Two Speeches on the Union of the Provinces

(^fMKiTWO SPEECHES

THE UNION OF THE PROVINCES,

HON. THOS. D'ARCY M^GEE, M.R.T.A.,

MINISTER OF AGRICULTURE, CANADA, Ac, &c.

PRINTED BY HUNTER, ROSE & CO., 26, ST. URSULE STREET. 1865.

— aI

THE UNION OF THE PROVINCES

Note.—At the request of several friends throughout the Province, the following Speeches, (the first delivered at Cookshire, County of Compton, December 22, 1864, the second in the Legislative Assembly, on the 9th February, 1865,) have been printed in their present form.

Quebec, March 1, 1865.

Hon. Mr. McGrEE on rising, was received my own views on the nature of the constitu- with cheering, and said : tional developments which have been pro- Mr. Chairman, Ladies and Gentlemen,— jected by the late Colonial Conferences, to show on what principle the project stands, I promised my respected friend, your to illustrate by comparison and contrast the county member, Mr. Pope, to meet him at merits of our design, and to show, in closing, the recent public dinner given to my col- its special adaptability to our present situa- league, Mr, G-alt, at Sherbrooke, and to come tion as British American Provincial com- over here with him to Compton to speak to munities. you on the subject of British American Union. I was, greatly to my regret, prevent- THE TIME FAVORABLE. ed, by a sudden and sharp illness, from being At the start I cannot but congratulate the present at the Sherbrooke dinner ; for there people of all the Provinces on the fortunate is no public man in Canada whose services to conjunction of circumstances which makes the Union deserve all honorable acknowledg- this the best possible time for a searching ment more than Mr. G-alt—(cheers)—and examination and a thorough overhauling of there is no place in the country I had rather our political system. When I was in the u discuss this question than in the Eastern Eastern Provinces last summer—when the Townships." (Cheers.) I am here to make Conferences were still a thing to come— good your member's promise in my behalf, appealed on behalf of the project to the press and I am deeply thankful that I am able to and the public there, that it should not be be here, and have still a voice to raise in prejudged, and I must say I think a very behalf of this cause. (Cheers.) This is a great degree of forbearance and good feeling border country—it is a country actually was manifested in this respect. But I should undergoing its colonization—it is the home be sorry, speaking for myself, n,ow that the of a mixed people, various in origin, in stage of intelligent discussion has been language, and in creed—and, therefore, a reached, now that we have got something very fit place to consider propositions which before us to discuss, that such a vast scheme must interest men of all languages, ori- should pass, if that were possible, subsilentio. gins, and creeds, which involve all our So far from deprecating discussion now, I future relations among ourselves and with should welcome it, for there could not be, our neighbours, internal and external. So there never can be, a more propitious time far as I can help it, gentlemen, I will not for such a discussion than the present. trouble you with what has been said before (Cheers.) Under the mild sway of a Sove- by my colleague in the Grovernment at other reign, whose reign is coincident with respon- meetings; but I will endeavour to give you sible government in these colonies— Sovereign whose personal virtues have ren- It was with a view to contribute my mite at dered monarchical principles respectable the present stage of the discussion, that I even to those who prefer abstractedly the accepted Mr. Pope's kind invitation, and am republican system—with peace and prosperity now here to offer you as clear a view as I can at present within our own borders—we are put into words, of the process of reasoning called on to consider what further constitu- and observation by which those who com- tional safeguards we need to carry us on for posed the late Conferences arrived at the the future in the same path of peaceable decisions at which they have arrived, in progression. relation to the constitution and powers of the UNION, THE MOT D'ORDRE. General and Local Governments in the future And never, surely, gentlemen, did the Confederation. fHear, hear.) You have probably all read in the newspapers wide field of American public life present so busy and so instructive a prospect to the what purported to be the text—and it was very the text the conclusions thoughtful observer as in this same good near —of arrived at have no doubt all read Mr. year of grace, 1864. Overlooking all minor Yon Brown's explanations at Toronto, and Mr. details, what do we find— the one prevailing Galt's further explanations at Sherbrooke and all but universal characteristic of Ame- ; you have probably also seen two other rican politics in those days ? Is it not that expressions of opinion, on the general ques- " Union" is at this moment throughout the entire new world the mot d'ordre of States tion, in the journals of the day, one from the Honorable Mr. Dorion, who is op- and statesmen ? If we look to the far South, we perceive a Congress of Central American posed to all union, except some sort of Federation of the Canadas ; another from the States endeavoring to recover their lost Honorable Mr. Hillyard Cameron, who unity; if we draw down to Mexico, we would prefer a legislative to a federative perceive her new Emperor endeavoring to much union. I don't say that if it could be had establish his throne upon the basis of union ; by common consent, I would not be prepared if we come farther north, we find eleven to agree with Mr. but a legisla- States battling for a new Union, and twenty- Cameron ; tive union, our circumstances, was five on the other side battling to restore the under simply out of the question. might as old Union. (Cheers.) The New World We well ask for the moon, and keep asking until has evidently had new lights, and all its could get it. (Laughter.) It was a states and statesmen have at last discovered we question between some form of federative that liberty without unity is like rain in the union or no union at all ; and I am not at all desert, or rain upon granite— it produces prepared to say with Mr. Dokion, and never nothing, it sustains nothing, it profiteth was, that the greater union is not the most nothing. (Cheers.) From the bitter expe- desirable, if conditi ns can be settled satis- rience of the past, the Confederate States all parties. (Cheers.) It seems have seen the wisdom, among other things, factorily to and in saying so I intend no shadow of giving their ministers seats in Congress, to me— of disrespect to the honorable member for and extending the tenure of executive office Hochelaga that the man who can seriously fifty per cent beyond the old United States — maintain that union is not strength, that five period ; from bitter experience, also, the comparatively small communities, most enlightened, and what we may consider or six allegiance, existing side by the most patriotic among the Mexicans, owning a common side on the same continent, in the presence desiring to establish the inviolability of their of much larger communities owning another executive as the foundation of all stable allegiance, would not be stronger and safer government, have not hesitated to import, united than separate, that such a one puts not " a little British Prince/' but an Aus- himself of the pnle of all rational argu- trian Archduke, a descendent of their ancient out ment. kings, as a tonic to their shattered constitu- THE DEFENCE QUESTION. tion. Now, gentlemen, all this American experience, Northern, Southern and Central, I will take as an instance o the irration- is as accessible to, us as to the electors of Mr. ality of such an argument—the particular Lincoln or Mr. Davis, or the subjects of the question, the great test question remaining

Emperor Maximillian : it lies before us, an between Canada and England : the question open volume, and invites us to well read, of defence. (Hear, hear.) The future mark and digest its contents. (Cheers.) General Government has reserved to itself; — —

saving the sovereignty of England, the con- was issuing his rather inconsistent declaration trol of our militia and military expenditure. against a political union as among other Every one can see that a war with England reasons, wholly unprofitable in a commercial and the United States would be largely a point of view—and in favor of a commercial naval war, and such a naval war as the ocean union as all that was to be desired in itself, has never before seen— (hear, hear)—a war at that moment, the first steamship, laden that would interest and stir the heart <$&. with breadstuff's, direct from Montreal to England even beyond the pitch that m ade her**- "ISTewfoundland, was dropping down the St. staid merchants astonish Lloyd's in 1813, Lawrence, as a result of the partial and brief with u three times three cheers/' when they intercourse, brought about between the two heard that the " Shannon" had fought and communities, through our Conference at Que- captured, and carried the " Cheseapeake" a bec ! That is a fact not very important in prize into Halifax harbour. (Cheers.) Sup- itself, perhaps, but very indicative of the pose, then, in the event of an invasion of possible usefulness of Union in a commercial our soil, either in Upper Canada or Lower point of a view ! (Cheers.) I may mention

Canada—suppose that a flotilla was needed another fact : while we were lying in Char- on the St. last atten- Lawrence, or on Lake Ontario ; lottetown harbor September, our that England could spare us the gunboats, tion was called to the arrival of a fine ocean- but not the skilled seamen ; would it be no going steamship—one of a regular line be- advantage to Canada to have the 50,000 At- tween Boston and Prince Edward Island. lantic sailors of the Lower Provinces, to call The Boston people find the trade of that rich upon for their contingent to such a service ? little island worth cultivating, and they do

No doubt the empire could call on them now, it ; they know where there is produce and but unless it restored the press-gang it could where there is a market, and they establish not make them come. But if our union a line of steamers to run there yet I am by j we gave that valuable class of men the feeling sure they sell nothing to the islanders which

of common country ; if by the intercourse we, at third the distance, could not just as and commerce which must follow on our well supply them with from Quebec or Mon- union, that feeling grew to the strength of treal. (Cheers,) I repeat, however, 1 will identity, we would have enough help of that not argue so plain a point as that with pro- description—drawn from what my colleague vinces like ours, union is strength, is repu- Hon. Mr. Cartier calls the maritime element tation, is credit, is security. I will just give —lor the asking. (Cheers.) The Imperial one other illustration on this last head, and

power, having conceded to all the North then I will drop the topic where it is : the American colonies responsible government, security for peace which a large political or- can only secure their co-operation, even in ganization has over a small one, lies not only military measures, through those several in its greater interests and disposable force, separate governments. (Hear, hear.) Every but in this other consideration, that the ag- one can see at a glance how much the Im- gressor must risk or lose the benefit of much perial power, and we ourselves, would gain larger transactions, in attacking a larger than in any emergency—if there were but two in assailing a smaller, state. If, for exam- governments instead of six to be consulted ple, in our system of defence—in addition to how much in promptitude, in decision, in all the Imperial Government could do for time, in unanimity, and in effectiveness. I us,— if we could, by our joint representative need not enlarge, I an sure, on so self-evident action, be sure to shut up the River St. John

: a proposition as this ; the man that will not upon the people of Maine —to exclude from see it, will not, that is all I need add on that the gulf the fishermen of Massachusetts—to score. (Laughter.) It has, indeed, been withhold from the hearths and furnaces of asserted by the sceptics in our work that all New England the coal of Cape Breton—no our theories of a closer commercial inter- man can question but that we would wield course are chimerical- and yet, oddly enough, several additional means of defence, not now these are the same people who think a com- at the command of Canada. And so with " mercial union would secure all the benefits" the Lower Provinces ; if their statesmen of this chimerical prospect. (Laughter.) could wield our forces and our resources in Well, I will uot meet assertion by assertion, addition to their own, does any sane man but I will answer a conjecture by a fact. At pretend that would not be an immense gain the very time the member for Hochelaga to them ? (Hear, hear.) I may be told 6

again the Imperial Government can do all nership, which may be, and has been formed

this for us, if they will ; I repeat that the by Monarchists, Aristocrats, and Democrats, Imperial Government alone can neither do Pagans and Christians, under the most va- any of these things so promptly, so fully, rious circumstances, and in all periods of nor with so little trespass on our responsi- human history. (Cheers.) There may be ble governments, as a united legislature almost as many varieties of confederation as could, through an united public force, with of companies, in private and social life; we the aid of a Federal treasury. I really, gen- say, with propriety too, the company at the tlemen, ought to beg your pardon—and I do hotel, or the company who own the hotel, but so—for dwelling so long on the truism that the organization of each is widely different.

union is, in our case, strength ; but as the Our Federation will be British ; it will be of first proposition to which we all agreed at the fourth class of Lord Coke's division, de the first Conference, I thought I would give mutui auxilli— for mutual aid. The only some explanation why we had unanimously element in it not British is the sectional arrived at that resalt. (Cheers.) equality provided for in the Upper House, a FEDERALISM AND IMPERIALISM. principle which is known to be alike appli- cable to the democratic confederation next Another objector opposes our project be- us, and the monarchical confederation of cause Colonial Union is inconsistent with Im- Germany. (Hear, hear.) perial connexion. Well, to that we might answer that we are quite willing to leave it THE QUEBEC PLAN CONSERVATIVE. to the statesmen of the empire themselves One more objection which comes from aa to decide that point. If England does not opposite quarter to the last, is that our find it so, I think we may safely assume it is plan is too stringently conservative. Well, in point of fact, the Imperial not so. And, gentlemen I can but say to that—if it several years ago decided the Parliament be so—that it is a good fault, which we question when they passed the New Zealand may safely leave to the popular elements Constitutional Act, establishing six or seven of our state of society to correct in time. local governments, under one general govern- It was remarked long ago by Lord ment, in that colony. (Cheers.) Still ano- Bolingbroke, and a greater than Boling- " ther objector contends that the complement broke has called it "a profound remark of Federalism is Republicanism, because most —that it is easier to graft anything of a of the States with which we are familiar as republic on a monarchy, than anything Federal States, are also Republics, But of monarchy on a republic. It is always this objection is by no means unanswerable. easy in our society to extend democratic in- It is true Switzerland is a Republic in the fluence and democratic authority ; but it is sense of having no hereditary head, but the not always possible, it is very seldom possi- United Netherlands, when a Confederacy, ble, ever to get anything back that is once were not a republic in that sense ; it is true yielded up to democracy. (Hear, hear.) the United States and Mexico, and the Ar- If, therefore, our plan should seem at first gentine Federations were all republican in sight somewhat too conservative—I repeat basis it is also true that the and theory ; but my own opinion, that it is a good fault, and German Confederation is, and has always the remedy may safely be left to time. So been, predominantly monarchical. There much for what lawyers call the " general might be half as many varieties of federal issue." governments as there are states or provinces BRITISH AMERICAN CONFEDERATION in the world ; there may be aristocratic federations—like the Venetian,—or monarchi- PECULIAR. cal, like the German—or democratic, like You will probably like me to define, the United States: the only definition which gentlemen, that particular adaptation of the really covers the whole species of govern- federal system, which has lately found such

ments of this description is, the political high favor in the eyes of our leading colonial union of states of dissimilar size and resour- politicians. Well, this definition has been, ces, to secure external protection and internal I think, pretty accurately given in the pub- tranquillity. (Cheers.) These are the two lished text,—or what professes to be the main objects of all confedeiacies of states, on text, —of the results arrived at at Quebec. whatever principles governed, locally or Don't be alarmed ; I am not going to read

unitedly ; federalism is a political co-part- you the whole seventy and odd propositions. — —

