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Ontario History

Contesting the Protestant Consensus Voluntarists, Methodists, and the Persistence of Evangelical Dissent in Upper Canada, 1829-1854 James Forbes

Volume 108, Number 2, Fall 2016 Article abstract This article challenges the premise that a Protestant consensus emerged in URI: https://id.erudit.org/iderudit/1050594ar Upper Canada by the mid-nineteenth century by examining the persistence of DOI: https://doi.org/10.7202/1050594ar politically influential, dissenting evangelical voluntarists who advocated the secularization of the clergy reserves. State- Chruch efforts were strongly See table of contents contested by evangelicals who had come to believe that the purity of their faith was marked by its independence from the state as well as its revivalism. Using the Toronto-based Christian Guardian, this article traces a clash between the Publisher(s) British Wesleyans and the generally voluntarist Upper Canadian Methodists as they sought to claim the legacy of Methodism in the colony. Overall, this article The Ontario Historical Society seeks to highlight the persistence of an early dissenting evangelical culture, not as an exception to the rule of consensus, but as a significant influence in ISSN colonial public policy and a vital force in Upper Canadian Protestantism that calls into question the consensus model. 0030-2953 (print) 2371-4654 (digital)

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Cite this article Forbes, J. (2016). Contesting the Protestant Consensus: Voluntarists, Methodists, and the Persistence of Evangelical Dissent in Upper Canada, 1829-1854. Ontario History, 108(2), 189–214. https://doi.org/10.7202/1050594ar

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This article is disseminated and preserved by Érudit. Érudit is a non-profit inter-university consortium of the Université de Montréal, Université Laval, and the Université du Québec à Montréal. Its mission is to promote and disseminate research. https://www.erudit.org/en/ 189 Contesting the Protestant Consensus Voluntarists, Methodists, and the Persistence of Evangelical Dissent in Upper Canada, 1829-1854 by James Forbes

“When the battle shall be over, we shall look around for some of our brethren and miss them. There is a spirit of conformity and complaisance abroad which will be the ruin of many—to be called a dissenter requires more fortitude than many possess…”1

n 1842, two old rivals met unex- defended Methodists against Strachan’s pectedly for the first time as they accusations of laziness and disloyalty.2 By shared a coach ride from Kingston 1842, however, something had changed Ito Cobourg, Upper Canada. The sub- significantly: during their amicable -ex ject of the long-standing rivalry between change on the coach ride, the two cler- Anglican John Strachan and Methodist gymen discussed accessing state funds Egerton Ryerson had been the question to support the Methodists’ new Victo- of church establishment, and their fierce ria College. Historians such as William war of words had been published for an Westfall have used this meeting as evi- eager audience in the Upper Canadian dence that a “new Protestant consensus presses beginning in 1826. Strachan had was beginning to emerge.”3 Mark Noll advocated greater state support for the said the meeting suggests “how easily the Church of England in order to combat antagonisms of the 1820s were set aside what he saw to be subversive evangelical for the common Protestant purposes of encroachment in the colony, and Ryer- the 1840s.”4 These conclusions are con- son had challenged his presumptions and sistent with a wider historiographical

1 Rev. John Roaf,Lectures on the Millennium (1844), 94. 2 For background on the political and religious context of this rivalry, see John Webster Grant, A Profusion of Spires: Religion in Nineteenth-Century Ontario (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1988), 89, 100; David Mills, The Idea of Loyalty in Upper Canada, 1784-1850(Montreal & Kingston: McGill- Queen’s University Press, 1988),53-54; E. Jane Errington, The Lion, The Eagle, and Upper Canada: A -De veloping Colonial Ideology (Montreal & Kingston: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 1987), 187-88. 3 William Westfall, Two Worlds: The Protestant Culture of Nineteenth-Century Ontario(Montreal & Kingston: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 1989), 49. 4 Mark A. Noll, “Canadian Evangelicalism: A View from the United States,” in Aspects of the Cana- dian Evangelical Experience, ed. G.A. Rawlyk (Montreal & Kingston: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 1997), 4.

Ontario History / Volume CVIII, No. 2 / Autumn 2016 190 ONTARIO HISTORY

theme that traces the tempering of an older radical revivalist culture and the Abstract transformation of evangelicalism from This article challenges the premise that a Prot- the margins of Upper Canadian soci- estant consensus emerged in Upper Canada by ety to the mainstream.5 Recently, Todd the mid-nineteenth century by examining the Webb offered a transatlantic reorienta- persistence of politically influential, dissent- ing evangelical voluntarists who advocated tion of evangelical cultural change as a the secularization of the clergy reserves. State- gradual integration of Canadian Meth- Chruch efforts were strongly contested by evan- odism into a British Wesleyan world. gelicals who had come to believe that the purity However, his interpretation reinforces of their faith was marked by its independence the narrative of evangelical assimilation from the state as well as its revivalism. Using the Toronto-based Christian Guardian, this by exhibiting what he refers to as a “tran- article traces a clash between the British Wes- soceanic version of the Protestant con- leyans and the generally voluntarist Upper Ca- sensus.”6 Others such as Margeurite Van nadian Methodists as they sought to claim the Die insist that evangelicalism was never legacy of Methodism in the colony. Overall, this article seeks to highlight the persistence of an as radical as outsiders understood it to early dissenting evangelical culture, not as an be, and that mid-century evangelical- exception to the rule of consensus, but as a sig- ism is less of a departure from an older nificant influence in colonial public policy and a vital force in Upper Canadian Protestantism 5 For example, Nancy Christie and George that calls into question the consensus model. Rawlyk have both done much to explore the distinct culture of early colonial evangelicalism, Résumé: Dans cet article, nous allons con- noting the democratic and populist implications tester la prémisse qu’un consensus protestant of early revivalism. But they both suggest that this avait émergé dans le Haut-Canada au milieu strain of evangelicalism began to lose its footing af- du 19e siècle, en examinant la persistance des ter 1815 and began to be incorporated into a more volontaristes évangéliques politiquement in- respectable mainstream. See Nancy Christie, “‘In fluents et dissidents qui étaient partisans de la These Times of Democratic Rage and Delusion’: laïcisation des réserves du clergé. Leurs efforts Popular Religion and the Challenge to the Estab- étaient vivement contestés par les évangélistes lished Order, 1760-1815,” in The Canadian Prot- qui croyaient que la pureté de leur foi était cen- estant Experience, 1760-1990, ed. G.A. Rawlyk (Montreal & Kingston: McGill-Queen’s Univer- trée sur son indépendance de l’état aussi bien sity Press, 1990), 11, 42-43; see also G.A. Rawlyk, que sur son revivalisme. Nous analyserons le The Canada Fire: Radical Evangelicalism in British conflit entre les Wesleyens britanniques et les North America, 1775-1812 (Montreal & King- méthodistes plutôt volontaristes du Haut- ston: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 1994), xv, Canada dans leurs efforts à établir la succes- 207-208. Michael Gauvreau notes a similar shift sion du Méthodisme dans les colonies. Nous toward respectability in the 1830s. Michael Gau- allons souligner la persistance de la jeune cul- vreau, “Protestantism Transformed: Personal Piety ture évangélique dissidente, non pas comme and the Evangelical Social Vision, 1815-1867,” in une exception à la règle du consensus, mais The Canadian Protestant Experience, 61. comme une influence importante de la -poli 6 Todd Webb, Transatlantic Methodists: Brit- tique publique coloniale et une force vitale du ish Wesleyanism and the Formation of an Evangeli- protestantisme du Haut-Canada remettant cal Culture in Nineteenth-Century Ontario and en cause le modèle de consensus.. Quebec (Montreal & Kingston: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 2013), 101. contesting the protestant consensus 191 religious culture than an adaptation to settlement of the clergy reserve question new circumstances.7 Either way, for most ended my controversy with the Church historians the famous 1842 coach ride of England, as I have again and again is indicative of a natural progression for intimated that it would.”8 Following his evangelicals and representative of their coach ride with Strachan, Ryerson mused position in colonial politics and society. that “the settlement of the Clergy Re- Not everyone in Upper Canada serve Question had annihilated the prin- looked favourably upon Ryerson’s ac- cipal causes of difference between those tions, however, or the perceived changes individuals and bodies in the Province in evangelicalism in the second quarter of who had been most hostile to each oth- the nineteenth century. Chief among the er.”9 However, the 1840 concession kept malcontents on church-state issues were state support for churches intact and thus those evangelicals who, for religious rea- did not satisfy the vocal group of volun- sons, subscribed to voluntarism, the prin- tarists who insisted that the colonial gov- ciple that churches should be supported ernment must eliminate all state funding solely by voluntary contribution and nev- for churches. For example, an anti-clergy er by the state. It is this group that would reserves meeting in Niagara in 1848 re- continue to fight against church-state solved that “we hold the voluntary prin- privileges long after Ryerson considered ciple for the support of the Gospel and its the matter settled. The longest-standing institutions as sacred—being warranted church-state controversy in Upper Can- by authority of the New Testament, and ada was that of the clergy reserves, lands the only means thereby authorized.”10 set aside in 1791 for the support of the Voluntarists continued to fight for the Church of England. In 1840, the colonial secularization of the clergy reserves until government extended the benefit of the they saw that outcome achieved in 1854. clergy reserves to four denominations, in- Given the religious conceptions that in- cluding the Wesleyan Methodist Church. formed this voluntarist sentiment, it is Ryerson found the concession to be an important to recognize in this controver- appropriate resolution, as he expressed sy a significant challenge to the supposed in a letter in December 1841: “With the “Protestant consensus” of the mid-nine-

