The Declining Influence of the United States Constitution
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Arab Republic of Egypt
Egypt Country Profile ARAB REPUBLIC OF EGYPT OFFICE OF COMMERCIAL AFFAIRS, ROYAL THAI EMBASSY, CAIRO THAI TRADE CENTER 1 Thai Trade Center, Cairo ٍ Sherif Yehya Egypt Country Profile Background: The regularity and richness of the annual Nile River flood, coupled with semi-isolation provided by deserts to the east and west, allowed for the development of one of the world's great civilizations. A unified kingdom arose circa 3200 B.C., and a series of dynasties ruled in Egypt for the next three millennia. The last native dynasty fell to the Persians in 341 B.C., who in turn were replaced by the Greeks, Romans, and Byzantines. It was the Arabs who introduced Islam and the Arabic language in the 7th century and who ruled for the next six centuries. A local military caste, the Mamluks took control about 1250 and continued to govern after the conquest of Egypt by the Ottoman Turks in 1517. Following the completion of the Suez Canal in 1869, Egypt became an important world transportation hub, but also fell heavily into debt. Ostensibly to protect its investments, Britain seized control of Egypt's government in 1882, but nominal allegiance to the Ottoman Empire continued until 1914. Partially independent from the UK in 1922, Egypt acquired full sovereignty with the overthrow of the British- backed monarchy in 1952. The completion of the Aswan High Dam in 1971 and the resultant Lake Nasser have altered the time-honored place of the Nile River in the agriculture and ecology of Egypt. A rapidly growing population (the largest in the Arab world), limited arable land, and dependence on the Nile all continue to overtax resources and stress society. -
Engaging and Empowering Our Audience
2012 Annual Report U.S. INTERNATIONAL BROADCASTING Engaging and Empowering Our Audience IBB bbg.gov BBG languages Table of Contents GLOBAL EASTERN/ L etter From the Broadcasting Board of Governors 5 English CENTRAL (including EUROPE Learning Albanian English) Bosnian Croatian AFRICA* Greek Afaan Oromoo Macedonian Amharic Montenegrin French Romanian Hausa to Moldova Overview 6 T hreats Against Journalists 10 Kinyarwanda Serbian Kirundi Ndebele EURASIA Portuguese Armenian Shona Avar Somali Azerbaijani Swahili Bashkir Tigrigna Belarusian Chechen CENTRAL ASIA Circassian International 2012 Election Coverage 18 Kazakh Crimean Tatar Broadcasting Bureau 12 Kyrgyz Georgian Tajik Russian Turkmen Tatar Uzbek Ukrainian EAST ASIA LATIN AMERICA Burmese Creole Cantonese Spanish Indonesian Voice of America 20 R adio Free Europe/ Khmer NEAR EAST/ Radio Liberty 26 Korean NORTH AFRICA Lao Arabic Mandarin Kurdish Thai Turkish Tibetan Uyghur SOUTH ASIA Vietnamese Bangla Dari Pashto Office of Cuba Broadcasting 30 R adio Free Asia 34 Persian Urdu * In 2012, the BBG worked toward [I]f you want to be free, you have to know how free people live. establishing broadcasts in Songhai If you’ve never known how free people live, you might not ever know and Bambara. “ that you are not free. This is why programs like Radio Free Asia are On cover: A Syrian man uses his mobile phone so very important. – Aung San Suu Kyi to capture demonstrators marching in the neighborhood of Bustan Al-Qasr, Aleppo, Syria. Middle East Broadcasting Board Broadcasting Networks 38 of Governors 44 Burmese opposition leader” Aung San Suu Kyi waves to admirers before the April by-elections, (AP Photo, Andoni Lubaki) A wards & Honors 42 Financial Highlights 47 in which she became a member of parliament. -
Forms of Government (World General Knowledge)
Forms of Government (World General Knowledge) Anarchism A system that advocates self-governed societies based on voluntary institutions. These are often described as stateless societies, although several authors have defined them more specifically as institutions based on non-hierarchical or free associations. Anarchism holds the state to be undesirable, unnecessary, and/or harmful. Anarchy A society without a publicly enforced government or political authority. Sometimes said to be non-governance; it is a structure which strives for non-hierarchical, voluntary associations among agents. Anarchy is a situation where there is no state. Autocracy Autocracy is a system of government in which supreme power (social and political) is concentrated in the hands of one