Prefatory Materials of the King James Bible
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(CE:1227A-1228A) HEXAPLA and TETRAPLA, Two Editions of the Old Testament by ORIGEN
(CE:1227a-1228a) HEXAPLA AND TETRAPLA, two editions of the Old Testament by ORIGEN. The Bible was the center of Origen's religion, and no church father lived more in it than he did. The foundation, however, of all study of the Bible was the establishment of an accurate text. Fairly early in his career (c. 220) Origen was confronted with the fact that Jews disputed whether some Christian proof texts were to be found in scripture, while Christians accused the Jews of removing embarrassing texts from scripture. It was not, however, until his long exile in Caesarea (232-254) that Origen had the opportunity to undertake his major work of textual criticism. EUSEBIUS (Historia ecclesiastica 6. 16) tells us that "he even made a thorough study of the Hebrew language," an exaggeration; but with the help of a Jewish teacher he learned enough Hebrew to be able to compare the various Jewish and Jewish-Christian versions of the Old Testament that were extant in the third century. Jerome (De viris illustribus 54) adds that knowledge of Hebrew was "contrary to the spirit of his period and his race," an interesting sidelight on how Greeks and Jews remained in their separate communities even though they might live in the same towns in the Greco-Roman East. Origen started with the Septuagint, and then, according to Eusebius (6. 16), turned first to "the original writings in the actual Hebrew characters" and then to the versions of the Jews Aquila and Theodotion and the Jewish-Christian Symmachus. There is a problem, however, about the next stage in Origen's critical work. -
GREEK SOURCES of the COMPLUTENSIAN POLYGLOT Natalio Fernández Marcos Centro De Ciencias Humanas Y Sociales. CSIC. Madrid In
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Digital.CSIC GREEK SOURCES OF THE COMPLUTENSIAN POLYGLOT Natalio Fernández Marcos Centro de Ciencias Humanas y Sociales. CSIC. Madrid In the Grinfield Lectures 2003 devoted to The Study of the Septuagint in Early Modern Europe Prof. Scott Mandelbrote deals, among other interesting issues, with the text of the Alcalá Polyglot, the earliest printed text of the Septuagint completed the 10th July 1517. He pointed out the impact of the arrival of Codex Alexandrinus in England in 1627 and its use as one of the main authorities for the London Polyglot (1653–1657), whose editor, Brian Walton, was especially critical of the text of the Complutensian Polyglot and the precise age of the manuscripts on which it had been based.1 Indeed, Walton’s judgement is highly negative; he maintains that the Greek text of the Alcalá Polyglot is very far from the genuine Septuagint. It is a compilation of several different texts with Hexaplaric additions and even Greek commentaries in an attempt to relate it to the Hebrew text printed in the parallel column.2 He backs up his statement with some examples taken from the first chapter of the book of Job. Since then the vexed problem of the Greek manuscripts used by the Complutensian philologists has been dealt with by different scholars, including myself. However, I think it is worthwhile taking another look at the question in the light of new evidence which has recently been published in the context of Septuagint textual criticism. -
To Bible Study the Septuagint - Its History