7 See Marguerite Van Die, “‘A March of Victory and Triumph in Praise of ‘The Beauty of Holiness’’: Laity and the Evangelical Impulse in Canadian Methodism, 1800-1884,” in Aspects of the Canadian Evan- gelical Experience, 75; Marguerite Van Die, “‘The Marks of a Genuine Revival’: Religion, Social Change, Gender, and Community in Mid-Victorian Brantford, Ontario,” Canadian Historical Review, 79:3 (Sep- tember 1998), 528. 8 This letter was originally written to John Kent, editor of the high Anglican newspaperThe Church, and it was included in Ryerson’s autobiography. See Egerton Ryerson, The Story of My Life: Being Remi- niscences of Sixty Years’ Public Service in Canada, ed. J. George Hodgins (Toronto: William Briggs, 1883), 293. 9.Quoted in Grant, Profusion of Spires, 93. 10. “Proceedings of the Niagara Annual Conference on the Clergy Reserve Question,” Globe, 27 Sep- tember 1848. 192 ONTARIO HISTORY

teenth century. this article will trace evangelical engage- In light of this sustained dissent, ment with the clergy reserves issue from Ryerson’s position in 1842 was neither Ryerson’s tenure as the Guardian’s editor a natural progression nor entirely repre- in 1829 to the secularization of the cler- sentative of nineteenth-century evangeli- gy reserves in 1854. The circumstances calism. Rather, to the strict voluntarists, that determined the changing attitudes it was a deliberate departure from what of Methodist leaders toward church-state they had long considered to be a central relations, and the considerable resistance principle of evangelical dissent. To un- to those changes from within Method- cover the dissenting voices masked by ism and the wider evangelical communi- the appearance of consensus it is neces- ty, suggest the importance of pursuing al- sary to illustrate the interaction between ternatives to the narrative of mid-century three overlapping layers of discourse: the consensus. Further, disagreement over immediate political context of Upper the clergy reserves issue indicates a start- Canada, the particular denominational ing point to give voice to the distinctive traditions and their various schisms and worldviews that inspired such passionate unions, and a broader British tradition of dissent from the dominant discourses of dissent whose centuries of opposition to Upper Canadian society. the established church continued to in- Not all evangelicals were volunta- form the identities of many evangelicals rists, but the voluntarist position drew in nineteenth-century Upper Canada. upon religious concepts that combined This latter category transcended denomi- the imperatives of evangelical revivalism national differences as well as bridged with the British dissenters’ longstanding the political contexts of Upper Canada objections to the Church of England. As and Britain in ways that extend beyond a means for identifying the basic param- the scope of this article.11 Together, these eters of evangelicalism, historian David three layers of discourse shaped the men- Bebbington has outlined a series of four tal worlds of nineteenth-century evan- characteristics of evangelical beliefs and gelical dissent in Upper Canada. practices: emphasis upon the necessity Although acknowledging the impor- of conversion (conversionism), high re- tance of a multi-denominational makeup gard for the authority of the Bible (bib- of the dissenters’ religious identities, this licism), expression of faith through effort article will focus on Ryerson’s denomina- (activism), and a message centred upon tion of Methodism. Using the Methodist the atoning power of Jesus Christ on the Christian Guardian newspaper as its base, cross (crucicentrism).12 Voluntarists regu- 11 Historians have already begun the important task of integrating Canadian evangelicalism into the British Atlantic world, but they have largely focused on that portion of evangelicalism that was friendly to the established church rather than interested in disestablishment. For example, see Richard W. Vaudry, Anglicans and the Atlantic World: High Churchmen, Evangelicals, and the Quebec Connection (Montreal & Kingston: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 2003); Webb, Transatlantic Methodists, 103-104. 12 David W. Bebbington, Evangelicalism in Modern Britain: A History from the 1730s to the 1980s contesting the protestant consensus 193 larly drew upon the first category, conver- the Redeemer, with a full surrender of the sionism, to challenge the need for state- heart to him,” and anyone who could not supported churches. Evangelicals who claim such an experience “is in the most emphasized the necessity of spiritual re- imminent danger.”15 generation in the form of the “new birth” One implication of conversionism in believed salvation to be rooted in an expe- the hands of the dissenters was an ecclesi- rience outside of church institutions. This ology that rejected an exclusive apostolic form of conversionism was often subver- succession in favour of open denomi- sive to the established church’s doctrine of nationalism. Evangelicalism’s emphasis baptismal regeneration which required an upon the new birth had a long track re- authorized clergyman to perform the spe- cord of breaking down denominational cific rite within the church.13 The Upper barriers and promoting an identity based Canadian voluntarist and reform politi- upon shared concepts. For example, cian John Rolph directly appealed to con- American revivalist James McGready, versionism in an 1837 speech denounc- who organized the 1801 Cane Ridge re- ing the clergy reserves, arguing that the vivals seen to initiate decades of evangeli- state sanctioning of any church deceived cal revivalism known as the Second Great men into thinking they were saved: “Lo! Awakening, said that on Judgement Day How easy it is to be registered a christian individuals would not be asked whether on earth: but it is the wrong way to se- they were “a Presbyterian—a Seceder—a cure their registry in heaven.”14 One ar- Covenanter—a Baptist—or a Methodist; ticle written under the pseudonym “Iota” but, Did you experience the new birth? in the Christian Guardian illustrated an Did you accept of Christ and his salva- evangelical view of the contrasting opin- tion as set forth in the gospel?”16 The sen- ions about salvation. On one hand, “The timent was captured by the eighteenth- perversity of man has sought out many century founder of Methodism John inventions to accomplish this purpose Wesley, and still quoted in a New York [salvation], such as a connexion merely state Methodist tract in 1842: “You be- with some particular church, involving a lieve the Church of Rome is right. What round of outward forms...” But the true then? Whether Bellarmine or Luther is way to salvation, said Iota, was “A due ex- right, you are certainly in the wrong, if ercise of faith on the vicarious sacrifice of you are not ‘born of the Spirit.’”17 Up-

(New York: Routledge, 1989), 3. 13 Bebbington, Evangelicalism in Modern Britain, 9-10. 14 John Rolph, Speeches of Dr. John Rolph, and Christop’r A. Hagerman, Esq., His Majesty’s Solicitor General, on the Bill for Appropriating the Proceeds of the Clergy Reserves to the Purposes of General Education (Toronto: M. Reynolds, 1837), 9. 15 “The Scriptural Way of Salvation,”Christian Guardian, 16 December 1840. 16 Quoted in Gordon S. Wood, Empire of Liberty: A History of the Early Republic, 1789-1815 (New York: Oxford University Press, 2010), 611. 17 Quoted in George Peck, An Answer to the Question, Why are you a Wesleyan Methodist? (New 194 ONTARIO HISTORY

per Canadian evangelicals likewise em- work themselves in between man and his phasized the necessity of working across maker, and to use their usurped authority denominational lines to advance “a com- for their own base purposes.”20 mon salvation.”18 Evangelical dissent covered a wide This ecclesiological position necessar- range of Protestant denominations, but ily called into question the high Anglican in Upper Canada the largest evangelical notion that the exclusive authority of the denomination was Methodism. Method- church could be traced through a single ism first entered the colony with Loyal- authorized institution from the first cen- ist settlers from the United States, and tury to their present-day institution. In several American preachers on horseback place of this apostolic succession, evan- established Upper Canadian circuits con- gelical dissenters often expressed an un- nected with the New York conference of derstanding of Christian history in which the Methodist Episcopal Church. The the purity of the first-century church had first generation of Methodists in Upper given way to hierarchical perversions. In Canada preached an evangelical gospel in 1830, Egerton Ryerson praised an Eng- barns and fields, and claimed to produce lish newspaper editor for his advocacy converts en masse via ecstatic spiritual ex- of “the primitive institutions of religion, periences.21 The Upper Canadian politi- when they were built upon the ‘Apostles cal and religious authorities saw them as and Prophets, Jesus Christ himself being fanatics who threatened to overrun the the Chief Cornerstone,’ and not upon a colony with American ideas of democ- house of Lords and Commons, which racy and republicanism.22 The Method- in some instances an immoral ministry ists’ subversive reputation continued in and a lascivious monarch being the chief the following decades as many became cornerstone.”19 The Globe editor and associated with the reform movement of evangelical Presbyterian George Brown Upper Canada. The connection was so framed his pro-secularization arguments pervasive that the colony’s first legislative by romanticizing the New Testament assembly to elect a majority of members days before “ambitious priests [began] to who were critical of the executive (later

