The Mystery of Fr-Bn Copte 13 and the “Codex St.-Louis”: When Was a Coptic Manuscript First Brought to Europe in “Modern” Times?

Journal of Coptic Studies 6 (2004) 5–23

THE MYSTERY OF FR-BN COPTE 13 AND THE “CODEX ST.-LOUIS”: WHEN WAS A COPTIC MANUSCRIPT FIRST BROUGHT TO EUROPE IN “MODERN” TIMES?

BY STEPHEN EMMEL

The present investigation seeks to clarify statements in the secondary Coptological literature of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries concerning the existence of a “Codex St.-Louis,”1 that is to say, a Coptic manuscript supposedly brought to Paris by Louis IX at the end of the Sixth Crusade in 1254.2

The Objects of Investigation

(1) Bibliothèque Nationale de France (FR-BN), manuscript Copte 13. A beautifully illustrated Tetraevangelium (the four Gospels) in Bohairic Coptic, copied and illuminated between 1178 and 1180 by Michael,

1 So called by René-Georges Coquin in correspondence between us in the early 1990s. 2 Most of the basic research for this investigation was done a little over a decade ago, and I now take the occasion of the Eighth International Congress of Coptic Studies (Paris, June/July 2004, with an accompanying exhibition titled “Pages d’une autre Égypte: les manuscrits des Coptes” planned by the Bibliothèque Nationale de France to include the manuscript in question, Copte 13) to report it. I owe special debts of gratitude for assistance of one sort and another to Anne Boud’hors, Jacques Debergh, Michel Garel, Iris Hinerasky, and Bentley Layton. To Dr. Boud’hors I am indebted for the following obser- vation (made in a letter dated 21 March 1991), which eventually altered the course of my thinking on this topic decisively: “Finalement je me demande si tout cela n’est pas une légende, et si ce manuscrit [le “Codex St.-Louis”] n’est pas le Copte 13 (qui aurait pu passer par l’Oratoire?). Car, si vraiment il y avait eu en France depuis l’époque de Saint Louis un manuscrit de cette importance, comment expliquer que les érudits du 17ème siè- cle (Peiresc, Saumaise, Gaulmyn, ou même Kircher), n’en aient pas su l’existence? Le nom de Damiette a pu jouer un rôle dans la création d’une telle légende.” Our common view of the matter now has already found expression in Boud’hors’s description of the manuscript cited in the following note, where “Bibliothèque de l’Oratoire” heads the marginal listing of provenance, and where it is stated that “à partir de ce nom de ville [Damietta] s’est forgée une légende selon laquelle le roi Louis IX (Saint Louis) lui-même l’aurait rapporté d’Égypte.” The purpose of the present article is to show the bases on which this view of the matter rests. As for my chosen title, see Leroy 1974b, 445: “Une tradition voudrait faire croire qu'il [FR-BN Copte 13] a été rapporté en Europe par Saint Louis. Sur quoi se fonde-t-elle? Mystère.” 6 STEPHEN EMMEL bishop (“metropolitan”) of Damietta.3 Acquired by the Bibliothèque Royale (later Nationale) in 1668 from the estate of Cardinal Mazarin (see the list of dramatis personae below) and given the call number “Regius 329” ca. 1680,4 later (before 17395) changed to “Copte 13”.6 First published notice by Richard Simon in 1690 (Exhibit F below), but seen by him already in 1682 or earlier (Exhibit E). Textual variants published by Horner 1898–1905, vols. 1–2. Said to have been brought to France by St. Louis (Exhibits M, O, P, and Q). (2) Another Bohairic Tetraevangelium formerly in the library of the Oratoire St.-Honoré in Paris,7 but present whereabouts uncertain, or unknown. Donated to the Oratoire in 1620 by Achille de Harlay de Sancy (Exhibit A).8 First published notice by Jean Morin in 1633 (Exhibit B), but seen by him already in 1629 or earlier (Exhibit A). No further autoptic reports, and no publication. Described as missing in 1673 by Richard Simon (Exhibit D), who reported having been told that it was sold “a long time” before he joined the Oratoire, which was in 1662. Said to have been brought to France by St. Louis (Exhibit N).

The Question at Issue

Was one or the other of these manuscripts (“FR-BN Copte 13” and “the Oratoire’s Tetraevangelium”), or were they both, brought to Paris by St. Louis in the middle of the thirteenth century? If so, then it (or they) would be by far the earliest Coptic manuscript(s) that we know of to have been transported to Europe in “modern” times. For, the next such occurrence that is known is the importation in August 1441 of a collection of Copto-Arabic (and Arabic) manuscripts on the occasion of the Council of Florence (1439–1443), namely the collection that

3 See, most recently, Boud’hors 2000, 78–79 (no. 56); see further n. 16 below. What was originally f. 2 of this codex is in the Freer Gallery of Art in Washington, DC (no. 55.11, according to report: Leroy 1974a, 113–115 and pl. 43; Leroy 1974b; see further n. 18 below). On Bishop Michael himself, see: Graf 1923; Burmester 1936; and Copt.Enc. 5:1624–1625 (with additional references). 4 Laffitte & Richard 2002, 16. 5 That is, before the publication of vol. 1 of Anicet Melot’s Catalogus Codicum Manuscriptorum Bibliothecae Regiae (Paris 1739), pp. 70–75 and 450 of which were in effect reprinted by Chabot (1906, 352–359; see pp. 351 and 353). 6 See n. 44 below. 7 On the Oratoire St.-Honoré, see: Biver & Biver 1970, 497–506 (“L’Oratoire Saint- Honoré, maison généralice”); Boinet 1962, 78–93 (“Temple de l’Oratoire”); and below. 8 In addition to Exhibit A, see: Richard 1990, esp. pp. 421, 428, 432, and 434–435; and Aufrère 1990, 89 with n. 100 on p. 128 (our man is no. 5 in Aufrère’s list of “Ambas- sadeurs de France près la Sublime Porte”), 213 with n. 334 on p. 230. THE MYSTERY OF FR-BN COPTE 13 AND THE “CODEX ST.-LOUIS” 7 formed the core of the Vatican Library’s collection of oriental manuscripts.9

Dramatis Personae

Christina (after 1655: Christina Alexandra [Alessandra]; 1626–1689). Queen of Sweden until her abdication in 1654. Resident in Rome from 1655, but visited France twice in 1656–1658 (in Paris for a time during 1656).10 Hardy, Claude (1604–1678). Mathematician, philosopher, and orientalist; royal “conseiller au Châtelet” (Paris) from 1626. Harlay (baron) de Sancy, Achille de (1581–1646). Soldier, diplomat, orientalist, and ecclesiastic; Louis XIII’s ambassador to Constantinople 1611–1618; member of the Oratoire from 1620; bishop of Saint-Malo from 1632. Jablonski, Paul Ernest (1693–1757). Orientalist; student of La Croze in Berlin; travelled with Prussian royal support to Coptic manuscript collections in Oxford, Leiden, and Paris 1714–1720; professor (ordina- rius) of theology in Frankfurt an der Oder from 1722.11 Justel, Henri (1620–1693). “Conseiller secrétaire du roi” (Paris) 1636–1664, when for political reasons he resigned, with the intention of emigrating to England; moved in 1680 to London, where he joined the staff of the royal libraries and became a naturalized citizen shortly before his death.