(Laughter.) It is, perhaps, sufficient for my build, as I said the other day at Montreal, purpose to give you, both by contrast and on the old foundations—though the result comparison, abroad, general view of what is, of our deliberations is popularly called " the and what is not included in this constitu- new constitution." I deny that the princi- tional charter. In the first place, I may ples on which we proceeded, are novel or say, gentlemen, to take the most familiar untried principles. These principles all comparison, that we proceeded in almost an exist, and for ages have existed in the inverse ratio to the course taken in the British Constitution. Some of the contri- United States, at the formation of their con- vances and adaptations of principles are new stitution. We began by dutifully acknow- —but the ftoyal authority, Ministerial ledging the sovereignty of the Crown, as they responsibility, a nominative Upper House, did by boldly declaring their total separation the full and free representation of the from their former Sovereign. Unlike our Commons, and the independence of the neighbors we have had no questions of Judges, are not inventions of our making. sovereignty to raise. (Hear, hear.) We (Cheers.) We offer you no political patent have been saved from all embarrassment on medicine warranted to cure everything, nor the subject of sovereignty, by simply recog- do we pretend that our work is a perfect nising it as it already exists, in the Queen work ; but if we cannot make it perfect, we of Great Britain and Ireland. There, for have at least left it capable of revision, by us, the sovereign power of peace and war, the concurrence of the parties to the present life and death, receiving and sending settlement, and the same supreme authority ambassadors, still resides, so long as Her from which we seek the original sanction of Majesty and her descendants retain the our plan. (Cheers.) Still it is to be hoped allegiance of the people of these Provinces. that the necessity for any revision will (Cheers.) No doubt some inconvenience seldom foccur, for I am quite sure the people may arise from the habitual personal absence of these provinces will never wish to have of the Sovereign ; but even this difficulty it said of their constitution, what the French now that the Atlantic is an eight day ferry, bookseller of the last century said so wittily, is not insuperable. Next, we made the on being asked for the French Constitution general, the supreme Government and the —that he did not deal in periodical publica- local derivative; while the Americans did tions. (Cheers and laughter.) We build just the reverse. (Cheers.) on the old foundations, and I trust I may ITS CONTRAST WITH THE AMERICAN. say, in the spirit of the ancient founders, as well. The matrix of the monarchical torm As to the merits and the consequences of of Government is humility, self-denial, this fundamental difference, I shall only say obedience, and holy fear. I know these are this, that merely to differ from another, and not nineteenth century virtues— (laughter) a sometime-established system, is, of course, neither are they plants indigenous to the no merit in itself ; but yet, if we are to be a soil of the New World. Because it is a new distinct people from our republican neigh- world, as yet undisciplined, pride and self- bors, can only be so remain we and so, by assertion, and pretension, are more common, the assertion of distinct principles of govern- than the great family of humble virtues, ment, a far better boundary than — the River whose names I have named. Pure democ- St. Lawrence, or the Ashburton line. racy is very like pride—it is the " good- (Cheers.) But suppose their fundamental as-you" feeling carried into politics. politics to be right, would then, we for the (Laughter.) It asserts an unreal equality sake of distinction, erect a falsehood at the between youth and age, subject and magis- North, to enable us to contend against a trate, the weak and the strong, the viscious truth at the South? Would establish we and the virtuous. But the same virtues monarchy merely out of a spirit of antagon- which feed and nourish filial affection, and ism ? No ! gentlemen, God forbid ! I of conjugal peace in private life, are essential course hold, not only that our plan of to uphold civil authority ; and these are the government is politic in itself, but also, that virtues on which the monarchical form of it is better than the American. I pre- am Government alone can be maintained. pared to maintain this at all times—against discussion rendered possible by all comers : for if I had not myself faith in our work, I should scorn to inculcate its recent events. obligations on the public. (Cheers.) We There was a time when such a doctrine as —— —

this, which I am now] inculcating here, in on either part ; but we will also have enough Conipton,could hardly get a patient hearing in left of our ancestral system to distinguish any part of North America; but that time is permanently our people from their people fortunately past away : it is possible in our our institutions from their institutions—and days, even for republican writers to admit the our history (when we shall have a history) merits of the monarchical system, without from their history. (Cheers.) being hooted into silence, as the elder Adams MEXICO AND CANADA. was when he published in Philadelphia, to- I have referred, Mr. Chairman and gen- wards the end ofthe last century, his eloquent tlemen, to the assertion of somewhat Discourses on Davila. His grandson and similar principles to our own now being made in editor, the present able Minister at the Court Mexico. It would be strange if Canada of St. James, tells us how the printer was should reach, by deliberation and forethought, intimidated from proceeding with the publi- the same results which Mexico has grasped cation, and that it was the great cause of his at out of the miserable depths of her long ancestor's life long-unpopularity; and for anarchy (Cheers.) We are not yet in- what ? Because he maintained, with Burke, Washington, Bossuet, and Shakspere, formed whether the new Emperor designs to consolidate his provinces, or to leave them the divine origin of society, as against their local organizations ; but this I know, the theory of its human origin, upheld by Jefferson, Paine, Rousseau, and John that with all the immense natural advantages of Mexico, I should, for part, rather take Locke. John Adams could be President of my chance for the permanent establishment the United States, but he could not get aprin- my of a free monarchy in the North than in ter to publish a general treatise on govern- Mexico. (Cheers.) have already ment which admitted the merits of monarchy We solved for ourselves one great problem the legal —which contended that there was " a natural — relation of Church and State which is still aristocracy at Boston as well as at Madrid" — before the rulers of Mexico. If we have and the intolerant outcry then raised against but half the population, we have three times him for the Discourses of Davila pursued the number of men of pure European race him to the grave. (Hear.) Another Ame- that Mexico has ; and while I that I rican, of even higher mental mark than Pre- own wish every success to the Mexican Empire, sident Adams—perhaps the very first intel- under the auspices of France, I have, I con- lect of all the authors of the American sys fess, still stronger hopes for the successful tern—was on the same ground equally sus- establishment of the free kingdom of Canada, pected, and equally abused; Alexander under the auspices of Great Britain. Hamilton, in his original plan of the Ameri- (Cheers.) can Constitution, offended in the same way as " For fiery, fierce and fickle is the South Adams by advocating "a solid and coercive ; But loring, dark and tender is the North." union" with " complete sovereignty in Con- —(Cheers.) gress"—and we all know how, down almost FEDERALISM ESSEN- to yesterday, his memory was branded as BRITISH AMERICAN that of an enemy of the country he did so TIALLY CONSERVATIVE, much to bring into existence. No wonder We have also solved—so far as the late political science has been at a stand-still for Conferences could do so, for these provin- fifty years on this continent, when no man, ces—the relation of the Crown to the peo- however high his position, dared raise a ne- ple, —the sphere of the prerogative, and the gative to the prevailing democratic theories, sphere of the suffrage. We have preserved without permission of the clamorous majority every British principle now in use among us, for the time being. (Cheers.) At last and we have recovered one or two that were and almost simultaneously the negative has well nigh lost; we have been especially care- been raised at the extremes of North Ame- ful not to trench on the prerogative of the rica—Mexico and Canada—and we, at least Crown, as to the powers, rank, or income of here, we have no fear that our printers will its future representative on this continent; be bullied into silence like the printer of as to the dignity of the office, or the style President Adams. (Cheers.) We have not and title of the future kingdom or viceroy- conceived cur system in a spirit of antagon- alty, or by whatever other name it may be ism to our next neighbors; we will still have Her Majesty's pleasure to designate hereaf- enough in common with them constitution- ter her dominions on this continent.(Cheers-) ally to obviate anv very zealous propaga ndism Next to the United States, we have the most —

extended suffrage in the New World ; some RIGHTS OF MINORITIES. far but in our think quite too extended; I am, as you are, interested in the due that is to state of society, I do not see how protection of the rights of the minority, not least, of the be avoided, in the selection at only as an English-speaking member in Parliament. tax-imposing House of We Lower Canada, but as interested naturally to the Crown one of have, besides, restored and reasonably for my co-religionists, who as the fountain its essential attributes when, form the minority in Upper Canada. (Hear, the Sovereign the con- of honor, we leave to hear.) I am persuaded as regards both the smaller and more firmation of the second, minorities, that they can have abundant Conservative Chamber ; and we preserve for guarantees, sacred beyond the reach of Crown its other great attribute, as the the — sectarian or sectional domination—for all retaining its right to fountain of justice, by their rights, civil and religious. (Hear, of course upon the appoint the Judges,— hear and cheers.) If we had failed to of advice of the Constitutional Councillors secure every possible constitutional guarantee country, are in turn the Queen in this who for our minorities, east and west, I am sure responsible to Parliament and the people for the gentleman who may be considered your appointments. (Cheers.) their advice and special representative at the Conference provided also, in our new arrange- We have (Hon. Mr. Galt)—and I am equally sure, tenure of all offices, shall be ments, that the that I myself, could have been no party, to the in contradistinction to the good behavior, conclusions of the late Conference. (Loud " spoils principle " of our next neighbors. cheers.) But we both believed—and all our have built on the In all these respects we Canadian colleagues went with us in this foundations, in the spirit of the old wis- old belief—that in securing the power of disal- dom—and we have faith, therefore, that our lowance, under circumstances which might will stand. (Loud cheers.) work warrant it, to the General Government, in giving the appointment of Judges and Local IN THE WAY. DIFFICULTIES Governors to the General Government, and Naturally, gentlemen, we cannot expect in expressly providing in the Constitution for that our course will be all plain sailing. the educational rights of the minority, we We shall have our difficulties, as all states had taken every guarantee, legislative, judi- have had ; and this brings me to refer to cial and educational, against the oppression the powers remaining in the possession of of a sectional minority by the sectional ma- the local legislatures. The difference of jority. (Cheers.) You will have for your language between the majority of Lower guarantee the Queen's name,—which I think Canada, and the majority of the whole union the case of Ottawa has shown is not without

difficulty ; but it is a difficulty which power in Canada will have the subor- is a ; you almost every other nation has had and has dination of the local to the general authority, solved : in Belgium they have at least two provided in the constitutional charter itself, languages, in Switzerland they have three and you will have, besides, the great material chief languages—German, French, and guarantee, that in the General Government Italian ; the Federal form of Government, you will be two-th ; rds of the whole told by the compromise between great states and language, and a clear majority counted by small, seems peculiarly adapted to conciliate creed ; and if with these odds you cannot difficulties of this description, and to keep protect your own interests, it will be the politically together men of different origins first time you ever failed to do so. (Cheers.) and languages. (Hear, hear.) I confess, I The Protestant minority in Lower Canada have less anxiety on this score than I have and the Catholic minority in Upper Canada on another—the proper protection of the may depend upon it the General Government minority in origin and religion in Upper and will never see them oppressed —even if there Lower Canada respectively. (Hear, hear.) were any disposition to oppress them—which

On this point there is no doubt a good deal I hope there is not in Upper Canada ; which of natural anxiety felt in the Townships, I am pretty sure there is not in Lower Ca- as there is among my own constituents in nada. (Cheers.) No General Government Montreal, and I have no doubt you would could stand for a single session under the like me to enlarge upon it as the point most new arrangements without Catholic as well immediately interesting to yourselves. as Protestant support; in fact, one great good to be expected from the larger interest 10

with which that Government will have to will make trade between us and them, but deal will be, that local prejudices, and all I am quite sure we can have no considerable other prejudices, will fall more and more into intercourse, no exchanges or accounts pro or contempt, while our statesmen will rise more con without such a connexion both for postal and more superior to such low and pitiful and travelling purposes. I rejoice, moreover, politics. (Loud cheers.) What would he that we, men of insular origin, are about to the effect of any set of men, in any subdivi- recover one of our lost senses—the sense sion of the Union, attempting for example, that comprehends the sea— (Cheers) —that the religious ascendancy of any race or creed ? we are not now about to subside into a char- Why, the direct effect would be to condemn acter so foreign to all our antecedents, that themselves and their principles to insignifi- of a mere inland people. The Union of the cance in the General Government. Neither Provinces restores us to the ocean, takes us you here, nor the Catholic minority in Upper back to the Atlantic, and launches us once Canada will owe your local rights and liber- more on the modem Mediterranean, the true ties to the forbearance or good will oi the central sea of the western world. (Cheers.) neighboring majority; neither of you will But it is not for its material advantages, by

tolerate being tolerated ; but all your special which we may enrich each other, nor its institutions, religious and educational, as joint political action, by which we may pro- well as all your general and common fran- tect each other, that the Union is only to be

chises and rights, will be secured under the valued ; it is because it will give, as it only broad seal of the empire, which the strong- can give, a distinct historical existence to arm of the General Government will suffer British America. If it should be fortunate- no bigot to break, and no province to lay its ly safely established and wisely upheld, man- finger on, should anyone be foolish enough kind will find here, standing side by side, on to attempt it. (Cheers.) this half-cleared continent, the British and

American forms of free government ; here THE SCHEME AS A WHOLE. we shall have the means of comparison and

This is the frame of government we have contrast in the greatest affairs ; here we shall to offer you, and to this sj stern, when fully have principles tested to their last results, and understood, I am certain you will give a maxims inspected and systems gauged, and cheerful and a hearty adherence. (Cheers.) schools of thought, as well as rules of state, We offer the good people of these colonies reformed and revised, founded and refounded. jointly a system of government which will (Cheers.) All that wholesome stimulus secure to them ample means of preserving of variety which was wanting to the intellect

external and internal peace ; we offer to of Borne under the fiist emperors, will be them the common profits of a trade, abundantly supplied out of our own circum- which was represented in 1863, by im- stances and those of our neighbours, so that ports and exports, to the gross value of no Cicero need ever, by personal considera- 137,000,000 of dollars, and by a sea-going tions, enter into indefensible inconsistencies,

and lake tonnage of 12,000,000 oi tons ! and no Tacitus be forced to disguise his We offer to each other special advantages in virtuous indignation at public corruption, detail. The Maritime Provinces give us a under the thin veil of an outlandish allegory. right of way and free outports for five months (Cheers.) I may be sanguine for the future out of every year ; we give them what they of this country,— but if it bean error ofjudg- need, direct connexion with the great pro- ment to expect great things of young coun- ducing regions of the North-west all the tries, as of young people who are richly en- year rouni. This connexion, if they do not dowed by nature, and generously nurtured,

get through Canada, they must ultimately then it is an error I never hope ' to amend. get through the United States; and one rea- (Cheers.) And here let me say, that it is son why 1, in season, and perhaps, out of for the young men of all the provinces we season, have continued an advocate for an who labor to bring about the Confederation

