Inequality in the Workplace : Labor Market Reform in Japan and Korea / Jiyeoun Song

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Inequality in the Workplace : Labor Market Reform in Japan and Korea / Jiyeoun Song INEQUALITY IN THE WORKPLACE INEQUALITY IN THE WORKPLACE Labor Market Reform in Japan and Korea Jiyeoun Song CORNELL UNIVERSITY PRESS ITHACA AND LONDON Copyright © 2014 by Cornell University All rights reserved. Except for brief quotations in a review, this book, or parts thereof, must not be reproduced in any form without permission in writing from the publisher. For information, address Cornell University Press, Sage House, 512 East State Street, Ithaca, New York 14850. First published 2014 by Cornell University Press Printed in the United States of America Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Song, Jiyeoun, 1975– author. Inequality in the workplace : labor market reform in Japan and Korea / Jiyeoun Song. pages cm Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 978-0-8014-5215-4 (cloth : alk. paper) 1. Labor market–Japan. 2. Labor market–Korea (South) 3. Manpower policy–Japan. 4. Manpower policy–Korea (South) I. Title. HD5827.A6S655 2014 331.120952—dc23 2013035320 Cornell University Press strives to use environmentally responsible suppliers and materials to the fullest extent possible in the publishing of its books. Such materials include vegetable-based, low-VOC inks and acid-free papers that are recycled, totally chlorine-free, or partly composed of nonwood fibers. For further information, visit our website at www.cornellpress.cornell.edu. Cloth printing 10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1 To my parents, Deungil Song and Soonnam Hwang Contents List of Tables and Figures ix Acknowledgments xi Acronyms, Abbreviations, and Terms xv Introduction 1 1. Japanese and Korean Labor Markets and Social Protections in Comparative Perspective 19 2. The Politics of Labor Market Reform in Hard Times 46 3. The Institutional Origins of the Labor Market and Social Protections in Japan and Korea 67 4. Japan: Liberalization for Outsiders, Protection for Insiders 84 5. Korea: Liberalization for All, Except for Chaebo˘l Workers 119 Conclusion 162 Notes 179 References 201 Index 223 Tables and Figures T ables I.1 Variations in labor market reform 5 1.1 Employment protection regimes for regular workers in Japan and Korea, summary scores by three main areas 25 1.2 Major legislative changes in the Japanese and Korean labor markets, 1986–2011 27 1.3 Wage-setting institutions 35 1.4 Union organization rates and collective bargaining coverage 38 1.5 Public spending on labor market programs and social protections 40 1.6 Non-statutory social welfare spending by private sectors (% of GDP) 42 1.7 Coverage of social welfare programs in Japan and Korea, 2005 43 2.1 Theory of labor market reform, inequality, and dualism 54 4.1 Percentage of Japanese firms implementing early retirement program 95 4.2 Japan’s labor market and social protection reform since the mid-1980s 99 5.1 Korea’s labor market and social protection reform since the late 1980s 131 Figures I.1 Economic growth rates in Japan and Korea (real GDP growth rates) 12 1.1 Employment protection regimes for regular workers 22 1.2 Employment protection regimes for temporary workers 23 1.3 Proportion of the non-regular workforce in Japan and Korea 30 1.4 Changes in the workforce in the Japanese and Korean labor markets 32 ix x TABLES AND FIGURES 1.5 Gaps in enterprise tenure by firm size in Japan and Korea, 1981–2007 33 1.6 Wage differentials across firm size in Japan and Korea, 1981–2007 37 1.7 Seniority-based wage curve in the Japanese and Korean labor markets 39 2.1 Proportion of the regular workforce in Japan and Korea 58 2.2 OECD EPL Index for regular employment and average enterprise tenure years 59 2.3 Average enterprise tenure years in the Japanese and Korean labor markets, 1981–2007 60 2.4 Average enterprise tenure years for Japanese and Korean male workers by age group 62 3.1 Number of labor disputes in Japan, 1970–2003 71 3.2 Labor ministers in Korea, 1961–2007 76 4.1 Share of stable shareholdings and cross shareholdings in the Japanese stock market, 1987–2003 86 5.1 Numbers of labor disputes and workdays lost in Korea, 1986–2007 124 5.2 Unit labor cost in Japan and Korea manufacturing, 1970–2009 125 Acknowledgments This book could not have been completed without the support of numerous individuals and institutions. I am deeply indebted to several scholars in the Department of Government at Harvard University, Torben Iversen, Susan J. Pharr, Jorge I. Domínguez, and Margarita Estévez-Abe, all of whom have pro- vided intellectual guidance and moral support over the years. Torben provided me great intellectual stimulation and critical advice for this project from the beginning, and he never lost confidence in me even when I was questioning myself. His constructive comments