9 See Emmel (in press). With specific reference to the Vatican collection of orientalia alone, see Levi della Vida 1939, 440: “È quanto mai probabile, o addirittura certo, che il più antico gruppo di manoscritti orientali (arabi e copti) sia stato donato a Eugenio IV nel 1441 dalla missione copta venuta a Firenza per il concilio. . . . Nello stesso tempo, e forse nella stessa occasione del Concilio florentino, i Papi vennero in possesso di un codice etiopico e di uno armeno, i quali entrarono nella biblioteca fondata da Nicolò V [that is, the Bibliotheca Apostolica Vaticana]. Dopo questo primo e prezioso inizio i manoscritti orientali per oltre un secolo si accrebbero solo lentissimamente.” 10 For the basic biographical information given in this section (and also below, pas- sim) I have relied primarily on: Biographie universelle (Michaud) ancienne et moderne, ou histoire, par ordre alphabétique, de la vie publique et privée de tous les hommes qui se sont fait remarquer par leurs écrits, leurs actions, leurs talents, leurs vertus ou leurs crimes (2d ed. by J. Fr. Michaud [junior]; 45 vols.; Paris 1854 [1848?]–1865; repr. ed. Graz 1966–1970); Nouvelle biographie générale [vols. 1–9: universelle] depuis les temps les plus reculés jusqu’à nos jours, avec les renseignements bibliographiques et l’indica- tion des sources à consulter, edited by Ferdinand Hoefer (46 vols.; Paris 1852–1866); and Dictionnaire de biographie française (20 vols. to date [to “Lab”]; Paris 1933–). 11 Martin Krause (in: Copt.Enc. 4:1318) gives Jablonski’s middle name as Ernst, and the years of his Coptological travels as 1717–1720. 8 STEPHEN EMMEL

La Croze (Lacroze), Mathurin Veyssière (1661–1739). Orientalist; left Paris in 1696, changed his name to La Croze, and in 1697 took up residence in Berlin, where he taught. Lelong (Le Long), Jacques (1665–1721). Member of the Oratoire from 1686; librarian at the Oratoire 1699–1721. Louis IX (St. Louis; 1215–1270). King of France 1226–1270. Louis XIII (1601–1643). King of France 1610–1643. Louis XIV (1638–1715). King of France 1643–1715. Mazarin, Jules (Giulio Mazarini; 1602–1661), cardinal. Prime minister of Louis XIII and Louis XIV from 1642; in exile for most of 1651, and for the latter part of 1652 until February 1653. Morin, Jean (1591–1659). Orientalist; early and distinguished member of the Oratoire (from 1618); one of the editors of the Paris Polyglot Bible (1629–1645). Renaudot, Eusèbe (1646–1720). Orientalist, church historian, and liturgist; member of the Oratoire, but only for a short time. Simon, Richard (1638–1712). Orientalist and theologian; member of the Oratoire 1662–1678; engaged to catalog the Oratoire’s oriental manuscripts 1662–1668.. Tromler, Carl (Karl) Heinrich. Orientalist. I have no information about this man except that he also published (among other things in addition to the work cited below as Exhibit N) the following books: Abbildung der jacobitischen oder coptischen Kirche etc. (Jena 1749); Bibliothecae Armeniae Specimen Cui Praemittitur de Lingua Armenia Commentatio (Plauen 1759); Sammlungen zur Geschichte des alten heydnischen und dann christlichen Vogtlandes (Leipzig 1767); and De Polonis Latine Doctis Diatribe (Warsaw and Leipzig 1776); earliest and latest titles known to me published 1748 and 1787. Vignier, Jérôme (1606–1661). Member of the Oratoire from 1630.

The Evidence

Exhibit A. Letter from Jean Morin to Pietro della Valle (in Rome) 14 September 1629 (published in 1682): “sunt in Bibliotheca nostra quatuor Evangelia Lingua Coptica eleganter atque ab antiquo descripta, quae R. Pater de Sancy Constantinopoli Lutetiam attulit.”12

12 Simon 1682, 157 (letter no. 13, on pp. 156–160). “There are in our library [the library of the Oratoire St.-Honoré] the four Gospels, written elegantly, and long ago (?), in the Coptic language, which the Reverend Father [Achille de Harlay] de Sancy brought to Paris from Constantinople.” THE MYSTERY OF FR-BN COPTE 13 AND THE “CODEX ST.-LOUIS” 9

Exhibit B. Jean Morin, Exercitationes Biblicae de Hebraei Graecique Textus etc. (Paris 1633) 197 (“Lib. I. Exercit. VI. Cap. II”): “sic scripta sunt lingua Coptorum seu Aegyptiaca quatuor Evangelia quae in Orato- riana Bibliotheca conservantur.”13 Exhibit C. Johann Heinrich Hottinger, Promtuarium; sive, Bibliotheca Orientalis etc. (Heidelberg 1658) 313 (italics removed): “Testatur etiam Ioh. Morinus Exercit. Bibl. lib. 1. Exercit. 6. c. 22. [sic, error for “c. 2.”] p. 197. Msc. Copticum vetustissimum in Bibliotheca Oratoriana Parisiis extare, complectens 4. Evangelia, Lingua Coptica exaratum, sine ulla versuum vel dictionum distinctione.”14 Exhibit D. Letter from Richard Simon to Henri Justel 1673 (published in 1704): “Il y a aussi eû dans nôtre bibliotheque un manuscrit Copte des quatre Evangiles; mais il en avoit été enlevé long-tems avant que je fusse de l’Oratoire. Mr. Hardi qui l’y a vû m’a assuré, que le Pere Vig- nier qui étoit dans quelque necessité d’argent l’avoit vendu, & il croyoit même que ce manuscrit avoit passé dans la bibliotheque de la Reine de Suede.”15 Exhibit E. Letter from Richard Simon to “Monsieur J. H.” 1682 (published 1730 [1710?]): “Le Manuscrit Cophte dont on vous a parlé, se trouve dans la Bibliotheque du Roi. n. 329.”16 Exhibit F. Richard Simon, Histoire critique des versions du Nouveau Testament etc. (Rotterdam 1690) 190: “Bibl. Reg. n. 329.”17

