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Les Sénateurs Qui Changent Le Monde : L'évolution De L'influence Du UNIVERSITÉ DU QUÉBEC À MONTRÉAL LES SÉNATEURS QUI CHANGENT LE MONDE: L'ÉVOLUTION DE L'INFLUENCE DU PRÉSIDENT DE LA COMMISSION DU SÉNAT AMÉRICAIN SUR LES RELATIONS EXTÉRIEURES APRÈS 1945 THÈSE PRÉSENTÉE COMME EXIGENCE PARTIELLE DU DOCTORAT EN SCIENCE POLITIQUE PAR FRÉDÉRI CK GAGNON JUILLET 2008 UNIVERSITÉ DU QUÉBEC À MONTRÉAL Service des bibliothèques Avertissement La diffusion de cette thèse se fait dans le respect des droits de son auteur, quia signé le formulaire Autorisation de reproduire et de diffuser un travail de recherche de cycles supérieurs (SDU-522 - Rév.ü1-2ÜÜG). Cette autorisation stipule que «conformément à l'article 11 du Règlement no 8 des études de cycles supérieurs, [l'auteur] concède à l'Université du Québec à Montréal une licence non exclusive d'utilisation et de publication de la totalité ou d'une partie importante de [son] travail de recherche pour des fins pédagogiques et non commerciales. Plus précisément, [l'auteur] autorise l'Université du Québec à Montréal à reproduire, diffuser, prêter, distribuer ou vendre des copies de [son] travail de recherche à des fins non commerciales sur quelque support que ce soit, y compris l'Internet. Cette licence et cette autorisation n'entraînent pas une renonciation de [la] part [de l'auteur] à [ses] droits moraux ni à [ses] droits de propriété intellectuelle. Sauf entente contraire, [l'auteur] conserve la liberté de diffuser et de commercialiser ou non ce travail dont [il] possède un exemplaire.» À Ti-Rose REMERCIEMENTS Je remercie mon directeur de thèse, Charles-Philippe David (titulaire de la Chaire Raoul­ Dandurand et professeur en science politique à l'UQAM) pour son amitié, ses précieux conseils, son temps, sa patience, ses encouragements, sa minutie, son professionnalisme et son sens de l'humour, ainsi que les membres du comité d'évaluation de la thèse, Christian Deblock (professeur en science politique à l'UQAM), Ray Laraja (professeur en science politique à l'Université du Massachusetts à Amherst) et Gary Jacobson (professeur en science politique à l'Université de la Californie à San Diego), pour les précieux commentaires. Je remercie également les membres du comité d'évaluation de la proposition de thèse, Greg Robinson (professeur d'histoire à l'UQAM) et Alain-G. Gagnon (professeur en science politique à l'UQAM), pour les suggestions et corrections, ainsi que le Conseil de recherches en sciences humaines du Canada et le Fonds québécois de la recherche sur la société et la culture d'avoir appuyé mes recherches. Je tiens aussi à remercier David Biette (directeur du Canada Institute du Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars) "et Paul Hermson (directeur du Center for American Politics and Citizenship de l'Université du Maryland) de m'avoir accueilli durant un séjour de recherche à Washington D.C., et Antony Blinken (directeur du personnel de la commission du Sénat américain sur les Relations extérieures) et Marc Desnoyers (étudiant à la maîtrise en science politique à l'UQAM) pour leur temps et leur aide. Je remercie aussi les autres professeurs qu i m'ont influencé au fil des années: Louis Balthazar (président de l'Observatoire sur les États-Unis de la Chaire Raoul-Dandurand et professeur émérite en science politique