York: Carlton &Lanahan, 1842; Evanston: American Theological Library Association, 1985), 15. 18 For example, Egerton Ryerson wrote in 1831, “The various classes of Presbyterians, Baptists, Epis- copalians and Methodists are owned by the Father of lights as instruments in despossesing [sic] the ‘rul- ers of darkness and spiritual wickedness’ of their usurped dominions, and in diffusing the blessings of a common salvation among the fallen family of man.” “Revivals of Religion in the United States,” Christian Guardian, 3 September 1831. 19 “London World Newspaper,” Christian Guardian, 25 December 1830. 20 George Brown, “Anti-Clergy Reserve Meeting [26 July 1851],” in The Life and Speeches of Hon. George Brown, ed. Alexander Mackenzie (Toronto: Globe, 1882), 242-44. 21 For example, the Hay Bay revival of September 1805 claimed an attendance of approximately 2,500 people. See Rawlyk, Canada Fire, 154. 22 Errington, The Lion, The Eagle, and Upper Canada, 51-52. contesting the protestant consensus 195 called reformers) was known as the “sad- denomination also underwent several dle-bag parliament,” named for the imag- changes throughout this time, which had ery of itinerant Methodist preachers on a great effect upon the Methodist leader- horseback.23 It is important not to link ships’ positions on church-state issues, evangelicalism too closely to partisanship and what the Guardian chose to pub- because, as William Westfall has pointed lish. In 1828 the Methodist Episcopal out, evangelical political participation Church in Upper Canada separated from was not uniform.24 However, the stereo- the New York conference, and after only type was not unfounded, as historians five years of independence they united in have noted clear links between religious 1833 with the British Wesleyan confer- affiliation and voting. For example, more ence. Some Upper Canadian Methodists than ninety percent of adherents to non- rejected the union and maintained their conformist Protestant sects, including independence in 1833 under the name of non-Wesleyan Methodists, secessionist the Methodist Episcopal Church.26 Most Presbyterians, Baptists, Congregational- remained with the united body, however, ists, and non-denominational evangeli- and they shared an uneasy union until cals, supported the reform candidate in they ended the arrangement in 1840. the Toronto district in the 1836 election. Seven more years of independence were No other category, not even national followed by union with the British con- origin, had a comparable correlation to ference again in 1847. The Guardian un- support for reform.25 Evangelicalism’s derwent several changes in editorial lead- pervasive association with the Upper ership throughout these years: Egerton Canadian reform movement suggests Ryerson (three non-consecutive terms, an underlying set of concerns, attitudes, 1829-32, 1833-35, 1838-40), James and values which is most indicative of Richardson (1832-33), Ephraim Evans the state of evangelical culture in the first (1835-38), Jonathan Scott (1840-43), half of the nineteenth century. George Playter (1843-47), and George The Methodist newspaper the Chris- Sanderson (1847-1851). Throughout tian Guardian provides one lens through these years, the more radical Methodists which to examine evangelical concep- struggled to assert their populist values tions as they engaged with church-state in the face of an increasingly conservative issues over the course of the twenty-five leadership pushing deference to imperial years from 1829-1854. However, the authorities and state-church policies.27

23 Grant, Profusion of Spires, 89 24 Westfall, Two Worlds, 44-45. 25 Paul Romney, “On the Eve of the Rebellion: Nationality, Religion and Class in the Toronto Elec- tion of 1836,” in Old Ontario: Essays in Honour of J.M.S. Careless, ed. David Keane and Colin Read (To- ronto: Dundurn, 1990), 200. 26 Grant, Profusion of Spires, 76. 27 Todd Webb, Transatlantic Methodists: British Wesleyanism and the Formation of an Evangelical 196 ONTARIO HISTORY

As such, even editors who succeeded do none of these things, and therefore one another often represented opposing they ridicule others for doing what they views, and it is important to keep these are too cold or worldly to do.”29 denominational changes in mind when Many Upper Canadian evangelicals using Methodism as a thermometer for also associated the purity of the Christian assessing change in Upper Canadian faith with independence from the state. evangelicalism. In 1831, Ryerson called for the people The Christian Guardian began in of Upper Canada to embrace “the zeal of 1829 as a project of the recently autono- real Christianity, [and] put an end to the mous Methodist Episcopal Church, hav- abominations of Church and State union ing just secured its independence from in Canada.”30 In Ryerson’s 1826 critique the New York conference the previous of Strachan, he had tied separation of year. Its first editor was Egerton Ryerson, church and state directly to the purity of who was already something of a house- evangelical religion, and Anglican state- hold name in the colony because of his churchism to idolatry: “I take my leave of widely printed war of words with Stra- the Doctor’s Sermon at present. He may chan. Although high church advocates trust in Legislative influence; he may like Strachan viewed the Methodists’ pray to ‘the Imperial Parliament’. But revivalism and enthusiastic style as a sign we will trust in the Lord our God, and of Americanism, it is apparent from early to Him will we make prayer.”31 Ryerson articles in the Guardian that Upper Ca- and others looked to biblical examples nadian evangelicals linked them with the for an idealized primitive church, which purity of the Christian faith. One article they characterized as both revivalist and warned that where revivals were absent free from state entanglements. The two “there is something wrong in the church often went together for evangelical -dis of God... there is a partial dereliction of senters because they defined themselves duty on the part of the minister, or of against an established church which usu- the members of the church, or of both.”28 ally upheld a more reserved and formal Another article lamented that “The en- religiosity. More than a matter of taste or emies of revivals... do not teach and warn circumstances, by the 1830s voluntarism from house to house with many tears, as and revivalism had become for many did the zealous and devoted Paul. They evangelicals twin signs of Christian puri-

Culture in Nineteenth-Century Ontario and Quebec (Montreal & Kingston: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 2013), 70-73;Goldwin French, Parsons and Politics. The Role of the Wesleyan Methodists in Upper Canada and the Maritimes from 1780 to 1855(Toronto: Ryerson Press, 1962),139, 150, 157; Grant, Pro- fusion of Spires, 91. 8 “Thoughts on Revivals,”Christian Guardian, 27 November 1830. 29 “Hostility Against Revivals,” Christian Guardian, 14 December 1831. 30 “The Doctrines and Spirit of Church and State Union in Canada,”Christian Guardian, 15 October 1831. 31 Originally published in the Colonial Advocate, 11 May 1826.Quoted in Sissons, Egerton Ryerson, 28. contesting the protestant consensus 197 ty in contrast to the “cold” state-support- Guardian’s new editor James Richard- ed worship of the wider Christian world. son. Ryerson had been assigned to go to Early articles in the Guardian also England to negotiate the union between made it clear that the Canadian Method- the Canadian and British Wesleyan con- ists saw themselves as distinct from their ference in 1833. His farewell was an op- British Wesleyan counterparts, particular- portunity to reflect on previous years, ly when it came to the question of church- and he noted as an important part of state relations. In an 1831 article, Ryerson his legacy his “remonstrance against the explained the similarities between Canadi- introduction into this country of an en- an, British, and American Methodism, ar- dowed political church.” Ryerson painted guing that they were all truly “Wesleyan.” an optimistic picture for the future of But he acknowledged a popular Canadian the colony, rejoicing that “the day of po- criticism of the Methodist church in Eng- litical equity, religious liberty, and con- land: “It has, however, been affirmed that ciliatory government is about dawning the Methodists in England are not a dis- upon us.” Most importantly, Ryerson tinct body from the Established Church, expressed his hope “[t]hat the Guardian and that the prospect of a complete union may be rendered more extensively useful between the Methodists in England and in the promotion of this glorious end,” the Establishment is increasing to almost and he stated his confidence that his suc- a certainty.”32 The same year, Egerton’s cessor would “secure the confidence and brother George Ryerson wrote of the Brit- support of the public in the pursuit of ish Wesleyans, “I detest their politics... it.”34 Ryerson’s successor would indeed clinging to the skirts of a corrupt, secular- be faithful in wielding the Guardian to ized and anti-Christian church... the Wes- that end, but it would not be long before leyan Conference is an obstacle to the ex- rumblings from denominational powers tension of civil and religious liberty.”33 This across the Atlantic threatened to disrupt contention marked a division between the the outgoing editor’s charted course. Methodist Episcopal Church and British James Richardson became the sec- Wesleyan Church that persisted after their ond editor of the Christian Guardian at merger in 1833, eventually provoked their the age of 41. A Kingston-born veteran dissolution in 1840, and provided a source of the War of 1812 who lost an arm in of continued uneasiness throughout their the battle of Oswego, Richardson was subsequent relations. raised Anglican but converted to Meth- In August 1832, Ryerson bid fare- odism at a Haldimand quarterly meeting well to his readers and introduced the in 1818.35 His first editorial in Septem-