13 “Written thus [without word-division] are [also] the four Gospels in the language of the Copts, or Egyptian, which are kept in the Oratorian library.” 14 “Also, Jean Morin … [= Exhibit B] states that there is a very old Coptic manuscript in the Oratorian library in Paris, containing the four Gospels, written in Coptic, without any division between verses or words.” 15 Simon 1702–1705, 2:82 (letter no. 14, on pp. 80–84; for the identifcation of the addressee as Justel, “Secretaire du Roi,” see p. 71 n. 1). “There also used to be in our library [the library of the Oratoire St.-Honoré] a Coptic manuscript of the four Gospels, but it was removed from there a long time before I joined the Oratoire. Mr. [Claude] Hardy, who saw it there, has assured me that Father [Jérôme] Vignier, who was in some need of funds, sold it; and he believes even that this manuscript went to the library of the queen [Christina] of Sweden.” Note that both Richard (1990, 435 n. 48; cf. p. 425 n. 30) and Quatremère (1808, 116 n. 5 [see Exhibit P below]) cited the third edition of this book (Simon 1730). 16 Simon 1730, 4:91 (letter no. 14, on pp. 91–94). “The Coptic manuscript of which someone has spoken to you is to be found in the Royal Library, no. 329.” From Simon’s description of the illustration of the Last Supper, there can be little doubt that this manuscript is FR-BN Copte 13, in which the relevant illustration is on f. 76v, which has been reproduced in: Hyvernat 1888, pl. 46 (middle); Millet 1960, 289 fig. 274 (I owe my knowledge of this book [1st ed. Paris 1916] to Shenouda 1956, 228 n. 133); Cramer 1964, 108 fig. 125; Leroy 1974a, pl. 54 (bottom). 17 This reference is given in the margin of a description closely related to that given in the letter cited above as Exhibit E. 10 STEPHEN EMMEL

Exhibit G. Eusèbe Renaudot, Historia Patriarcharum Alexandrinorum Jacobitarum etc. (Paris 1713) 552–553: “Quod vero Michael ille qui, novo dignitatis titulo, nunquam antea apud Scriptores Alexandrinos usurpato, Metropolita appellatur, sub Marco filio Zaraae vixerit, testis est Codex insignis Evangeliorum quatuor, ab eodem Michaele in charta vitulina scriptus lingua Copticâ literis uncialibus. . . . Initio voluminus duae majores occurrunt imagines, una D. Marci Evangelistae, altera Marci filii Zaraae habitu Patriarchali.”18 Exhibit H. Eusèbe Renaudot, Liturgiarum Orientalium Collectio (Paris 1716) 1:cxxiii: “Talis est Codex insignis Quatuor Evangeliorum Cop- ticè scriptus, manu Michaelis Metropolitae Damiatensis, oblatus Marco filio Zaraae qui ordinatus est Alexandriae Patriarcha anno Martyrum DCCCLXXX. J.C. MCLXXIV.”19 Exhibit I. David Wilkins, èdia` qyky m` beri àen èaspi n` teniremxymi Hoc Est Novum Testamentum Aegyptium Vulgo Copticum etc. (Oxford 1716) ix–x (italics removed): “Quod ad MSta N. T. Coptica Pari- siensia; Dantur inter Codices Manuscriptos Regios n. 329. IV Evangelia Coptica in Folio litteris capitalibus exarata & figuris elegantibus ac titulis Arabicis ornata. Fuit hic Codex scriptus Anno Martyrum DCCCXCVI (hoc est Christi MCLXXX) à Michaële Episcopo Damietae pro Mar[c]o filio Zaarae Patriarcha Alexandrino cuius effigies sub initium libri apparet.”20 Exhibit J. Notes made by Paul Ernest Jablonski ca. 1714–1720 in Pa- ris, appended by Johann Albert Fabricius to a letter to Mathurin Veys- sière La Croze dated 15 May 1720 (published in 1746; italics removed):

18 “A witness to the fact that this Michael [bishop of Damietta], who is called ‘metropolitan,’ a new honorific title never used previously by Alexandrian writers, lived at the time of Mark ibn Zur‘ah is a remarkable codex of the four Gospels, written by the same Michael in Coptic uncials on vellum. . . . At the beginning of the volume there are two rather large pictures, one of St. Mark the Evangelist, the other of Mark ibn Zur‘ah in patriarchal garb.” In fact the patriarchal portrait is on f. 1r, and the portrait on f. 1v is of Christ (see Leroy 1974b, 439–440. In any case, Renaudot's description makes it clear that the original f. 2 (see n. 3 above) was already missing from the volume in Paris. 19 “Such [more than five hundred years old] is a remarkable codex of the four Gospels written in Coptic by Michael, metropolitan of Damietta, and offered to Mark ibn Zur‘ah, who was installed as the patriarch of Alexandria A.M. 880, A.D. 1174.” Something is wrong with the dates here: since the patriarchate of Mark III is now dated 1166 or 1167–1189, and since A.M. 880 = A.D. 1163/64, I assume that MCLXXIV (1174) in Renaudot’s text is an error for MCLXIV (1164). The error was repeated by Quatremère (see Exhibit P and n. 36 below) and not corrected in the “editio secunda correctior” of Renaudot’s book (1847, cxviii). 20 “As to Coptic manuscripts of the New Testament in Paris, there are among the manuscript codices Reg. 329 the four Coptic Gospels, in folio, written in uncials and dec- orated with elegant illustrations and Arabic titles. This codex was written A.M. 896 (which is A.D. 1180) by Michael, bishop of Damietta, for Mark ibn Zur‘ah, patriarch of Alexan- dria, whose portrait appears at the beginning of the book.” THE MYSTERY OF FR-BN COPTE 13 AND THE “CODEX ST.-LOUIS” 11

“Rerum Aegyptiacarum studio me totum immersi. . . . Iam mitto veros menses illius gentis perquam accurate descriptos a Paullo Ernesto Ja- blonskio, Aegypticae linguae peritissimo. . . .” Then, appended after a postscript: “Menses Aegyptiorum. Ex codice evangeliorum membra- naceo bibliothecae regiae Parisiensis, scripto a Michaele episcopo Dami- atensi anno Martyrum wve [sic, error for wvå] DCCCXCVI. Christi MCLXXX.” There follows a list of the names of the Coptic months, with a few philological notes on the epagomenae.21 Exhibit K. Mathurin Veyssière La Croze, “Lexicon Aegyptiaco- Latinum . . . Praefatio” (Bremen 1722) 750 (italics removed): “Ca- nonem lectionum annuarum ab eodem Jablonskio habui descriptum in Bibliotheca Regia Parisiensi, in fine codicis antiquissimi quatuor Evan- geliorum in membrana scriptorum a Michaële Episcopo Damiatensi, anno martyrum DCCCXCVI. Christi MCLXXX.”22 Exhibit L. Jacques Lelong, Bibliotheca Sacra etc. (Paris 1723) 142 (italics removed): “Eadem Copticè cum titulis Arabicis & figuris. Co- dex in folio membranaceus, literis capitalibus eleganter exaratus à Mi- chaele Metropolita Damietae, pro Marco filio Zaraae Patriarcha Alexan- drino, cuius effigies initio libri conspicitur, quique ordinatus fuit anno SS. Martyrum 880. (Christi 1164.) Bibl. Regi[us] cod. 329.”23 Exhibit M. Letter from Paul Ernest Jablonski to Mathurin Veyssière La Croze 29 December 1730 (published in 1742; italics removed): “Literae enim, quibus codicem evangelii Iohannis conscriptum reperio, perquam similes mihi videntur illis, quas in vetustissimo illo quatuor evangeliorum libro, quem Ludovicus S. ex Aegypto in Galliam aspor- tasse dicitur, magna cum voluptate oculis meis subieci.”24

