Soviet Transcaucasus 1917-1945: Nations in Transition
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Issue Brief for Congress Received Through the CRS Web
Order Code IB92089 Issue Brief for Congress Received through the CRS Web Russia Updated March 14, 2003 Stuart D. Goldman Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division Congressional Research Service ˜ The Library of Congress CONTENTS SUMMARY MOST RECENT DEVELOPMENTS BACKGROUND AND ANALYSIS Post-Soviet Russia and Its Significance for the United States Political Developments Economic Developments Economic Reform Foreign Policy Defense Policy Fundamental Shakeup of the Military Control of Nuclear Weapons U.S. Policy U.S.-Russian Relations U.S. Assistance IB92089 03-14-03 Russia SUMMARY Vladimir Putin, catapulted into the ber 11, however, Russia has adopted a much Kremlin by Boris Yeltsin’s resignation, was more cooperative attitude on many issues. elected President on March 26, 2000 by a solid majority that embraced his military The military is in turmoil after years of campaign in Chechnya. Parties backing Putin severe force reductions and budget cuts. The did well in the December 1999 Duma election, armed forces now number about one million, giving Putin a stable parliamentary majority as down from 4.3 million Soviet troops in 1986. well. Putin’s top priority is to revive the Weapons procurement is down sharply. economy and integrate Russia into the global Readiness, training, morale, and discipline marketplace. He has also strengthened the have suffered. Putin’s government has increa- central government vis-a-vis the regions and sed defense spending sharply but there is brought TV and radio under tighter state conflict between the military and the control. Federal forces have suppressed large- government and within the military over scale military resistance in Chechnya but face resource allocation, restructuring, and reform. -
Russian Political, Economic, and Security Issues and U.S. Interests
Order Code RL33407 Russian Political, Economic, and Security Issues and U.S. Interests Updated July 28, 2008 Stuart D. Goldman Specialist in Russian and Eurasian Affairs Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division Russian Political, Economic, and Security Issues and U.S. Interests Summary Dmitry Medvedev, Putin’s chosen successor and long-time protege, was elected President of the Russian Federation on March 2, 2008 with about 70% of the vote. Medvedev, formerly First Deputy Prime Minister, announced during the campaign that if elected, he would propose Putin as Prime Minister. Medvedev was inaugurated as President on May 7; Putin was confirmed as Prime Minister the next day. The Kremlin’s Unified Russia party had previously swept the parliamentary election (December 2, 2007), winning more than two-thirds of the seats in the Duma. U.S. and EU observers criticized both elections as unfairly controlled by the governing authorities. Nevertheless, Putin’s widespread popularity in Russia led many to conclude that the election results corresponded to Russian public opinion. The economic upturn that began in 1999 is continuing. The GDP, domestic investment, and the general living standard have been growing impressively after a decade-long decline, fueled in large part by profits from oil and gas exports. There is a budget surplus, and the ruble is stable. Some major problems remain: 15% of the population live below the poverty line; foreign investment is relatively low; inflation is rising; and crime, corruption, capital flight, and unemployment remain high. Russian foreign policy has grown more self-confident, assertive and anti- western, fueled by its perceived status as an “energy superpower.” Russia’s drive to reassert dominance in and integration of the former Soviet states is most successful with Belarus and Armenia but arouses opposition in Georgia, Ukraine, Azerbaijan, and Moldova. -
CRS Issue Brief for Congress Received Through the CRS Web