Interc Gonial liailway was, that the first and are especially working : it is to give them a closest and most lasting connection of those country wide enough and diversified enough

Lower Provinces, with the continental trade to content them all, that we labor ; it is to system, might be established by, and through, erect a standard worthy to engage their and in union with, Canada. (Cheers.) I affections and ambition; it is to frame a do not pretend that mere railway connexion system which shall blond the best principles 11

with the best manners, which shall infuse colleagues, if we were any of us capable of the spirit of honor into the pursuit of poli- picking up our principles in a panic, without tics, hat we have striven—and who can be "inquiry or reflection, or examination. (Cheers-) more interested for our success than the I need hardly assure you, gentlemen, that young men of the Provinces, who are to nothing was done or said at Quebec or Char- carry on the country into another century ? lottetown without full deliberation, and (Cheers.) very hard work. It would be invidious to name names in connection with what was WITH UNITED STATES. RELATIONS regarded by all engaged as a confidential

We in our time, hope to do our duty ; not discussion ; but while I cheerfully recognize only in " lengthening the cords and strength- in our countrymen of the Lower Provinces ening the stakes" of our constitutional the noble qualities they exhibited through- system, with a view to that future, but in out the whole of these transactions, I must guarding jealously in the perilous present, say, I was proud of Canada's part in them the honor and integrity of this province. also. (Cheers.) I was proud of the self- I may say to you here, on the Eastern fron- control, the ability, the acquirements, and tier, that the Govern nient of the day are the disinterested unanimity of our colleagues, fully informed of all the machinations that from Upper as well as from Lower Canada. have been set on foot, within and without (Cheers.) And, now, gentlemen, that the our borders, to drive, or tempt, or trick architects have completed their plan, it is Canada, out of that straightforward neutra- for you to say shall the building be put up ? lity commanded by the Queen's Proclamation It is for you, and for your representatives in four years ago. So far, we have been enabled Parliament,—for my friend Mr. Pope and to maintain that neutrality in the letter, as the other Township members—for the people well as in the spirit, and I trust we may be of the Maritime Piovinces and their repre- equally successful in doing so, so long as it sentatives to say, whether this great work is may be required. (Cheers.) I am well to be carried, with all due diligence, to its convinced there is no Canadian who wou d completion. If the design should seem to wish his Government to make any base com- you as wise and fit as it seems to us, then pliance—to 'overdo or overstrain any legal fling all misgivings far behind you and go

obligation —in order to buy for us the in- ahead ! Let no local prejudice impede, let

estimable boon of peace ; but I am equally no personal ambition obstruct, the great work.

convinced, and you will agree with me I feel Why ! the very Aborigines of the land confiient, that all that can be done by way might have instructed the sceptics among of prevention, however onerous or costly it ourselves that union was strength. What may be to us a province, ought to be done was it gave at one time the balance of H to maintain friendly relations with our power on this soil to the Six Nations,"—so neighbors, so far as they will enable us to that England, France and Holland all sought do so. The rest depends on them,—on the the alliance of the red-skinned statesmen of fairness of their statesmen and their military Onondago ? What was it made the names

authorities ; but come what may in the fu- of BiiANT,and Pontiac, and Tecumsetfi so ture, at all events we must see that Canada formidable in their day ? Because they too had does its duty, and its whole duty, cheerfully, conceived the idea— an immense stride for fully, and fearlessly. (Cheers.) the savage intellect to make—that union was strength. (Cheers.) Let the personalities IS THE QUEBEC PLAN GENERALLY TO and partizanship of our times stand abashed BE ? APPROVED in the presence of those forest-born Federal- Mr. Chairman and gentlemen, I beg your ists, who rose superior to all mere tribal pre- forgiveness for the great length to which judices in endeavoring to save a whole people. these remarks have detained you. But our (Loud cheers.) And now, my friends of general plan having already found its way to the County of Compton, once more receive

the public, I was anxious to show our coun- my grateful thanks 5 have no fears for the trymen, here and at home, in a plain, popular rights of the minority, but be watchful as way, the processes of reasoning and the you ought to be, and as I am sure your guiding principles by which we arrived at worthy member (who is always at his post the results at which we have arrived. I when your interests are at stake) will be. should blush for myself, and grieve for my (Cheers.) The Parliament of Canada is, as ; ;

you are aware, called by His Excellency for flood of that tide. (Loud cheers.) Whether despatch of business at Quebec, on the 19th the men who have this great duty in charge

of January ; it is an early call ; and I am may be found equal to the task, remains to sure you all feel it will be an important ses- be proved by their votes ; but for my part, sion. I am, I do assure you, persuaded in I am hopeful for the early and mutually my inmost mind, that these are the days of advantageous union of all the provinces; destiny for British America ; that our oppor- for the early and firm establishment of our tunity to determine our own future, under mooarchial Confederation on this continent. the favor of Divine Providence, is upon us (Loud cheers—amid which the hon. gentle- that there is a tide in the affairs of nations, man resumed his seat.) as well as of men, and that we are now at the

Legislative Assembly, Thursday, February 9, 1865.

The order of the day for resuming the am feign to believe, a little joiner-work still adjourned debate on the proposed Address left to do—there may be a hiatus here and to Her Majesty, on the subject of the Con- there to fill up ; and although, as far as what federation of the British North American is called " the preliminary case" is concerned,

Provinces having been called ; the question might perhaps very well have The Honorable Mr. McGrEE said—Mr. rested with the four speeches already Speaker, I rise to endeavor to fulfil the delivered, there may be some slight addi- promise made in my name last evening by tional contribution made, and, such as it is, the Lower Canadian leader of this House. in my own humble way, I propose to make it After the four speeches that have already to-night. (Hear, hear.) We all remember been delivered from this quarter of the that in the nursery legendof the Three Kings House, it may very well be supposed that of Cologne, Caspar brought myhrr, and little of essential importance remains to be Melchior incense, and Baltassar gold, said. On Monday the Attorney General but I am afraid my contribution will be less West, in exposing the case for the Govern- valuable than any of these, yet such as it is ment, in moving this Address to Her I cheerfully bring it, particularly when there Majesty, went very fully through all the are so many in this and the other provinces items of the resolutions agreed upon at the who would like to know what my own views Quebec Conference, and gave us a full are in relation to the present crisis. analysis of the whole project with his own constitutional commentaries upon the pro- PROPOSED TREATMENT OF THE SUBJECT. ceedings of that body. On the next evening, With your approbation, sir, and the for" the Attorney G-eneral East gave us his views bearance ofthe House, I will endeavour to treat also, treating chiefly of the difficulties in this subject in this way : —First, to give some Lower Canada. The same night, my hon. slight the history of the question sketch of ; friend, the Minister of Finance, gave us a then to examine the existing motives which financial view of the whole subject; and last ought to prompt us to secure a speedy Union evening the Hon. President of the Council of these provinces; then to speak of the gave us another extended financial and difliculties which this question has encoun- political address, with some arguments from tered before reaching its present fortunate " the Upper Canadian point of view," as the stage ; then to say something of the mutual phrase is. It may well therefore seem that advantages, in a social rather than political after these speeches little of essential import- point of view, which these provinces will ance remains to be stated. Still this subject have in their union, and lastly to add a few is so vast, the project before the House is so words on the Federal principle in general vast, and comprehends within it so many when I shall have done. In other words, I objects of interest, the atmosphere that sur- propose to consider the question of Union rounds a subject of this importance is so mainly from within, and as far as possible to subtle and fluctuating, that there may be, I avoid going over the ground already so fully 13

and so much better occupied by ton. friends referred. I have read in one newspaper who have already spoken upon the subject. published in a western city not less than a My hon. friend, the member for Hoche- dozen attempts of this nature. One indi- laga, thought he did a very clever thing the vidual chooses Tuponia and another Hochel- other evening when he disentombed an old aga, as a suitable name for the new national- newspaper article of mine, entitled " A ity. Now I would ask any hon. member of New Nationality/' and endeavored to fix on this House how he would feel if he woke up me the paternity of the phrase—destined to some fine morning and found himself, instead become prophetic—which was employed by of a Canadian, a Tuponian or Hochelagan- a very distinguished personage in the Speech der. (Laughter.) I think, sir, we may from the Throne at the opening of the safely leave for the present the discussion session. I do happen to remember the of the name as well as the origin of the new article alluded to as one of my first system proposed ; when the Confederation essays in political writing in Canada; but has a place among the nations of the world, I am quite sure that the almost-forgotten and opens a new page in history, it will be publication in which it appeared was ne- time enough to look into its antecedents, and ver known, even by name, to the illustrious when it has reached this stage there are a person who delivered the speech on few men who, having struggled for it in its that occasion. But I will own when I saw earlier difficulties, will then deserve to be my bantling held up to the admiration of honorably mentioned. I shall not be guilty the House in the delicate and fostering hands of the bad taste of complimenting those with of the hon. member for Hochelaga, I was whom I have the honor to be associated ; not ashamed of it; on the contrary, perhaps but when we reach the stage of research, there was some tingling of parental pride which lies far beyond the stage of delibera- when I saw what ten years ago I pointed out tion in these affairs, there are some names as the true position for these colonies to take, that ought not to be forgotten. about to be adopted by all the colonies un- of the union. der such favorable circumstances. I do not antecedent history think it ought to be made a matter of re- So far back as the year 1800, the proach to me, or a cause for belittleing the Hon. Mr. Uniacke, a leading politician importance of the subject, that ten years ago in Nova Scotia at that date, submitted I used the identical phrase employed in the a scheme of Colonial Union to the Imperial Speech from the Throne. The idea itself is authorities. In 1815, Chief Justice a good one, and it may have floated through Sewell, whose name will be well re- the minds of many men and received intel- membered as a leading lawyer of this city lectual hospitality, even from the honorable and a far-sighted politician, submitted a member for Hochelaga himself. One is re- a scheme. In 1822, Sir John Beverley minded by this sort of thing, of Puffin the Robinson, at the request of the Colonial u " " Critic. Two people happened to hit Office, submitted a project of the same kind ; upon the same thought, and Shakspere and I need not refer to the report of Lord made use of it first—that's all." (Laughter.) Durham on Colonial Union in 1839. These My honorable friend is in this respect, no are all memorable, and some of them are doubt, the Shakspere of the new nation- great names. If we have dreamed a dream ality. (Renewed laughter.) If there is any- of Union (as some of you gentlemen say), it thing in the article he has read to the House is at least worth while remarking that a which is deserving of disapprobation, he is dream which has been dreamed by such wise particepts crimines, and equally blameable if and good men, may, for aught we know or not more blameable than myself. He is in- you know, have been a sort of vision— a vision deed the older sinner, and I bow to him in foreshadowing forthcoming natural events in that character with all proper humility. a clear intelligence. A vision (I say it with- (Renewed laughter.) Really, Mr. Speaker, out irreverence, for the event concerns the the attempt to fix the parentage of this child lives of millions living, and yet to come) re- of many fathers is altogether absurd and sembling those seen by the Daniels and futile. It is almost as ridiculous as the at- Josephs of old, foreshadowing the trials of tempt to fix the name of this new Confeder- the future; the fate of tribes and peoples; ation, in advance of the decision of the the rise and fall of dynasties. But the im- Gracious Lady to whom the matter is to be mediate history of the measure is sufficiently —

wonderful without dwelling on the remoter hon. gentlemen of this House have seen some predictions of so many wise men. Who- letters on colonial union, written in 1855, the ever, in 1862, or even in 1863, would have last addressed to the late Duke of New- told us that we should see, even what we see castle, by Mr. P. S. Hamilton, an able in these seats by which I stand—such a republic writer of Nova Scotia, and the pre- presentation of interests acting together, sent Gold Commissioner of that Province ; would be accounted, as our Scotch friends but I take this opportunity of bearing my say, u half-daft ;"—and whoever, in the testimony to his well-balanced judgment, Lower Provinces about the same time, would political sagacity and the skilful handling have ventured to foretell the composition of the subject received from him at a very early their delegations, which sat with us under period. (Hear, hear.) There is another this roof last October, would probably little book written in English, six or seven have been considered equally demented. years ago, to which I must refer. It is a (Laughter.) But the thing came about, and pamphlet, which met with an extraordinary if those gentlemen, who have had no imme- degree of success, entitled Nova Britannia^ diate hand in bringing it about, and, thereby my hon. friend the member for South fore, naturally, felt less, interest in the pro- Lanark (Mr. Morris) *j and as he has ject than we who did, will only give us the been one of the principal agents in bringing benefit of the doubt, will only assume that into existence the present Government, we are not all, altogether wrong-headed, we which is now carrying out the idea embodied hope to show them still farther, as we think in his book, T trust he will forgive me if I we have already shown them, that we are by take the opportunity, although he is present, do means without reason in entering on this of reading a single sentence to show how far enterprise. I submit, however, we may very he was in advance and how true he was to well dismiss the antecedent history Of the the coming event, which we are now consid- question for the present : it grew from an ering. At page 57 of his pamphlet—which unnoticed feeble plant, to be a stately and I hope will be reprinted among the political flourishing tree, and for my part any one miscellanies of the provinces when we are that pleases may say he made the tree grow, one country and one people—I fiud this if I can only have hereafter my fair share paragraph : of the shelter and the shade. (Cheers.) But The dealing with the destinies of a future in the present stage of the question, the first Britannic empire, the shaping its course, the lay- gave real stage of its success—the thing that ing its foundations broad and deep, and the erect- importance to theory in men's minds—was ing thereon a noble and enduring superstructure, the now celebrated despatch, signed by two are indeed duties that may well evoke the ener- members of this Government and an hon. gies of our people, and nerve the arms and give and to the aspirations of all gentleman formerly their colleague, a mem- power enthusiasm true natriots. The very magnitude of the inter- ber of the other House ; I refer to the des- ests involved, will, I doubt not, elevate many of 1858. recommendations in patch The amongst us above the demands of mere sectional- that despatch lay dormant until revived by ism, and enable them to evince sufficient compre- the Constitutional Committee of last Session, hensiveness of mind to deal in the spirit of real which led to the Coalition, which led to the statesmen with issues so momentous, and to origi- Quebec Conference, which led to the draft nate and develope a national line of commercial and general policy, such as will prove adapted to of the Constitution now on our table, which the wants and exigencies of our position. will lead, I am feign to believe, to the union of all these provinces. (Hear, hear.) At There are many other excellent passages the same time that we mention the distin- in the work, but I will not detain the House guished politicians, I think we ought not to with many quotations. The spirit that forget those zealous and laborious contribu- animates the whole will be seen from the tors to the public press, who, although not extract I have read. But whatever the associated with governments, and not them- private writer in his closet may have con- selves at the time in politics, addressed the ceived, whatever even the individual states- public mind, and greatly contributed to give man may have designed, so long as the life and interest to this question, and indi- public mind was uninterested in the adop- rectly to bring it to the happy position in tion, even in the discussion of a change in which it now stands. Of those gentlemen our position so momentous as this, the Union I will mention two. 1 do not know whether of these separate provinces, the individual —