21 Uhl 1742–1746, 3:133–134 (letter no. 73, on pp. 132–134). “I have totally immersed myself in the study of things Egyptian. . . . Now I am sending the genuine months of that people, very carefully transcribed by Paul Ernest Jablonski, who is most skilled in the Egyptian language. . . . The months of the Egyptians, from a parchment codex of the Gospels in the Royal Library of Paris, written by Michael, bishop of Dami- etta, A.M. 896, A.D. 1180.” 22 “Also from [Paul Ernest] Jablonski I have the list of annual lections, copied in the Royal Library in Paris, at the end of a very old parchment codex of the four Gospels, written by Michael, bishop of Damietta, A.M. 896, A.D. 1180.” The list referred to occurs on ff. 281v–286v of FR-BN Copte 13. 23 “The same [four Gospels] in Coptic with Arabic titles and illustrations. Parchment codex in folio, elegantly written in uncials by Michael, metropolitan of Damietta, for Mark ibn Zur‘ah, Alexandrian patriarch, whose portrait is seen at the beginning of the book, and who was installed A.M. 880 (A.D. 1164). Bibl. Reg. cod. 329.” 24 Uhl 1742–1746, 1:191 (letter no. 165, on pp. 190–192). “For the script in which I find the codex of the Gospel of John [in the Bodleian Library] to be written seems to me to be very like that which I had the great pleasure to study with my own eyes in that very old book of the four Gospels that St. Louis is said to have brought from Egypt to France.” 12 STEPHEN EMMEL

Exhibit N. Carl Heinrich Tromler, Bibliothecae Copto-Jacobiticae Specimen etc. (Leipzig 1767) 38 (italics altered): “Codex Evangeliorum membranaceus, coptice scriptus a Michaele Episcopo Damiatensi A. Mart. 896. Chr. 1180. qui inest bibliothecae Reg. Paris. v. Thes. Ep. Cros. T. III. p. 134.”25 Then, the very next entry in this list of Coptic manuscripts “that have come into the hands of western Christians” (“in manus Christianorum occidentalium pervenere”26): “Vetustissimus Co- dex IV. Evangeliorum, Copt. MS. quem Ludovicus S. ex Aeg[y]pto in Galliam dicitur adportasse. Hunc Jablonskius Parisiis cum voluptate in- genti perlustravit. d. [sic] Thes. T. I. p. 191. In bibliotheca PP. Orat. S. Hon. commemoratur.”27 Exhibit O. Charles Godfrey Woide, “Sur le dictionnaire cophte qu’il va publier à Oxford, et sur les sçavans qui ont étudié la langue cophte” (Paris 1774) 337 (Amsterdam repr., p. 329): “Huntington avoit un excellent Psautier sur vélin, dont les caractères ressemblent beaucoup à ceux des quatre Evangiles de la Bibliothèque du Roi, que saint Louis a apportés en France.”28 Exhibit P. Étienne Quatremère, Recherches critiques et historiques sur la langue et la littérature de l'Égypte (Paris 1808) 115–116: “M. Tromler s’est trompé29, lorsqu’il a prétendu que le manuscrit des quatre Évangiles, apporté, dit-on, d’Égypte par S. Louis, étoit conservé dans la bibliothèque de l’Oratoire. Il est certain que ce beau et précieux manuscrit, copié par Michel, métropolitain de Damiette, l’an 880 [sic] de l’ère des martyrs, 1174 [sic] de Jésus-Christ, existoit à la bibliothèque du Roi. On peut voir ce qu’en disent l’abbé Renaudot,30 le P. Lelong,31 Richard

25 “A parchment codex of the Gospels, written in Coptic by Michael, bishop of Dami- etta, A.M. 896, A.D. 1180, which is in the Royal Library in Paris; see [Exhibit J].” 26 Tromler 1767, 33. The list of Coptic manuscripts follows, on pp. 33–41. 27 “A very old codex of the four Gospels, a Coptic manuscript that St. Louis is said to have brought from Egypt to France. Jablonski examined this [codex] in Paris with great pleasure; see [Exhibit M]. It is mentioned [i.e. remembered? mentioned as being?] in the library of the Fathers of the Oratoire St.-Honoré.” 28 “[Robert] Huntington [1637–1701] had an excellent Psalter on vellum, the script of which is very much like that of the four Gospels in the Royal Library, which St. Louis brought to France.” Woide cited no authority for his statement, but the manuscript itself he had seen in Paris not more than a year or so before (Copt.Enc.:2324a). 29 Quatremère’s n. 3: “Bibliothecæ Copto-Jacobiticae specimen, p. 38 [= Exhibit N].” 30 Quatremère’s n. 4: “Historia patriarch. Alexandr. p. 453 [sic, error for 553; = Exhibit G]. Dissertat. de lingua Coptica, p. cxxiii [= Exhibit H].” Renaudot’s “Dissertatio de Lingua Coptica” is the introduction to his Liturgiarum Orientalium Collectio, vol. 1. 31 Quatremère’s n. 1 (p. 116): “Bibliotheca sacra, p. 162 [sic, error for 142; = Exhibit L].” THE MYSTERY OF FR-BN COPTE 13 AND THE “CODEX ST.-LOUIS” 13

Simon32, Lacroze33, &c. La bibliothèque de l’Oratoire possédoit, il est vrai, un beau manuscrit des Évangiles Coptes; mais il avoit été apporté de Constantinople par M. de Harlay de Sancy, ainsi que nous l’apprend le P. Morin34. D’ailleurs il n’existoit déjà plus du temps de Richard Simon, qui donne à ce sujet les détails suivans35: ‘M. Hardy [sic]. . . la reine de Suède.’”36 Exhibit Q. George Horner, The Coptic Version of the New Testament in the Northern Dialect etc., vol. 1 (Oxford 1898) xli–xlvi (a description of FR-BN Copte 13, which is his MS B), at p. xlvi: “The MS. is said to have been brought to France by S. Louis (Tromler C.H. Bibliotheca Copto-jacobita [sic], 1767, p. 38).”37

Hypothesis

The existence of a “Codex St.-Louis” is a fiction created during the seventeenth or early eighteenth century (between 1620 and 1720) and attached to FR-BN Copte 13 and (by Tromler, Exhibit N) to the Ora- toire’s Tetraevangelium. But FR-BN Copte 13 is the same manuscript as the Oratoire’s Tetraevangelium, which was brought to Paris by Achille de Harlay de Sancy in 1618, not 364 years earlier by St. Louis (in 1254). The hypothesis (which unfortunately cannot be proved on the basis of the available evidence) partly merely anticipates the conclusion given at the end of this essay and is stated here as a hypothesis only in order to introduce the argument that now follows.