Order Code IB92089 CRS Issue Brief for Congress Received through the CRS Web Russia Updated January 5, 2005 Stuart D. Goldman Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division Congressional Research Service ˜ The Library of Congress CONTENTS SUMMARY MOST RECENT DEVELOPMENTS BACKGROUND AND ANALYSIS Post-Soviet Russia and Its Significance for the United States Political Developments Chechnya Economic Developments Economic Reform Foreign Policy Defense Policy Fundamental Shakeup of the Military Control of Nuclear Weapons U.S. Policy U.S.-Russian Relations U.S. Assistance IB92089 01-05-05 Russia SUMMARY Vladimir Putin won reelection as Russian CIS as an institution is failing. Washington President on March 14, 2004, in an exercise in and Moscow continue to disagree over Rus- “managed democracy” in which he took 71% sian nuclear reactor sales to Iran, among other of the vote and faced no serious competition. issues. After the September 11 attacks, how- The pro-Putin Unified Russia party similarly ever, Russia adopted a generally more cooper- swept the parliamentary election in December ative attitude on many issues. 2003 and controls more than two-thirds of the seats in the Duma. On March 1, Putin re- The military is in turmoil after years of placed long-serving Premier Kasyanov with a severe force reductions and budget cuts. The little-known bureaucrat, Mikhail Fradkov, armed forces now number about one million, indicating that Putin intends to take the reins down from 4.3 million Soviet troops in 1986. of government even more completely into his Weapons procurement is down sharply. own hands. Putin’s twin priorities remain to Readiness, training, morale, and discipline revive the economy and strengthen the state. -
The Impact of Batumi on Turkish-Georgian Relations During the Period of National Struggle
Kafkasya Calışmaları - Sosyal Bilimler Dergisi / Journal of Caucasian Studies Kasım 2019 / November 2019, Yıl / Vol. 5, № 9 ISSN 2149–9527 E-ISSN 2149–9101 The Impact of Batumi on Turkish-Georgian Relations During The Period of National Struggle Buket Elmas* Abstract The future of Batumi, which was occupied by the British by the Mondros Armistice Agreement (October 30, 1918), has occupied the agenda of the Ankara Government for a long time during the National Struggle Period. The Turkish side tried to maintain its existence in Batumi against the British, Georgian and Russian threat and aimed to keep the "Elviye-i Selase" in Turkish territory. In terms of both strategically and, the Turkish and Muslim population living in the region, Batumi has been a priority issue for the Turkish side and played an important role in shaping Turkish-Georgian relations during the National Struggle, from the Mondros Armistice Agreement to the Treaty of Kars. Keywords: Mondros Armistice Agreement, Batumi, Elviye-i Selase, National Struggle, Ankara Government. Milli Mücadele Döneminde Batum’un Türk-Gürcü İlişkilerine Etkisi Özet Mondros Ateşkes Antlaşması ile İngilizler tarafından işgal edilen Batum'un geleceği konusu, Milli Mücadele döneminde Ankara hükümetinin gündemini uzun süre meşgul etmiştir. İngiliz, Gürcü ve Rus tehdidine karşı Türk tarafı Batum'daki varlığını sürdürmek üzere gayret göstermiş ve "Elviye-i Selase"nin Türk topraklarında kalmasını amaçlamıştır. Hem stratejik olarak hem de bölgede yaşayan Türk ve Müslüman nüfus açısından Batum, Türk tarafı için öncelikli bir mesele olmuş, Milli Mücadele süresince, Mondros Ateşkes Antlaşması'ndan Kars Antlaşması'na kadar geçen sürede Türk-Gürcü ilişkilerini şekillendirmede önemli rol oynamıştır. -
The System of Public Education in Kars Oblast in the Period 1878–1917. Part 2
European Journal of Contemporary Education, 2020, 9(2) Copyright © 2020 by Academic Publishing House Researcher s.r.o. All rights reserved. Published in the Slovak Republic European Journal of Contemporary Education E-ISSN 2305-6746 2020, 9(2): 459-472 DOI: 10.13187/ejced.2020.2.459 www.ejournal1.com WARNING! Article copyright. Copying, reproduction, distribution, republication (in whole or in part), or otherwise commercial use of the violation of the author(s) rights will be pursued on the basis of international legislation. Using the hyperlinks to the article is not considered a violation of copyright. The System of Public Education in Kars Oblast in the Period 1878–1917. Part 2 Timur A. Magsumov a , b , c , *, Aleksey A. Korolev d, Marina A. Ponomareva e, Teymur E. Zulfugarzade f a International Network Center for Fundamental and Applied Research, Washington, USA b Volgograd State University, Volgograd, Russian Federation c Naberezhnye Chelny State Pedagogical University, Naberezhnye Chelny, Russian Federation d Penza State University of Architecture and Construction, Penza, Russian Federation e Financial University under the Government of the Russian Federation, Moscow, Russian Federation f Russian Economic University named after G.V. Plekhanov, Moscow, Russian Federation Abstract This work explores the system of public education in Kars Oblast in the period 1878–1917. The present part of the work covers the period 1908−1917, which spans the timeframe from the commencement of preparatory activities on the introduction of compulsory primary education to the start of the February Revolution. The key sources used in putting this work together are the annual Reports on Educational Institutions in the Caucasus Educational District, which provide data on the region’s schools run by the Ministry of Public Education, and the Reports of the Chief Procurator of the Holy Synod, which contain information on the region’s parochial schools. -