32 “English, American, and Canadian Methodists,” Christian Guardian, 15 October 1831. 33 Originally in letter from George to Egerton Ryerson, 6 August 1831.Quoted in French, Parsons and Politics, 137. 34 “To the Patrons, Subscribers, and Readers of the Guardian,” Christian Guardian, 29 August 1832. 35 “The Late Bishop Richardson,”The Globe, 11 March 1875. 198 ONTARIO HISTORY

ber 1832 mentioned a desire to leave pol- accepted of the proffered boon from the itics to politicians; however, he reminded Executive of this Province...” He went on his readers that “civil and religious rights to berate them for their lack of discern- are often so blended together that it is ment, and mourned their departure from scarcely possible to attend to the one the voluntarism, which he associated with without touching the other.”36 Indeed, the purity of “a former dispensation.” He it was not long at all before Richardson’s predicted that their voluntary contribu- defence of religious principles marched tions would now dry up, and that at any boldly into contemporary political con- time the government could decide to re- cerns. In a November 1832 article titled voke their support as well. Richardson “Another Scheme to Support, or Rather lamented that the church had accepted to Corrupt Religion in Upper Canada,” a state of “servile dependence” upon the Richardson criticized proposals to sup- executive council, rather than upon God port churches with government funds. and their parishioners. Richardson de- He condemned it as a violation of the clared dramatically that, “It is high time “right of private judgment in matters of the people were awake to this evil—this faith and practice,” something which he source of fearful and incalculable evil to believed to be fundamental to Protes- our country.”38 It was a clear statement of tantism. With likely reference to a bibli- evangelical principles with direct appli- cal passage in the Gospel of John, Rich- cation to contemporary state decisions, ardson equated state-supported churches and it created a stir among the Guardian’s with false teachers by asking, “What de- diverse body of readers. pendence can be placed upon a hireling The following week, the Guardian either in politics or religion?”37 published several responses to Richard- The following year, Richardson’s crit- son’s editorial. Most indicative of the icism of state-churchism had a more tan- upcoming challenges within Canadian gible target, as the Church of Scotland Methodism was one writer who asserted accepted status as an established church that Richardson’s own denomination was in Upper Canada and agreed to receive currently in talks to receive government government support alongside the funds for missions. Richardson had been Church of England. Richardson began ready to answer a number of criticisms his remarks by announcing, “So then, the and defend the principle of voluntarism, bait is taken—the majority of the Pres- but this statement appeared to take him byterian Synod of Upper Canada have by surprise: “We were not aware of any

36 Christian Guardian, 5 September 1832. 37 “Another Scheme to Support, or Rather to Corrupt Religion in Upper Canada,” Christian Guard- ian, 7 November 1832. Emphasis in original. The term hireling“ ” likely refers to a passage in the Gospel of John in which Jesus is described as the “Good Shepherd” who takes care of the sheep and gives his life for them, contrasted with the “hireling” who tends the flock for a short time and abandons them when wolves come. See John 10:11-14. 38 “Religious Grants,” Christian Guardian, 3 July 1833. contesting the protestant consensus 199 grant being made to the English Con- ing government funds and eliminating ference... We heard a report last winter “American” political sentiments, Alder of some negotiations between the Gov- had entered discussions over the union ernment and the Wesleyan Missionaries of the British and Canadian conferences respecting a grant, but we never heard in summer 1832. Only a month prior to the result...” He went on to reiterate his Richardson’s condemnation of grants for voluntarist position and declared con- churches, the British Wesleyan Mission- fidently that “we hope and trust that ary Committee had stated its intention should any such tender be made [to the to muzzle the Guardian on exactly that Methodist Episcopal Church] it will be issue: “the Christian Guardian... shall promptly but respectfully refused.”39 not attack the principle of receiving aid It was a moment of disjuncture, an un- from Government for the extension of expected hiccup in his bold assault on religion.”41 Further correspondence fol- state-churchism. Most troublingly, it was lowing the merger reveals the extent of a threat from within his own church. Colborne’s negotiations with the Brit- Richardson may not have known the ish Wesleyans concerning their plans for extent to which other Methodists were Canada. In an 1834 correspondence with implementing an establishment-friendly Colborne, Alder affirmed the British direction for Upper Canadian Method- Conference’s ability to “exercise as much ism, well under way by the time he was control over the Canadian Methodists waging war on state support for church- as was really necessary and desirable & es. The previous year, in June 1832, the that this great measure must be carried British Wesleyan Missionary Committee rather by influence than by legislative en- representative Robert Alder had arrived actments.” In exchange, Colborne would in Upper Canada and met with Lieuten- happily continue to provide government ant-Governor Colborne. The two British grants.42 natives had found their views very much In his final August 1832 issue as edi- on the same page as they negotiated gov- tor of the Guardian before his departure ernment grants for Methodist missions to England, Ryerson had denied rumours in the colony and identified what they that Alder had dictated the proposed both perceived to be a major problem terms of union. He had further reassured with the Canadian Methodist confer- his readers that, although the idea of such ence as it then stood: “Yankeeism.”40 a union had produced “strong anxiety” With these two goals in mind, introduc- in the past, he expected it would unite

39 “Not False Accusers,” Christian Guardian, 10 July 1833. 40 Originally in a letter from Robert Alder to J. James, 30 July 1832. Quoted in French, Parsons and Politics, 138-139. 41 Originally in Records of the Wesleyan Methodist Missionary Society, Committee Minutes 10 June 1833. Quoted in French, Parsons and Politics, 140. 42 Originally in report from Stinson to the Committee, Report on Indian Missions, 1834. Quoted in French, Parsons and Politics, 150. 200 ONTARIO HISTORY

Methodism in the colony and strength- and less palatable to our friends in these en their efficiency in reaching common parts, so much so, that I think it will not goals.43 Some leaders of the independent be safe for you to come to any permanent Canadian conference, such as Ryerson, arrangements with the British Conference, even should they accede to our proposals...46 saw the potential merit of union and pursued that course despite reservations Contrary to the hopes of his broth- about their counterparts’ coziness with er’s parishioners, however, Ryerson went the imperial state. They were likely un- ahead in pursuit of the merger. On 5 June aware, however, of Alder’s private prom- 1833 he met with leaders of the British ises to Colborne that he would silence conference, including Jabez Bunting and the dissenting political views of the Ca- Robert Alder, and they “examined the nadians and promote their deference to whole question in detail” and wrote up an state authority. outline for union. Then they met again Some Canadians expressed deep sus- on 2 August 1833, and a committee of picion of the British Wesleyans’ intentions nearly thirty men decided to adopt the for the merger.44 Back in 1831, the oldest resolution. The newly appointed presi- Ryerson brother, George, visited England dent of the Canadian conference, George and wrote back to Egerton saying, “I have Marsden, accompanied Ryerson back to reason to know that they would gladly Canada.47 The agreement closely followed govern us... I rejoice that our country lies an outline drafted by British Wesleyan beyond the Atlantic, and is surrounded authorities as early as 1828, standardizing by an atmosphere of freedom.” He fur- practices according to British preferences ther emphasized his growing concern for and placing Canadian Methodist institu- the British Wesleyans’ close relationship tions under British authority. As histori- to the established church: “The whole an Todd Webb said, “The union of 1833 morning service of the Church of Eng- was more a matter of absorption than an land is now read in most of the Wesleyan agreement between equals.”48 Chapels, and with as much formality as in News of the merger’s finalization the Church.”45 In December 1832, John came suddenly. Editor James Richardson Ryerson wrote of his own concerns in a included a hastily-added update from 5 letter to Egerton, who was then planning p.m. the day the Guardian went to press his upcoming spring visit to England to for the 2 October 1833 issue, announc- negotiate the union: ing that the Canadian conference had The subject of the Union appears to be less approved the union “unanimously and

43 “Remarks by the Editor of the Guardian,” Christian Guardian, 29 August 1832. 44 French, Parsons and Politics, 139. 45 Quoted in Ryerson, Story of My Life, 107-108. 46 Quoted in Ibid., 109. 47 Ibid., 119, 121. 48 Webb, Transatlantic Methodists, 79. contesting the protestant consensus 201 cordially.”49 The following week, the August 1833. The address contained Guardian announced that Egerton Ry- well wishes for the cooperation of the erson would be resuming his old post to two bodies and promised that the Ca- replace Richardson as editor. Richard- nadians’ ratification of the union was to son had only served in the position for be followed by £1,000 for missions. The a single year, but as Ryerson’s first issues British leaders concluded with a not-so- would demonstrate, the official organ of subtle hint for their Canadian brethren: the now-united Methodist conference “We are resolved still earnestly to recom- was moving in a new direction. Richard- mend... avoiding the mere politics of this son’s farewell message concluded with a world, to render for Christ’s sake, all due rather suggestive admonishment: “May obedience to ‘the powers that be.’”51 The the Guardian ever continue to be distin- suggestion was not included lightly. It guished as the firm, consistent and decid- was another manifestation of the British ed advocate and defender of those prin- Wesleyan leaders’ desire to eliminate that ciples and that practice, upon which the longstanding problem Robert Alder had peace, prosperity and happiness both of called “Yankeeism” and which British communities and individuals depend.”50 conference member Joseph Stinson later No doubt the “principles” he had in mind described as “Canadian Wigism.”52 included those which he had so boldly The most jarring news that Ryerson advocated throughout his short editorial brought with him from England, how- term, such as voluntarism and the right ever, was that of his political conversion. of private judgement. It was an admon- At the end of October 1833, Ryerson ishment similar to that issued by Ryerson published an article in the Guardian ti- the previous year, but it was all the more tled “Impressions made by my late visit to meaningful in light of the Atlantic tidal England,” in which he described the three wave that was about to crash down upon major political parties in England. Upper Canadian shores. Canadian reform supporters found in Ry- The first story of Ryerson’s second erson’s words a notable lack of praise for editorial tenure was a fuller account of the Whigs and outright condemnation the merger and conference proceed- for the “Radicals” such as Joseph Hume ings. Below that was the publication of and Thomas Attwood who had seemed so an “Answer of the British to the Cana- sympathetic to their plight in the colony. dian Conference,” written by Wesleyan Ryerson denounced the “notorious infidel authorities in Manchester and dated 7 character” of the Radicals and lamented

