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A Historical Reassessment of Pastoral Livestock Marketing in Africa F*

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A Historical Reassessment of Pastoral Livestock Marketing in Africa F* Customary Commerce A historical reassessment of pastoral livestock marketing in Africa f* ODI Agricultural Occasional Paper 15 00010950 Overseas Development Institute Customary Commerce: a historical reassessment of pastoral livestock marketing in Africa "*'.v S^°1§-Nr^REGj Carol Kerven Overseas Development Institute A CIP Publication data record may be obtained from the British Library. ISBN 0-85003-172-9 © Overseas Development Institute 1992 Published by the Overseas Development Institute, Regent's College, Inner Circle, Regent's Park, London NW1 4NS . , All rights reserved. No part of this may be reproduced by any means, nor transmitted, nor stored electronically without the written permission of the publisher. Typeset in PostScript at the Overseas Development Institute Printed by the Russell Press Ltd, Nottingham Contents Preface and Acknowledgements . 1 1 , Overview: Market Integration of Pastoralists in the Past and Present 3 2 The Samburu of Northern Kenya 14 3 The Maasai of Southern Kenya . 28 4 The Pastoral Fulani of Northern Nigeria 45 5 The Pastoral Fulani of Niger* 72 s 6 The Trading Patterns of East and West African Pastoralists Compared 107 Bibliography 113 List of Maps 1 Samburu and Maasai in Kenya 15 2 Pastoral Fulani in Northern Nigeria 47 3 Pastoral Fulani in Niger 74 ' This section was written by Desiree Dietvorst and Carol Kerven List of Tables ^ 1 Sales of Cattle, Hides and Skins, from Samburu District 1952-1978 22 2 Prices of Full-grown Bulls in , , Northern Nigeria 1928-39 54 3 Cattle: Millet Terms of Trade in Niger 1920-66 84 List of Figures 1 Fulani Pastoralists: Pre-Commercial and Commercial Relations of Use 91 and Exchange Values Preface and Acknowledgements Two issues have dominated discussion of pastoral development; how to induce pastoralists to market more of their livestock and secondly, how to control overgrazing by pastoralists. Here, the first of these issues is examined in the light of historical evidence on the relations between pastoralists and the market. In reviewing this material, some light is also shed on the second issue of 'overgrazing', although this is not the main theme of the paper. The development of pastoral marketing is traced to around the end of the first decade after independence (the 1970s), for each country concerned, since the factors affecting marketing after that point are more properly addressed in a study of contemporary patterns. The choice of case studies was based primarily on the importance of the pastoral groups in terms of their representativeness within the regions, and the extent of literature and policy which has been focused on these groups. These groups are defined as pastoral in the sense that they have sought to maintain themselves primarily on the basis of their livestock and thus for whom dependence on cultivation is not significant except following severe loss of livestock. It was initially planned to include southern Africa as a third region in which pastoralists form a significant component of the population, but time did not permit this latter case to be prepared; it is hoped that case studies from southern as well as north Africa can be included in a future publication. The paper forms part of a larger research project on commercial change in pastoral Africa, which is being undertaken by the Pastoral Development unit at ODI. The author is a principal researcher on this project, together with Roy Behnke, Research Fellow for the Pastoral Development Network at ODI. The project is funded by the Overseas Development Administration (ODA) through the ESCOR programme, for economic or social research for the benefit of developing countries. We are grateful to ODA for the financial support provided. I wish to express my gratitude to Peter Ferguson, librarian at ODI, for his unstinting efforts to successfully locate documents; also to Jane Horsfield (ODI) for her guidance on the intricacies of word processing and presentation and to Peter Gee and Moira Reddick for their editorial improvements. I also thank Desiree Dietvorst, a co-author on the penultimate section of this paper, for her research on the WoDaaBe Fulani in Niger. Finally, I owe a continual debt to Roy Behnke for his inspiring contributions towards my better understanding of pastoralism. This work is dedicated to the memory of my brother, Peter Whitehead, whose scholarship I can never hope to equal. " 1 Overview: Market Integration of Pastoralists in the Past and Present This paper traces the changing patterns of livestock trading and marketing among several pastoral groups: the Samburu and Maasai of Kenya, and the pastoral Fulani of Nigeria and of Niger. Each of these groups - located