labored in vain—perhaps, sir, not wholly in and to every man who has a capacity for vain, for although his work may not have discussion we have given a topic upon which borne fruit then, it was kindling a fire that he can fitly exercise his powers, no longer would ultimately light up the whole political gnawing at a file and wasting his abilities in horizon and herald the dawn of a better day the poor effort at advancing the ends of some for our country and our people. Events paltry faction or party. I can congratulate stronger than advocacy, events stronger than this House and Province and the Provinces men, have come in at last like the fire below, that such is the case, and I may behind the invisible writing to bring out the observe, with some satisfaction, that the truth of these writings and to impress them various orators and writers seem to be speak- upon the mind of every thoughtful man who ing or writing as if in the visible presence has considered the position and probable of all the colonies. (Hear, hear.) They are future of these scattered provinces. (Cheers.) no longer hole-and-corner celebreties : they Before I go further into the details of my seem to think that their words will be subject, I will take this opportunity of con- scanned and weighed afar off as well as at gratulating this House and the public of all home. We have, I believe, several hundred the provinces upon the extraordinary activity celebrities in Canada—my friend, Mr. which has been given to this subject since Morgan, I believe, has made out a list of it has become a leading topic of public them—(laughter) —but they are no longer discussion in the Maritime and what I may now local celebreties : if celebreties at all call relatively to them, the Inland Provinces. they must be celebreties ior British North

It is astonishing how active has been the America ; for every one of the speeches public mind in all these communities since made by them on this subject is watched in the subject has been fairly launched. I have all the provinces, and in point of fact by the watched with great attention the expression mere appearance of political union, we have of public opinion in the Lower Provinces as made a mental union among the people of well as in our own; and I am rejoiced to all these provinces ; and many men now find that even in the smallest of the pro- speak with a dignity and carefulness which vinces I have been able to read writings and formerly did not characterize them, when speeches which would do no discredit to they were watched only by their own narrow older and more cultivated communities and struggling section, and weighed only articles and speeches worthy of any press and according to a stunted local standard. of any audience. The provincial mind, it (Hear, hear.) Federation, I hope, may would seem, under the inspiration of a great supply to all our public men just ground for question, leaped at a single bound, out of the uniting in nobler and more profitable contests slough of mere mercenary struggles for office, than those which have signalized the past. and took post on the high and honorable (Hear, hear.) We, on this side, Mr. Speaker, ground from which alone this great subject propose for that better future our plan of

can be taken in, in ail its dimensions—had Union ; and, if you will allow me, I shall go risen at once to the true dignity of this over what appears to me the principal discussion with an elasticity that does honor motives which exist at present for that to the communities that have exhibited it, Union. My hon. friend the Finance Minister and gives assurance that we have the metal, mentioned the other evening several strong the material, out of which to construct a new motives for union—free access to the sea, an and vigorous nationality. (Cheers.) We extended market, breaking down of hostile find in the journals and in the speeches of tariffs, a more diversified field for labor and public men in the Lower Provinces a discus- capital, our enhanced credit with England, sion of the first principles of government, a and our greater effectiveness when united discussion of the principles of constitutional for assistance in time of danger. (Cheers.) law, and an intimate knowledge and close The Hon. President of the Council also application of the leading facts in constitu- enumerated several motives for union in tional history, which gives to me at least the relation to the commercial advantages which satisfaction and assurance that, if we never will flow from it, and other powerful reasons went farther in this matter, we have put an which may be advanced in favor of it. But the end for the present, and I hope for long, to motives to such a comprehensive change as bitterer and smaller controversies. We have we propose, must be mixed motives—partly given the people some sound mental food, commercial, partly military, and partly poli- —! —; ;

tical ; and I shall go over a few—not strained ed to this country, from the Colonial Oflfice, or simulated—motives which are entertained upon the subject. From that day to this by many people of all these provinces, and there has been a steady stream of despatches are rather ot a social, or, strictly speaking, in this direction, either upon particular or political, than of a financial kind. In the general points connected with our defence first place, I echo what was stated in the and I venture to say, that if bound up to- speech last night of my honorable friend, the gether, the despatches of the lamented Duke President of the Council—that we cannot of Newcastle alone would make a respect- stand still; we cannot stave off some great able volume—all notifying this Government, change ; we cannot stand alone, province by the advices they conveyed, that apart from province, if we would ; and that the relations—the military apart from we are in a state of political transition. All, the political and commercial relations even honorable gentlemen who are opposed of this province to the Mother Country to this union, admit that we must do some- had changed ; and we were told in the most thing, and that that something must not be explicit language that could be employed, a mere temporary expedient. We are com- that we were no longer to consider ourselves, pelled, by warning voices from within and in relation to defence, in the same position without, to ma'-e a change, and a great we formerly occupied towards the mother change. We all, with one voice, who are country. Well, these warnings have been unionists, declare our conviction that we can- friendly warnings; and if we have failed to not go on as we have gone; but you, who do our part in regard to them, we must, at are all anti-unionists, say—"Oh! that is all events, say this, that they were addressed bagging the question; you have not yet to our Government so continuously and so proved that." Well, Mr. Speaker, what strenuously that they freed the Imperial proofs do the gentlemen want ? I presume power of the responsibility for whatever there are three influences which determine might follow, because they showed to the any great change in the course of any indi- colonies clearly what, in the event of certain vidual or State. First—His patron, owner, contingencies arising, they had to expect. employer, protector, ally, or friend; or, in We may grumble or not at the necessity of politics, " Imperial connection." Secondly — preparation England imposes upon us, but, His partner, comrade, or fellow-laborer, or whether we like it or not, we have, at all near neighbor. And, thirdly,—The man events, been told that we have entered upon himself, or the state itself. Now, in our a new era in our military relations to the case, all three causes have concurred to warn rest of the empire. (Hear, hear.) Then, and force us into a new course of conduct. sir, in the second place, there came what I

What are t hese warnings ? We have had at may call the other warning from without least three. The first is from E. gland, and the American warning. (Hear, hear.) Re- is a friendly warning. England warned us publican America gave us her notices in times by several matters of fact, according to her past, through her press, and her demagogues custom, rather than verbiage, that the colo and her statesmen,—but of late days she has nies had entered upon a new era of existence, given us much more intelligible notices a new phase in their career. She has given such as the notice to abrogate the Recipro- us this warning in several different shapes city Treaty, and to arm the lakes, contrary when she gave us " Responsible Govern- to the provisions of the addenda to the treaty ment"—when she adopted Free Trade—when of 1818. She has given us another notice she repealed the Navigation laws—and when, in imposing a vexatious passport system three or four years ago, she commenced that another in her avowed purpose to construct series of official despatches in relation to a ship canal round the Falls of Niagara, so militia and defence which she has ever since as " to pass war vessels from Lake Ontario poured in on us, in a steady stream, always to Lake Erie ;" and yet another, the most bearing the same solemn burthen—" prepare striking one of all, has been given to us, prepare! prepare!" These warnings gave if we will only understand it, by the enor- us notice that the old order of things between mous expansion of the American army and the colonies and the mother country had navy. I will take leave to read to the ceased, and that a new order must take its House a few figures which show the amazing, place. (Hear, hear.) About four years the unprecedented growth, which has not, ago, the first despatches began to be address- perhaps, a parallel in the annals of the past, —;

of the military power of our neighbors with- give the worst view of the fact—for England in the past three or four years. I have the still carries more guns afloat even than our details here by me, but shall only read the war-making neighbors. (Cheers.) It is the results, to show the House the emphatic change which has taken place in the spirit meaning of this most serious warning. In of the people of the Northern States them- January, 1861, the regular army of the selves which is the worst view of the fact. United States, including of course the whole How far have they travelled since the humane of the States, did not exceed 15,000 men. Channino preached the unlawfulness of war This number was reduced, from desertion —since the living Sumner delivered his ad- and other causes, by 5,000 men, leaving dresses to the Peace Society on the same

10,000 men as the army of the States. In theme ! I remember an accomplished poet, December, 1862 —that is, from January, one of the most accomplished the New Eng- 1861, to January, 1863, this army of 10,000 land States have ever produced, took very was increased to 800,000 soldiers actually in strong grounds against the prosecution of the field. (Hear, hear.) No doubt there the Mexican war, and published the Bigclow are exaggerations in some of these figures Papers, so well known in American litera- the rosters were, doubtless, in some cases ture, to show the ferocity and criminality of filled with fictitious names, in order to procure war. He thus made Mr. Btrd-of-Freedom

the bounties that were offered; but if we Sawin sins : allow two-thirds as correct, we find that a Ef you take a soaord an' draor it, people who had an army of 10,000 men in An go stick a feller thru, 1861, had in two years increased it to an Guv'mont won't answer for it, Grod'll send the bill to you! army of 600,000 men. As to their ammu- nition and stock of war material at the (Laughter.) This was slightly audacious opening of the war—that is to say, at the and irreverent in expression, but it was date of the attack upon Fort Sumpter—we remarkably popular in New England at find that they had of siege and heavy guns that time. The writer is now one of 1,952; of field artillery, 231; of infantry the editors of a popular Boston periodical,

firearms, 473,000 ; of cavalry firearms, and would be one of the last, I have no

31,000 ; and of bail and shell, 363,000. At doubt, to induce a Northern soldier to the end of 1863—tha latest period to which withdraw his sword from the body of any I have statistics upon the subject—the unhappy Southerner whom he had, contrary 1,052 heavy guns had becoa:e 2,116; the to the poet's former political ethics, " stuck

231 field pieces had become 2,965 ; the thru." (Laughter.) But it is not the revo- 473,000 infantry arms had become 2,423,000 lution wrought in the minds of men of great the 31,000 cavalry arms had become 369,- intelligence that is most to be deplored—for 000, and the 363,000 ball and shell had the powerful will of such men may compel become 2,925,000. Now, as to the navy of their thoughts back again to a philosophy of the United States, I wish to show that this peace; no, it is the mercenary and military wonderful development of war power in the interests created under Mr. Lincoln— which United States is the second warning we have are represented, the former by an estimated had, that we cannot go on as we have gone. governmental outlay of above 1100,000,000 (Hear, hear.) In January, 1861, the ships this year, and the other by the 800,000 men of war belonging to the United States were whose blood is thus to be bought and paid

83 ; in December, 1864, they numbered for ; by the armies out of uniform who prey 671, of which 54 were monitors and iron- upon the army; by the army of contractors clads, carrying 4,610 guns, with a tonnage who are to feed and clothe and arm the of 510,000 tons, and manned by a force of million; by that other army, the army of 51,000 men. These are frightful figures for tax-colle?tors, who cover the land, seeing the capacity of destruction they represent, that no industry escapes unburthened, no for the heaps of carnage that they represent, possession unentered, no affection even, un- for the quantity of human blood spilt that taxed. Tax ! tax ! tax ! is the cry from the they represent, for the lust of conquest that rear ! Blood ! blood ! blood ! is the cry they represent, for the evil passions that from the front ! Gold ! gold ! gold ! is the they represent, and for the arrest of the chuckling undertone which comes up from onward progress of civilization that they the mushroom millionaires, well named a represent. But it is not the figures which shoddy aristocracy ; nor do I think the army —! —