and challenging questions on earlier drafts pushed me to sharpen my analytical framework, tighten empirical presentation, and develop more generalizable arguments. Susan offered invaluable feedback and encouragement on the project. Her sharp questions led me to consider the big picture and to develop more succinct but powerful claims. Her insights and knowledge of Asian politics, particularly Japanese politics, contributed to solid foundations. Jorge was extremely generous in reading numerous manuscript ver- sions and giving me incisive comments. Jorge’s office door was always open, from day one, when I arrived at Harvard in the summer of 2001. His strategic advice and unwavering support kept me strong. Margarita (now at Syracuse University) was also very generous in sharing her time when I needed to discuss ideas and arguments. Margarita’s in-depth knowledge and understanding of labor markets, social protections, and Japanese politics helped me to shape the project. She also offered me a rewarding opportunity to work as a teaching fellow for her classes, which was the start of my career as a teacher. I owe all of these advisors a great debt of gratitude. I hope to follow in their footsteps to become a great scholar, good teacher, and generous mentor in the future. I am also very grateful to Professor Byung-Kook Kim, my undergraduate advi- sor at Korea University, who guided me to this great profession. He has always been supportive of my work and helped to open many doors for me. Professors Andrew D. Gordon and Mary C. Brinton at Harvard University helped me to enhance my knowledge and understanding of Japanese industrial relations and the labor market. I owe special thanks to Steph Haggard, Henry Laurence, and Kathy Thelen, who generously participated in an author’s conference organized and funded by the Program on US-Japan Relations at Harvard University. They read an early manuscript and gave me invaluable comments and suggestions. Steph was extremely helpful at various stages and invited me xi xii ACKNOWLEDGMENTS to the Workshop on Social Policy and Labor Markets in Korea at the School of International Relations and Pacific Studies, University of California, San Diego, to present my work and receive feedback from other workshop participants. I appreciate his time and help. I also have many friends and colleagues to thank. At Harvard, I was fortu- nate to have a wonderful group of friends. I thank Daniel Aldrich, Lucy Barnes, Shameem Black, Amy Catalinac, Magnus Feldmann, Daniel Ho, Rieko Kage, Andy Kennedy, Wendy Pearlman, Alison Post, Yongwook Ryu, Gergana Yankova- Dimova, and Jong-Sung You for their advice, help, and comradeship. I am also grateful to participants in the Comparative Politics Workshop, the Political Econ- omy Workshop, and the Contemporary Japanese Politics Study Group for valu- able feedback. I am very glad to have the chance to express my thanks to my Korean friends at Harvard with whom I went through good and bad times: Sei Jeong Chin, Youngjeen Cho, Hunsang Chun, Jeomsik Hwang, Soo-yeon Jeong, Hakyung Jung, Jee Young Kim, Sang-Hyun Kim, Suhan Kim, Ji-eun Lee, Eunmi Mun, Seongmun Nam, Wonmok Shim, Jiwuh Song, Joo-Hyun Song, Hayan Yoon, and Hyung-Kon Yum. I owe special thanks to Geunwook Lee for his advice, help, and friendship over the years. Geunwook has preceded me in every step, from graduate study to job searches and publication, and he has always been a source of advice. Finally, I thank my good old friends from college who have shared with me the joys and sufferings of writing, searching for jobs, and settling into the pro- fession as political scientists: Jin Seok Bae, Jai Kwan Jung, Engsoo Kim, Joo-Youn Jung, Heonjoo Jung, Woochang Kang, Suhyun Lee, and Hyunji Lee. In particular, Jung Kim has generously provided me with practical and strategic advice and shared his wisdom with me whenever I faced challenges. My friends outside of academia treated me to delicious food and drinks, and helped me keep a sense of humor. Most of all, they taught me that there is a life beyond graduate school. The Department of International and Area Studies and the Department of Political Science at the University of Oklahoma, where I have been a member of the faculty since 2009, provided a wonderful environment in which to concen- trate on revisions. The very final stage of revision was completed in the Graduate School of International Studies at Sogang University. I appreciate institutional support from Sogang University. I also thank Lesley Goodman for her edito- rial help in preparing the manuscript. She helped me make this book far more readable. Many institutions have provided me with financial and research support for this project. First of all, I thank the Korean Foundation for Advanced Study for funding my study at Harvard during the period of 2001–2006. At Harvard I bene- fited from generous financial and research support from the Edwin O.