Concoll()ia Theological Monthly APRIL • 1959 Aids to Bible Study The Septuagint - Its History By FREDERICK W. DANKER "GENTLEMEN, have you a Septuagint?" Ferdinand Hitzig, eminent Biblical critic and Hebraist, used to say to his class. "If not, sell all you have, and buy a Septuagint." Current Biblical studies reflect the accuracy of his judgment. This and the next installment are therefore dedicated to the task of helping the Septuagint come alive for Biblical students who may be neglecting its contributions to the total theological picture, for clergymen who have forgotten its interpretive possibilities, and for all who have just begun to see how new things can be brought out of old. THE LETTER OF ARISTEAS The Letter of Aristeas, written to one Philocrates, presents the oldest, as well as most romantic, account of the origin of the Septuagint.1 According to the letter, Aristeas is a person of con siderable station in the court of Ptolemy Philadelphus (285-247 B. C.). Ptolemy was sympathetic to the Jews. One day he asked his librarian Demetrius (in the presence of Aristeas, of course) about the progress of the royal library. Demetrius assured the king that more than 200,000 volumes had been catalogued and that he soon hoped to have a half million. He pointed out that there was a gap ing lacuna in the legal section and that a copy of the Jewish law would be a welcome addition. But since Hebrew letters were as difficult to read as hieroglyphics, a translation was a desideratum. 1 The letter is printed, together with a detailed introduction, in the Appendix to H. -
1 P. Vindob. G 39777 (Symmachus) and the Use of the Divine Names in Greek Scripture Texts
1 P. Vindob. G 39777 (Symmachus) and the Use of the Divine Names in Greek Scripture Texts Emanuel Tov The Psalms fragments of P. Vindob. G 39777, probably from the Fayum in Egypt, kept at the Austrian National Library, were published as a fragment of Aquila's translation in an editio princeps by Wessely and subsequently also by Capelle.1 At a later stage Mercati suggested that the fragment may have been part of the translation by Symmachus (approximately 200 CE),2 and this view became the communis opinio in scholarship. Indeed, anyone who is familiar with Aquila's style recognizes immediately that the free translation style of this fragment does not suit that translator, while it would be typical of Symmachus. Roberts described the two fragments (Ps 69 [LXX 68]:13–14, 31–32 and 81 [80]:11–14) as deriving from a parchment roll of Psalms dating to the third or fourth century CE.3 These fragments have been mentioned in many sources,4 and their full publication history and physical description are provided by A. Rahlfs and D. Fraenkel.5 P. Vindob. G 39777 includes the fragmentary remains of respectively three and five lines of two columns of Psalm 69 (LXX: 68) and five lines of one column of Psalm 81 (LXX: 80) in the version of Symmachus. The readings of Symmachus show his free translation style which has been analyzed by Busto Saiz for Symmachus in Psalms in general,6 with no special focus on this fragment. The most remarkable feature of the Vienna fragments is the writing of the Tetragrammaton in paleo-Hebrew characters in the following verses: Ps 69 (LXX: 68):14, 31, 32. -
Biblical Greek and Post-Biblical Hebrew in the Minor Greek Versions
Biblical Greek and post-biblical Hebrew in the minor Greek versions. On the verb συνϵτζ! “to render intelligent” in a scholion on Gen 3:5, 7 Jan Joosten To cite this version: Jan Joosten. Biblical Greek and post-biblical Hebrew in the minor Greek versions. On the verb συνϵτζ! “to render intelligent” in a scholion on Gen 3:5, 7. Journal of Septuagint and Cognate Studies, 2019, pp.53-61. hal-02644579 HAL Id: hal-02644579 https://hal.archives-ouvertes.fr/hal-02644579 Submitted on 28 May 2020 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. Les numéros correspondant à la pagination de la version imprimée sont placés entre crochets dans le texte et composés en gras. Biblical Greek and post-biblical Hebrew in the minor Greek versions. On the verb συνετίζω “to render intelligent” in a scholion on Gen 3:5, 7 Jan Joosten, Oxford Les numéros correspondant à la pagination de la version imprimée sont placés entre crochets dans le texte et composés en gras. <53> The post-Septuagint Jewish translations of the Hebrew Bible are for the most part known only fragmentarily, from quotations in Church Fathers or from glosses figuring in the margins of Septuagint manuscripts. -