interest, the contracting interest, and the tax- of peace ; it is not of the sea soldiers tire but gathering interest, the worst results that of the land, Jack likes to land, and have a have grown out of this war. There is frolic and spend his money, so does Jack's another and equally serious interest—the brother the fighting landsman—but the one change that has come over the spirit, mind is soon as much out of his element as the and principles of the people, that terrible other, when parted from his comrades, when change which has made war familiar and denied the gypsy joys of the camp, when he even attractive to them. When the first no longer feels his sword, he looks up to it battle was fought—when, in the language of where it hangs, and sighs to take it down the Duke of Wellington, the first " butch- and be " at work" again. He will even quit er's bill was sent in" —a shudder of horror his native country, if she continues perverse- ran through the length and breadth of the ly peaceful, and go into foreign service, country; but by and by as the carnage in- rather than remain what he calls " idle." creased, no newspaper was considered worth (Hear.) This is experience, which I beg laying on the breakfast table unless it con- respectfully to cite in opposition to the se- tained the story of the butchery of thousands ducive, disarming fallacy of my moralizing of men. " Only a couple of thousand killed friend. (Hear, hear.) The Attorney Gen- " Pooh, pooh, that's nothing ! exclaimed Mr. eral East told us in his speech the other Shoddy as he sipped his coffee in his luxu- night, that one of the features of the original rious apartment ; and nothing short of the programme of the American Revolutionists news ot ten, fifteen, twenty thousand human was the acquisition of Canada to the United beings struck dead in one day would satisfy States. They pretend to underrate the im- the jaded palate of men craving for excite- portance of this country, now that they are ment, and such horrible excitement as attend- fully occupied elsewhere ; but I remember ed the wholesale murder of their fellow well that the late Mr. Webster—who was creatures. Have these sights and sounds no not a demagogue—at the opening of the warning addressed to us ? Are we as those Worcester and Albany Railway, some years who have eyes and see not ; ears and hear since, expressed the hope that the railways not ; reason, neither do they understand ? If of the New England States would all point we are true to Canada—if we do not desire towards Canada, because their influence and to become part and parcel of this people the demands of commerce would in time we cinnot overlook this the greatest revolu- bring Canada into the Union and increase tion of our own times. Let us remember the New England element in that Union. this, that when the three cries among our (Hear, hear.) I think, sir, I am justified next neighbors are money, taxation, blood, in regarding the American conflict as one of it is time for us to provide ior our own secu- the warnings we have received ; and the rity. I said in this House, during the ses- third warning, that things cannot go on in sion of the year 1861, that the first gun this country as they are, is a warning voice fired at Fort Sumpter had " a message for from within—a warning voice from our own us f I was unheeded then ; I repeat now experience in the government of these pro- that every one of the 2,700 great guns in the vinces. (Hear, hear.) On these internal field, and every one of the 4,600 guns afloat, constitutional difficulties existing among our- whenever it opens its mouth, repeats the selves, which were so fully exposed last even- solemn warning of England—prepare—pre- ing by my hon. friend the President of the pare— prepare ! (Cheers.) But I may be Council, I need say little; they are admitted told by some moralizing friend, Oh ! but to have been real, not imaginary, on all when they get out of this, they will have had hands. An illustration was used in another enough of it, and they will be very glad to place in explaining this part of the subject rest on their laurels. They ! Who ? The by the venerable and gallant knight, our Shoddy aristocracy have enough of it ? The Premier, than which nothing could be more disbanded army of tax-gathers have enough clear. He observed that when we had had it ? The manufacturers of false intelligence five administrations within two years, it was have enough of it ? Who is it possible will full time to look out for some permanent re- have had enough of it? The fighting men medy for such a state of things. True themselves ? I dare say they would all like most true —ConstitutionalGrOvernment among to have a furlough, but all experiences us had touched its lowest point when it ex- teaches us, it is not of war soldiers tire but isted only by the successful search of a mes- — ;

senger or a page, after a member, willingly union unnecessary and inexpedient. (Hear, or unwillingly absent from his seat. Any hear.) I do not know that there is one man one might in those days have been the savi- out of the one hundred and thirty who com- our of his country. (Laughter.) All he pose this House, in view of the circumstances had to do was, when one of the five success- in which we are placed, who will declare ive governments which arose in two years, that he is opposed to any sort of union with was in danger, to rise in his place, say the Lower Provinces. One may say that he "yea!" and presto the country was saved. does not like this or the other clause—that (Laughter.) This House was fast losing, he does not like this or that feature of the under such a state of things its hold on the proposed scheme ; but still all admit that

country ; the administrative departments union of some kind would increase our pro- were becoming disorganized under such fre- tection and be a source of strength. Some

quent changes of chiefs and policies ; we were honorable gentlemen, while admitting that we nearly as bad as the army of the Potomac, have entered, within the present decade, on before its " permanent remedy" was found in a period of political transition, have contend-

General Grant. Well ! we have had our ed that we might have bridged the abyss three warnings. One warning from within with that Prussian pontoon, called a Zoll- and two from without. I dare say, sir, we verein. But if any one for a moment will all remember the old class-book story of Mrs. remember that the trade of the whole front Thrale's a Three Warnings;" how Death of New Brunswick and Nova Scotia gravi- promised not to come altera certain individ- tates at present along-shore to Portland and ual he had unintentionally intruded on, on Boston, while the trade of Upper Canada, his wedding day. I say, unintentionally west of Kingston, has long gravitated across for Death is a gentleman, and seldom walks the lakes to New York, he will see, I think, in, unannounced— (laughter) — but he pro- that a mere Zollverein treaty without a mised not to call upon this particular per- strong political end to serve, aud some poli- son, without giving him three distinct tical power at its back, would be, in our new warnings. Well, the honorable gentleman in circumstances, merely waste paper, (Hear, question—I dare say he was honorable, and hear.) The charge that we have not gone a member of some House,—he, like all the far enough—that we have not struck out rest of us expected to outlive everybody. boldly for a consolidated union, instead of a But in process of years he fell lame, then union with reserved local jurisdictions, is afterwards, he became deaf, and at last he another charge which deserves some notice. grew blind : then Death's hour had come, To this I answer that, if we had had, as was and in spite of some admirable pleading on proposed, an Intercolonial Railway twenty behalf of the defendant in the case, he had years ago, we might by this time have been, his " three warnings'* like a Parisian editor, perhaps, and only perhaps, in a condition to his case was closed, his form was locked up, unite into one consolidated Government and his impression was struck off the face of but certain politicians and capitalists having the earth, and Death claimed and had, his defeated that project twenty years ago, own. (Laughter.) Now, sir, we have special interests took the place great general had three warnings, if might this time and we do take heed interest by have occupied ; of them and prepare for the possible future vested rights and local ambitions arose and condition into which we may be plunged, were recognized ; and all these had to be woe to us if we are found unprepared when admitted as existing in a pretty advanced the hour of destiny strikes ! (Cheers.) stage of development, when our Conferences We have submitted a plan preparing us were called together. (Hear, hear.) The for such a contingency, and the Attorneys lesson to be learned from this squandering General East and West have analysed its of quarter centuries by British Americans is constitutional character, while the Minister this, that if we lose the present propitious of Finance and the President of the Council opportunity, we may find it as hard a few have treated it in its financial aspects. There years hence to get an audience, even for any are some objections taken to the plan, I kind of union (except American Union) as understand, but I do not believe that any we should have found it to get a hearing member will get up in this House, and de- last year for a Legislative Union, from the clare thai he is an anti-unionist, that he is long period of estrangement and non-inter- opposed to ajl union, and that he considers course which had existed between these — ;

proviuces, and the special interests which Arbiter of nations for wisdom, and abandoning had crown up in the meantime in each of in time our perilous position, we must strike out boldly, and at risk, them. (Cheers.) Another motive to union, some for some rock on the nearest shore—some resting place of greater or rather a phase of the last motive spoken security. A cavalry raid or a visit from our of, is this, that the policy of our neighbors Fenian friends on horseback, through the plains of us has always been aggressive. to the south of Canada and the fertile valleys of New Bruns- There has always been a desire amongst wick and Nova Scotia, may cost more in a single them for the acquisition of new territory, week than Confederation for the next fifty years ; and the inexorable law of democratic exist- and if we are to believe you, where is the security even at the present once seems to be its absorption. They moment against such a disas- ter ? Without the whole power of the mother coveted Florida, and seized it; they coveted country by land and sea, and the concentration in Louisiana, and purchased it; they coveted a single hand of all the strength of British Ame- stole it ; and then they pitched Texas, and rica, our condition is seen at a glance. Whenever a quarrel with Mexico, which ended by their the present difficulties will terminate— and who getting California. (Hear, hear.) They can tell the moment ?—we will be at the mercy of sometimes pretend to despise these colonics our neighbois; and victorious or otherwise, they will be eminently a as prizes beneath their ambition; but had military people, and with all their apparent indifference about annexing this we not had the strong arm of England over country, and all the friendly feelings that may be us, we should not now have had a separate talked, they will have the power to strike when (Cheers.) The acquisition of existence. they please, and this is precisely the kernel and Canada was the first ambition of the Ameri- the only touch point of the whole question. No can Confederacy, and never ceased to be so, nation ever had the power of conquest that did when her troops were a handful and her not use it, or abuse it, at the very first favorable opportunity. All that is said of the magnanimity navy scarce a squadron. Is it likely to be and forbearance of mighty nations can be explain- stopped now, when she counts her guns ed on the principle of sheer inexpediency, as the afloat thousands and her troops by hun- by world knows. The whole face of Europe has dreds of thousands ? On this motive, a been changed, and the dynasties of many hundred very powerful expression of opinion has years have been swept away within our own time, lately appeared in a published letter of the on the principle of might alone—the oldest, the Archbishop of Halifax, Dr. Connolly. Who strongest, and as some would have it, the most sacred of all titles. The thirteen original States is the Archbishop of Halifax t In either of America, with all their professions of self- of the coast colonies, where he has labored denial, have been all the time, by money, power in his high vocation for nearly a third of a and by war, and by negotiation, extending their century, it would be absurd to ask the ques- frontier until they more than quarupled their ter- tion in he may not be equally ; but Canada ritory within sixty years ; and believe it who may, well known. Some of my honorable friends in are they now of their own accord to come to a full stop? as long as they have the power, this and the other Bouse, who were his No ;

they must go on onward : for it is the very nature guests last year, must havo felt the impress of power to grip whatever is within its reach. It of his character as well as the warmth of his is not their hostile feelings, therefore, but it is hospitality. (Hear, hear.) Well, he is their power, and only their power, I dread; and first in known as one of the men sagacity as I now state it, as my solemn conviction, that i e he is in position, in any of these colonies becomes the duty of every British subject in thes that he was for many years the intimate provinces to control that power, not by the insany associate of his late distinguished confrere, policy of attacking or weakening them, but be rising, with the whol Archbishop Hughes, of New York; that he strengthening ourselves — power of Britain at our back, to their level ; and knows the United States as thoroughly as so be prepared for any emergency. There is no these are his he docs the provinces, and sensible or unprejudiced man in the community views on this particular point ; the extract who does not see that vigorous and timely pre- is somewhat long, but so excellently put that paration is the only possible means of saving us I am sure the House will be obliged to me from the horrors of a war such as the world has

: never seen. fully prepared is the only f jr the whole of it To bo practical argument that can have weight with a Instead of cursing, like the boy in the up- powerful enemy, and make htm pause beforehand turned boat, and holding on until we are fairly and count the cost. And as the sort of prepara- on the brink of the cataract, we must at once tion I speak of is utterly hopeless without the begin to pray and strike out for the shore by all union of the provinces, so at a moment when means, before we get too far down on the current. public opinion is being formed on this vital point, We must at this most critical moment iuvoke the as one deeply concerned, I feel it a duty to declare 21

myself unequivocally in favor of Confederation as making them stronger for each other's cheaply and as honorably as possible—but Con- aid, will you make her less willing to federation at all hazards and at all reasonable discharge a lesser than a greater responsi- sacrifices. bility ? But if the thing did not answer After the most mature consideration, and all itself, England has answered that she the arguments I have heard on both sides for the " last month, these are my inmost convictions on cordially approves" of our plan of union, the necessity and merits of a measure which alone, —and she has always been accounted a pretty under Providence, can secure to us social order good judge of her own Imperial interests. and peace, and rational liberty, and all the bles- (Hear, hear.) She docs not consider our sings we now enjoy und3rthe mildest Government union inimical to those interests. Instead and the hallowed institutions of the freest and of looking upon it with a dark and discourag- happiest country in the world. ing frown, she cheers us on by her most These are the words of a statesman—of a cordial approval and bids us a hearty " God mitred statesman— one of that order of speed" in the new path we have chosen to mighty men, powerful in their generation, enter. (Hear, hear.) Put I put it on whose statesmanly gifts have been cast in the provincial grounds as well. We are not strong mould of theological discipline—such able to go alone, and if we attempted it we men as were Ximenes and Wolsey. No would almost certainly go to our own one more deprecates than I do the interfer- destruction— so that as we cannot go alone, ence of clergymen in mere party politics, and and as we do not desire union with the I think such is the sentiment also of His United States, it is the duty of every man to

Grace of Halifax ; but when it is an issue of do all in his power to strengthen the connec- peace or war, of deliverance or conquest, tion with Great Britain. And how shall we who has a better, who so good a right to do it? Is it by compelling the Imperial speak as the ministers of the Gospel of Government to negotiate at Charlottetown, peace, and justice, and true freedom? for every man and musket required for our Observe once more these two closing senten- defence, to negotiate again at Halifax, and ces, " I feel it a duty" says the illustrious again at Frederickton, and again at St.

Archbishop, " to declare myself unequivo- John's, and again at Quebec ? Is it by hav- cally in favor of Confederation as cheaply ing these five separate governments that we and as honorably obtained as possible, but are to render the connection desirable and Confederation at all hazards and at all appreciated, or is it by putting the power of reasonable sacrifices. After the most mature these colonies into the hands of one General consideration, and all the arguments I have Government and making the negotiations heard on both sides for the last month, these between two parties only, thereby simplifying are my inmost convictions on the necessity the whole transaction and expediting what- and merits of a measure which alone, ever is to be done between the two countries. under Providence, can secure to us social (Hear, hear.) I will content myself, Mr. order and peace, and rational liberty, and Speaker, with those principal motives to all the blessings we now enjoy under union ; first, that we are in the rapids, and the mildest Government and the hallowed must go on ; next that our neighbors will not, institutions of the freest and happiest on their side, let us rest supinely, even if country in the world. " (Hear, hear.) we could do so from other causes; and The next motive for union to which I thirdly, that by making the united colonies shall refer is, that it will strengthen rather more valuable as an ally to Great Britain, we than weaken the connection with the empire, shall strengthen rather than weaken the so essential to these rising provinces. Those Imperial connexion. (Cheers.) Let me who may be called, if there are any such, now, sir, call your attention to the difficulties, the anti-unionists, allege, that this scheme past and present, which this great project here submitted will bring separation in its had to encounter, before it reached the train. How, pray ? By making these coun- fortunate stage in which we now find it. tries more important, will you make them When it was first advocated by individuals, less desirable as connections to Eugland ? however eminent, of course, it had but scanty By making their trade more valuable, will chance of success. (Hear, hear.) That was you make her more anxious to get rid the first stage; when, as in 1822 and 1839, of it ? By reducing their Federal tariff will it found favor with Downing street, it excited you lessen their interest for England ? By the suspicions of the colonists ; when it was ;: ;

identified with the Quebec and Halifax mit itself to the principle of a union of the railway project, it shared the fate,—it was colonies if found practicable. That is my sacrificed to the jealousies and dissensions view, sir, of the relations of this House to which destroyed that particular undertaking. the Government after it gave it expressly its When, as in the case of rnyhon. friend (Mr. confidence. Other members of the House Galt's) mction in 1858, and my own motion take another view of that matter, they do in 1860, the subject was mooted in this not think themselves committed even to the House by a private member, the Ministry of principle, and they certainly are not to the the day could not allow so grave a measure details of the scheme. (Hear.) After the to succeed in other hands than their own coalition was formed an incident occurred, when, as was the case in 1858, the Ministry which, though not of national importance, committed themselves to it, the Opposition it would be most ungrateful of me to forget. complained that Parliament had not been An intercolonial excursion was proposed and consulted. When Canada proposed to move, was rendered practicable through the public in 1859, Newfoundland alone responded spirit of two gentlemen representing our when Nova Scotia moved, in I860, New great railway, of which so many hard things