32 Quatremère’s n. 2 (italics altered): “Histoire critique des versions du nouveau Tes- tament, p. 190 et suiv. [= Exhibit F]. Lettres choisies, t. IV, p. 91 et suiv. [= Exhibit E].” 33 Quatremère’s n. 3: “Praefat. in lexicon Copticum [= Exhibit K].” 34 Quatremère’s n. 4: “Antiquitates ecclesiae Orientalis, p. 157 [= Exhibit A].” 35 Quatremère’s n. 5 (italics altered): “Lettres choisies, t. II, p. 94 [= Exhibit D].” 36 “Mr. Tromler was mistaken [Exhibit N] when he thought that the manuscript of the four Gospels, brought, it is said, from Egypt by St. Louis, was kept in the library of the Oratoire. It is certain that this beautiful and precious manuscript, copied by Michael, metropolitan of Damietta, A.M. 880, A.D. 1174, was in the Royal Library. One can see what was said about it by Renaudot [Exhibits G, H], Lelong [Exhibit L], Simon [Exhibits F, E], La Croze [Exhibit K], and others. It is true that the Oratoire owned a beautiful manuscript of the Coptic Gospels, but it had been brought from Constantino- ple by Mr. [Achille] de Harlay de Sancy, as [Jean] Morin informs us [Exhibit A]. Fur- thermore, it was no longer there in the time of Richard Simon, who provides the following details on this subject.” For Quatremère’s quotation from Simon, see Exhibit D (and n. 15 above). For the date of the manuscript given by Quatremère, cf. Exhibit H (and n. 19 above). 37 The reference to Tromler = Exhibit N. 14 STEPHEN EMMEL

The Argument

The claim that a Coptic manuscript had been brought to Europe from Egypt, specifically from Damietta, by St. Louis, king of France from 1226 until his death in 1270, is not impossible: the crusade that the king undertook in 1248 began with a voyage to Egypt, where, in the next year, he captured Damietta, located near the mouth of the Nile’s main eastern branch. We may safely assume that the Tetraevangelium copied by Bishop Michael toward the end of the twelfth century was in Dami- etta when St. Louis arrived seventy years later, for a note on f. 2r states that the book “belongs to the library of the church of the holy Theotokos St. Mary in Damietta.”38 Although the Egyptian campaign ended in dis- aster (Louis himself being taken prisoner by the Mamlukes and having to buy his own and his soldiers’ freedom), in 1250 the crusaders made their way to Syria, and in 1254 Louis led them back to France. But did he really acquire Bishop Michael’s illuminated Coptic Tetraevangelium in Egypt and then carry it with him all that long way back to Paris? In pursuit of the answer to this question, we are led back into the intellectual and political ferment of the seventeenth century, but no far- ther. In fact, tracing the provenance of FR-BN Copte 13 leads us no far- ther back than 1653, at the earliest. In that year, the French civil war known as the “Fronde of the Princes” or the “New Fronde” (1650– 1653) came to an end, and the banished French prime minister, Cardinal Mazarin, returned to Paris with his immense political power restored. Among other things, he began to rebuild his famous library, which had been sequestered during the “Fronde of the Parlement” in 1649, confis- cated in 1651, and then completely sold off in 1652.39 We do not know just when and how the Coptic Gospels codex from Damietta was acquired by Mazarin, but that it was a part of this “seconde bibliothèque de Mazarin” is sure, for it belonged to the group of some 2,400 manuscripts (and about 3,600 printed books) that were traded to the Royal Library in 1668.40 That this manuscript was not already a part of Maza- rin’s collection before the Fronde can only be surmised, but the surmise

38 Translation of the Arabic text by Horner 1898–1905, 1:xlii. A frontispiece portrait (f. 1r) of the contemporary (seventy-third) Coptic “Patriarch of the great city of Alexan- dria and Egypt and Abyssinia and Nubia and the five cities [Libya],” Mark III ibn Zur‘ah (1166 or 1167–1189), need not imply that the book was copied with the intention of sending it to Alexandria. 39 See de Conihout & Péligry 2002. 40 Laffitte & Richard 2002, 16. THE MYSTERY OF FR-BN COPTE 13 AND THE “CODEX ST.-LOUIS” 15 seems certain,41 in which case it must have been acquired for the Mazarine Library sometime between 1653 and 1661 (between the end of the Fronde and Mazarin’s death). The oriental manuscripts received by the Royal Library in the 1668 exchange with the Mazarine Library were officially registered only in 1680 or soon thereafter: “la première marque d’appartenance aux collections royales est la cote ‘regius’, inscrite par Nicolas Clément à partir de 1680 pour les manuscrits orientaux.”42 The Damietta Tetraevan- gelium received the call number “Reg[ius] 329,” which scholars used for reference purposes between 1690 and 1723 (Exhibits E, F, I, L).43 It is only the latter number that one now finds in the manuscript itself, no traces remaining of its earlier number,44 even though it retains its Louis XIV binding. In any case, the immediate provenance and both call numbers were correctly recorded by Louis Delaporte in his summary catalog of the Paris collection early in the twentieth century, where the relevant catalog entry (no. 14) includes the following notice: “Cardinal Mazarin. — Reg. 329. Invent.: copt. 13.”45 Once in the Royal Library, the Damietta Tetraevangelium soon began to attract the attention of orientalists studying the ancient versions of the

41 The surmise is based on the fact that the Damietta Tetraevangelium does not appear in any of the three lists, prepared by Mazarin’s librarian Gabriel Naudé between 1647 and 1649, of the 26 to 101 most valuable items in the cardinal’s collection. For the lists, see de Coni- hout 2002. Of course this is an argument from silence, but it is difficult to imagine that the Damietta Gospels codex, if it had been there, would not have found its place in these special lists among the other exotica (“livres ruthéniques — scandinave et cyrillique — arabes, turc et chinois” [de Conihout 2002, 21]), especially the exotica biblica (which make up fully one third of the items in the “List of Thirty Books” [de Conihout 2002, 23], all of them appear- ing also in the “List of 101 Books” [de Conihout 2002, 26]). The contrary statement by Leroy (1974b, 445–446), that “le livre faisait partie au début du XVIIe siècle de la biblio- thèque de Mazarin,” seems to have been sheer conjecture on his part (and the page numbers in his reference to Renaudot 1713 are to be corrected, from “252–253” to 552–553, where nothing at all is said about the location of the manuscript; see Exhibit G). 42 Lafitte & Richard 2002, 16. 43 The manuscript already had the new call number “Copte 13” by 1739; see n. 5 above. 44 Apart from the number 13, the only possible alternative numberings are: “R. F. 271” (written in ink on a brown sticker overlapping the oval printed call number label on the front pastedown; this code has no obvious current meaning in the BnF, according to Michel Garel, who has suggested to me that this notation might be the trace of restoration work undertaken on the manuscript, perhaps early in the nineteenth century, as a pen- cilled notation [apparently “MSS 1811,” but difficult to read] on the printed call number label might also indicate, as suggested to me by Anne Boud’hors), and perhaps “719” (written in pencil to the left of the last entry in the manuscript, f. 286v, also without any obvious meaning). I am grateful to M. Garel for his kind assistance in my search for marks of previous ownership and inventory. (M. Garel also informed me that the number written on the round printed call number label on the back pastedown is the current stor- age location, hence also of no historical interest at present.) 45 Delaporte 1909–1913, 15:90–91. 16 STEPHEN EMMEL

