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1 Uniwersytet Warszawski Wydział Filozofii I Socjologii Instytut 1 Uniwersytet Warszawski Wydział Filozofii i Socjologii Instytut Socjologii Danuta Zasada Strategie tożsamościowe Nikkei hiszpańskojęzycznych w Japonii Rozprawa doktorska napisana pod kierunkiem prof. Ewy Nowickiej Praca została przyjęta Podpis promotora …………………………………………. Warszawa, 2017 rok 2 Strona tytułowa……………………………………………………………………………….1 Spis treści……………………………………………………………………………………...2 Streszczenie……………………………………………………………………………………5 WSTĘP………………………………………………………………………………………...7 Uwagi dotyczące używanych terminów i skrótów…………………………………………21 Podziękowania……………………………………………………………………………….22 ROZDZIAŁ I. KONCEPCJA PRACY…………………………………………………….23 1.1 Kontekst teoretyczny……………………………………………………………23 1.2 Pojęcie migracji powrotnych a przypadek Nikkei…………………………….24 1.3 Wybór paradygmatu…………………………………………………………….26 1.4 Pojęcie tożsamości……………………………………………………………….31 1.5 Strategie tożsamościowe…………………………………………………………38 1.6 Metody badań i trudności w trakcie pracy w terenie………………………….42 1.6.1 Zbieranie danych…………………………………………...……………45 1.6.2 Obserwacja w czasie imprez…………………………………………….46 1.6.3 Drukowane i elektroniczne źródła informacji………………………….48 1.6.4 Wywiady i ich uwarunkowanie osobą badaczki……………………….49 1.6.5 Scenariusz wywiadu……………………………………………………..59 ROZDZIAŁ II. SKĄD SIĘ WZIĘLI NIKKEI W JAPONII. RYS HISTORYCZNY…..64 2.1. Uwagi wstępne…………………………………………………………………...64 2.2. Historia emigracji japońskiej…………………………………………………..66 2.3. Emigracja japońska do poszczególnych krajów Ameryki Łacińskiej……….76 2.3.1. Emigracja do Argentyny………………………………………………….76 2.3.2. Emigracja do Boliwii……………………………………………………...76 2.3.3. Emigracja do Brazylii……………………………………………………..77 2.3.4. Emigracja do Chile………………………………………………………..78 2.3.5. Emigracja do Kolumbii…………………………………………………...78 2.3.6. Emigracja do Meksyku……………………………………………………78 2.3.7. Emigracja do Paragwaju………………………………………………….80 2.3.8. Emigracja do Peru………………………………………………………...81 2.4. Nikkei w Ameryce Łacińskiej – od Japończyka do Nikkei…………………..82 2.5. Emigracja powrotna Nikkei hiszpańskojęzycznych do Japonii……………..86 ROZDZIAŁ III. TOŻSAMOŚĆ HISZPAŃSKOJĘZYCZNYCH POTOMKÓW JAPOŃCZYKÓW………………………………………………………………………93 3.1. Kto to jest Nikkei……………………………………………………………….93 3.2. Rodzaje Nikkei: „prawdziwy” Nikkei versus „nietypowy” Nikkei………….102 3.3. Wybór samookreślenia………………………………………………………...106 3.4. Nikkei jako nie-Japończyk i nie-Latynos - płynność granic. Perspektywa grupy większościowej oraz Latynosów w ocenie badanych…………………..108 3.5. Nikkei w zetknięciu z Latynosami……………………………………………117 3.6. „Rasa” i „krew” w wypowiedziach badanych na tle rozumienia „rasy” w społeczeństwie japońskim……………………………………………………118 3.7. Podsumowanie…………………………………………………………………123 3 ROZDZIAŁ IV. CZYNNIKI KSZTAŁTUJĄCE I DEFINIUJĄCE TOŻSAMOŚĆ NIKKEI: BLIŻEJ DO JAPOŃCZYKA (JJ) CZY DO LATYNOSA (LL) - ASYMETRIA WIĘZI……………………………………………………………………...127 4.1. Uwagi wstępne………………………………………………………………….127 4.2. Nikkei wobec historii emigracji japońskiej…………………………………..127 4.3. Nikkei wobec historii rodziny…………………………………………………128 4.4. Przyjazd czy powrót…………………………………………………………...130 4.4.1. Powody przyjazdu do Japonii……………………………………….133 