Recommended publications
  • Comparing the 16Th and 17Th Korean Presidential Elections - Candidate Strengths, Campaign Issues, and Region-Centered Voting -
    33 〈特集1 2007年韓国大統領選挙〉 Comparing the 16th and 17th Korean Presidential Elections - Candidate Strengths, Campaign Issues, and Region-Centered Voting - Byoung Kwon Sohn th th Abstract: This article aims at comparing the 16 and 17 presidential elections in terms of the number of major competitive candidates, candidates’ strengths, major campaign issues and the effect of region-centered voting. Among other things, both elections are commonly characterized by the major party’s presidential candidates being selected via U.S. style primary, which had been first adopted in the 2002 presidential election. Rampantly strong region- centered voting pattern counts among continuities as well, while in 2002 the effect of region- centered voting appeared in a somewhat mitigated form. Contrasts, however, loom rather large between the two elections. First, while the 2002 election was a two-way election between NMDP and GNP, the 2007 election was a three-way election among DNP, GNP, and one competitive independent candidate. Second, strong anti-Americanism, relocation of Korean capital, and younger generation’s activism counted among major issues and features in 2002, while in 2007 voters’ anger at the incumbent president and their ardent hope for economic recovery were atop campaign issues. Third, strong as region-centered voting may be across the two elections, its effect was somewhat mitigated in the 2002 presidential election, because NMDP candidate Roh’s hometown was in Pusan, where GNP had traditionally ruled as a regional hegemonic party. Lastly, in 2002 Roh was able to get elected partly due to his image as a reform-oriented, non-mainstream, anti-American stance politician.
    [Show full text]
  • Regionalism in South Korean National Assembly Elections
    Regionalism in South Korean National Assembly Elections: A Vote Components Analysis of Electoral Change* Eric C. Browne and Sunwoong Kim Department of Political Science Department of Economics University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee University of Wisconsin- Milwaukee [email protected] [email protected] July 2003 * This paper was originally presented at the Annual Meeting of the American Political Science Association, San Francisco, 29 August – 2 September, 2001. We acknowledge useful comments and suggestions by the session participants, Ronald Weber and anonymous referees. Abstract We analyze emerging regionalism in South Korean electoral politics by developing a “Vote Components Analysis” and applying this technique to data from the eleven South Korean National Assembly elections held between 1963 and 2000. This methodology allows us to decompose the change in voting support for a party into separate effects that include measurement of an idiosyncratic regional component. The analysis documents a pronounced and deepening regionalism in South Korean politics since 1988 when democratic reforms of the electoral system were fully implemented. However, our results also indicate that regional voters are quite responsive to changes in the coalitions formed by their political leaders but not to the apparent mistreatment of, or lack of resource allocations to, specific regions. Further, regionalism does not appear to stem from age-old rivalries between the regions but rather from the confidence of regional voters in the ability of their “favorite sons” to protect their interests and benefit their regions. JEL Classification: N9, R5 Keywords: Regionalism, South Korea, Elections, Vote Components Analysis 2 1. INTRODUCTION The history of a very large number of modern nation-states documents a cyclical pattern of territorial incorporation and disincorporation in their political development.