Genocide Bibliography
on Genocide The Armenian Genocide A Brief Bibliography of English Language Books Covering Four Linked Phases Genocide Facts Presentation of Oral and Written Evidence for the Armenian Genocide in the Grand Committee Room, The House of Commons London 24th April 2007 First and Second Editions 2007, with Addenda 2009, Third Edition 2011, Fourth Edition 2013, Fifth Edition Centennial Presentation, the 1st of January, 2015 Sixth Edition © English By Français T.S. Kahvé Pусский Español Ararat Heritage Հայերեն London Português 2017 Genocide: Beyond the Night, by Jean Jansem, detail photography by Ararat Heritage PREFACE There are certain polyvalent developments of the past that project prominently into the contemporary world with pertinent connotations for the future, decisively subsuming the characteristics of permanence. Their significance dilates not only because well organised misfeasance bars them from justice, but also because of sociological and psychological aspects involving far-reaching consequences. In this respect, the extensive destruction brought about by the Armenian Genocide and the substantive occupation of Armenia’s landmass by its astonishingly hostile enemies will remain a multifarious international subject impregnated with significant longevity. Undoubtedly, the intensity of the issue in motion will gather momentum until a categorically justifiable settlement is attained. A broad reconstruction programme appears to be the most reasonable way forward. PREAMBLE 1st. PRELUDE TO GENOCIDE Encompasses the periods referred to as the Armenian Massacres; mainly covering the years 1894 - 96 and Adana 1909. Some titles in the bibliography record the earlier international treaties that failed to protect the Armenians. Only a small number of works have been included, predominantly relevant to this period. -
Georgiaand Nato:Asmall Countryin Search Of
GEORGIAAND NATO: A SMALL COUNTRY IN SEARCH OF SECURITY Since regaining its independence in 1991, Georgia has never fully enjoyed the benefits of the end of the Cold War. While most Central and Eastern European countries re-joined Europe and the Euro-Atlantic structure, Georgia has had to struggle to defend its borders and sovereignty from the old imperial power. Despite many setbacks, the country has implemented reforms and achieved considerable progress on its path toward building a European democracy while developing a strong cooperation with NATO and the EU. Its main goal of joining the Alliance as a member, however, remains an uncertain prospect. The obstacles to Georgia’s membership have, oddly enough, not come only from Russia but from internal contradictions and disunity among NATO member states. This article discusses the history of Georgia’s path toward NATO and presents a rationale for its membership. Giorgi Badridze* Summer 2020 * Giorgi Badridze is a Senior Fellow at the Georgian Foundation for Strategic and International Studies. During his diplomatic career, Badridze served as the Georgian Ambassador to the UK (2009-2013), the Director of the American Department at the Georgian MFA (2004-2006), and a Minister at the Georgian Embassy in Ankara (1999-2002). 55 VOLUME 19 NUMBER 2 GIORGI BADRIDZE he world has rarely changed so rapidly and so profoundly as the end of the 1980s and the beginning of the 1990s. These changes were felt most intensely in Central and Eastern Europe. Within a few years, the Cold T War ended, Germany reunited, the democratic velvet revolutions swept away the Communist regimes in the Soviet bloc, and the Soviet Union itself collapsed. -
Russia's Imperial Encounter with Armenians, 1801-1894