49 “Highly Important: Methodist Conference, Five o’ Clock P.M.” Christian Guardian, 2 October 1833. 50 Christian Guardian, 9 October 1833. 51 “Answer of the British to the Canadian Conference,” Christian Guardian, 16 October 1833. 52 Originally in a letter from Joseph Stinson to Robert Alder, 2 March 1846.Quoted in French, Par- sons and Politics, 250. 202 ONTARIO HISTORY

that “some of the brightest ornaments of tained (however unjustly) that you have the English pulpit and nation have leaned ‘turned downright Tory’.” Among Grif- to their leading doctrines in theory.” Ry- fin’s top concerns was a need for clarifica- erson’s description of the Whigs was also tion regarding Ryerson’s opinion on the unfavourable, explaining that the Whig clergy reserves: “I should be glad if you is “always pliant in his professions, and would state distinctly in the Guardian is even ready to suit his measures to ‘the what you meant in your correspondence times.’; an indefinite term...” Again, Ryer- with the Colonial Secretary, when you son observed (likely with a tone of regret, said you had no desire to interfere with given his lacklustre opinion of the party) the present emoluments of the Church that this party “included many of the most clergy (or words to that effect); and also learned and popular ministers of Dissent- of the term ‘equal protection to the dif- ing congregations.” By contrast, his review ferent denominations.’”54 Ryerson’s own of the moderate Tories was absolutely brother Edwy was among a group of five glowing. The Tory “acts from religious Methodist preachers from the Niagara principles... [for] his integrity, his honesty, district who wrote to Ryerson condemn- his consistency, his genuine liberality, and ing his recent statements and affirm- religious beneficence, [we] claim respect ing their opinion that “the clergy of the and imitation.” Not only did the moder- Episcopal [Anglican] Church ought to ate Tories include “the great body of the be deprived of every emolument derived piety, Christian enterprise, and sterling from Governmental aid, and what are virtue of the nation,” but also “a majority called the Clergy Reserves.”55 Another of the Wesleyan Methodists” with whom Methodist minister wrote to Ryerson he had just arranged a union.53 The “boy complaining of the insults that he had preacher” whom reformers had once con- received because of the article, even from sidered a champion of their cause had ap- fellow Methodists, and that on his circuit parently gone away to England and come “the preachers are hooted at as they ride back a Tory. by. This is rather trying, I assure you.”56 The reaction of many Canadian Ryerson spent much of the remain- Methodists was nothing short of mu- der of 1833 utilizing the Guardian for tinous, captured in a private letter to damage control. The clergy reserves Ryerson from a Mr. E.C. Griffin from question featured in the discussion; Ry- Waterdown: “On this Circuit it is truly erson reassured his readers that he still alarming—some of our most respectable wanted their entire proceeds to be di- Methodists are threatening to leave the rected to general educational purposes Church. The general impression has ob- and he still maintained that “the minis- 53 Ryerson, Story of My Life, 122-123. See also Christian Guardian, 30 October 1833. 54 Quoted in Ryerson, Story of My Life, 129. 55 Quoted in Ibid., 130. 56 Quoted in Ibid., 131. contesting the protestant consensus 203 ters of each denomination ought to be dominantly reform-sympathetic donors supported by their own congregations.”57 revoked their support in light of Ryer- He denied rumours that hundreds had son’s changing attitudes to government stopped reading the Guardian; rather, he grants and to their political principles. revealed that only 16 had cancelled their In 1834, the Methodist church replaced subscription “because of our toryism.”58 the two most dedicated voluntarists on Persistent confusion over Ryerson’s new the school’s committee and applied to position must have prompted him at the the legislature for a government grant.60 end of November to lay out “Our Prin- Despite Ryerson’s repeated attempts at ciples and Opinions” in a point-by-point reaffirming his voluntarism, many with manner. In it, he appeared to affirm a vol- a background in the Methodist Episco- untarist position at least as far as direct pal Church still looked on with concern. payment of clergy was concerned: “there For ex-editor James Richardson, the is- ought not to be any State Church or State sue eventually resulted in his resignation Churches in Canada... no clergyman of from the Wesleyan Methodist church to any denomination ought to be supported rejoin the smaller Methodist Episcopal by government grants or appropriations... Church in 1836.61 Ministers of all denominations ought to The new direction of the British be supported by the voluntary contribu- Wesleyans was brought to bear upon tions of the people.”59 the political application of the Christian Missing in Ryerson’s affirmation of Guardian (or lack thereof ) throughout voluntarist principles, however, was the the 1830s. In 1835, Ryerson stepped rejection of government funds for other down from his second term as editor to church initiatives such as missions and be replaced by Ephraim Evans, an Eng- church-run schools. In both matters, lish-born Methodist preacher who later Ryerson had departed from strict vol- sided with the British Wesleyans in the untarism and was actively pursuing state 1840 split.62 The three years of Evans’ funds for the Methodists’ educational editorship from 1835 to 1838 covered project, the Upper Canada Academy. a most contentious period for Upper Historian Goldwin French argued that Canadian politics, particularly with re- this decision proved detrimental to the gard to the clergy reserves and rectories project which was initially funded by questions, but Evans was relatively silent voluntary donations; a number of pre- on these issues. Some among the reform-

57 “The Appropriation of the Clergy Reserves,”Christian Guardian, 13 November 1833. 58 “Subscriptions to the Guardian,” Christian Guardian, 20 November 1833. Emphasis in original. 59 “Our Principles and Opinions,” Christian Guardian, 27 November 1833. 60 French, Parsons and Politics, 152. 61 Neil Semple, The Lord’s Dominion: The History of Canadian Methodism(Montreal & Kingston: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 1996), 91. 62 Semple, The Lord’s Dominion,95. 204 ONTARIO HISTORY

sympathetic Canadian Methodists as- sembly and an affront to the majority of cribed this silence to Evans’ compliance colonists who were not affiliated with the with British Wesleyan muzzling. John Anglican Church. Reform politician Pe- Ryerson expressed his dissatisfaction ter Perry led a committee to address the with Evans most virulently in a series of matter, and the assembly decided to act private correspondence with Egerton in by withholding funds from the govern- 1838, in which he also denounced Wil- ment. Colborne’s replacement, Lieuten- liam Harvard, the president of the Wes- ant-Governor Francis Bond Head, coun- leyan Methodist conference from 1836 tered the assembly’s show of power by to 1838. Harvard, he said, was “a weak dissolving the legislature, leading to the high church despot & Evans is his intire fateful 1836 election. Reform lost their tool.”63 In another letter, he stated em- majority, the consequence, in their view, phatically, “It is truly laughable as well as of widespread bribery and intimida- disgusting... to see how he [Harvard] & tion.66 The British government respond- Evans soft soap & lick each other. They ed to their petitions and grievances with concoct & write their articles together a reassertion of executive power, such as & then praise & eulogize each other for the 10 Resolutions in March 1837 which their wonderful productions.”64 defended government by executive de- Although the Guardian under Ev- cree.67 The radical elements of the colony ans may not have reflected it, evangelical believed that they had no more options outrage with Upper Canadian politics within the existing system of government. was rising to a climax in 1836. In a Janu- They made plans for an armed march on ary meeting with three Family Compact Toronto in December 1837.68 men, John Colborne’s last act as lieuten- It is easy to lose sight of the issue that ant governor of Upper Canada was to initiated this chain of events. The recto- issue fifty-seven (later reduced to forty- ries controversy was the tipping point four) new rectories for the Church of which provoked the assembly’s dissolu- England, amounting to a 21,000-acre tion and the 1836 “loyalty election.” Al- land grant.65 Colborne’s closed-door though church privilege was not the only decision smacked of utter disregard for grievance on the minds of reform voters the will of the reform-dominated as- in 1836, or of the pitchfork-wielding