    [Show full text]
  • Presidential Instability in a Developing Country: Reassessing South Korean Politics from a State-Society Relations Perspective
    Syracuse University SURFACE Dissertations - ALL SURFACE June 2017 Presidential Instability in a Developing Country: Reassessing South Korean Politics from a State-Society Relations Perspective Kyung-hwa Kim Syracuse University Follow this and additional works at: https://surface.syr.edu/etd Part of the Social and Behavioral Sciences Commons Recommended Citation Kim, Kyung-hwa, "Presidential Instability in a Developing Country: Reassessing South Korean Politics from a State-Society Relations Perspective" (2017). Dissertations - ALL. 711. https://surface.syr.edu/etd/711 This Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by the SURFACE at SURFACE. It has been accepted for inclusion in Dissertations - ALL by an authorized administrator of SURFACE. For more information, please contact [email protected]. ABSTRACT This study attempts to explain why ALL of South Korean presidents, without exception and notwithstanding their individual major contributions to the process of Korea’s development, have fallen victim to disgraceful downfalls. For the analysis, I employ S.N. Sangmpam’s middle-range theory that establishes a causal link between society-rooted politics and political outcomes. Building on his analytical frameworks that non-Western countries are characterized by over-politicization in politics as a function of social context, I argue that patterned downfalls of all Korean presidents are an institutional outcome of over-politicization in Korean politics, which is itself a function of not fully entrenched capitalist society. In support of my thesis, I test three hypotheses. Hypotheses one and two posit Korea’s tenacious traditional and cultural traits as an internal modifier of capitalism and the nation’s dependent nature of its relationships with the United States and Japan as an external factor that prevented capitalist entrenchment in Korean society.
    [Show full text]
  • North Korea in Transition
    KOREA RESEARCH MONOGRAPH 16 INSTITUTE OF EAST ASIAN STUDIES UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA AT BERKELEY CKS CENTER FOR KOREAN STUDIES North Korea in Transition EDITED BY Chong-Sik Lee and Se-Hee Yoo sC^-\r^)s INTERNATIONAL AND AREA STUDIES Richard Buxbaum, Dean International and Area Studies at the University of California, Berkeley, comprises four groups: international and comparative studies, area studies, teaching programs, and services to international programs. INSTITUTE OF EAST ASIAN STUDIES UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA, BERKELEY The Institute of East Asian Studies, now a part of Berkeley International and Area Studies, was established at the University of California at Berkeley in the fall of 1978 to promote research and teaching on the cultures and societies of China, lapan, and Korea. It amalgamates the following research and instructional centers and pro grams: the Center for Chinese Studies, the Center for Japanese Studies, the Center for Korean Studies, the Group in Asian Studies, and the East Asia National Resource Center. INSTITUTE OF EAST ASIAN STUDIES Director: Frederic E. Wakeman, Jr. Assistant Director: Joan P. Kask Executive Committee: Mary Elizabeth Berry Thomas Gold Thomas Havens Joan P. Kask Hong Yimg Lee Jeffrey Riegel Ting Pang-hsin Wen-hsin Yeh CENTER FOR CHINESE STUDIES Chair: Wen-hsin Yeh CENTER FOR JAPANESE STUDIES Chair: Mary Elizabeth Berry CENTER FOR KOREAN STUDIES Chair: Hong Yung Lee GROUP IN ASIAN STUDIES Chair: Robert Reed EAST ASIA NATIONAL RESOURCE CENTER Director: Frederic E. Wakeman, Jr. Cover design by Wolfgang Lederer Art by Sei-Kwan Sohn North Korea in Transition To Robert and Dee Scalapino with our thanks KOREA RESEARCH MONOGRAPH 16 INSTITUTE OF EAST ASIAN STUDIES UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA AT BERKELEY CKS CENTER FOR KOREAN STUDIES North Korea in Transition EDITED BY Chong-Sik Lee and Se-Hee Yoo A publicationof the Institute of East Asian Studies, Universityof Californiaat Berkeley.