person or polity, whose decisions are subject to neither external legal restraints nor regularized mechanisms of popular control Aristocracy Rule by the nobility; a system of governance where political power is in the hands of a small class of privileged individuals who claim a higher birth than the rest of society. Anocracy A regime type where power is not vested in public institutions (as in a normal democracy) but spread amongst elite groups who are constantly competing with each other for power. Adhocracy Rule by a government based on relatively disorganised principles and institutions as compared to a bureaucracy, its exact opposite. Absolute monarchy A traditional and historical system where the monarch exercises ultimate governing Downloaded from www.csstimes.pk | 1 Forms of Government (World General Knowledge) authority as head of state and head of government. Many nations of Europe during the Middle Ages were absolute monarchies. -
Soldiers and Statesmen
, SOLDIERS AND STATESMEN For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Government Printing Office Washington, D.C. 20402 - Price $2.65 Stock Number008-070-00335-0 Catalog Number D 301.78:970 The Military History Symposium is sponsored jointly by the Department of History and the Association of Graduates, United States Air Force Academy 1970 Military History Symposium Steering Committee: Colonel Alfred F. Hurley, Chairman Lt. Colonel Elliott L. Johnson Major David MacIsaac, Executive Director Captain Donald W. Nelson, Deputy Director Captain Frederick L. Metcalf SOLDIERS AND STATESMEN The Proceedings of the 4th Military History Symposium United States Air Force Academy 22-23 October 1970 Edited by Monte D. Wright, Lt. Colonel, USAF, Air Force Academy and Lawrence J. Paszek, Office of Air Force History Office of Air Force History, Headquarters USAF and United States Air Force Academy Washington: 1973 The Military History Symposia of the USAF Academy 1. May 1967. Current Concepts in Military History. Proceedings not published. 2. May 1968. Command and Commanders in Modem Warfare. Proceedings published: Colorado Springs: USAF Academy, 1269; 2d ed., enlarged, Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1972. 3. May 1969. Science, Technology, and Warfare. Proceedings published: Washington, b.C.: Government Printing Office, 197 1. 4. October 1970. Soldiers and Statesmen. Present volume. 5. October 1972. The Military and Society. Proceedings to be published. Views or opinions expressed or implied in this publication are those of the authors and are not to be construed as carrying official sanction of the Department of the Air Force or of the United States Air Force Academy. -
If Not Us, Who?
Dario Azzellini (Editor) If Not Us, Who? Workers worldwide against authoritarianism, fascism and dictatorship VSA: Dario Azzellini (ed.) If Not Us, Who? Global workers against authoritarianism, fascism, and dictatorships The Editor Dario Azzellini is Professor of Development Studies at the Universidad Autónoma de Zacatecas in Mexico, and visiting scholar at Cornell University in the USA. He has conducted research into social transformation processes for more than 25 years. His primary research interests are industrial sociol- ogy and the sociology of labour, local and workers’ self-management, and so- cial movements and protest, with a focus on South America and Europe. He has published more than 20 books, 11 films, and a multitude of academic ar- ticles, many of which have been translated into a variety of languages. Among them are Vom Protest zum sozialen Prozess: Betriebsbesetzungen und Arbei ten in Selbstverwaltung (VSA 2018) and The Class Strikes Back: SelfOrganised Workers’ Struggles in the TwentyFirst Century (Haymarket 2019). Further in- formation can be found at www.azzellini.net. Dario Azzellini (ed.) If Not Us, Who? Global workers against authoritarianism, fascism, and dictatorships A publication by the Rosa-Luxemburg-Stiftung VSA: Verlag Hamburg www.vsa-verlag.de www.rosalux.de This publication was financially supported by the Rosa-Luxemburg-Stiftung with funds from the Ministry for Economic Cooperation and Development (BMZ) of the Federal Republic of Germany. The publishers are solely respon- sible for the content of this publication; the opinions presented here do not reflect the position of the funders. Translations into English: Adrian Wilding (chapter 2) Translations by Gegensatz Translation Collective: Markus Fiebig (chapter 30), Louise Pain (chapter 1/4/21/28/29, CVs, cover text) Translation copy editing: Marty Hiatt English copy editing: Marty Hiatt Proofreading and editing: Dario Azzellini This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution–Non- Commercial–NoDerivs 3.0 Germany License. -