Bible and the Coptic language. Richard Simon, who spent the years 1662–1668 at the Oratoire St.-Honoré in Paris helping to catalog the Oratorians’ collection of oriental manuscripts (and presumably already working on the historical-critical ideas about the Old Testament that would cause his expulsion from the Oratoire a decade later, in 1678), described the manuscript in the Royal Library in a letter dated 1682, but without saying anything about its provenance (Exhibit E; cf. Exhibit F). Although there are many references to Reg. 329/Copte 13 in the literature of Coptic studies of the eighteenth century and later, the report that St. Louis had brought the manuscript to France is relatively rare (Ex- hibits M, O, P, Q). It first appears in 1730, in a letter written by the German orientalist Paul Ernest Jablonski (by then settled in Frankfurt an der Oder) to his teacher in Berlin, Mathurin Veyssière La Croze (Exhibit M). Jablonski had seen the manuscript in Paris a decade or so earlier and transcribed portions of it (see Exhibits J, K). In his letter to La Croze, he was not completely explicit about what manuscript he was referring to, but it is hard to imagine that it was any other than the Damietta Tetra- evangelium. But another, roughly contemporary orientalist, Carl Heinrich Tromler, seems to have understood Jablonski to have been referring to two different manuscripts (Exhibit N): the Damietta Tetraevangelium on the one hand, citing our Exhibit J as his source of information, and, on the other hand, a “very old codex of the four Gospels” formerly in the Oratoire St.-Honoré. For the latter, Tromler cited no source of information, but most likely he knew at least our Exhibit D (perhaps also some or all of Exhibits A, B, and C). In view of our hypothesis, it is tempting to imagine that Tromler had information at his disposal that is no longer at ours, but that might have proved the identity of the two manuscripts that Tromler listed. But that would be sheer speculation, and in fact it seems more likely that Étienne Quatremère was right (Exhibit P) that Tromler was simply mistaken when he identified the Oratoire’s Tetraevangelium as the codex brought to France by St.-Louis. In any case, no one subse- quently made this equation, and the Oratoire’s missing Tetraevangelium seems to have slipped into oblivion.46

46 Horner’s reference (Exhibit Q) to Tromler is puzzling, of course, since Tromler stated not that St. Louis brought FR-BN Copte 13 to France (as Horner’s reference im- plies), but that he brought the Oratoire’s Tetraevangelium to France. Did Horner perhaps mean to suggest that FR-BN Copte 13 and the Oratoire’s Tetraevangelium are one and the same? THE MYSTERY OF FR-BN COPTE 13 AND THE “CODEX ST.-LOUIS” 17

But what about that lost and forgotten manuscript in the Oratoire St.-Honoré? There is no good reason to doubt Jean Morin’s word about the provenance of the Oratoire’s Tetraevangelium (Exhibit A), for it is well known that Achille de Harlay de Sancy returned to Paris from his stint as ambassador to Constantinople with a collection of oriental manuscripts, mainly Hebrew, a large part of which he donated to the Oratoire near the end of 1620, just inside of a year after having joined the congregation himself, and he made additional gifts in ensu- ing years.47 Indeed, according to an inventory of the Oratoire’s library made toward the end of the eighteenth century, almost all of the some three hundred oriental manuscripts in the collection at that time had been acquired by Harlay in Constantinople in the 1610s.48 At the time that he joined the Oratoire, Harlay also made a generous monetary gift “pour acquérir le terrain destiné à l’édification de l’église de l’Ora- toire.”49 The Oratoire St.-Honoré, also known as the Oratoire du Louvre,50 was built to be the headquarters of the “French Oratory” (founded in 1611–1613),51 whose congregation of priests were designated in 1622 as the king’s chaplains, and whose church would be his “royal Oratory.”52 The splendid church (“le temple de l’Oratoire”) built between 1621 and 1645, faces on the rue Saint-Honoré, running along the rue de l’Oratoire, and behind it, between the church and the north façade of the Louvre’s “cour carrée,” used to stand the complex of buildings, courtyards, and gardens that housed the Oratorians. There too was the Oratorians’ li-

47 See Richard 1990, esp. pp. 421, 428, 432–434. 48 Biver & Biver 1970, 503: “achetés jadis à Constantinople par M. de Harlay de Sa[n]cy, pendant les neuf années qu’il y passa en qualité d’Ambassadeur; par lui donnés à la maison de l’Oratoire, où il entra à son retour, fut ordonné prêtre et, au bout de douze ans, fait évêque de Saint-Malo.” In 1791 the Congrégation de l’Oratoire was suppressed, and in 1796 its collection of manuscripts, mostly Hebrew (and none Coptic), was trans- ferred to the Bibliothèque Nationale (Richard 1990, 426–432). 49 Richard 1990, 421. See further Biver & Biver 1970, 498–505 (I assume that the year 1745 in line 4 on p. 499 is a printing error for 1645). 50 Biver & Biver 1970, 505. 51 See, for example, Oxford Dictionary of the Christian Church (2d ed. by F. L. Cross and E. A. Livingstone; Oxford 1974 [I cite the corrected reprint of 1978]) 1002 (“Orato- rians (2)”) and 333–334 (“Congregations, Religious”). 52 Biver & Biver 1970, 498 n. 2; cf. Boinet 1962, 78 and 80–81. The statement by Biver and Biver (1970, 506, cf. p. 498) that the official name of the Oratorians’ church was “Saint-Louis-du-Louvre,” descending from an older church of the same name that existed already before the Oratoire was built, seems to be mistaken. According to Boinet (1962, 83) “Saint-Louis-du-Louvre” was still standing (on the other side of the cour car- rée?) in 1811 (and I have been led to believe that this church had been built only around the middle of eighteenth century). 18 STEPHEN EMMEL brary,53 before it was all torn down in the middle of the nineteenth century to make way for the rue de Rivoli,54 which now runs between the church and the cour carrée. Jérôme Vignier, who was said to have sold the Oratoire’s Tetraevan- gelium sometime before 1662 (Exhibit D), joined the congregation in 1630 and soon took a leading role in its affairs, even though from 1648 until his death in 1661 he was based not in the rue Saint-Honoré, but in the séminaire de St.-Magloire (also in Paris). Achille de Harlay de Sancy was made bishop of Saint-Malo (on the Brittany coast) in 1631 (installed 1632), and he died in 1646. And as for Queen Christina of Sweden, who was thought to have become the new owner of the Oratoire’s Tetraevan- gelium (Exhibit D), she was indeed an avid collector of manuscripts concerning, among other things, theology and church history.55 She moved to Rome after her abdication of the Swedish crown in 1654, and the remnants of her manuscript collection found their way into the Vati- can Library after her death. Said at the time of her departure from Swe- den to have comprised some eight thousand items, the queen’s collection had been reduced to only about one quarter of that size by the time she arrived in Rome in 1655.56 By then, at least, her collection seems to have included no Coptic manuscripts.57 But in any case, here again the claim, that Vignier had sold the Ora- toire’s Coptic Tetraevangelium to the queen of Sweden, is not impossible. If true, the sale must have occurred between 1633 (see Exhibit B) and 1661 (the year of Vignier’s death), or, depending on how the pres- ence or absence of the object’s donor might have influenced Vignier’s actions with regard to the manuscript, between 1646 (the year of Har- lay’s death) and 1661. Queen Christina had book-buying agents (such as the Dutchman Nicolaas Heinsius [1620–1681]) in Paris, or nearby, from 1651 to 1654, and she herself was in Paris for a time in 1656. The for- mer period, just when Mazarin’s first library was being sold, and just before the queen’s abdication, was a time of heightened activity at the queen’s court on behalf of the liberal arts and sciences. Indeed, it was to her court that Gabriel Naudé, Mazarin’s librarian, fled in June 1652 after the dispersal of “the work of my [Naudé’s] hands, the miracle of my life,” that is, the first Mazarine Library, “his child, his life’s work.”58