Bible Studies • Біблійні Студії
Bible Studies • Біблійні студії PAVLOS D. VASILEIADIS The Pronunciation Aristotle University of Thessaloniki of the Sacred Tetragrammaton: Greece An Overview of a Nomen Revelatus [email protected] that Became a Nomen Absconditus Prologue The name of the God of the Bible is instrumental in understanding His identity. The Hebrew “quadriliteral” term , can be located in the core of almost every theological attempt to describe the biblical notion of God — either Jewish or Christian.2 For centuries, this sacred name was met with only in Semit- ic contexts. But during the Hellenistic period, a crucial meeting between Hebrew and Greek cultures happened. There came a fundamental shift in the understanding of the identity of the God who bears this name and, consequently, of the meaning attribut- ed to his name. Judaism moved from the biblically active “becoming,” as a covenan- tal God who seeks to get in close relation with faithful humans, to the philosophically static “being,” more akin to the Platonic view of God as immutable and utterly trans- cendent. A result of this development was that the divine name gradually became a ta- boo to the Jews. It may have started as reverence but it ended up as a long-lasting super- stition. Since the Tetragrammaton became ineffable, the exact ancient pronunciation was thought to be lost or restricted to a few initiates. Philo, a contemporary of Jesus and the apostle Paul, was the first to describe God as “unnameable,” “unutterable,” and completely incomprehensible.3 The Tetragrammaton — a name that appears more than 6, times in the Hebrew Bible — was replaced by various circumlocutions, like “the Name” or “the Holy One.” Copies of the Greek LXX Bible made early in the Chris- tian era had their text quickly overwhelmed by substitute titles like “Lord” and “God” in place of God’s name. -
Prudentius' Contra Symmachum, Book II Introduction, Translation and Commentary
Prudentius' Contra Symmachum, Book II Introduction, Translation and Commentary Michael Brown NEWCASTLE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY ------------------------- 201 29877 3 ---------------------------- A thesis submitted to the University of Newcastle upon Tyne for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Faculty of Arts June 2003 Declaration I hereby certify that the work in this thesis is my own except where otherwise acknowledged, and has not been submitted previously at this or any other university. Michael Brown Abstract Prudentius' Contra Symmachum contains a refutation of Symmachus' plea for the retaining of the altar of Victory in the Senate house at Rome which had been removed in 357 and then, after its restoration, probably under Julian, was removed again in 382. Symmachus made a plea for its return in 384 in his Relatio 3. Ambrose wrote two letters (Ep. 17 and 18) urging the emperor to reject Symmachus plea. It is not certain whether the altar was ever returned to the Senate house. It was this debate with Symmachus which Prudentius sought to portray in verse. This he does in the second book of the poem which is the book to be considered here. The first book while mentioning Symmachus, is a routine attack on the pagan gods of Rome and an account of how paganism was overthrown by the emperor Theodosius resulting in Rome adopting Christianity. There has been much debate over whether the two books were conceived as a single composition. This issue is examined again and the conclusion is reached, by a study of the text, that, while Prudentius had it in mind to produce a work of anti-pagan polemic as part of his compendium covering various aspects of Christian life, the work was produced as a whole in 402. -
“Let Us Keep the Feast:” Some Perspectives on the Form and Symbolism of the Eucharistic Bread in the Early and Medieval West