Do Leaders' Characteristics and Regime Transitions in Africa Matter
IZA DP No. 10338 Do Leaders’ Characteristics and Regime Transitions in Africa Matter for Citizens’ Health Status? Luis Diaz-Serrano Frank G. Sackey October 2016 DISCUSSION PAPER SERIES Forschungsinstitut zur Zukunft der Arbeit Institute for the Study of Labor Do Leaders’ Characteristics and Regime Transitions in Africa Matter for Citizens’ Health Status? Luis Diaz-Serrano CREIP, Universitat Rovira i Virgili and IZA Frank G. Sackey CREIP, Universitat Rovira i Virgili Discussion Paper No. 10338 October 2016 IZA P.O. Box 7240 53072 Bonn Germany Phone: +49-228-3894-0 Fax: +49-228-3894-180 E-mail: [email protected] Any opinions expressed here are those of the author(s) and not those of IZA. Research published in this series may include views on policy, but the institute itself takes no institutional policy positions. The IZA research network is committed to the IZA Guiding Principles of Research Integrity. The Institute for the Study of Labor (IZA) in Bonn is a local and virtual international research center and a place of communication between science, politics and business. IZA is an independent nonprofit organization supported by Deutsche Post Foundation. The center is associated with the University of Bonn and offers a stimulating research environment through its international network, workshops and conferences, data service, project support, research visits and doctoral program. IZA engages in (i) original and internationally competitive research in all fields of labor economics, (ii) development of policy concepts, and (iii) dissemination of research results and concepts to the interested public. IZA Discussion Papers often represent preliminary work and are circulated to encourage discussion. -
DOWNLOAD Comparing Democratization in the East and The
An annual publication of the University of San Francisco Center for the Pacific Rim Volume III · Number 1 May · 2003 Copyright 2003 CONTENTS Editors Stephen J. Roddy Nuclear Nonproliferation: A Hidden but Contentious Issue in US-Japan Joaquin Gonzalez Relations During the Carter Administration (1977-1981) Editorial >>.....................................................Charles S. Costello III 1 Consultants Barbara K. Bundy An Interview with 2002 Kiriyama Chair Rosemary Foot on Human Hartmut Fischer Richard J. Kozicki Rights, the United States, and the Asia Pacific Stephen Uhalley, Jr. >>..................................................Joaquin L. Gonzalez III 7 Xiaoxin Wu Editorial Board Persistence of Interlocking Institutions: Big Business Policy Under the Yoko Arisaka Bih-hsya Hsieh Kim Dae Jung Government Uldis Kruze >>......................................................................Jiho Jang 10 Man-lui Lau Mark Mir Noriko Nagata Shifting Boundaries: The Double Life of Walls in Beijing, 1949-1965 John K. Nelson >>................................................................Duanfang Lu 17 Kyoko Suda Bruce Wydick North Korean Realities >>............................................................James McAdam 25 Asian American Mental Health Issues >>.........................................................Michael Menaster 31 Christian Higher Education: A Case for the Study of the History of Christianity in China >>........................................................Peter Tze Ming Ng 35 Comparing Democratization in the East -
Reassessing the Civic Culture Model1 2/16/11