Brunswick alone agreed to go with her ; at have been said that I feel it my duty to say all events, Canada did not then consent. this good thing—I refer to the Honorable Mr. (Hear, hear.) Of late years the language of FERRiERand Mr. Brydges. (Cheers.) Forty the Colonial Office, of Mr. Labouchere, of members of this House, twenty-five members Sir Bulwer Lytton, and of the lamented of the other House, and forty gentlemen of Duke of Newcastle, was substantially the press and other professions, from Canada, " A gree among yourselves, gentlemen, and joined in that excursion. So many Cana- we will not stand in the way." Ah ! there dians had never seen so much of the Lower was the rub—" Agree among yourselves I" Provinces before, and the people of the Easier said than done, with five colonies so Lower Provinces had never seen bo many long estranged, and whose former negotia- Canadians. Our reception was beyond all tions had generally ended in bitter contro- description kind and cordial. The general versies. Up to the last year there was no sentiment of union was everywhere cheered conjunction of circumstances favorable to to the echo, though I am sorry to find that the bringing about of this union, and some of those who cheered then, when it probably if we suffer this opportunity to be was but a general sentiment, seem to act very wasted we shall never see again such a con- differently now, that it has become a ripened junction of circumstances as will enable us project, and I fear that they do not intend to to agree, even so far, among ourselves. By a act up to the words they then uttered. They most fortunate concurrence of circumstances may, perhaps, intend to do so, but they —by what I presume to call, speaking of have a very odd way of going about it. events of this magnitude, a providential (Laughter.) Well sir, this was in August concurrence of circumstances —the Govern- the Charlottetown Conference was called iu ment of Canada was so modified last spring September, the Quebec Conference in Octo- as to enable it to deal fearlessly with this ber, and the tour of the maritime delegates subject, at the very moment when the coast through Canada took place in November. colonies, despairing of a Canadian union, Four months of the eight which have elapsed were arranging a conference of their own for since we promised this House to deal with it a union of their own. Our Government have been almost wholly given up to this embraced among its members from the great enterprise. Let me bear my tribute, western section the leaders of the former Mr. Speaker, now that I refer to the con- Ministry and former Opposition from that ference, to the gentlemen from the Lower section, At the time it was formed it Provinces, who sat so many days in council announced to this House that it was its inten- with us, under this roof. (Cheers.) A very tion as part of its policy to seek a conference worthy citizen of Montreal, when I went up with the Lower Colonies, and endeavor to a day or two in advance of the Montreal bring about a general union. This House banquet, asked me, with a curious sort of formally gave the Government its confidence emphasis—" What sort of people are they V after the announcement of this pclicy, and —meaning the maritime delegates. I although I have no desire to strain terms, it answered him then, as I repeat now, that does appear to me that this House did com- they were, as a body, as able and accom- ; —

plished a body as I thought any new country tion it you may, reject it you may, or accept in the world could produce,—and that some it you may, but alter it you may not. (Hear, among them would compare not unfavorably hear.) It is beyond your power, or our in ability and information with some of the power, to alter it. There is not a sentence leading commoners of England. As our aye, or even a word—you can alter without Government included a representation both desiring to throw out the document. Alter of the former Opposition, and the former it, and we know at once what you mean—you Ministry, so their delegations were composed thereby declare yourselves anti-unionists. in about equal parts of the opposition and (Hear, hear.) On this point, I repeat after ministerial parties of their several provinces. all my hon. friends who have already spoken,

A more hard-working set of men ; men more for one party to alter a treaty, is, of course, tenacious of their own rights, yet more con- to destroy it. Let us be frank with each siderate for those of others of other ; men readier ; you who do not like our work, nor resources in debate; men of gentler manners do you like us who stand by it, clause by men more willing to bear and forbear, I never clause, lino by line, and letter by letter. can hope to see together at one council table Oh ! but this clause ought to run thus, and again. (Cheers.) But why need I dwell this other clause thus. Does any hon. mem- on this point ? They were seen and heard ber seriously think that any treaty in the in all our principal cities, and I am sure world between five separate provinces ever every Canadian who met them here was gave full and entire satisfaction on every proud of them as fellow- subjects, and would point, to every party ? Does any hon. mem- be happy to feel that he could soon call ber seriously expect to have a constitutional them fellow-countrymen in fact as well as in act framed to his order, or my order, or any name. (Cheers.) Sir, by this combination man's order ? No, sir, I am sure no legisla- of great abilities—by this coalition of leaders tor at least since Anaoharsis Clootz wa3 u who never before acted together—by this Attorney General of the Human Race" ever extraordinary armistice of party warfare, expected such ideal perfection. (Laughter.) obtained in every colony at the same moment It may be said by some hon. gentleman that —after all this labor and all this self-sacrifice they admit the principle of this measure to —after all former impediments had been most be good, but that it should be dealt with as fortunately overcome—the treaty was con- an ordinary parliamentary subject in the cluded and signed by us all—and theie it lies usual parliamentary manner. Mr. Speaker, on your table. The propositions contained in this is not an ordinary parliamentary mea- it have been objected to, and we were remind- sure. We do not legislate upon it, we do ed the other evening by the honorable mem- not enact it,—that is for a higher authority. ber for Chateauguay, that we are not a treaty- Suppose the Address adopted by this House making power • well, in reference to that to-morrow, is the act of this House final objection, I believe the Imperial Govern- and conclusive? No. Ic is for the Im- ment has in certain cases, such as the Reci- perial Parliament to act upon it. (Hear, procity Treaty, conceded to these provinces hoar.) It will be that body that will cause the right of coactioQ ; and in this case there is the several propositions to be moulded into the Imperial Despatch of 1862 to Lord Mul- a measure which will have the form of law, grave, Governor of Nova Scotia, distinct- aud these resolutions will probably be the ly authorizing the public men of the colonies ipsissima verba of the measure they will give to confer with each other on the subject of us and the other provinces. But some hon. union, and writing them to submit the re- gentlemen opposite say, that if there be de- sult of their conferences to the Imperial fects in this measure they ought to be re- Government. (Hear, hear.) We assembled medied now, and that the Government ought under authority of that despatch, ;.nd acted to be glad to have them pointed out. Yes, under the sanction it gave. Everything we surely, if this were simply the act of the did was done in form and with propriety, Parliament of Canada : but it is not to be our and the result of our proceedings is the do- act alone. It is an Address to the Throne, in cument that has been submitted to the Im- the terms of which other colonies are to perial Government as well as to this House, agree, and even if we were to make altera- and which we speak of here as a treaty. And tions in it, we cannot bind them to accept that there may be no doubt about our posi- them. If we were weak and wicked enough tion in regard to that document we say, ques- to alter a solemn agreement with the other —

provinces, the moment their representatives Louisburgh; Prince Edward Island was had turned their backs and gone home, what their Island of St. Jean, and Charlottetown purpose would it serve except that of defeat- was their Port Joli ; in the heart of Nova ing the whole measure and throwing it as Scotia was that fair Acadian land, where the well as the country back again into chaos. roll of Longfellow's noble hexameters may (^Ilear, hear.) I admit, air, as we have been any day be heard in every wave that breaks told, that we ought to aim at perfection, but upon the base of Cape Blomedon. (Cheers.) who has ever attained it, except perhaps the In the northern counties of New Brunswick, hon. member for Broome. (Laughter.) AVe, from the Miramachi to the Matapediac, they however, did strive and aim at the mark, and had their forts and farms, their churches and we think we made a tolerably good shot. The their festivals, before the English speech had hon. member for Chauteauguay will not be ever once been heard between those rivers. satisfied—insatiate archer ! —unless we hit Nor is that tenacious Norman and Breton the bull's eye. (Laughter.) My hon. friend race extinct in their old haunts and homes. is well read in political literature—will he I have heard one of the members for Cape mention me one authority, from the first to Breton speak in high terms of that portion the last, who ever held that human govern- of his constituency, and I believe I am cor- ment ever was or could be anything more rect in saying that Mr. Le Visconte, the than what a modern sage called " an approxi- late Finance Minister of Nova Scotia, was, mation to the right," and an ancient called in the literal sense of the term, an Acadian. " the possible best/' Well, we believe we Mr. Cozzans, of New York, who wrote a have here given to our countrymen of all the very readable little book the other day about provinces the possible best—that we have Nova Scotia, describes the French residents given it to them in the most imperative mo- near the basin of Minas, and he says especial- ment—their representatives and ours have ly of the women, " they might have stepped " labored at it, letter and spirit, form and sub- out of Normandy a hundred years ago ! stance, until they found this basis of agree- In New Brunswick there is more than one ment, which we are all alike confident will county, especially in the North, where not now, nor for many a day to come, be business, and law, and politics, require a easily swept away. Before I pass to another knowledge of both French and English. A point, sir, permit me to pay my tribute of worthy friend of oars, Hon. Mr. Mitchell, unfeigued respect to one of our Canadian of Chatham, who was present at the earlier colleagues in this work, who is no longer meetings of the Conference, owed his first. with us ; I mean the present Vice-Chancellor election for one of these counties, because he of Upper Canada (Hon. Mr. Mowat), who was Pierre Michel, and could speak to his took a constant and honorable share in the French constituents in their own language. preparation of this project. (Cheers.) Now, I will, with leave of the House, read on this sir, I wish to say a few words in reference interesting subject a passage from a very to what I call the social relations which I capital sketch of the French district of New think ought to exist and will spring up be- Brunswick in 1863, by Lieutenant Governor tween the people of the Lower Provinces Gordon [it is in GrALSTON's Vacation Tour- and ourselves if there is a closer communi- ist for 1864], and is exceedingly interesting cation established between us, and also in throughout : reference to the social fitness t:> each of the The French population, which forms so large parties to this proposed union. And first, I a proportion among the inhabitants of the coun- will make a remark to some of the French ties of Westmoreland, Kent and Gloucester, ap- Canadian gentlemen who are said to be op- pears to me as contented as the habitants of Vic- toria, but hardly equally as well off. There was posed to our project, on French Canadian an air of comfort and bienetre about the large grouuds only. I will remind them, I hope timber two-storied houses, painted a dark Indian not improperly, that everyone of the colon- red, standing among the trees, the numerous good ies we now propose to re-unite under one horses, the well-tilled fields and sleek cattle, which rule — in which they shall have a potential is wanting on the sea coast. We stopped after a voice—were once before united, as New pleasant drive, affording us good views of the beau- Prance. (Cheers.) Newfoundland, the ut- tiful peak of Green River Mountain, at the house Monsieur Violet, at the mouth of Grand termost, was theirs, and one large section of of a River, which was to be our starting point. The its coast is still known as "the French shore;" whole aspect of the farm was that of the m£tairie Cape Breton was theirs till the final fall of in Normandy—the outer doors of the house gaud. —

ly painted—the panels of a different color from were granted after the Peace of Paris, to the frame—the large, open, uncarpeted room, officers and men of Frazer's Highlanders with its bare, shining floor—the lasses at the and other Scotish regiments, which had spinning-wheel the French costume and appear- — distinguished themselves during the seven ance of Madame Violet and her sons and daugh- years' war. If my hon. friend from Glen- ters, all carried me back to the other side of the Atlantic. After a short conversation with the Vio- garry (Mr. D. A. Macdonald) had be n lets, we walked down to the bridge, where two with us last September at Charlottetown, he log-canoes, manned by Frenchmen—three Cyrs would have met clansmen, whom he would and a Thibaudeau—were waiting for us, and have been proud to know, and who could turn in the river pushed off from the shore. A have conversed with him in his own cherish- speedily hid from us the bridge and farm, very ed Gaelic. our empty carriage, and the friends who had ac- Mr. D. A. They are companied us from Grand Falls standing on the MACDONALD.— bank, in the evening sunshine, waving us their all over the world. (Laughter.) farewells, and it was not without pleasure that we Hon. Mr. McGEE—So much the better felt that the same turn which screened them from for the world. (Cheers.) And I will tell our view, separated us for some time to come from him what I think is to their honor, that civilized life. the Highlanders in all the provinces pre- It will be observed Governor Gordon serve faithfully the religion, as well as the speaks of four counties in the north language and traditions, of their fathers. of New Brunswick which still bear a The Catholic Bishop of Charlottetown is a marked French character. Well, gen- McIntyre; his Bight Be v. brother of Ari- tlemen of French origin, we propose to chat (Cape Breton) is a McKinnon ; and in restore these long-lost compatriots to your the list of the clergy, I find a constant suc- protection : in the Federal Union, which cession of such names as McDonald, Mc- will recognize equally both languages, they Gillis, McGillvart, McLeod, McKen- " will naturally look to you; their petitions zie and Cameron—all " Anglo-Saxons of will come to you, and their representatives course, and mixed up with them Fourniers, will naturally be found allied with you. Gauvreaus, Paqurts and Mar tells, Suppose those four New Brunswick counties whose origin is easy to discover. (Cheers.) are influenced by the French vote, and two Another of the original elements of that in Nova Scotia, and one in Newfoundland, population remains to be noticed —the U. E. you will, should you need them, have them Loyalists, who founded New Brunswick, just as sure allies to your own compact body, to as surely as they founded Upper Canada, for aid your legitimate influence in the Federal whom New Brunswick was made a separate Councils. (Cheers.) I shall proceed with province in 1794, as Upper Canada was for my outline analysis of the maritime popula- their relatives in 1791. Their descendants tion, in order to establish the congruity and still flourish in the land, holding many congeniality of our proposed union. In positions of honor, and as a representative point of time, the next oldest element in that of the class, I shall only mention Judge population is the Irish settlement of Ferry- Wilmot, who the other day declared in land, in Newfoundland, undertaken by Lord charging one of his grand juries, that if it Baltimore and Lord Falkland (Lord were necessary to carry Confederation in Lieutenant of Ireland at the time), immediate- New Brunswick, so impressed was he with ly after the restoration of King Charles I., the necessity of the measure to the very soon after 1660. Newfoundland still re- existence of British laws and British institu- mains strongly Irish, as is natural, since it tions, he was prepared to quit the benefit for is the next parish to Ireland—(laughter) politics. (Cheers.) There are other ele- and I think we saw a very excellent specimen ments also not to be overlooked. The thrifty of its Irish natives at our Conference, in Germans of Luuenberg, whose homes are Ambrose Shea. (Cries of hear, hear.) To the neatest upon the land, as their fleet is me, I confess, it is particularly grateful to the tightest on the sea, and other smaller