CLAIMING THE CAUCASUS: RUSSIA’S IMPERIAL ENCOUNTER WITH ARMENIANS, 1801-1894 Stephen B. Riegg A dissertation submitted to the faculty at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of History. Chapel Hill 2016 Approved by: Louise McReynolds Donald J. Raleigh Chad Bryant Cemil Aydin Eren Tasar © 2016 Stephen B. Riegg ALL RIGHTS RESERVED ii ABSTRACT Stephen B. Riegg: Claiming the Caucasus: Russia’s Imperial Encounter with Armenians, 1801-1894 (Under the direction of Louise McReynolds) My dissertation questions the relationship between the Russian empire and the Armenian diaspora that populated Russia’s territorial fringes and navigated the tsarist state’s metropolitan centers. I argue that Russia harnessed the stateless and dispersed Armenian diaspora to build its empire in the Caucasus and beyond. Russia relied on the stature of the two most influential institutions of that diaspora, the merchantry and the clergy, to project diplomatic power from Constantinople to Copenhagen; to benefit economically from the transimperial trade networks of Armenian merchants in Russia, Persia, and Turkey; and to draw political advantage from the Armenian Church’s extensive authority within that nation. Moving away from traditional dichotomies of power and resistance, this dissertation examines how Russia relied on foreign-subject Armenian peasants and elites to colonize the South Caucasus, thereby rendering Armenians both agents and recipients of European imperialism. Religion represented a defining link in the Russo-Armenian encounter and therefore shapes the narrative of my project. Driven by a shared ecumenical identity as adherents of Orthodox Christianity, Armenians embraced Russian patronage in the early nineteenth century to escape social and political marginalization in the Persian and Ottoman empires. -
State Building and Conflict Resolution in the Caucasus
State Building and Confl ict Resolution in the Caucasus Eurasian Studies Library Historical, Political and Social Studies of Slavic and Islamic Cultures in the Eurasian Region VOLUME 1 State Building and Confl ict Resolution in the Caucasus By Charlotte Hille LEIDEN • BOSTON 2010 On the cover: Cristina Garcia Rodero/Magnum Photos/Hollandse Hoogte. Georgia, A woman from a small village of South Ossetia. Th is book is printed on acid-free paper. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Hille, Charlotte Mathilde Louise, 1964– State building and confl ict resolution in the Caucasus / by Charlotte Hille. p. cm. — (Eurasian studies library) Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 978-90-04-17901-1 (hardback : alk. paper) 1. Nation-building—Caucasus—History. 2. Ethnic confl ict—Caucasus—History. 3. Social confl ict—Caucasus—History. 4. Political violence—Caucasus—History. 5. Confl ict management—Caucasus—History. 6. Caucasus—History. 7. Caucasus— Ethnic relations. 8. Caucasus—Politics and government. I. Title. II. Series. DK509.H55 2010 947.5084—dc22 2009045374 ISSN 1877-9484 ISBN 978 90 04 17901 1 Copyright 2010 by Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, Th e Netherlands. Koninklijke Brill NV incorporates the imprints Brill, Hotei Publishing, IDC Publishers, Martinus Nijhoff Publishers and VSP. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, translated, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without prior written permission from the publisher. Authorization to photocopy items for internal or personal use is granted by Koninklijke Brill NV provided that the appropriate fees are paid directly to Th e Copyright Clearance Center, 222 Rosewood Drive, Suite 910, Danvers, MA 01923, USA. -
Turkish National Movement and Soviet Russia in Caucasus (1919-1922)
Journal of Balkan and Black Sea Studies Year I, Issue 1, Fall 2018, pp. 77-114. Turkish National Movement and Soviet Russia in Caucasus (1919-1922) Tsvetelina Tsvetkova Abstract: The article presents the role of Caucasus in the establishment of new political relations between Soviet Russia and the Turkish National Movement during the eventful period between 1919 and 1922. It examines the politics used by two different regimes, whose common enemy made them realize collaborative actions while finding an approach to achieve their own interests. In the framework of this complicated process, the region of an age-old confrontation between Russian and Ottoman empires – Caucasus, had again crucial importance in the post-war period to facilitate the overall connection between Soviet Russia and Ankara Government. Keywords: Turkish National Movement, Soviet Russia, Caucasus, collaboration, border question Introduction The end of the First World War brought a serious reshaping of the European map and of the international