    [Show full text]
  • Map of Egyptian Political Parties (2011-11-17)
    El#Fadyla# Party# El#Asala# El#Nour# Religious# Party# Map$of$Egyp*an$$ Buidling#&# Party# Development# poli*cal$par*es$ Party# First&Phase&of& Islamist&Alliance& Islamic# #Egypt# Equality#&# Revolu?on# Jus?ce#Party# Parliamentary&Elec3ons& Labour#Party# Egyp?an# Party# (28&November2011)! Revolu?on## Egyp?an#Arab# Democra3c& Socialists# Alliance& Federa?on# Conserva?ves# $ Party## Party# Peace## Reform#and# Freedom#and# Jus?ce#Party# Democra?ic# Renaissance# Reform#&# Party## Development# Free#Egypt# Party# Party# Civiliza?on#Party# Human#Rights# Comple3ng& #Altyar#Party## and#Ci?zenship# Revolu3on& Alliance& Egyp?an# Wafd# Na?onal# Ci?zen# Party# El#Wasat# El`Adl# Party## Party# LeA## Right## Revolu?onary# New# Free## The# Cons?tu?onal## Guards## Karama# El#Ghad# Indipendent# Modern# Socialist# Party## Party# Popular# Egypt#Party## Alliance## Egyp?an# Allliance#Party# Nasserist# 12#Poli?cal#Islam#par?es# # Egyp?an# Equality#&# Party## Alwa i# Socialist# Development# 9##Former#NDP#members`#par?es## Party# Party## Democra?c# Tagammu’# Front# 2#Nasserist#par?es## 2#Socialist/Communist#par?es# Social# 5#CenterSLeA#par?es Democra?c# # Party# 6#Center#par?es## 41#poli?cal#par?es## 5 Liberal parties # ### Masr# 36$new$poli*cal$par*es#aAer#25# Alhuryya# Free# Egyp?ans# Egyp3an&Bloc& January#Revolu?on#### Updated:#17.11.2011# Party# # # Secular## # 1 List of political formations with basic information FANS Alliance Leader or Candidates in the Website Registrat PARTY (Faceb ion prominent Notes following governorates: ook) figures Yes Cairo /
    [Show full text]
  • Promoting the Well-Being of North Korea's Residents
    Promoting the Well-Being of North Korea’s Residents and Refugees through US-ROK Cooperation By Sungwoo Chun ISSUES & INSIGHTS WORKING PAPER V O L . 1 9 , WP13 | O c t o b e r 2 0 1 9 Pacific Forum Based in Honolulu, the Pacific Forum (www.pacforum.org) is a foreign policy research institute focused on the Asia-Pacific Region. Founded in 1975, the Pacific Forum collaborates with a broad network of research institutes from around the Pacific Rim, drawing on Asian perspectives and disseminating project findings and recommendations to global leaders, governments, and members of the public throughout the region. The Forum’s programs encompass current and emerging political, security, economic, and maritime policy issues, and works to help stimulate cooperative policies through rigorous research, analyses and dialogues. TABLE OF CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY ........................................................... IV I. INTRODUCTION ................................................................... 1 II. CURRENT SITUATION CONCERNING NORTH KOREA’S RESIDENTS AND REFUGEES ..................................................... 2 III. US POLICY TOWARD NORTH KOREAN HUMAN RIGHTS – THE NORTH KOREAN HUMAN RIGHTS ACT OF 2004 .......................... 4 IV. SOUTH KOREAN POLICY TOWARD NORTH KOREAN HUMAN RIGHTS – THE NORTH KOREA HUMAN RIGHTS ACT OF 2016 ...... 8 V. STRONG BILATERAL COOPERATION ON NORTH KOREAN HUMAN RIGHTS ................................................................................ 14 VI. CONCLUSION ..................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Lee, Sun Woo (2014) a Civil-Law Prosecution System, Presidentialism
    Lee, Sun Woo (2014) A civil-law prosecution system, presidentialism and the politicisation of criminal justice in new democracies: South Korea and Russia in comparative perspective. PhD thesis. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/5653/ Copyright and moral rights for this thesis are retained by the author A copy can be downloaded for personal non-commercial research or study, without prior permission or charge This thesis cannot be reproduced or quoted extensively from without first obtaining permission in writing from the Author The content must not be changed in any way or sold commercially in any format or medium without the formal permission of the Author When referring to this work, full bibliographic details including the author, title, awarding institution and date of the thesis must be given Glasgow Theses Service http://theses.gla.ac.uk/ [email protected] A Civil-Law Prosecution System, Presidentialism and the Politicisation of Criminal Justice in New Democracies: South Korea and Russia in Comparative Perspective Sun Woo Lee, BA, MA Submitted in fulfillment of the requirement of the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy (Politics) School of Social & Political Sciences College of Social Sciences University of Glasgow October 2014 2 Abstract This study aims to comparatively explore how the politicisation of criminal justice would appear in several new democracies with the institutional combination of presidentialism and a civil-law prosecution system, by focusing on the strategic interaction between an incumbent president and prosecutors, in South Korea and Russia, in the new institutionalist perspective. Civil-law prosecutors could damage particular politicians‟ moral foundations with specific timing and extent, manipulating criminal proceedings through their broad power within the centralised criminal procedure.