within the different geographical and historical contexts of east and west Africa - has had a long and varied involvement in livestock exchange outside their own communities1 . The paper examines the processes that effected changes in the patterns of pastoral exchange and marketing. It is unusual for historical analyses to be presented to audiences concerned with contemporary development issues such as livestock marketing. Our time perspective on development often seems to begin rather arbitrarily somewhere around the 1960s, marking the beginning of the post-independence era. So what has the history of pastoral exchange and marketing to tell us now? Indeed, this exercise began with a more modest and vaguely-conceived notion that since pastoralists had been linked into the indigenous trading systems that preceded colonialism, a brief description of these links would serve as a precursor for the 'main story', which was the recent integration of pastoralists into market economies in the past few decades. But it turned out that this was a misconceived view of pastoralists and the market, for closer inspection of the historical record revealed that pastoralists have been trading or marketing their animals for a very long time, during which time many factors have influenced the changing patterns of their market integration. The record of livestock trading over time indicates that African pastoralism has neither in the past nor present been an inward-turning and self-sufficient production system, isolated from surrounding economies and events. Thus, African pastoralists have not necessarily had to be drawn out, unwillingly, in order to exchange their animals or animal products - for this reason, the term 'pastoral response', commonly used when describing economic change and marketing in the literature, 1 Livestock exchanges within pastoral societies, which serve many important social and economic functions, are not considered here. 4 Customary Commerce ... ..'.'« * is avoided here. 'Response' suggests a degree of passivity and reaction to external forces, whereas pastoralism can be viewed as having internally-generated requirements that lead to external exchange transactions. Pastoralists can be viewed as having a tactical approach to trading and marketing opportunities, engaging and disengaging depending on their needs or advantage rather on persuasion or coercion from outside. Only in this sense can we say that there have been pastoral responses to the wider economic opportunities around them. The significance of the historical record is that it shows us that, contrary to our general understanding, pastoralists were not suddenly confronted with an external marketing system and a demand for their livestock which was inimical to the orientation of pastoralism. Rather, the customary commerce involving the exchange of livestock and their products was gradually but radically transformed through the interplay of factors external and internal to pastoral production systems. In each of the cases presented here, the sets of external and internal factors are different, thus allowing us to examine closely the nature of this interplay and its evolution over time under different conditions. What we learn from this examination is of considerable relevance for future planning and policy regarding pastoral livestock marketing. We can begin to pinpoint the necessary and sufficient conditions that encourage livestock marketing by pastoralists, as well as distinguishing those conditions which tend to discourage marketing. It also becomes possible to discern the shifts in pastoral production and economic systems which accompany the shifts in pastoral marketing strategies, thus increasing our understanding of how such systems are likely to change in the future. Internal factors which lead to exchange There are two essential factors internal to pastoral production which explain why pastoralists have routinely been involved in exchange networks. The first factor is the inherent reproductive capacity of pastoral capital. Secondly, pastoralists, through their occupation of particular ecological niches unfavourable to agriculture, are groups who specialise in the production of livestock. The reproductive capacity of livestock means that under normal circumstances pastoralism produces a capital gain which requires some active decision as to its most useful purpose to the producer (Barth 1973). The choices narrow down to reinvestment (keeping an animal for further reproduction), consumption by the producer, using the animal (e.g. Market Integration of Pastoralists in the Past and Present 5 transport or draught power) or exchanging the animal for something more useful. As Swift reminds us: There is an important difference between pastoral and agricultural economies in this respect. In a pastoral economy...Only a few of the young males are
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