63 Originally in a letter from John to Egerton Ryerson, 17 March 1838.Quoted in French, Parsons and Politics, 172. 64 Originally in a letter from John to Egerton Ryerson, 26 April 1838.Quoted in French, Parsons and Politics, 172. 65 Alan Wilson, The Clergy Reserves of Upper Canada: A Canadian Mortmain (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1968), 123-24. 66 Colin Read and Ronald Stagg, The Rebellion of 1837 in Upper Canada: A Collection of Documents (Ottawa: Carleton University Press, 1985), xxvii. 67 Ibid., xxx. 68 Ibid., xxviii, xxx. contesting the protestant consensus 205 yeomen descending upon Yonge Street [of ] the parent state.”71 Non-evangeli- a little more than a year later in the Re- cal reformers still had reason to oppose bellion of 1837, it gave their respective the clergy reserves, as they were seen as causes an explicitly moral and spiritual part of a broader problem with colonial point of reference.69 On the eve of the land policy.72 For dissenting evangelicals, election, six months after the land grant however, the association of the reserves was issued, Egerton Ryerson’s brother with “the establishment of a dominant and fellow Methodist minister William church,” provided a deeper level of nega- Ryerson wrote, “everywhere the rectory tive meaning. question meets us, and I am compelled A renewed push to settle the clergy to believe that while a vast majority are reserves issue followed the rebellion, as devotedly loyal, yet many of our gra- imperial authorities acknowledged it as cious sovereign’s best & most affection- one source of the discord. Lord Durham, ate subjects would almost prefer revolu- charged with determining the causes of the tion to the establishment of a dominant rebellions, said in his official report that church.”70 Reformer John Rolph, a doc- for Upper Canada, “The question of the tor and lawyer who served in the Legis- greatest importance raised in the course lative Assembly from 1824 to 1830 and of these disputes, was that of the disposal as a reform voice in Head’s Executive of the clergy reserves.”73 Egerton Ryerson Council for a brief time in 1836, minced agreed in May 1839 that “the exclusive no words in condemning the rectories: pretensions of the Church of England in “Fifty seven rectories have in open defi- Upper Canada” had been the foundation ance of universal sentiment, been erected for “a widespread and deeply seated dis- within our borders... This is despotism as satisfaction. It is rather surprising that a undeserved by Canada as it is unworthy vestige of British power exists in the Prov-

69 A number of grievances informed rebel sentiments, including economic hardship for farmers re- sulting from rising interest rates and food shortages. See Ibid., xxix-xxx. For some participants such as the Quakers and other nonconformist Protestants, church-state privilege provided another source of discon- tent: “Since the Clergy Reserves were a political hot potato for many other groups, Quakers joined non- Quakers in challenging the state support of the Church of England. This reform sentiment led directly [to] their increased involvement in politics and their role in the Rebellion of 1837.” See Robynne Healey, From Quaker to Upper Canadian: Faith and Community among Yonge Street Friends, 1801-1850 (Montreal & Kingston: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 2006), 164. 70 Quoted in Gordon Barkwell, “The Clergy Reserves in Upper Canada: A Study in the Separation of Church and State, 1791-1854” (PhD dissertation, University of Chicago, 1953), 186. 71 Rolph, Speeches of Dr. John Rolph, 10. 72 For example, Alan Wilson said, “Regarded simply as badly administered land, the Reserves were not unique... In 1837, their singular guilt was guilt by association.” See Wilson, The Clergy Reserves of Up- per Canada, 136. Arthur Lower offered a similar interpretation. Arthur R.M. Lower,Colony to Nation: A History of Canada (Toronto: Longmans, 1946), 187. 73 The Earl of Durham, “Report on the Affairs of British North America, from the Earl of Durham [11 Feb. 1839],” in Lord Durham’s Report on the Affairs of British North America, vol. 2: Text of the Report, ed. C.P. Lucas (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1912), 149. 206 ONTARIO HISTORY

ince.”74 His language escalated later that tablishment.77 In 1838, Egerton Ryerson same month in a letter to Governor Gen- had taken on the editorship of the Chris- eral Normanby. Ryerson warned that the tian Guardian for the third time, follow- government had to decide “whether our ing the establishment-friendly Ephraim resources are to be absorbed in support of Evans. The following year, Ryerson had pretensions which have proved the bane stated in the Guardian his perception of of religion in the country; have fomented the Canadian-British conflict as it played discord; emboldened, if not prompted, out in a Methodist conference in Ham- rebellion...”75 The resolution that the gov- ilton: “apprehensions were entertained ernment pursued under the direction of that the leading object of the mission of the new Governor Sydenham was The the Representative of the British Confer- Imperial Act of 1840. The act extended ence was to minify Methodism in Upper the benefits of the clergy reserve funds Canada into a branch of the Church of so that more denominations were now England—to encourage the erection of a qualified to draw from their coffers: half dominant Church establishment in the of the funds were to be set aside for the Province, and otherwise to promote the Church of England and the Church of encroachments of power.”78 The split was Scotland, and the rest were to be divided official the following year, and the Cana- among other denominations including dians justified their decision to secede by the Wesleyan Methodist Church and the asserting freedom of opinion on church- Roman Catholic Church.76 state matters. The anonymous writer In addition to the Imperial Act’s identified as “Iota” conveyed an under- compromise on the clergy reserves ques- standing of the separation as resulting tion, 1840 also produced important from a difference between the Canadi- changes for the Canadian Methodists; ans’ true evangelical piety versus the Brit- most importantly, the breakup of their ish Wesleyans’ high church worldliness: union with the British Wesleyan confer- “...Every one acquainted with Methodism in ence. The primary reason was a reaction England knows, or ought to know, that the against the British leaders’ attempts to Conference in that country occupies a very muzzle Canadian criticism of church es- high ecclesiastical position... their natural

74 Ryerson, Story of My Life, 250. 75 Ibid., 252-253. 76 C. Fahey, In His Name: The Anglican Experience in Upper Canada, 1791-1854 (Montreal & Kings- ton: McGill-Queen’s, 1991), 174; Wilson, The Clergy Reserves,158-59. 77 The disagreement resulted from a divergence in understanding about the nature of the church, which often carried over into political positions. As John Grant summarized, “The two groups differed in their basic conception of Methodism. The British regarded themselves as a religious society, auxiliary and in some ways subsidiary to the Church of England... The Canadians, by contrast, inherited the conviction of American Methodists that they constituted a church and were entitled to recognition as such.” Grant, Profusion of Spires, 76. 78 “The Late Conference,”Christian Guardian, 26 June 1839. contesting the protestant consensus 207

and unavoidable tendency is to produce the resolution at that time: “The Clergy a conformity to the world, a fawning and Reserve Bill passed by the Imperial Par- cringing demeanor towards the rich and liament will be found in another column great, an overbearing disposition towards of to-day’s Guardian, where we shall inferiors.” leave it, almost without remark, for the Iota further praised the Canadian community to form their own judgment Methodists for resisting the “dictatorial of it. We have formed ours. Should the arrogance of the English Wesleyan Sec- Conference of the Wesleyan Method- retaries.”79 The Canadians’ assertion of ist Church, at some future period, have conscience on church-state matters ulti- an opinion to give, we shall be ready to mately divided the Canadian and British express it...”82 Scott’s opinion came out Wesleyans until 1847. Although Ryerson’s in later issues, however, and it appears efforts toward Canadian denominational that, unlike Ryerson, he was not satisfied autonomy were applauded by the volun- with the multi-headed establishment as a tarists of the organization, Ryerson’s will- long-term solution to religious equality. ingness to accept state funds through the Less than a month into his tenure Imperial Act compromise was not shared Scott entered into a war of words with by all in his denomination.80 the editor of the high Anglican newspa- In June 1840, Ryerson bid farewell per, The Church. The latter asserted that to his readers for the third time as he dissenters needed to live in a country handed the reins of his editorial position with an established church in order to en- to Jonathan Scott, a committed volunta- joy their own religious freedom, to which rist and critic of the Church of England. Scott responded in strong language: A lifelong reform supporter, Scott first We wonder at the audacity of those who came to Upper Canada as a missionary would attribute repose and freedom to the for the British Wesleyan conference in workings of a National Establishment, when 1833, but he made the colony his perma- almost every page of ecclesiastical history nent home and sided with the Canadians assures us in characters of blood, that when in the 1840 schism.81 Scott reported on such an establishment has had its full play, it has produced confusion, and bondage, and the Imperial Act in October of 1840, 83 wherein he praised Egerton Ryerson for martyrdom. his commitment to settling the clergy re- This editorial was followed in 1841 serves question. However, he intention- by a series called “Sectarianism,” which ally avoided stating his own opinion on criticized several Anglican doctrines.