53 Biver & Biver 1970, 503. 54 Biver & Biver 1970, 506; Boinet 1962, 83. 55 Oxford Dictionary of the Christian Church (see n. 51 above) 280 (“Christina”). 56 Bignami-Odier 1934, 216–219; Blume 1830, 55–65, esp. pp. 56–60. 57 Levi della Vida 1939, 27 and 435–439. 58 Péligry 2002, 8; Queyroux 2002, 14. Naudé died in 1653 on his way back to France to assist Mazarin in assembling his second library. THE MYSTERY OF FR-BN COPTE 13 AND THE “CODEX ST.-LOUIS” 19

No one would have been in the least surprised if Queen Christina had purchased a Coptic manuscript in Paris for her library in Stockholm, especially in the early 1650s. On the other hand, the timing of things here (Vignier’s sale of the Oratoire’s Tetraevangelium between, say, 1646 and 1661, and Mazarin’s aquisition of FR-BN Copte 13 between 1653 and 1661) is right for the following reconstruction of events (already stated in brief above as our hypothesis). In order to raise some money for the Oratorian congregation, Jérôme Vignier, a leading figure in the Oratoire from the 1630s until his death on 14 November 1661, sold the Coptic Tetraevangelium that Achille de Harlay de Sancy had donated to the congregation in 1620. Probably this occurred within a few years of the quelling of the Fronde, that is, between 1653 and 1661. Whoever was the purchaser—at least one knowledgeable person (Claude Hardy) believed that it was Queen Christina of Sweden—the manuscipt ended up in Cardinal Mazarin’s collection, his “second library,” from which it was traded to the Royal Library in 1668. There it received first the call number Regius 329, in 1680 or soon thereafter, then, around the middle of the first half of the eighteenth century, its current call number Copte 13. Even though it had been known at the Oratoire that the Coptic Tetraevangelium had been donated by Harlay, who had acquired it in Constantinople during the 1610s, at some point (before 1720; see Exhibit M, cf. Exhibit J) a different story became attached to the manuscript, namely that St. Louis had brought it with him to France, presumably in 1254, at the end of the Sixth Crusade. Certainly the indisputable date and origin of the manuscript (1178–1180, Damietta) lent credence to such a story. Was the legend of St. Louis’s association with the codex created at the time of its sale by the Oratoire, perhaps to enhance its monetary value? Or at the time that it was traded to the Royal Library by Mazarin’s heirs? Or did Achille de Harlay de Sancy himself bring both the manuscript and the legend to Paris? How exactly did he obtain the manuscript in the first place? How did it get to Constantinople, so far away from Egypt? Could it be that St. Louis’s crusade had somehow started the manuscript on its journey from Damietta to Byzantium? The precise origin of the legend of a Coptic “Codex St.-Louis” remains a mystery.

Conclusion

FR-BN Copte 13 is the rumored “Codex St.-Louis,” but almost certainly it was not brought to France by Louis IX. Most probably it was 20 STEPHEN EMMEL brought to France nearly four hundred years later, by Achille de Harlay de Sancy, from Constantinople. If so, there is only one Coptic “Codex St.-Louis,” which Harlay gave in 1620 to the Oratoire St.-Honoré, whence it passed to the Royal Library via Cardinal Mazarin’s “second library” in the first half of the third quarter of the seventeenth century (between 1653 and 1661). As such, the “Codex St.-Louis” is not the earliest Coptic manuscript that we know of to have been transported to Europe in “modern” times. Rather, a Coptic manuscript (in fact, a number of Coptic manuscripts) was first brought to Europe in “modern” times in August 1441, by Alberto da Sarteano (the Roman pope’s Franciscan emissary to the Copts), probably on behalf of Cosimo di Giovanni dei Medici, who made use of his contacts with missionaries and other travellers to the Orient to collect the nucleus of what is now the Biblioteca Medicea-Lau- renziana in Florence, but who on this occasion must soon have passed this particular assemblage of old Arabic and Copto-Arabic books to Pope Eugenius IV, perhaps in order to honor the Roman pontiff on the occasion of the decree of union with the Coptic Church (that is, the bull Cantate Domino) issued by the Council of Florence on 4 February 1442.59

Bibliography and Abbreviations

Aufrère 1990 = Aufrère, S.H. La momie et la tempête. Nicolas-Claude Fabri de Peiresc et la “Curiosité Égyptienne” en Provence au début du XVIIe siècle. Avignon 1990. Bignami-Odier 1934 = Bignami-Odier, J. “Guide au département des manuscrits de la bibliothèque du Vatican.” MAH 51 (1934), 205–239. Biver & Biver 1970 = Biver, P., and Biver, M.-L. Abbayes, monastères et cou- vents de Paris des origines à la fin du XVIIIe siècle. Paris 1970. Blume 1830 = Blume, F. Iter Italicum, vol. 3, Archive, Bibliotheken und In- schriften in der Stadt Rom. Halle 1830. Boinet 1962 = Boinet, A. Les églises parisiennes, vol. 2, XVIIe siècle. Paris 1962.

59 See Levi della Vida 1939, 88–91, and n. 1 above. The most famous achievement of this council was a decree of union between the Latin and Greek Churches, signed on 5 July 1439. On the Coptic participation in the council two years later, see: Hofmann 1942a and Hofmann 1942b. The Coptic perception of the council remains to be explored criti- cally. For something like the standard “oriental” point of view, see Copt.Enc. 4:1118– 1119 (note that the date given in the middle of col. 1 on p. 1119 should be, to the best of my knowledge, August 1441, not October 1440). THE MYSTERY OF FR-BN COPTE 13 AND THE “CODEX ST.-LOUIS” 21