reflect that the only Irish colony, as it may subdivisions j but I shall not prolong this be called, of our group, is to be included in analysis. I may observe, however, that this the new arrangements. (Hear.) Another main population is almost universally a native element in the Lower Province population population of three or four or more genera- is the Highland Scotch. Large tracts of tions In New Brunswick, at the most there Prince Edward Island and Cape Breton is about twelve pei cent, of an immigrant peo- 26

eight; in in pie ; in Nova Scotia, about the two engaged a common cause for the good oi Islands, very much less. In the eye of the a common nationality will grow up of itself law we admit no disparity between natives without being forced by any man's special and immigrants in this country; but it is to advocacy. (Hear, hear.) The thing who be considered that where men are born iu shuts up his heart against his kindred, his the presence of the graves of their fathers, neighbors, and his fellow-subjects, maybe a for even a few generations, the influence of very pretty fellow at a parish vestry, but do that tact is great in enhancing their attach- you call such a forked-radish as that, a man ? ment to that soil. I admit, for my part, as (Laughter ) Don't so abuse the noblest word an immigrant, of no divided allegiance to in the language. (Hear, hear.) Sir, there is Canada and her interests; but it would be one other argument for this union, or rather untrue and paltry to deny a divided affection an illustration of its mutually advantageous between the old country and the new. Kept character, which I draw from the physical within just bounds, such an affection is rea- geography and physical resources of the whole sonable, is right and creditable to those who territory which it is proposed to unite ; but cherish it. (Hear, hear.) Why I refer to before I draw the attention of the House to this broad fact which distinguishes the popu- it, I may perhaps refer to a charge that pro- lations of all the four seaward provinces as bably will be made against me, that I am much as it does Lower Canada herself, is, to making what may appear to be a non-politi- show the fixity and stability of that popula- cal speech. If it be non-political in the tion ; to show that they are by birth British sense of non-partizan, then I plead guilty to

Americans; that they can nearly all, of the charge ; but I think that on some of the every origin, use that proud phrase when points to which I have alluded the country they look daily from their doors, "this is is desirous of being informed, and as many my own, my native land." (Cheers.) Let hon. gentleman have not had time to make a but that population and ours come together tour of the country to the east of us, those for a generation or two—such are the ele- who have had the opportunity of doing so ments that compose, such the conditions that cannot, I think, better subserve the interest surround it—and their mutual descendants of the community than by giving what will hear with wonder, when the history of appears to them a fair, just and truthful these present transactions are written, that sketch of those provinces and their people, this plan of union could ever have been and thus informing those in Canada who seriously opposed by statesmen in Canada or have not had the opportunity of making- elsewhere. (Cheers.) I am told, however, observations for themselves on the spot.

by one or two members of this House, and (Hear,hear ) It was remarked by the late Sir by exclusively-minded Canadians out of it, John Beverley Robinson, in his letter to that they cannot entertain any patriotic feel- Lord John Russell in 1839, that if the Bri- ing about this union with New Brunswick or tish Government had attempted to maintain Nova Scotia, and that they cannot look with the ancient boundaries of New France, in any interest at those colonies, with which the treaty which acknowledged the United we have had hitherto so little association. States, it would have been impossible to do " What's Hecuba to me, or I to Hecuba?" so. Those boundaries extend to Ohio on the Well, I answer to that, know them and my south, and included much of what is now word for it, you will like them. I have been called by our neighbours " the North-West." on seven or eight journeys there, and have There is great force> I think, in this obser- seen much of the people, and the more I have vation. But in relation to what I may call seen of them, the more I respected and the ground-plan on which we propose to esteemed them. (Hear, hear.) I say, then, erect our constitutional edifice, its natural to these gentlemen, that if you want to feel oneness is admirable to contemplate. There

any patriotism on the subject ; if you want to is not one port or harbour of all the provinces stir up a common sentiment of affection be- now proposing to confederate,which cannotbe tween these people and ourselves, bring us reached from any other by all vessels, if not of all into closer relation together, and having too great draught, without ever once leaving the elements of a vigorous nationality with our own waters. From the head of Lake us, each will find something to like and res- Superior the same craft may coast uninter- pect in the other; mutual confidence and ruptedly, always within sight of our own espect will follow, and a feeling of being shores nearly the distance of a voyage to Eng- — — 1

land—to St. John, Newfoundland. (Cheers) We sometimes complain of our inland navigation, that we have it free but half the year

round, but what it lacks at one season it id r-t , CO CO OS I— o» CN O i-t O CN t- .t* amply compensates by its vast capacity. S ££ * OHtjICOMH OS i>r i>r *>r

Keith Johnston's Physical Atlas, a book M W rjl CO rH the (Laughter.) o 53 with book. He will find 3 d that our matchless St. Lawrence drains an area of 298,000 square miles, of which only i-I eo i- ir- -t- CO 94,000 are occupied by the five great lakes OStO O "^ iO« o >o oo^o^oo^to^ taken together. I shall not attempt to tread to t-T <=T C> oo cn t-H CO cs iH in the path of my two friends who sit next 2 *> °° CO 25 ® r-t 1-1 me (Hon. Messrs. Galt and Brown) by ex- hibiting in any detail the prospects of mutual commercial advantages opened up this by «#=# CO CO co union : I have prepared a statement on this subject, giving certain general results, which I do not present as complete, but only as proximately correct and which I OSiONOOO — now i—i co os o o to read to the House : beg iflONMO O OO O CO CO

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»-c CN CO CN *- rH CO CO CO CO OS i» o> o< . » CO ->* CN CN i?- co CN rH CN S fift o nrrt a 1—1 PHP rt as ;/2 02 O S o O r^.2 P* HINHCOO o U^^fH^i OS "<* OS .t- <=> C5 OS vo OS co <=> CN H «, CO CO CN ^ CO CN*" there is one special source of wealth to "*' OS *o o -* -«# But pq CN CO *— CN OS o 5a be found in the Maritime ProvinceSj which « CO *- e» was not in any detail exhibited by my hou. friends—I allude to the important article of coal. I think there can be no doubt that, •n • in parts of Canada, are fast passing- £ CN some we ,2 O «« CO out of the era of wood as fuel, and entering rH rH ( on that of coal. In my own city every year,

swick ward o land there is great suffering among the poor from K „ Ph o B'^'O 3 the enormous price of fuel, and large sums are • o H paid away by national societies and benevo- Se«C»3 >* .2 * lent individuals, to prevent whole families c ^ V- ftrl —— aa

perishing for want of fuel. I believe wo anti-unionist might see that the population must all conclude with Sir William Logan of Canada is within a fraction of that of all that we have no coal in Canada, and I may New England put together, that we consume venture to state, on my own authority, an- in this country as much fuel per annum as other fact, that we have—a five months' they do in all New England and, therefore, j winter, generally very cold. Now, what are that we offer them a market under the union the coal resources of our maritime friends, to equal to that which these theorizers want to whose mines Confederation would give us persuade their followers they would lose. free and untaxed access forever ? I take (Hear, hear.) Sir, another cry raised by these data from the authority in my hand the anti-unionists below is, that they would from tho highest authority on the subject have to fight for the defence of Canada— Taylor's Coal Fields of the New World ; very specious argument. What, sir, three Dr. A. Gesner, in a communication to the millions and one million unite, and the one Geological Society of London, 1843, states that million must do the fighting for all. In pro- the area of coal fields in New Brunswick has portion to their numbers no doubt these been recently determined to be 7,500 square valiant gentlemen will have to fight, if fight- miles; 10,000 square miles, including Nova Scotia, ing is to be done, but not one man or one but exclusive of Cape Breton. Since his first shilling more than Canada, pro rata, will report he has explored the whole of this vast region, and has found the area covered by that they have to fight or spend. On the con- coal formation to be no less than 8,000 square trary, the greater community, if she should miles in New Brunswick. He says the most pro- not happen to be first attacked, would be ob- ductive coal beds prevail in the interior, while liged, to fight for them, and in doing so, I those of Nova Scotia occur on the shores of her do not hesitate to say, on far better authority bays and rivers, where they offer every ad- than my own, that the man who fights for vantage for mining operations. The coal fields the valley and harbour of St. John, or even of the two provinces are united at the boundary for Halifax, fights for line, and belong to the carboniferous period. Canada. I will sup- The developments of almost every season illus- pose another not impossible case. I will trate more clearly the magnitude of these coal suppose a hostile American army, on a fish- fields, which extend from Newfoundland by Cape ery or any other war, finding it easier and Breton, Prince Edward Island, Nova Scotia, cheaper to seize the lower colonies by land and across a large portion of New Brunswick into than by sea, by a march from a convenient the State of Maine. Mr. Henwood, a geologist rendezvous on Lake Champlain, through of high standing, observes that the beauty and into extent of these coal treasures it is impossible to Lower Canada, the upper part of New describe. In Nova Scotia, Dr. Gesner's state- Brunswick, and so downward to the sea— ments exhibit an area of coal formation of 2,500 march like Sherman's march from Knox- square miles, while Messrs. Logan, Dawson and ville to Savannah. While we obstructed greatly exceed even that area. Sir Brown W. such a march by every means in our power, E. Logan demonstrated by a laborious survey the from the Richelieu to Riviere du Loup, thickness or depth of the whole group in North- whose battles would we be fighting then? ern Nova Scotia to be over 2| miles, an amount at, which far exceeds anything seen in the coal for- Why the seaports aimed for our common subjugation. (Hear, hear.) the truth mation in other parts of North America ) in this But group there are seventy-six coal beds one above is, all these selfish views and arrangements the other. are remarkably short-sightjd, unworthy of I must say, sir, that this is a cheer- the subject, and unworthy even of those who ing statement of facts, coming to us on use them. In a commercial, in a military, the very highest authority, and I feel warm- in every point of view, we are all, rightly ing with the subject, even while mak- considered, dependant on each other. New- ing the statement. (Laughter.) These ex- foundland dominates the Gulf, and none of haustless coal fields will, under this plan us can afford to be separated from her. which is in fact our Reciprocity Treaty with Lord Chatham said he would as soon aban- the Lower Provinces—become, hereafter, don Plymouth as Newfoun aland, and he is the great resource of our towns for fuel. I said to have understood how to govern men. see the cry is raised below by the anti-un- Nova Scotia and New Brunswick are Siamese ionists that to proceed with Confederation twins, held together by that ligature of land would be to entail the loss of the New Eng- between Baie Verte and Cumberland Basin, land market for their coals. I do not quite and the fate of the one must follow the fate see how they make that outj but even an of the other. (Hear, hear.) Prince Ed- ;! — —;

ward is only a little bit, broken off by the would cease to be miracles if they were events Northumberland Strait from those two big- of every day occurrence ; the very nature of ger brethren, and Upper and Lower Canada wonders requires that they should be rare are essential to each other's prosperity. Our and this is a miraculous and wonderful cir- very physical outline teaches us the lesson of cumstance, that men at the head of the Gov- union, aud indicates how many mutual ad- ernments in five separate provinces, and men vantages we may all derive from the treaty at the head of the parties opposing them, all we have made. Mr. Speaker, while we in agreed at the same time to sink party differ- Canada have no doubt of the ratification of ences for the good of all, and did not shrink, the Intercolonial Treaty, by this House aud at the risk of having their motives misun- country, I cannot conceal from myself that derstood, from associating together for the our friends in the Lower Provinces are fight- purpose of bringing about this result. ing a battle with narrow views and vested (Cheers.) I have asked, sir, what risks do interests which are always most bitter in the we run if we reject this measure? We run smallest communities. There are coasting the risk of being swallowed up by the spirit trade interests and railway interests at work of universal democracy that prevails in the and there are the strong interests of honest United States. Their usual and favorite ignorance and dishonesty ingenuity. What motto is can these men mean, who are no fools ? Do No pent up Utica contracts our powers, they, too, fancy they can get a Government But the whole boundless continent is ours. made to their own private order ? Do they think they can go on on the old system ? That is the paraphrase of the Monroe doc- Do they mean to give up the country to the trine. And the popular voice has favored Americans ? Why not hang up at once the aye, and the greatest statesmen among them —sign, " these provinces for sale —terms cash have looked upon it as inevitable—an exten- * greenbacks ' taken at full value I" I re- sion of the principles of democracy over this joice to see the unionists of the Maritime continent. Now, I suppose a universal de- Provinces so resolved, so high spirited and so mocracy is no more acceptable to us than a united—and though their victory will not be universal monarchy in Europe, and yet for won without work, yet I feel assured it will be three centuries—from Charles V. to Na- a victory. If the honest and misguided would poleon—our fathers combatted to the death but reflect for a moment the risks the run by against the subjection of all Europe to a sin- defeating, or even delaying this measure, gle system or a single master, and heaped up I am sure they would, even yet, retract. a debt which has since burthened the pro- (Hear, hear.) If we reject it now, is there ducing classes of the empire with an enor- any human probability that we shall ever see mous load of taxation, which, perhaps, none again so propitious a set of circumstances to other except the hardy and ever-growing in- bring about the same results ? How they dustry of those little islands could have borne came about we all know. (Hear, hear.) up under. (Hear, hear.) The idea of a uni- The strange and fortunate events that have versal democracy in America is no more wel- occurred in Canada; the extraordinary con- come to the minds of thoughtful men among cessions made by the leaders of the Govern- us, than was that of a universal monarchy to ments below—Dr.TuppER, the Nova Scotian the mind of the thoughtful men who fol- Premier, for instance, admitting to his con- lowed the standard of the third William in fidence, and bringing with him here as his Europe, or who afterwards, under the great co-representatives, Hon. Messrs. Archibald Marlborough, opposed the armies of the and McCully, two of his most determined particular dynasty that sought to place Europe political opponents—can we ever expect,if we under a single dominion. (Hear, hear.) reject this scheme, that the same or similar But if we are to have a universal democracy things will occur again to favor it ? Can wo on this continent, the Lower Provinces—the expect to see the leader of the Upper Cana- smaller fragments—will be " gobbled up" dian conservative party and the leader of the first, and we will come in afterwards by way Upper Canadian liberals sitting side by side of dessert. (Laughter.) The proposed again, if this project fails to work out, in a Confederation will enable us to bear up spirit of mutual compromise and concession, shoulder to shoulder; to resist the spread of the problem of our constitutional difficulties ? this universal democracy doctrine; it will No, sir, it is too much to expect. Miracles make it more desirable to maintain on both —; — —