Reassessing The Civic Culture Model1 2/16/11 Russell J. Dalton and Doh Chull Shin Gabriel Almond and Sidney Verba’s (1963) seminal The Civic Culture described the characteristics of a political culture that presumably enables nations to develop stable democratic processes. The civic culture was a mix of many traits, but several features were prominent in their discussion of stable democracy in the United States and Britain. A democratic political culture is based on an aware, participatory public, although participation is often a potential rather than a reality. Similarly, a democratic culture required a supportive public that identified with the political community and trusted the institutions of government. They highlighted this pattern with the allegiant citizen described in the following example: Miss E. is well informed on the uses of tax funds and is on the whole satisfied with the way in which tax money is being used. She has had some routine official contacts, at the local Social Security office for instance, and she found the officials ‘in every way as nice as could be.’ She remembers her father’s writing to the government about a state problem and receiving a pleasant and courteous reply. She feels that she would always be treated with friendliness and consideration by any government officials (Almond and Verba 1963: 443-44). To many readers this description of the ‘good’ democratic citizen must seem like an image of a different political era. In addition, the early political culture studies described the political culture of many Third World nations that supposedly lacked these civic traits (Pye and Verba 1965; Almond and Coleman 1960; Lerner 1958). -
Institutions and Power-Sharing in Dictatorships∗
The Foundations of Limited Authoritarian Government: Institutions and Power-sharing in Dictatorships∗ Carles Boix† and Milan W. Svolik‡ Word count: 11,921 Abstract Why do dictatorships establish institutions that may constrain their leaders? We propose a new theory of institutions and power-sharing in dictatorships. We argue that by facilitating power-sharing, political institutions promote the survival of dictatorships. However, authoritarian power-sharing succeeds only when it is backed by a credible threat of a rebellion by the dictator’s allies. Whereas the allies’ political opportunities determine the credibility of the threat of a rebellion, institutions alleviate the commitment and moni- toring problems caused by the secrecy in authoritarian governance. We use both historical and large-N data to assess new empirical predictions about the relationship between po- litical institutions, dictator tenures, and the concentration of power in dictatorships. ∗We would like to thank Al´ıcia Adser`a, Bruce Bueno de Mesquita, Barbara Geddes, Bonnie Weir, the participants at seminars and conferences at Princeton, Berkeley, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, and the APSA, IPES, ISA and MPSA annual conventions for helpful comments and Aya Kachi for research assistance. †Department of Politics and Woodrow Wilson School of Public and International Affairs, Princeton Univer- sity. Email: [email protected]. ‡Department of Political Science, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign. Email: [email protected]. 1 Introduction In the vast majority of authoritarian regimes, dictators govern with the help of political institutions such as parties, legislatures, advisory councils, or committees of notables. With the exception of the 1970s, over 70 percent of dictatorships between 1950 and 1999 have had either a legislature or at least one political party (Figure 1). -
Unlikely Transitions to Uncertain Regimes? Democracy Without Compromise in the Dominican Republic and Ecuador
UNLIKELY TRANSITIONS TO UNCERTAIN REGIMES? DEMOCRACY WITHOUT COMPROMISE IN THE DOMINICAN REPUBLIC AND ECUADOR Catherine M. Conaghan and Rosario Espinal Working Paper #139 - May 1990 Catherine M. Conaghan is a Queen’s National Scholar and Associate Professor in the Political Studies Department of Queen’s University at Kingston, Canada. She received her Ph.D. from Yale University in 1983 and was a faculty fellow at the Kellogg Institute in 1986. She is the author of Restructuring Domination: Industrialists and the State in Ecuador (University of Pittsburgh Press, 1988). Rosario Espinal is Assistant Professor of Sociology at Temple University. She has been a guest researcher at the Swedish Institute for Social Research at the University of Stockholm, a faculty fellow at the Kellogg Institute (fall semester, 1986), and a visiting fellow at St. Antony’s College, Oxford. She is coauthor of Democracia y proyecto socialdemócrata en República Dominicana (Santo Domingo: Editora Taller, 1986) and author of Autoritarismo y democracia en la política dominicana (San José: CAPEL, 1987). The authors wish to thank the Institute for the support that led to this work and especially Guillermo O'Donnell who fueled their original discussions. ABSTRACT In this paper, the authors undertake a comparative analysis of democratic development in the Dominican Republic and Ecuador. They argue that the socioeconomic structures and the political legacy of the previous authoritarian period have produced hybrid “democratic-authoritarian” regimes in both countries. Electoral rotation and open political competition are combined with episodic breaches in democratic procedures and only limited commitment to democratic norms among economic and political elites. -
