent, one who regards each particular situation in its particularity and engages in the distribution of reward and punishment in a human-like way – fending off dangers from the righteous and hurling thunderbolts upon the vicious. This overall attitude is well captured by Maimonides’ approach to the problem of evil. He argued, of course, strenuously against the anthropomorphization of God; this is 1 one of the primary themes of the Guide of the Perplexed.
    [Show full text]
  • The Theology of Nahmanides Systematically Presented
    The Theology of Nahmanides Systematically Presented DAVID NOVAK THE THEOLOGY OF NAHMANIDES SYSTEMATICALLY PRESENTED Program in Judaic Studies Brown University BROWN JUDAIC STUDIES Edited by Shaye J. D. Cohen, Ernest S. Frerichs, Calvin Groldscheider Editorial Board Vicki Caron, Lynn Davidman, Wendell S. Dietrich, David Hirsch, David Jacobson, Saul M. Olyan, Alan Zuckerman Number 271 THE THEOLOGY OF NAHMANIDES SYSTEMATICALLY PRESENTED by David Novak THE THEOLOGY OF NAHMANIDES SYSTEMATICALLY PRESENTED by DAVID NOVAK University of Virginia Scholars Press Atlanta, Georgia THE THEOLOGY OF NAHMANIDES SYSTEMATICALLY PRESENTED By David Novak Copyright © 2020 by Brown University Library of Congress Control Number: 2019953676 Open access edition funded by the National Endowment for the Humanities/Andrew W. Mellon Foundation Humanities Open Book Program. The text of this book is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDeriva- tives 4.0 International License: https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/. To use this book, or parts of this book, in any way not covered by the license, please contact Brown Judaic Studies, Brown University, Box 1826, Providence, RI 02912. STUDIES IN MEDIEVAL JUDAISM Edited by Lenn E. Goodman To the Memory of Harry H. Ruskin (1905-1989) The righteous man lives in his faith. - Habakkuk 2:4 other works by David Novak Law and Theology in Judaism (2 volumes) Suicide and Morality The Image of the Non-Jew in Judaism Halakhah in a Theological Dimension Jewish Christian Dialogue Contents Editor's Foreword ix Preface xi Introduction 1 Notes 17 Chapter 1 The Human Soul 25 Chapter 2 Faith 31 Chapter 3 Tradition 51 Chapter 4 Miracles 61 Chapter 5 Natural and Supernatural 77 Chapter 6 The Land of Israel 89 Chapter 7 The Commandments 99 Chapter 8 Eschatology 125 Bibliography 135 List of Abbreviations 136 Index of Names and Subjects 137 Index of Passages 141 Publishers’ Preface Brown Judaic Studies has been publishing scholarly books in all areas of Ju- daic studies for forty years.
    [Show full text]