sides the connection that binds us to the Free Church, of Montreal. The passage is parent State ; it will raise us from the posi- on page seven of the Introduction : tion of mere dependent colonies to a new About the year 1790 the Presbyterians of it will and more important position ; give us Montreal of all denominations, both British and a new lease of existence under other and American, organized themselves into a Church, more favorable conditions ; and resistance and in the following year secured the services of Rev. to this project, which is pregnant with so the John Young. At this time they met in the Recollet Roman Catholic Church, many advantages to us and to our children, but in the year following they erected the edifice which is means simply this, ultimate union with the now known as St. Gabriel Street Church—the United States. (Cheers.) But these are oldest Protestant Charch in the province. In small matters, wholly unworthy of the atten- their early Minutes we find them, in acknowledg- tion of the Smiths, and Annands, and ment of the kindness of the Reco'let Fathers, Palmers, who have come forward to forbid presenting them with "One box of candles, 561bs., the banns of British American Union. Mr. at 8d., and one hogshead of Spanish wine at £6 5s." Spfaker, before I draw to a close the little remainder of what I have to say—and I am (Laughter.) I beg my hon. friends, who may sorrry to have detained the House so long have different notions of Christian intercourse (cries of " No, No")—I beg to offer a few at this time of day, just to fancy doings of that observations apropos of my own position as sort. (Hear, hear.) Here, on the one hand, are an English-speaking member for Lower Ca- the Becollet Fathers giving up one of their nada. I venture, in the first place, to ob- own churches to the disciples of John Knox serve that there seems to be a good deal of to enable them to worship God after their exaggeration on the subject of race, occa- own manner, and perhaps to have a gird at sionally introduced, both on the one side and Popery in the meantime— (great laughter) the other, in this section of the country. I and here, on the other hand, are the grateful congratulate my honorable friend the Attor- Presbyterians presenting to these same Semi- ney General for this section on his freedom nary priests wine and wax tapers in acknow- from such prejudices in general, though I ledgment of the use of their church, for still think in matters of patronage and the Presbyterian service. Certainly a more like he always thinks first of his own com- characteristic instance of true tolerance on patriots—(laughter)—for which neither do I both sides can hardly be found in the history blame him. But this theory of race is some- of any other country. I cite this little times carried to an anti-christian and un- incident to draw from it this practical moral philosophical excess. Whose words are —that those who are seeking, and, in some those— " God hath made of one blood all the particulars, I believe justly seeking, the set- nations that dwell on the face of the earth ?" tles: ent of Protestant education in Lower Is not that the true theory of race ? For Canada on firmer ground than it now occu- my part, I am not afraid of the French Ca- pies, might well afford to leave the two great nadian majority in the future Local Govern- Seminaries of Montreal and Quebec at peace. ment doing injustice, except accidentally No two institutions in Christendom ever not because I am of the same religion as more conscientiously fulfilled the ends of themselves ; for origin and language are bar- their erection ; and whoever does not know riers stronger to divide men in this world all, but even a little, of the good services than is religion to unite them. Neither do they have rendered to both the people and I believe that my Protestant compatriots the Government of Lower Canada, to the need have any such fear. The French Ca- civilization and settlement of this country, nadians have never been an intolerant people has much yet to learn of the history of it is not in their temper, unless they had been Canada. (Hear, hear.) To close this topic, persecuted, perhaps, and then it might have I have no doubt whatever, with a good deal been as it has been with other races of all of moderation and a proper degree of firm- religions. Perhaps, on this subject, the ness, all that the Protestant minority in House will allow me to read a very striking Lower Canada can require, by way of secu- illustration of the tolerance of French Cana- rity to their educational system, will be dian character from a book I hold in my cheerfully granted to them by this House. hand, the Digest of the Synod Minutes of I, for one, as a Roman Catholic, will cor- the Presbyterian Church of Canada, by my dially second and support any such amend- worthy friend, the Rev. Mr. Kemp, of the ments, properly framed. I will merely add 32

in relation to an observation of my friend ed the Spanish with the fate of the Egyptian (Hon. Mr. Brown) last night on the sub- oppressor. It is a principle capable of ject of the Catholic Separate Schools of inspiring a noble ambition and a most Upper Canada, that I accepted for nay own salutary emulation. You have sent your part, as a finality, the amended act of 18^3. young men to guard your frontier You I did so because it granted all the petitioners want a principle to guard your young asked, and 1 think they ought to be satisfied. men, and thus truly defend your fron- I will be no party to the re-opening of the tier. For what do good men (who make question ; but I say this, that if there are to the best soldiers) fight? For a line of be any special guarantees or grants extended scripture or chalk line—for a pretext or for to the Protestant minority of Lower Canada, a priLciple ? What is a better boundary I think the Catholic minority in Upper Ca- between nations than a parallel ot latitude, nada ought to be placed in precisely the same or even a natural obstacle ?—what really position—neither better nor worse. (Hear, keeps nations intact and apart ?—a princi- hear.) At present I shall not add another ple. When I can hear our young men say word on this subject, as I am not aware of as proudly, " our Federation" or " our the particular nature of the amendments Country," or " our Kingdom," as the young asked for at present, either east or west. men of other countries do, speaking of their (Hear, hear.) All who have spoken on this own, then I shall have less apprehension for subject have said a good deal, as was natural, the result of whatever trials the future may of the interests at stake in the success or have in store for us. (Cheers.) It has failure of this plan of Confederation. I been said that the Federal Constitution of trust the House will permit me to add a few the United States has failed. I, sir, have words as to the principle of Confederation never said it. The Attorney General West considered in itself. In the application of told you the other night that he did not con- this principle to former constitutions, there sider it a failure ; and I remember that in certainly always was one fatal defect, the 1861, when in this House I remarked the weakness of the central authority. Of all same thing, the only man who then applauded the Federal constitutions I have ever heard the statement was the Attorney General or read of, this was the fatal malady : they West—so that it is pretty plain he did not were sbort-lived, they died of consumption. simply borrow the argument for use the (Laughter.) But 1 am not prepared to say the other Dight, when he was advocating a that because the Tuscan League elected its Federal Union among ourselves. (Hear, chief magistrates for two months and lasted a hear.) It may be a failure for'us, paradoxi- century, that therefore the Federal principle cal as this may seem, and yet not a failure failed. On the contrary, there is something for them. They have had eighty years' use in the frequent, fond recurrence of mankind' of it, and having discovered its defects, may to this principle, among the freest people, in apply a remedy and go on with it eighty their best times and worst dangers, which years longer. But we also are lookers on, leads me to believe, that it has a very deep who saw its defects as the machine worked, hold in human nature itself—an excellent and who have prepared contrivances by basis for a government to have. But indeed, which it can be improved and kept in more sir, the main question is the due distribution perfect order when applied to ourselves, of powers—a question I dare not touch to- And one of the foremost statesmen in Eng- night, but which I may be prepared to say land, distinguished alike in politics and something on before the vote is taken. The literature, has declared, as the President of principle itself seems to me to be capable of the Council informed us, that we have com- being so adapted as to promote internal peace bined the best parts of the British and the and external security, and to call into action a American systems of government, and this genuine, enduring and heroic patriotism. It is opinion was deliberately formed at a distance, a fruit of this principle that makes the modern without prejudice, and expressed without Italian look back with sorrow and pride over interested motives of any description. a dreary waste of seven centuries to the (Hear, hear.) We have, in relation to the famous field of Legnano ; it was this princi- head of the Government, in relation to the ple kindled the beacons which burn yet on judiciary, in relation to the second chamber

the rocks of Uri ; it was this principle that of the Legislature, in relation to the financial broke the dykes of Holland and overwhelm- responsibility of the General Government, ; ss

and in relation to the public officials whose the measure agreed upon here in the last tenure of office is during good behaviour week of October. We are bound to carry it to instead of at the caprice of a party—in all the foot of the Throne, and ask there from these respects we have adopted the British Her Majesty, according to the first resolution system; in other respects we have learned of the Address, that She will be graciously something from the American system, and I pleased to direct legislation to be had on this trust and believe we have made a very subject. We go to the Imperial Govern- tolerable combination of both (Hear, hear.) ment, the common arbitral- of us all, iu our The principle of Federation is a generous true Federal metropolis—we go there to ask principle. It is a principle that gives men for our fundamental Charter. We hope, by local duties to discharge, and invests them having that Charter that can only be amended at the same time with general supervision, by the authority that made it, that we will that excites a healthy sense of responsibility lay the basis of permanency for our future and comprehension. It is a principle that government. The two great things that all has produced a wise and true spirit of statesmen aim at in any free government, are manship in all countries in which it has liberty and permanency. We have had ever been applied. It is a principle emi- liberty enough—too much perhaps in some nently favorable to liberty, because local respects—but at all events, liberty to our affairs are left to be dealt with by local heart's content. There is not on the face of bodies and cannot be interfered with by the earth a freer people than the inhabitants those who have no local interest in them, of these colonies. But it is necessary there while matters of a general character are should be respect for the law, a high central left exclusively to a General Groverment. It authority, the virtue of civil obedience, h a principle coincident with every govern- obeying the law for the law's sake, even ment that ever gave extended and important when a man's private conscience may con- services to a country, because all govern- vince him sufficiently that the law in some ments have been more or less confederations cases may be wrong, he is not to set up his in their character. Spain was a federation, individual will against the will of the country- for although it had a king reigning over the expressed through its recognised eonstitu, whole country, it 'Jiad its local governments tional organs. We need in these provinces- for the administration of local affairs. The we can bear, a large infusion of authority. British Isles are a Confederation, and the I am not at all afraid this Constitution errs old French Dukedoms were confederated in on the side of too great conservatism. If it the States General. It is a principle that be found too conservative now, the down- runs through all the history of civilization ward tendency in political ideas which in one form or another, and exists alike in characterizes this democratic age, is a suffi- monarchies and democracies; and having cient guarantee for amendment. That is the adopted it as the principle of our future principle on which this instrument is strong government, there were only the details to and worthy of the support of every colonist, arrange and agroe upon. Those details arc and through which it will secure the warm before you. It is not in our power to alter approbation of the Imperial authorities. any of them even if the House desires it. We have here no traditions and ancient

If the House desires it can reject the treaty, venerable institutions ; here, there are no but we cannot, nor can the other provinces aristocratic elements hallowed by time or which took part in its negotiation, consent bright deeds ; here, every man is the first that it shall be altered in the slightest parti- settler of the land, or removed from the first cular. (Hear, hear.) Mr. Speaker, I am settler one or two generations at the furthest sorry to have detained the House so long, here, we have no architectural monuments and was not aware till I had been some time calling up old associations; here, we have on my legs that my physical force was so none of those old popular legends and stories inadequate to the exposition of these few which in other countries have exercised a points which, not specially noticed by my powerful share in the government; here, predecessors in this debate, I undertook to every man is the son of his own works. speak upon. We stand at present in this (Hear, hear.) We have none of those position : we are bound in honor, we are influences about U3 which, elsewhere, have bound in good faith, to four provinces their effect upon government just as much occupied by our fellow-colonists, to carry out as the invisible atmosphere itself tends to

5 — 34

influence life, and animal and vegetable than quadrupled our trade. The small colon- existence. This is a new land—a land of ies which your ancestors could scarcely see pretension because it is new ; because classes on the map have grown into great communi- and systems have not had that time to grow ties. A great danger has arisen in our near here naturally. We have no aristocracy neighborhood. Over our homes a cloud but of virtue and talent, which is the only true hangs, dark and heavy. We do not know aristocracy, and is the old and true meaning when it may burst. With our own strength of the term. (Hear, hear.) There is a class we are not able to combat against the storm, of men rising in these colonies, superior in what we can do, we will do cheerfully and many respects to others with whom they loyally. But we want time to grow—we might be compared. What I should like to want more people to fill our country, more see is —that fair representatives of the industrious families of men to develope our Canadian and Acadian aristocracy, sheuld be resources—we want to increase our prosper- sent to the foot of the Throne with that ity—we want more extended trade and com- scheme, to obtain for it the royal sanction merce—we want more land tilled—more men a scheme not suggested by others, or imposed established through our wastes and wilder- upon us, but one the work of ourselves, the nesses. We of the British North American creation of our own intellect and of our own Provinces want to be joined together, that free, unbiassed and untrammelled will. I if danger comes, we can support each other should like to see our best men go there, in the day of trial. We come to Your Ma- and endeavor to have this measure carried jesty, who have given us liberty, to give us through the Imperial Parliament—going unity, that we may preserve and perpetuate into Her Majesty's presence, and by their our freedom ; and whatsoever charter, in the manner, if not actually by their speech, wisdom of Your Majesty and of Your Parlia- saying—"During Your Majesty's reign we ment, you give us, we shall loyally obey and have had Responsible Government conceded fulfil it as long as it is the pleasure of Your to us ; we have administered it for nearly a Majesty and Your Successors to maintain the quarter of a century, during which we have connection between Q-reat Britain and these under it doubled our population and more Colonies." (Loud cheers.) |