MELITA THEOLOGICA Nicholas Paxton* Journal of the Faculty of Theology University of Malta 68/2 (2018): 159-172 “Let us Keep the Feast:” Some Perspectives on the Form and Symbolism of the Eucharistic Bread in the Early and Medieval West The Early Form of the Eucharistic Bread o begin with, we should clarify the form of the Eucharistic bread before the TWestern resumption of unleavened bread (azymes). The use ofartos instead of azyma in the four New Testament accounts of the Last Supper probably tells us that the type of bread used was not considered sufficiently important to merit specification, although Andrew McGowan believes that such a use “might reflect the assimilation of the institution narratives to meal practices of a more everyday nature… or may conversely be a remnant of a non-paschal tradition embedded in the Gospel accounts”1 – even though any such tradition, if it existed, would have been superseded well before the end of the first Christian century. Thus, leavened bread was considered acceptable for Eucharistic use. For example, in a work sometimes attributed to Ambrose but perhaps from the early fifth century we have the statement meus panis est usitatus (“my bread is the usual sort”),2 while the consecrated fermentum particle about which Innocent I wrote to Decentius, * Nicholas Paxton, formerly an Associate Chaplain at the University of Salford, England, works for the Salford Diocesan Archives and undertakes pastoral work in neighbouring Manchester. He has published widely, usually in the fields of Liturgy and Church History. He is a Fellow of the Royal Historical Society. -
Jewish Ritual Murder Digitized by Jrbooksonline.Com
My Irrelevant Defence being Meditations Inside Gaol and Out on Jewish Ritual Murder by A R N O L D S. L E E S E Dedicated without permission to Mr. OLIVER LOCKER-LAMPSON, M.P., AND Hon. Mr. JUSTICE GREAVES-LORD. LONDON: The I.F.L. Printing & Publishing Co., 30, Craven Street, W.C.2. –– 1938. "Soul had they none, nor lineage; "Nor wit, nor headmen, "Nor crafts, nor letters, "Nor e'en a glimpse of God." British Edda. "Ye are of your father the devil and the lusts of your father ye will do. He was a murderer from the beginning. ." –– St. John, viii, 44. "In order to destroy the prestige of heroism for political crime, we shall send it for trial in the category of thieving, murder, and every abominable and filthy crime. Public opinion will then confuse in its conception this category of crime with the disgrace attaching to every other and will brand it with the same contempt." –– Protocol 19, Protocols of the Elders of Zion. "If I am killing a rat with a stick and have him in a corner, I am not indignant if he tries to bite me and squeals and gibbers with rage. My job is, not to get angry, but to keep cool, to attend to my footwork and to keep on hitting him where it will do the most good." –– A. S. Leese, speaking at Reception, 17th Feb., 1937, on his return from prison. THIS COMPUTER EDITION WAS PREPARED BY JR. THIS IS A NEAR-FASCIMILE EDITION WHICH PRESERVES THE ORIGINAL PAGINATION. -
Episcopal Tombs in Early Modern England
Jnl of Ecclesiastical History, Vol. 55, No. 4, October 2004. f 2004 Cambridge University Press 654 DOI: 10.1017/S0022046904001502 Printed in the United Kingdom Episcopal Tombs in Early Modern England by PETER SHERLOCK The Reformation simultaneously transformed the identity and role of bishops in the Church of England, and the function of monuments to the dead. This article considers the extent to which tombs of sixteenth- and seventeenth-century bishops represented a set of episcopal ideals distinct from those conveyed by the monuments of earlier bishops on the one hand and contemporary laity and clergy on the other. It argues that in death bishops were increasingly undifferentiated from other groups such as the gentry in the dress, posture, location and inscriptions of their monuments. As a result of the inherent tension between tradition and reform which surrounded both bishops and tombs, episcopal monuments were unsuccessful as a means of enhancing