79 “The Secession of the British Conference,”Christian Guardian, 14 October 1840. 80 For an overview of Ryerson’s position on church establishments in the 1840s, see Webb, Transat- lantic Methodists, 81-83. 81“The Death of Rev. Jonathan Scott,”The Globe,10 May 1880. 82 “Decision on the Clergy Reserves Question,” Christian Guardian, 14 October 1840. 83 “The Course of the Editor of ‘The Church,’”Christian Guardian, 22 July 1840. 208 ONTARIO HISTORY

A central concern was the Church of my reasonings and recommendations,”86 England’s perceived similarities to Ro- Scott’s compliance was not permanent. man Catholicism, but also key was the In 1843, for example, he challenged the church’s strong ties to the state: British government’s grants to the estab- lished clergy because they were used “for Have not ministers been made for the church inculcating Popish principles, and ob- by the world, Popes by Emperors, in opposi- tion to the desire of the church? Have not our serving Popish practices in their place of 87 own Bishops been created and annihilated by worship...” Kings—often wicked, perhaps infidel Kings? Jonathan Scott served as editor of the ...And, finally, must not the articles, and Christian Guardian from 1840 to 1844, liturgy, and laws of established churches, be after which he was succeeded by the vol- sanctioned by the civil legislature, before they untarist George Playter who served from are binding on the church of Christ? These, 84 1844 to 1847. Although Playter had a and other questions, might be asked... British Wesleyan background, he immi- Ryerson wrote privately to Scott grated to the Canadas in 1832 and sided in 1841 expressing concern with his with the Canadian connexion when the views: “We have no controversy with union fell apart in 1840.88 In an undat- the Church of England as a Church Es- ed tract titled “Thirty-five reasons why tablishment. We have disclaimed oppos- I am not a member of the Episcopalian ing, or doing anything to disparage the Church, commonly called the Church of Church Establishment in England...”85 England,” Playter offered a critique of the Ryerson was attempting to navigate a Church of England, his points regularly conciliatory middle path, one which de- stemming from an evangelical aversion to nied both Anglican exclusivity and to- church-state connections. The first point tal disestablishment. It is not clear how was his objection to the English mon- many evangelicals shared Ryerson’s pen- arch being “head of the church,” stating chant for compromise, but it is apparent that the Church of England “suffers the that a belief in strict voluntarism con- sovereignty of Christ to be shared, and tinued within Canadian evangelicalism. his purchased right to be invaded.”89 He Although Ryerson wrote to The Church also criticized “the large and unsuitable editor John Kent expressing his confi- emoluments bestowed on and received by dence that Scott “has at length yielded to most of the bishops of the church,” and

84 “Sectarianism—No. II,” Christian Guardian, 13 January 1841. Emphasis in original. 85 Ryerson, Story of My Life, 295. 86 Ryerson told Scott that the Methodists could not claim apostolic and scriptural authority by at- tacking the legitimacy of the Church of England: “To prove that our neighbours are black, does not prove that we are white. We do not profess to build up ourselves upon the ruin of any body else...” Ibid., 294. 87 “Origins, Character, and Prevalence of Puseyism,” Christian Guardian, 16 August 1843. 88 Webb, Transatlantic Methodists, 90. 89 George F. Playter, “Thirty-Five Reasons why I am not a member of the Episcopalian Church, com- monly called the Church of England [18--?],” WD Jordan Special Collection, Queen’s University Library, 1. contesting the protestant consensus 209 compulsory tithes.90 Like other evan- their resources while this time offering gelicals, Playter associated the Anglicans’ greater Canadian autonomy over leader- church-state connection with worldliness ship appointments and property.93 Also in and a departure from biblical example: 1847, the voluntarist editor George Play- “The end of the Gospel is to bring a sinful ter was replaced by the more conservative world to repentance of sin, and to faith George Sanderson who supported the in a crucified Christ... Now this end, it status quo on the clergy reserves.94 Born is well known, is often attained in some in Kingston, Upper Canada, Sanderson churches and by some ministers, and very was trained in theology at the Methodist seldom in our ancient Gothic buildings, Upper Canada Academy and ordained a and by our modern apostolicals.”91 Play- clergyman in 1841.95 When Methodists ter brought this outlook to his post at in Britain challenged the hard-handed the Guardian. For example, in 1847 he leadership of Jabez Bunting through a se- explained that the evangelical revival of ries of tracts in the 1849 “Fly Sheet” con- 1739 had been necessary because “reli- troversy, Sanderson rallied the Guardian gion had again become corrupted” under to Bunting’s defense.96 Once again the the Anglican Church, and that a similar controversy centred upon the close rela- (if not worse) situation existed in his own tionship of the Wesleyan leadership with time, and demanded the purification of the established church, which the detrac- revivals.92 tors saw as a departure from Methodism’s The voluntarist voice that had spoken revivalist legacy.97 The fact that Sander- through the Christian Guardian from son fell on Bunting’s pro-establishment 1840 to 1847 came to an end with anoth- side of the debate said a lot to contempo- er denominational arrangement and an- raries about the direction of the Wesleyan other change in editorship. In 1847, the Methodists in Upper Canada. Canadian and British Wesleyan confer- Whereas the largest body of Meth- ences embarked on their second attempt odism in Upper Canada had by the late at union, which would allow them to pool 1840s nearly silenced its previously re-

90 Ibid., 3, 7. 91 Ibid., 10. 92 “Religious Revivals,” Christian Guardian, 20 January 1847. Although the practice of revivals did not originate in 1739, the year is considered the beginning of the Great Awakening because evangelicals began to see their local revivals as parts of a larger intercontinental phenomenon. Some historians have credited well-travelled revival preachers such as George Whitefield for linking these otherwise localized events into a transatlantic movement. See Frank Lambert, Pedlar in Divinity: George Whitefield and the Transatlantic Revivals, 1737-1770 (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1994), 95. 93 Semple, The Lord’s Dominion,97-98. 94 French, Parsons and Politics, 249, 264. 95 “Dr. Sanderson Dead: The Passing Away of a Veteran Methodist Clergyman,”The Globe,22 March 1898. 96 Webb, Transatlantic Methodists, 159. 97 Semple, The Lord’s Dominion,97. 210 ONTARIO HISTORY

sounding condemnation of state-church 26 July 1851, for example, would have alignment, other evangelicals in the made little sense outside of evangelical colony were perfectly willing to pick up crowds. He made no secret of his opinion the cause. In May 1850, when a group that true Christianity was “a religion of of anti-clergy reserves activists met as the heart” and lamented that “The very The Anti-Clergy Reserves Association preaching of an established church is in Knox Church in Toronto, the attend- cold and lifeless.”99 Brown’s formal elec- ees saw themselves as acting in notable tion address in November 1851 similarly absence of the Wesleyan Church, which suggested that “pure religion will prosper they believed had failed to pursue the for better if left dependent on the volun- issue. In attendance were some of the tary contributions of the Christian peo- aforementioned evangelicals who had ple than when pampered by the State.”100 long spoken out against the clergy re- Although Brown saw his voluntarism as serves, including George Brown, John a means to provide religious equality for Roaf, and former editor of the Guardian all, he rooted the concept firmly in his James Richardson. Attendees decried the evangelical faith and framed his pro-vol- Weslyans’ “love of power and patronage.” untarist arguments in ways that appealed Guardian editor George Sanderson con- primarily to evangelicals. Evangelical demned the meeting, referring to attend- churches responded enthusiastically. Fol- ees as “revolutionists” and “unscrupulous lowing the successes of the Grits at the assailants of the Wesleyan Church,” and polls in late 1851, John Roaf proposed a he further warned against their zealous resolution at the annual Congregational agitation against the clergy reserves as conference in June 1852 to acknowledge “subversive of the foundations of our civil “indications of the decline of a purpose relations and government.”98 to prevent the civil equality of religious Dissenters in Upper Canada joined denominations in Canada,” and further the battle with vigour at the start of the resolved that “encouraged by this circum- 1850s. Evangelical Christians appeared stance, [they] recommend a continued to make up the majority of the instigators attention to the subject at once zealous and intended audience of the voluntarist and candid.”101 message, based upon the known attend- On 10 October 1854, conservative ees at anti-clergy reserves meetings and John A. Macdonald undercut what po- the content of their speeches. Portions litical momentum the voluntarists had of George Brown’s speech at an Anti- accumulated over the past four years by Clergy Reserves Association meeting on proposing a revised version of their own 98 “Clergy Reserves—The Wesleyan Church and Its Assailants,”Christian Guardian, 22 May 1850. See also “Great Clergy Reserve Meeting,” The Globe,9 May 1850. 99 George Brown, “Anti-Clergy Reserve Meeting [26 July 1851],” in The Life and Speeches of Hon. George Brown, ed. Alexander Mackenzie (Toronto: Globe, 1882), 242-44. 100 Quoted in Careless, Brown of the Globe, 150. 101 “Congregational Union,” The Globe,26 June 1852. contesting the protestant consensus 211 brainchild, the secularization of the cler- failed, and his supporters again took up gy reserves. Voluntarists struggled with petitioning, holding public meetings, their opponents’ move, initially hoping and opining in the press, in lieu of ac- their long-awaited moment had come tive parliamentary action.105 Although but cautious about the details of the bill. the issue ended in less than a triumph for The Globe articulated some of this con- evangelical dissent, there is no denying cern: “Their bill is very skilfully worded, that they were responsible for keeping so as to alarm as little as possible Upper the issue alive for more than two decades. Canadian Reformers, but it will be found John Webster Grant suggested that the upon examination, to contain provisions voluntarist struggle had profound long- to which no voluntary could possibly term psychological effects upon what give his assent.” Most troubling was what would become Ontario. The seculariza- came to be known as “the commutation tion of the clergy reserves “led Ontarians clause,” which reserved the government’s to take for granted henceforth that the right to offer further stipends to existing state had no business in the sanctuaries claimants of the clergy reserves, either of the province,” the fruits of which ap- directly to individuals or to the church peared in an 1866 court ruling “that the with which they were affiliated.102 The Church of England had no special legal Globe claimed that, with such an allow- status of privilege...”106 Dissenters did not ance, the bill would only “perpetuate all achieve the clean break for voluntarism the practical evils of state-churchism in they intended, but ultimately it was their the Province.”103 vision for the separation of church and The Tory-led coalition pushed the state that triumphed in Canada. bill through despite these objections, re- Some historians of religion in Canada taining the commutation clause.104 Thus have downplayed the role of religious be- the clergy reserves issue finally ended liefs in the secularization of the clergy re- not with dissent delivering a knockout serves. Michael Gauvreau suggested that punch, but with the Tory-led coalition New World circumstances brought about ushering establishment out of the ring. the downfall of the clergy reserves in Voluntarists continued to challenge the 1854, rather than evangelical conviction: commutation clause, but Brown’s attempt “What occurred between 1841 and 1854 to pass a bill against the clause in 1855 was less a revolt against the idea of church