Chapter 3. States and Institutions
STATES AND INSTITUTIONS 3 Ellen Lust1 s discussed in Chapter 1 and Chapter 2, by the decades following World War II those Aliving in the area comprising the Middle East and North Africa had moved from being ruled by expansive, Islamic empires to being under control of European mandates to, finally, being citizens of independent states. At least in theory, Syrians, Tunisians, and others were to govern themselves, managing their own society’s problems and development. But as we will see in subsequent chapters, in many cases societies have often fallen short from achieving optimal outcomes; societies suffer limited participation (Chapter 4), social inequalities (Chapter 5), sectarian strife (Chapter 6), stalled economic development (Chapter 7), anddistribute international and regional interference (Chapter 8). In part, this is because weak state development and a lack of institutions that depersonalize and depoliticize the distributionor of goods and services limit societies’ ability to use resources efficiently and grant opportunities to all. This chapter presents three interrelated ways to understand states and institutions that affect governance in the Middle East and North Africa region (MENA) today. First, the chap- ter examines the strength of MENA states—their ability to affect the daily lives of citizens, influence the distribution of resources, and implementpost, public policies that improve the living conditions for society as a whole. Most states in the region are weak, making it difficult for governments to respond to citizens’ demands and improve their lives. Second, the chapter con- siders regime type. Even after the Arab uprisings of 2011, authoritarian regimes remain preva- lent in the MENA region, often diverting resources away from social development and toward narrow coalitions of ruling elites. -
Dictators Who Dominate: Betraying Allies to Gain a Preponderance of Power
Dictators Who Dominate: Betraying Allies to Gain a Preponderance of Power by Erin Rachel McGovern A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy (Political Science) in the University of Michigan 2016 Doctoral Committee: Professor William R. Clark, Co-Chair Assistant Professor Kenneth M. McElwain, Co-Chair Assistant Professor Michael T. Heaney Professor Ronald F. Inglehart Acknowledgements Thanks to the smart and inspiring people who helped me find a compelling question and challenged me to push my thinking in new and interesting directions. A very big thank you to Bill Clark for being a mentor, a friend, and a supporter. Thanks also to Kenneth McElwain for sharing thoughtful comments and great perspective. ii Table of Contents Acknowledgements ii List of Tables iv List of Figures v CHAPTER 1. Introduction 1 2. Political support and the Intra-regime Balance of Power 7 3. Research Design 25 4. Cox PH Model and Estimation Results 42 5. Conclusion 52 Appendix 56 Works Cited 59 iii List of Tables: Table 3.1a Descriptive statistics for all authoritarian leaders, 1990-2014 29 Table 3.1b Descriptive statistics for authoritarian leaders serving one year or 29 longer, 1990-2014 Table 3.2 Average annual cabinet turnover (%) 35 Table 3.3 Predicted dictator types and tenure lengths 38 Table 4.1 Regression output for Cox Proportional Hazards model 49 iv List of Figures: Figure 3.1 Histogram of leadership tenure in years 27 Figure 3.2 Baseline hazard ratio for leaders 1990-2014 28 Figure 3.3 Smoothed hazard estimate from Svolik’s data, 1946-2008 31 Figure 3.4 Confidence interval plot for turnover variable in each year 36 Figure 3.5 Scatterplot of turnover and tenure length 37 Figure 4.1 Kaplan Meier survival plot for low and high purgers 44 Figure 4.2 Smoothed hazard estimates for high and low purgers 45 Figure 4.3 Aalen LH plot of effect of turnover on longevity 47 v CHAPTER 1 Introduction In authoritarian regimes, ordinary citizens are rarely afforded the opportunity to dismiss poor leaders from office.