4.4.2. Ojczyzna i dom……………………………………………………….134 4.4.3. Oskarżenie Japończyków……………………………………………138 4.5. Stosunek do naturalizacji……………………………………………………...139 4.6. Wygląd. Korelacja z językiem i miejscem przebywania…………………….141 4.7. Dostosowanie do norm, formy obyczajowe, pozy……………………………144 4.8. Język ciała……………………………………………………………………..149 4.9. Wybór wyznaczników kulturowych jako indykat tożsamości………………150 4.9.1. Ubiór jako odzwierciedlenie upodobań związanych z kulturą latynoską albo japońską i „rasą”………………………………………….150 4.9.2. Upodobania kulinarne……………………………………………….154 4.9.3. Opowiadane historie, wierzenia i przekonania, wybory religijne…157 4.10. Sieć kontaktów z wyboru…………………………………………………….161 4.11 Czy latynoskość jest kategorią emiczną u Nikkei?.........................................165 4.12. Podsumowanie………………………………………………………………..167 ROZDZIAŁ V. STRATEGIE TOŻSAMOŚCIOWE NIKKEI HISZPAŃSKOJĘZYCZNYCH JAKO GRUPY ETNICZNEJ………………………169 5.1. Uwagi wstępne…………………………………………………………………..169 5.2. Pytanie o zbiorowe strategie tożsamościowe Nikkei………………………….172 5.3. Sprowadzenie Nikkei do Japonii – kontekst polityczny………………………172 5.4. Problemy z różnicą kulturową…………………………………………………176 5.5. Projekty transnarodowe jako punkt wyjścia do badań nad strategiami tożsamościowymi Nikkei………………………………………………………..178 5.5.1. Projekty transnarodowe a wyobraźnia wspomagana rozwojem mediów……180 5.5.2. Przykład Kyodai – kreowanie wspólnoty transpacyficznej i transnarodowej………………………………………………………………..181 5.6. Wybór obszaru obserwacji……………………………………………………185 5.7. Wydarzenia i imprezy jako przejaw pracy nad tożsamością……………….186 5.7.1. Praca nad tożsamością a wyznaczniki kulturowe……………………...186 5.8. Badacz a grupa badana………………………………………………………..188 5.9. Wydarzenia……………………………………………………………………..188 5.9.1. Spotkanie poświęcone partycypacji w społeczności lokalnej…………188 5.9.2. Inauguracja stowarzyszenia…………………………………………….195 5.9.3 Fiesty………………………………………………………………………196 5.9.3.1 Podział fiest…………………………………………………………196 5.9.3.2 Rola ustnego przekazu informacyjnego na temat fiest……………197 5.9.4. Fiesta w Nagoya………………………………………………………….197 5.9.5. Fiesta w Shin Kiba (Tokio)………………………………………………200 5.9.6. Fiesta boliwijska………………………………………………………….203 4 5.9.7. Fiesta argentyńska………………………………………………………...205 5.9.8. Znaczenie i rola fiest………………………………………………………207 5.10. Wydarzenia o charakterze religijnym……………………………………………211 5.10.1. Procesja w Fujisawa Hommachi (1)……………………………………….214 5.10.2. procesja w Fujisawa Hommachi (2)……………………………………….218 5.10.3. Obrzęd shichi-go-san w ramach mszy katolickiej………………………..222 5.11. Impreza „ku czci”………………………………………………………………….225 5.12. Karnawał z Barranquilla………………………………………………………….229 5.13. Próba zespołu tańców ludowych………………………………………………….233 5.14. Impreza pożegnalna dla Nikkei wyjeżdżających z Japonii………………………235 5.15. Podsumowanie……………………………………………………………………..237 5.15.1. Przekazy symboliczne dostępne dla zewnętrznego obserwatora…….…..237 5.15.2. Mobilizacja różnicy kulturowej przez liderów lokalnych………………..241 5.15.3. Poczucie wspólnoty………………………………………………………... 