de l'Université Laval), Claude Corbo (recteur de l'UQAM), Ryan Hendrickson (University of Eastern Illinois), Jerry Mileur (University of Massachusetts in Amherst) et Mike Hannahan (University ofMassachusetts in Amherst). Je remercie l'équipe et les anciens de la Chaire Raoul-Dandurand : Jean-Philippe Adam, Sami Aoun, Linda Bouchard, Marc-Olivier Benoit, Véronique Bourbeau, Donald Cuccioletta, Marie-Pier Dery, Claire D'Hennezel, Jean-François Gagné, Pierre-Olivier Garant, Christian Geiser, Carl Grenier, Céline Huyghebaert, Guy Lachapelle, Élise Leclerc-Gagné, Jean­ Frédéric Legaré-Tremblay, Étienne Lévesque, Marie-Chantale Locas, Graciela Lopez, Guy­ lV Joffroy Lord, Pierre-Louis Malfatto, Éric Marclay, Nicolas Martin-Lalande, Julie Médam, John Parisella, Karine Prémont, Jorge Andrés Rave, Nicolas Riendeau, Julien Tourreille et Vanessa Martin-Vanasse pour les nombreuses collaborations et le plaisir de travailler avec eux. En terminant, j'exprime toute ma gratitude à mes parents, Pierre Gagnon (et Johanne Lessard) et Louisianne Tremblay (et Michel Lavoie), ma sœur, Barbara (et Dany Larouche), mes grands-parents, Louis-George, Claire et Marie-Rose, mon oncle et ma tante, Gratien Fleury et Gaétane Gagnon, ainsi qu'à ma personne favorite, Andrea Bruno, et mes meilleurs amis: Simon-Pierre Martel, Guillaume Martel, Pierre Lafortune, Fabien Tremblay, Sabrina Moffatt, Martine et Marie Laprise, Jean-Philippe Racicot, David Grondin, Anne-Marie D'Aoust, Benoît Gagnon, Sébastien Barthe, Katia Gagné, Élisabeth Vallet et Joël Plouffe. TABLE DES MATIÈRES LISTE DES TABLEAUX, ENCADRÉS ET GRAPHIQUES x RÉSUMÉ xi INTRODUCTION 1 CHAPITRE 1 VERS UNE THÉORIE DE L'INFLUENCE DU PRÉSIDENT DE LA COMMISSION DU SÉNAT SUR LES RELATIONS EXTÉRJEURES II 1.1 Évaluer l'influence des présidents de la CSRE depuis 1945. Quels indicateurs? Quels critères? 14 1.2 Les approches théoriques sur l'influence du Congrès en politique étrangère 26 1.2.1 Les approches internes , " , , 26 1.2.2 Les approches externes 28 1.2.3 Les approches à plusieurs niveaux d'analyse 29 IJ Vers une théorie de l'influence du président de la CSRE .31 1.3.1 La principale faiblesse des approches internes JI 1.3.2 La principale faiblesse des approches externes 34 lA L'évolution des moyens utilisés par le président de la CS RE pour exercer son influence...... 38 1.5 La méthode de la « comparaison structurée et orientée » .47 CHAPITRE Il LA PRÉSIDENCE COOPÉRATIVE ET BIPARTISANE : ARTHUR VANDENBERG ET L'ÉMERGENCE DE LA MENACE COMMUNISTE (1947-1949) 53 2.1 Le niveau international: l'émergence de la menace communiste offre l'oppot1unité à Vandenberg de s'affirmer. 55 2.1.1 Truman, sa doctrine et le Plan Marshall. 58 2.2 Le niveau national: un contexte institutionnel et sociétal favorable à l'influence de Vandenberg 60 2.2.1 L'élection de 1946 et le retour en force des républicains au Congrès 60 2.2.2 L'émergence du consensus de la guerre froide au Congrès et dans la société.........67 Vi 2.3 Le niveau individuel: les intérêts, convictions et aptitudes de Vandenberg 73 2.3.1 Un isolationniste devenu ardent défenseur des principes de l' intemationalisme...... 