    [Show full text]
  • Chapter Iv Domestic Politics, Military Capability, And
    CHAPTER IV DOMESTIC POLITICS, MILITARY CAPABILITY, AND INTERNATIONAL CONTEXT FACTOR THAT INFLUENCED SOUTH KOREA UNDER MOON JAE IN ADMINISTRATION REORIENTED TO SUNSHINE POLICY The issues related to South Korea and North Korea is such interesting topic to be discussed in International Relations Studies. As two neighbouring countries that share same ethnics, language, and history, the action and reaction that these two states take are always becoming highlight. Especially, its foreign policy, as foreign policy is a tool of a nation-state to achieve its national interest. South Korea as discussed in the previous chapters, had implemented several different foreign policies toward North Korea. Sunshine Policy has become one of the most influential foreign policy for South Korea that had been used as foundation for South Korea’s action and reaction toward North Korea. After only been implemented on Kim Dae Jung (1998-2003) and Roh Moo Hyun (2003-2008), South Korea did not use Sunshine Policy anymore. In the period of 2008-2013, South Korea implemented Hard-Line Policy or known as “Vision 3000: Denuclearization and Openness” which focusing on strengthening military alliance with U.S and Japan and at the same time urge North Korea to denuclearize instead of giving economic aid. At this point, President Lee’s foreign policy approach was clearly contrast compared to Sunshine Policy— giving financial help first then pursuing talks. After Lee Myung Bak era, a new foreign policy approach called Trustpolitik Policy had been used by South Korea under Park Geun Hye (2013-2017) where South Korea was being flexible that it could be tough and strict toward North Korea yet it would pursue negotiation with North Korea if its needed.
    [Show full text]
  • 02 Woo Jin Kang 5교OK.Indd
    JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL AND AREA STUDIES 15 Volume 24, Number 2, 2017, pp.15-33 Income and Voting Behavior in Korean Politics: Why Do the Poor Support Conservative Political Parties?* Woo Jin Kang The purpose of this study is to examine the determinants of the poor’s political support for conservative parties in Korea. Using data from the post-election survey of the last presidential election in 2012, three competing theoretical frameworks wereanalyzed to identify the determinants of this support. The results of the empirical analyses demonstrate that the role of political cleavages such as regional cleavages and the North Korea cleavage, as well as critical evaluations of the progressive government model, play key roles in determining the support of the poor for the conservative Saenuri Party. Although this study concerned the Korean case, two of its findings have significant implications for comparative studies. First, political cleavages (second dimensions) are context-dependent, and second, the performance of the progressive government is important for the potential future mobilization of the poor. Keywords: Political Cleavage, North Korean Cleavage, Regional Cleavage, Progressive Governments, Inequality 1. INTRODUCTION Many have praised South Korea’s (Korea’s) success in achieving the difficult combination of “growth with equity” (Stiglitz, 1997: 11). However, with the East Asian Financial Crisis of 1997 (often called in Korea the International Monetary Fund (IMF) economic crisis), this so-called “blessing” came to an end (Wang, 2011). Indeed, important indicators of economic inequality and concentration of wealth, such as the Gini index and the decile distribution ratio, have worsened since the IMF economic crisis.1 Accordingly, economic polarization has become a central issue of concern for Korean citizens.