242 5.15.4. Nikkei-Latynosi……………………………………………………………..243 ROZDZIAŁ VI. STRATEGIE TOŻSAMOŚCIOWE NIKKEI HISZPAŃSKOJĘZYCZNYCH. WNIOSKI……………………………….246 6.1. Nikkei w etnicznej ojczyźnie………………………………………………………246 6.2. Strategia przylgnięcia……………………………………………………………...248 6.3. Strategia mimikry………………………………………………………………….249 6.4. Strategia białej rękawicy…………………………………………………………..250 6.5. Strategia uniku……………………………………………………………………..251 6.6. Strategia tożsamościowa Nikkei jako grupy etnicznej…………………………..252 6.7. Ograniczenia w badaniach………………………………………………………...254 6.8. Perspektywy dla dalszych badań………………………………………………….255 ANEKS I – scenariusz wywiadu…………………………………………………………..256 ANEKS II – fotografie……………………………………………………………………..262 OBSZAR BADAŃ – mapka……………………………………………………………….274 BIBLIOGRAFIA…………………………………………………………………………...275 5 Streszczenie Praca opisuje strategie tożsamościowe Nikkei hiszpańskojęzycznych: nisei i sansei (potomków Japończyków w drugim i trzecim pokoleniu) sprowadzonych do rozwijającej się dynamicznie pod względem gospodarczym Japonii głównie w celu zaspokojenia potrzeb rynku pracy. Urodzeni w różnych krajach Ameryki Łacińskiej Nikkei hiszpańskojęzyczni jako potomkowie Japończyków-emigrantów uznani zostali przez japońskie władze za kulturowo bliskich Japończykom, co miało być gwarancją ich asymilacji. Okazało się, że to, co miało być migracją powrotną jest tak naprawdę przyjazdem do kraju niemal obcego, w którym wygląd i pochodzenie są źródłem ustawicznych problemów z tożsamością. W kontakcie z grupą większościową (Japończykami) Nikkei zmuszeni są do negocjowania swojej tożsamości w warunkach określonych przez antropologa o orientacji ponowoczesnej, Arjuna Appaduraia jako zjawisko ruptury (przełomu). Przełom ten charakteryzują takie zjawiska jak masowe migracje, związana z nimi deterytorializacja kultur, ogromna rola mediów i wyobraźni w kształtowaniu obrazu samego siebie przez migranta. W warunkach tych staje się on kimś, kto musi dopiero podjąć pracę nad tożsamością, określić się na nowo. Nikkei uwrażliwieni na kulturę japońską i latynoską i aktualizujący w zależności od partnera interakcji swoją tożsamość stają się kimś o tożsamości definiowanej w paradygmacie ponowoczesnym jako płynna. Na podstawie wywiadów i długotrwałej obserwacji (2008 – 2013) autorka wyróżniła podstawowe strategie indywidualne przyjmowane przez potomków Japończyków: przylgnięcia (identyfikacja na pierwszym miejscu, jako Latynosa z wariantem narodowym), mimikry (tożsamość podwójna, Latynosa z wariantem narodowym i Japończyka) oraz białej rękawicy (tożsamość jako Nikkei, czyli kogoś, kto próbuje przyjąć tożsamość będącą wyzwaniem w preferującym homogeniczność kulturową społeczeństwie japońskim). Strategia czwarta – uniku – polegała na dążeniu do uniknięcia autoidentyfikacji i została wyróżniona przez autorkę na podstawie obserwacji. Na płaszczyźnie zbiorowej tożsamość mieszkających w Japonii Nikkei jako takich faktycznie nie dochodzi do głosu. Prezentują się jako Latynosi z wariantem narodowym, co przeczy tezie Appaduraia o zaniku roli państw narodowych w zglobalizowanym świecie. Słowa kluczowe: strategie tożsamościowe, migracja, praca nad tożsamością Abstrakt Nikkei - descendants of Japanese emigrants in the second (nisei) and third (sansei) generation who live in Latin America and speak Spanish have been brought to Japan in order to provide workers for Japanese
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