Boud’hors 2000 = Boud’hors, A. “L’écriture, la langue et les livres.” In: L’art copte en Égypte, 2000 ans de christianisme. Exposition présentée à l’Institut du Monde Arabe, Paris, du 15 mai au 3 septembre 2000 et au Musée de l’Éphèbe au Cap d’Agde du 30 septembre 2000 au 7 janvier 2001. Paris 2000, 52–91. Burmester 1936 = Burmester, O.H.E. “The Sayings of Michael, Metropolitan of Damietta.” OCP 2 (1936), 101–128. Chabot 1906 = Chabot, J.-B. “Inventaire sommaire des manuscrits coptes de la Bibliothèque Nationale.” RBibl 16 (1906), 351–367. Cramer 1964 = Cramer, M. Koptische Buchmalerei. Illumination in Manu- skripten des christlich-koptischen Ägypten vom 4. bis 19. Jahrhundert. BKCO 2 (1964). de Conihout 2002 = de Conihout, I. “Les livres les plus curieux de Son Émi- nence.” In: de Conihout & Péligry 2002, 9–28. de Conihout & Péligry 2002 = de Conihout, I., and Péligry, C. (eds.). Le Cardi- nal, la Fronde et le bibliothécaire: les trente plus beaux livres de Mazarin. Paris 2002. Delaporte 1909–1913 = Delaporte, L.J. “Catalogue sommaire des manuscrits coptes de la Bibliothèque nationale.” ROC 14 (1909), 417–423; 15 (1910), 85–96, etc. Emmel (in press) = Emmel, S. “Coptic Studies before Kircher.” In: ICCoptS 7 (in press). Graf 1923 = Graf, G. Ein Reformversuch innerhalb der koptischen Kirche im zwölften Jahrhundert. Collectanea Hierosolymitana 2. Paderborn 1923. Hofmann 1942a = Hofmann, G. “Kopten und Aethiopier auf dem Konzil von Florenz.” OCP 8 (1942), 5–39. Hofmann 1942b = Hofmann, G. “La ‘Chiesa’ copta ed etiopica nel Concilio di Firenze.” CivCatt 93.2 (1942), 141–146, 228–235. Horner 1898–1905 = Horner, G. The Coptic Version of the New Testament in the Northern Dialect Otherwise Called Memphitic and Bohairic. 4 vols. Oxford 1898–1905. Repr. ed. Osnabrück 1969. Hottinger, J.H. Promtuarium; sive, Bibliotheca Orientalis: Exhibens Cata- logum, sive, Centurias aliquot, tam Authorum, quàm Librorum Hebraicorum, Syriacorum, Arabicorum, Aegyptiorum, Aethiopicorum etc. Heidelberg 1658. Hyvernat 1888 = Hyvernat, H. Album de paléographie copte pour servir à l’introduction paléographique des actes des martyrs de l’Égypte. Paris and Rome 1888. Repr. ed. Osnabrück 1972. La Croze, M.V. “Lexicon Aegyptiaco-Latinum . . . Praefatio.” Bibliotheca His- torico-Philologico-Theologica (Bremen) 5 (1722), 745–751. Laffitte & Richard 2002 = Laffitte, M.-P., and Richard, F. “Les manuscrits de Mazarin en 1668.” In: de Conihout & Péligry 2002, 16–18. Lelong, J. Bibliotheca Sacra in Binos Syllabos Distincta. Paris 1723. Leroy 1974a = Leroy, J. Les manuscrits coptes et coptes-arabes illustrés. BAH 96 (1974). 22 STEPHEN EMMEL

Leroy 1974b = Leroy, J. “Un feuillet du manuscrit Copte 13 de la Bibliothèque nationale de Paris égaré à Washington.” In: Mélanges d'histoire des reli- gions offerts à Henri-Charles Puech. Vendôme 1974, 437–446. Levi della Vida 1939 = Levi della Vida, G. Ricerche sulla formazione del più antico fondo dei manoscritti orientali della Biblioteca Vaticana. StT 92 (1939). Millet 1960 = Millet, G. Recherches sur l’iconographie de l’Évangile aux XIVe, XVe et XVIe siècles d’après les monuments de Mistra, de la Macédoine et du Mont-Athos. 2d ed. Paris 1960. Morin, J. Exercitationes Biblicae de Hebraei Graecique Textus etc. Paris 1633. Péligry 2002 = Péligry, C. “Bibliotheca a fundatore mazarinea.” In: de Coni- hout & Péligry 2002, 6–9. Quatremère 1808 = Quatremère, É. Recherches critiques et historiques sur la langue et la littérature de l'Égypte. Paris 1808. Queyroux 2002 = Queyroux, F. “Naudé au service de Mazarin.” In: de Coni- hout & Péligry 2002, 10–15. Renaudot 1713 = Renaudot, E. Historia Patriarcharum Alexandrinorum Jaco- bitarum a D. Marco usque ad Finem Saeculi XIII. Paris 1713. Renaudot 1716 = Renaudot, E. Liturgiarum Orientalium Collectio. 2 vols. Paris 1716. Renaudot 1847 = Renaudot, E. Liturgiarum Orientalium Collectio. 2d ed. 2 vols. Frankfurt am Main 1847. Richard 1990 = Richard, F. “Achille de Harlay de Sancy et ses collections de manuscrits hébreux.” REJ 149 (1990), 417–447. Shenouda 1956 = Shenouda, S. “The Miniatures of the Paris Manuscript ‘Copte 13’.” Ph.D. diss. Princeton University 1956. Simon 1682 = Simon, R. Antiquitates Ecclesiae Orientalis, Clarissimorum Viro- rum . . . Dissertationibus Epistolicis Enucleatae, Nunc ex Ipsis Autographis Edi- tae, Quibus Praefixa Est Jo. Morini Congr. Orat. Paris. PP. Vita. London 1682. Simon 1690 = Simon, R. Histoire critique des versions du Nouveau Testament, où l’on fait connoître quel a été l’usage de la lecture des Livres Sacrés dans les principales églises du monde. Rotterdam 1690. Simon 1702-1705 = Simon, R. Lettres choisies de Mr Simon, où l’on trouve un grand nombre de faits anecdotes de literature. 2d (“nouvelle”) ed. 3 vols. Rotterdam 1702–1705. Repr. ed. (“unveränderter Nachdruck”) Frankfurt am Main 1967. [The reprint edition appears to be bibliographically mistaken. It is a reprint of the second edition, but the material is divided into four vol- umes: vol. 3 is printed as vol. 4, and what is printed as vol. 3 is but an appen- dix to vol. 2 (“Reponse particulière à la letter de M. Spanheim” etc.; see the “Avertissement” and the table of contents at the beginning of vol. 2; cf. Auguste Bernus, Notice bibliographique sur Richard Simon [Basel 1882], 37-38 [nos. 220-224]). I do not understand where the title page for “tome IV,” which looks genuine but is without date, was taken from. THE MYSTERY OF FR-BN COPTE 13 AND THE “CODEX ST.-LOUIS” 23

Simon 1730 = Simon, R. Lettres choisies de Mr Simon, où l’on trouve un grand nombre de faits anecdotes de literature. 3d ed. (“nouvelle édition, revuë, cor- rigée & augmentée d’un volume; et de la Vie de l’Auteur”) by [Antoine Auguste] Bruzen [de] la Martinière. 4 vols. Amsterdam 1730. Tromler 1767 = Tromler, C.H. Bibliothecae Copto-Jacobiticae Specimen, Cui Praemittitur de Linguae Copticae Satis Commentatio. Leipzig 1767. Uhl 1742–1746 = Uhl, J.L. Thesauri Epistolici Lacroziani. 3 vols. Leipzig 1742–1746. Wilkins, D. èdia` qyky m` beri àen èaspi n` teniremxymi Hoc Est Novum Testamentum Aegyptium Vulgo Copticum ex MSS. Bodleianis Descripsit, cum Vaticanis et Parisiensibus Contulit, et in Latinum Sermonem Convertit. Oxford 1716. Woide, C.G. “Sur le dictionnaire cophte qu’il va publier à Oxford, et sur les sçavans qui ont étudié la langue cophte.” Journal des sçavans, 1774, pp. 333–343. Repr. in Journal des sçavans, avec des extraits des meilleurs journaux de France et d’Angleterre (Amsterdam), 3d ser., 74 (July 1774), 316–346.

Stephen Emmel Institut für Ägyptologie und Koptologie Schlaunstrasse 2 D - 48143 Münster Germany