102 “The Clergy Reserve Bill,”The Globe,23 October 1854. See also Grant, Profusion of Spires, 142. 103 “The Clergy Reserve Bill,”The Globe, 23 October 1854. 104 The total amount of state funds paid directly to churches under the commutation clause was £381,982, divided among the Church of England (64%), the Church of Scotland (28%), the Wesleyan Methodist Church (2.6%), and the Roman Catholic Church (5.4%). See John Sargent Moir, Church and State in Canada West: Three Studies in the Relation of Denominationalism and Nationalism, 1841-1867 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1959), 79. 105 Moir, Church and State in Canada West, 78-79. 106 Grant, Profusion of Spires, 143. 212 ONTARIO HISTORY

establishment itself than a growing real- the clergy reserves resolution came about ization that the old High Church ratio- because of New World circumstances, a nale for the alliance of church and state rise in secular values, or a stroke of benefi- did not work in the peculiar religious en- cence from the Macdonald conservatives, vironment of British North America.”107 it was also the result of years of grassroots William Westfall credited secularization activism that the government could only to the colony’s newly-acquired taste for ignore for so long. materialistic “progress,” saying “the al- Several historians interpret the liance of church and state broke down legacy of the 1854 bill within the nar- because the state decided it no longer rative of steady progress toward Protes- needed the church.”108 Without the vol- tant consensus, the secularization of the untarist movement, however, the govern- clergy reserves removing the final barrier ment would have had little impetus to to interdenominational cooperation.111 address the clergy reserves when it did. Alan Wilson called the clergy reserves Before 1854, all major political parties in question a “family quarrel among Cana- the United Province of Canada, includ- dian Protestants” whose resolution al- ing the moderate reformers, supported lowed them to move on and form “a new the status quo on the clergy reserves.109 coalition.”112 William Westfall said that Indeed, John A. Macdonald’s proposal to the removal of Anglican privilege helped secularize the clergy reserves was an un- enable a convergence in which “the two expected reversal of policy, following on sides now saw themselves and the world a change in consensus at a Conservative in a similar way.”113 John Webster Grant caucus meeting only the previous June.110 described contentions over the clergy Before Macdonald’s change of mind, how- reserves as a “series of convulsions” that ever, a core of dedicated voluntarists had had to occur “before the churches could fought for the separation of church and settle down to their normal pursuits.”114 state for more than two decades. If indeed In other words, in these historians’ views,

107 Michael Gauvreau, “Protestantism Transformed: Personal Piety and the Evangelical Social Vision, 1815-1867,” in The Canadian Protestant Experience, 88. 108 Westfall, Two Worlds, 107-108, 111. 109 The union of Upper and Lower Canada in 1840 to become the United Province of Canada meant that in order to form the government, a political party had to maintain an alliance between members representing both regions. The Roman Catholic-majority of Lower Canada had little interest in the secu- larization agenda advocated by Upper Canada’s voluntarists, and so the reform movement that had previ- ously been the main political voice for secularization pre-1840 had subsequently side-stepped the issue throughout the 1840s and ‘50s. See Careless, Brown of the Globe, 135; David Mills, The Idea of Loyalty, 116-17, 121. 110 Donald Creighton, John A. Macdonald: The Young Politician(Toronto: Macmillan, 1952), 210. 111 Moir, Church and State in Canada West, 80-81. 112 Wilson, The Clergy Reserves,221. 113 Westfall, Two Worlds, 86. 114 Grant, Profusion of Spires, 93-94. contesting the protestant consensus 213 what pitted Protestants against one an- lution reveals the unrelenting persistence other was a mere formality, an anomaly of a distinct evangelical culture. If the to an otherwise natural alliance, an ex- culture of evangelical dissent converged ternal veneer of difference which masked with its very antithesis immediately fol- their latent sameness. lowing the passing of the Clergy Reserves The idea that the secularization of Secularization Bill, it would be an un- the clergy reserves removed one of the characteristic compromise that demands final barriers to Protestant cultural con- a more satisfactory explanation than vergence is reasonable only if all that di- those presently available. vided Canadian Protestants by the mid- Framed in terms of the British dis- nineteenth century was a single political senting tradition, controversies over the issue. But as some of these same scholars clergy reserves were not simply minor have argued, contention over the clergy disruptions to an otherwise natural fam- reserves was indicative of a deeper set of ily relationship. Rather, concern over the cultural and theological differences. Wil- spiritual consequences of state-church liam Westfall referred to this cultural rift entanglement was central to dissenting as “two contrasting patterns of interpre- culture and identity. For many outspoken tation through which different groups of evangelicals, Methodist and non-Meth- Protestants attempted to reconcile the odist alike, the movement of Methodism Bible and their own existence.”115 How- under Ryerson and the British Wesleyans ever, by focusing on the Egerton Ryer- toward participation in a Protestant con- sons of Canadian evangelicalism and by sensus was a matter of sheer betrayal, and downplaying the significance of contin- an artificial construction rather than an ued sectarian-political controversy such organic reality. It is possible to see these as the clergy reserves question, Westfall’s voices as simply a reactionary minority, analysis loses sight of those who car- and a vanishing exception to a larger con- ried on the distinct cultural legacy of ciliatory trajectory.116 However, the vol- the evangelical “religion of experience.” untarist dissenters’ continued virility in At the start of the nineteenth century the political sphere is one indication that the evangelicals had a distinct culture, their cultural values still held a formi- Westfall demonstrated, and that culture dable presence on the Canadian religious derived from and is identified by their landscape in 1854. Although further re- beliefs and attitudes about salvation, search is required to determine the ex- emotion, authority, human nature, and tent of its influence in subsequent public society. Because opposition to the clergy affairs, evangelical dissenters continued reserves were strongly motivated by those to challenge presumptions of Protestant same beliefs and attitudes, the 1854 reso- consensus throughout the following de- 115 Westfall, Two Worlds, 30. 116 William Westfall addressed one defender of “old Methodism” as an exception to the new rule, say- ing, “history was not on his side...” Westfall, Two Worlds, 70. 214 ONTARIO HISTORY

cades as well. For example, the colony’s sent and evangelical revivalism. education policy under Egerton Ryer- It is important to recognize that the son pursued some semblance of religious cultural changes historians have long ob- “consensus,” but the popular response served took place within particular de- again suggests that no such consensus nominational contexts, shaped explicitly existed. Ryerson’s attempt to establish a by leaders such as Ryerson and Bunting, public school curriculum based on “com- but that such changes are not necessar- mon Christianity” generated much con- ily reflective of a change in the systems troversy through the 1850s, particularly of meanings important to evangelical from Protestants who saw the removal dissenters of the day. In other words, of the Bible from classroom instruction the distinctive culture of the early nine- as “godlessness.”117 Controversies within teenth-century revivalists did not van- Protestantism throughout the remain- ish as Wesleyan Methodism downplayed der of the century—biblical criticism its earlier expressions and perspectives. versus biblical literalism, social gospel Evangelical dissenters continued to draw versus individual salvation, and into the upon these conceptions throughout early twentieth century with modernism the second quarter of the nineteenth versus fundamentalism118—suggest that century despite great pressure from re- even if the Protestant consensus model is ligious leaders to abandon them. In the applicable to some portion of the nine- face of efforts to amalgamate evangeli- teenth century, such a “consensus” was cal and establishment sentiments into a tentative at best. A better alternative single Protestant consensus, dissenters would be to understand Protestantism remained committed to countering the in Canada as persistently divided by in- powerful Anglican-Wesleyan perspec- compatible worldviews and occasionally tives with their own distinct beliefs that punctuated with cooperation and loose emphasized an experiential rather than alliances, rather than fundamentally the sacramental soteriology, an allegiance same and occasionally disrupted by mi- to the first-century apostles rather than nor controversy. This new interpretation an apostolic succession, and a rejection can allow a more coherent long-term of any collaboration between church analysis of Protestantism in Canada that and state. Despite inclinations of some bridges earlier and later periods of diver- among their ranks to join with old rivals gence and takes into greater consider- for common purposes, Upper Canadian ation the contested legacy of British dis- dissenters continued to dissent.

117 Bruce Curtis, Building the Educational State: Canada West, 1836-1871 (London, ON: Falmer Press, 1988), 275. 118 Phyllis D. Airhart, “Ordering a New Nation and Reorde-ing Protestantism, 1867-1914,” in The Canadian Protestant Experience, 124-25; Ramsay Cook, The Regenerators: Social Criticism in Late Victo- rian English Canada (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1985), 8-10, 176-80; Robert A. Wright, “The Canadian Protestant Tradition, 1914-1945,” in The Canadian Protestant Experience, 158-61.