the status or preserving the memory and teachings of their subjects in the wake of the Reformation. etween 1400 and 1700, some 466 bishops held office in England and Wales, for anything from a few months to several decades.1 The B majority died peacefully in their beds, some fading into relative obscurity. Others, such as Richard Scrope, Thomas Cranmer and William Laud, were executed for treason or burned for heresy in one reign yet became revered as saints, heroes or martyrs in another. Throughout these three centuries bishops played key roles in the politics of both Church and PRO=Public Record Office; TNA=The National Archives I would like to thank Craig D’Alton, Felicity Heal, Clive Holmes, Ralph Houlbrooke, Judith Maltby, Keith Thomas and the anonymous reader for this JOURNAL for their comments on this article. -
Essays in Orthodox Ecclesiology
ESSAYS IN ORTHODOX ECCLESIOLOGY Vladimir Moss © Copyright: Vladimir Moss, 2014. All Rights Reserved. 1 INTRODUCTION 4 1. THE CHURCH AS THE BRIDE OF CHRIST 5 2. DO HERETICS HAVE THE GRACE OF SACRAMENTS? 20 3. THE BRANCH AND MONOLITH THEORIES OF THE CHURCH 42 4. THE ECUMENICAL PATRIARCHATE AND THE NEW WORLD ORDER 52 5. THE CYPRIANITES, THE TIKHONITES AND BISHOP AGATHANGELUS 58 6. WHAT IS THE LOCAL CHURCH? 62 7. THE HERESY OF ECCLESIASTICAL ELITISM 76 8. ON THE CONDEMNATION OF HERETICS 80 9. THE CESSATION OF DIALOGUE 94 10. THE LIMITS OF THE CHURCH: A REVIEW OF THE ARGUMENT 97 11. “THERE IS NONE THAT WATCHETH OUT FOR MY SOUL” 106 12. PATRISTIC TESTIMONIES ON THE BODY AND BLOOD OF CHRIST 112 13. SCRIPTURAL AND PATRISTIC TESTIMONIES ON THE NECESSITY OF HAVING NO COMMUNION WITH HERETICS AND SCHISMATICS 122 14. KHOMIAKOV ON SOBORNOST’ 125 15. THE ABRAHAMIC COVENANT 130 16. THE UNITY OF THE TRUE ORTHODOX CHURCH 145 17. ON NOT ROCKING THE BOAT 160 18. ORTHODOXY, UNIVERSALISM AND NATIONALISM 169 19. IN DEFENCE OF THE TRUE ORTHODOX CHURCH OF GREECE 187 20. THE POWER OF ANATHEMA 193 21. THE APOSTOLIC SUCCESSION OF THE ROMANIAN OLD CALENDARIST CHURCHES 210 22. IS THE SERBIAN TRUE ORTHODOX CHURCH SCHISMATIC? 219 23. TOWARDS THE EIGHTH ECUMENICAL COUNCIL 243 24. THE KALLINIKITE UNIA 250 25. TOWARDS THE “MAJOR SYNOD” OF THE TRUE ORTHODOX CHURCH 262 2 26. THE KALLINIKITE UNIA – CONTINUED 271 3 INTRODUCTION This book collects into one place various articles on ecclesiological themes that I have written in the last fifteen years or so. -
PREBENDARIES DEPRIVED UNDER QUEEN ELIZABETH Part I
Ampleforth Journal 17:2 (1912) 205-219 PREBENDARIES DEPRIVED UNDER QUEEN ELIZABETH Part I John B. Wainewright O THE AMPLEFORTH JOURNAL FOR JULY 1911, the present writer contributed a paper entitled ‘Archdeacons deprived under Queen Elizabeth’. As several readers found it Tinteresting, he now proposes to follow it up by the present list, from which the names of Bishops, Deans, and Archdeacons, who held prebends or canonries with their other ecclesiastical promotions, have been omitted. WILLIAM ALLEN, M.A. Oxon 1554, Prebendary of York 1558 (?), Fellow of Oriel 1550, Principal of St. Mary’s Hall, Oxford 1556, if he as a layman had a prebend at York (which seems doubtful as his name does not occur in Le Neve), probably resigned it together with his office of Principal in 1559. He crossed to Flanders 1561, but returned in 1562. He again crossed the sea in 1565 in which year he was deprived of his Fellowship at Oriel. He was ordained priest at Cambrai in the same year. In 1568 he founded the English College at Douay which in 1578 was transferred to Rheims. He was Regius Professor of Divinity at Douay 1570, D.D. 1571, Canon of Cambrai about 1575, Cardinal Priest of the title of S. Martino 1587; Archbishop-nominate of Mechlin 1589. He died the i6th of October 1594. D.N.B. I, 314. Gillow I, 14. THOMAS ARDEN, Prebendary of York (Wighton) 1556, Worcester (14) 1558, and Hereford (Bartonsham) 1559, Rector of Hartlebury, Worcestershire, 1554, and Vicar of Southstock, Oxon, 1551, was deprived in 1560 or 1561.