    [Show full text]
  • Political Competition and Corporate Bribery: Evidence from South Korea
    Political Competition and Corporate Bribery: Evidence from South Korea Yujin Jeong Kogod School of Business American University 4400 Massachusetts Avenue, NW Washington, DC 20016 Email: [email protected] Jordan I. Siegel Ross School of Business University of Michigan 701 Tappan Street Ann Arbor, Michigan 48109 E-mail: [email protected] This Version: November 14, 2019 *Please do not cite or circulate without permission. Abstract We study the relationship between political competition and corporate bribery as the channel through which companies may win and lose in economic competition. Using a novel dataset with a comprehensive coverage of high-level corruption in South Korea during two presidential administrations during which the country moved from dictatorship to multi-party democracy, we examine whether and how the degree of political competition affects companies’ bribery behavior and decisions on the types of money that they pay to political parties. In particular, we test whether corporate bribery increases or decreases with changes in political competition and whether bribery payments are converted to politically-connected charity contributions as political competition increases. Results show that corporate bribery is reduced while politically-connected charity contributions go up in economic size and frequency as political competition is increased. A logical way to interpret these results is that companies give donations to politically-connected charities out of self-interest and in order to influence political actors. We show
    [Show full text]
  • Korea: Savvy Tactics
    KOREA: SAVVY TACTICS By Hong Chun Hee Kim Hyen Mi Introduction Korea (South) is a country that has instituted an election system since 1948. Within the system, the country has experienced the simple majority, proportional representation as well as a mixed system. Women candidates have participated in the different election systems. In this case study of the Republic of Korea (commonly known as South Korea), it traces the personal and professional road undertaken by a lawmaker1 Kim Hyen Mi2 (43 years old) who ran for the central committee of the Uri party. Kim Hyen Mi is a politician who became ‘the first university- graduate female party executive’ and, by coincidence, started to work in a political party. She became a lawmaker through the proportional representation after 18 years of activities in the party where she worked on strategising other people’s election campaigns. It was only in 2005 when she had the opportunity to plan her own election. Even if the proportional representation was made only within the party, it was very meaningful since it gave a chance to evaluate her 18-year-old political activities and reflect upon her vestige in history of Korean politics. 1 In South Korea, a member of parliament is known as a lawmaker. This term will be used throughout this chapter. 2 Korea has produced many female politicians with substantial development in women’s rights movement since 1990s. As this project is designed to reveal the dynamic relationship between female politicians and women’s right movement through election, it would be more appropriate to take an example from a lawmaker elected from a local constituency than a proportional representation system.
    [Show full text]
  • Rethinking Judicial Independence in Democracy and Autocracy
    Rethinking Judicial Independence in Democracy and Autocracy by Moohyung Cho Department of Political Science Duke University Date: Approved: Georg Vanberg, Advisor Edmund Malesky Melanie Manion Jack Knight Dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of Political Science in the Graduate School of Duke University 2020 Abstract Rethinking Judicial Independence in Democracy and Autocracy by Moohyung Cho Department of Political Science Duke University Date: Approved: Georg Vanberg, Advisor Edmund Malesky Melanie Manion Jack Knight An abstract of a dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of Political Science in the Graduate School of Duke University 2020 Copyright c 2020 by Moohyung Cho All rights reserved except the rights granted by the Creative Commons Attribution-Noncommercial Licence Abstract Building independent courts is a commitment by political leaders that they are willing to tie their hands, restrain their (often arbitrary) power, and respect judicial decisions even if the courts rule against them. But if political leaders are rational, why do they persist in their respectful behavior towards independent courts even when such courts may prove adverse to themselves? In other words, how can judicial independence be credibly maintained without being eroded by political leaders? In this dissertation, I seek to answer this important but underexplored question in comparative judicial politics by examining the political and economic conditions necessary to maintain judicial independence in autocracies and democracies. In Chapter 2, I build a theory regarding the methods by which autocrats credibly still maintain judicial independence, given the lack of formal institutions capable of constraining their ever-present chance of reneging.
    [Show full text]