relations. Being in confrontation for many years in the Caucasian region, now the successors of the Ottoman and Russian empires – Ankara government of Mustafa Kemal and Soviet government of Vladimir Ulyanov - Lenin, had to solve the "Caucasian question", which included not only the determination of the This article is based on a research, implemented with the support of TÜBİTAK. PhD., Visiting Scholar, Center for Balkan and Black Sea Studies of Yıldız Technical University, email: [email protected] 77 TSVETELINA TSVETKOVA borderline and territorial pretentions, but the role of the region that it would play in the mutual relation in the hostile international environment. The solution was complicated given the fact that after the October Revolution the Caucasian nations started their fight for independence and establishment of their own countries. -
The Lithuanian-Polish Dispute and the Great Powers, 1918-1923 Peter Ernest Baltutis
University of Richmond UR Scholarship Repository Honors Theses Student Research 2001 The Lithuanian-Polish dispute and the great Powers, 1918-1923 Peter Ernest Baltutis Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.richmond.edu/honors-theses Part of the European History Commons Recommended Citation Baltutis, Peter Ernest, "The Lithuanian-Polish dispute and the great Powers, 1918-1923" (2001). Honors Theses. 1045. https://scholarship.richmond.edu/honors-theses/1045 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Student Research at UR Scholarship Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Honors Theses by an authorized administrator of UR Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. UNIVERSITY OF RICHMOND LIBRARIES 1111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111 3 3082 00802 6071 r UNIVERSITY OF RICHMOND THE LITHUANIAN-POLISH DISPUTE AND THE GREAT POWERS, 1918-1923 AN HONORS THESIS SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OF THE SCHOOL OF ARTS AND SCIENCES IN CANDIDACY FOR THE DEGREE OF BACHELOR OF ARTS DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY BY PETER ERNEST BALTUTIS RICHMOND, VIRGINIA 04MAY2001 The Lithuanian-Polish Dispute and the Great Powers, 1918-1923 In the wake of World War I, Europe was a political nightmare. Although the Armistice of 1918 effectively ended the Great War, peace in Eastern Europe was far from assured. The sudden, unexpected end of the war, combined with the growing threat of communist revolution throughout Europe created an unsettling atmosphere during the interwar period. The Great Powers-the victorious Allied forces of France, Great Britain, Italy, and the United States-met at Paris to reconstruct Europe. In particular, the Great Powers had numerous territorial questions to resolve. -
Orientalism and Empire North Caucasus Mountain Peoples and the Georgian Frontier, 1845–1917 Austin Jersild
21737_mm.book Page iii Monday, January 21, 2002 9:38 AM Orientalism and Empire North Caucasus Mountain Peoples and the Georgian Frontier, 1845–1917 austin jersild McGill-Queen’s University Press Montreal & Kingston • London • Ithaca 21737_mm.book Page 12 Monday, January 21, 2002 9:38 AM 2 Conquest and Exile In this year of 1864 a deed has been accomplished almost without precedent in history: not one of the mountaineer inhabitants remains on their former places of residence, and measures are being taken to cleanse the region in order to prepare it for the new Russian population. Main Staff of Caucasus Army, 18641 Gunib is high, Allah is higher still, and you remain below. Shamil to Bariatinskii, from Gunib, August 18592 army, territory, church In 1828 the Russian playwright Aleksandr Griboedov presented a plan to I.F. Paskevich-Erivanskii, the high commander of the Caucasus, for the creation of a Russian Transcaucasus Trading Company. The plan, composed in Tbilisi with the help of a colleague in the imperial bureaucracy, envisioned a human economy as productive and rich as the famously abundant natural resources of the region. Such growth and activity would bring honour to Russia, the authors emphasized, and were the logical next stage of development in the wake of the re- cent military victories. Griboedov criticized officials who thought only about military victories and the “raising of rank.”3 The authors of the plan were roughly twenty-five years ahead of their time, and the trading company was never established. The Caucasus was still principally a theatre of imperial competition and conquest for the Russian military.