73 2.3.2 Un sénateur convaincu des vertus d'une politique étrangère bipartisane 78 2.3.3 Un leader expérimenté, efficace et respecté 80 2.4 Les moyens utilisés par Vandenberg pour influencer la politique étrangère 84 2.4.1 Vandenberg et la doctrine Truman 84 Les moyens non législatifs 84 Les moyens législatifs , , '" 93 2.4.2 Vandenberg et le Plan Marshall 95 Les moyens non législatifs 95 Les moyens législatifs 102 CHAPITRE III LA PRÉSIDENCE PROACTIVE ET DISSIDENTE: J. WILLIAM FULBRIGHT ET L'ESCALADE AU VIETNAM (1965-1969) 106 3.1 Le niveau intemational : les difficultés au Vietnam offrent l'opportunité à Fulbright de s'affirmer 109 3.2 Le niveau national: un contexte favorable à l'influence de Fulbright. 117 3.2. \ L'érosion du consensus de la guerre froide et les changements institutionnels au Congrès 117 3.2.2 Le mécontentement envers Johnson et l'érosion du consensus de la guerre froide dans la société 127 3.3 Le niveau individuel: les intérêts, convictions et aptitudes de Fulbright.. 132 3.3.1 Un législateur voulant rétablir l'équilibre des pouvoirs entre le Congrès et la présidence 133 3.3.2 Un politicien qui s'est senti trahi par un ami 136 3.3.3 Un réal iste convaincu que Johnson a une vision erronée de la politique étrangère 139 3.3 .4 L'intelligence et la formation universilaire d'un sénateur pas comme les autres 143 3.4 Les moyens utilisés par Fulbright pour influencer la politique étrangère 148 VB 3.4.1 Les moyens non législatifs 150 Les contacts directs avec le président des États-Unis 150 Les apparition.s télévisuelles 151 Les ouvrages et les ortie/es de journaux et de revue 154 Les conférences publiques , 156 Les lellres aux électeurs et aux autres acteurs de la société 157 Les discours au Sénat 158 Les rencontres et les audiences publiques au sein de la CSRE 162 3.4.2 Les moyens législatifs 169 Les votes législatift 169 Les résolutions, projets de loi et amendements 170 CHAPITRE IV LA PRÉSIDENCE NÉOCONSERVATRICE ET ULTRAPARTISANE : JESSE HEL MS ET L'APRÈS-GUERRE FROIDE (1995-200\) 174 4.1 Le niveau intemational : la fin de la guerre froide offre l'opportunité à Helms de s'affirmer 177 4.2 Le niveau national: un contexte institutionnel et sociétal favorable à l'influence de Helms 185 4.2.1 L'élection de \994 : le signal que les Américains veulent du changement. 185 4.2.2 La centralité du facteur partisan au Congrès 188 4.2.3 La montée en force des acteurs conservateurs dans la société 195 4.2.4 Une opinion publique en faveur des politiques de Helms ? 201 4.3 Le niveau individuel: les intérêts, convictions et aptitudes de Helms 204 4.3.1 Un législateur voulant réaffirmer les prérogatives du Sénat. 204 4.3.2 Un expert des règles et des procédures au Sénat... .207 4.3.3 Un conservateur convaincu et déterminé à garantir la fortune de sa philosophie 209 4.3.4 Une vision de la politique étrangère aux antipodes de celle de Clinton 216 Vlll 4.4 Les moyens utilisés par Helms pour influencer la politique étrangère 220 4.4.1 La réforme du département d'État et des agences responsables de la politique étrangère 222 4.4.2 Le rejet des nominations libérales proposées par Clinton 226 4.4.3 La lutte contre les régimes hostiles aux États-Unis 230 4.4.4 La réforme de l'ONU, la réduction de l'aide étrangère et le rejet des accords internationaux menaçant la souveraineté des États-Unis 238 CHAPITRE V LA PRÉSIDENCE DE L'OPPOSITION ET DES AMBITIONS POLITIQUES: JOE BIDEN ET LA GUERRE EN IRAK (2007- ) 250 5.1 Le niveau international: les difficultés en Irak offrent l'opportunité à Biden de s'affirmer.
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