Abstract

Confederate Operations In Canada During The Civil War

This thesis investigates an 1864 Confederate campaign which originated in the neutral territory of the British provinces. Organizing the operations were Jacob Thompson of Mississippi and Clement C. Clay Jr. of Alabama, two prominent Confederates whose opposing attitudes towards war gave the Canadian campaign its complexity. The Confederate efforts were made possible by the vast discontent in the

United states ., w~tt\, the war. Employing this discontent Thompson organized Confederate soldiers who had escaped from Northern prisons and, forming a coalition with anti-war anti-Lincoln forces in the United states, he attempted to disrupt the Northern war effort. Clay, on the other hand, disapproved of this policy of escalating the war. Clay was tired of bloodshed and his energy was directed primarily toward peace negotiations. Although both men failed to achieve their major objectives, the campaign exemplifies the desperate yet strategic maneuvers of the Confederacy during the last year of its struggle.

McGi11 UniverSity, Department of History, August, 1968. George H. Whyte. CONFEDERATE OPERATIONS IN CANADA DURING THE CIVIL WAR

by

George H. Whyte, B.A

A thesis submitted to the Faculty of Graduate Studies and Research in partial fulfilment of the require­ ments for the degree of Master of Arts.

Department of History McGill University August, 1968 Montreal

(c) George H. \fuyte 1969 Preface

Confederate operations from Canada during the Civil War have long been neglected by historians. American scholars have devoted most of their attention to the vast array of war incidents in the United States, while their Canadian colleagues have concentrated on the political history of Confederation. The 1864 raid on St. A1bans, Vermont, is perhaps the only operation of the Confederacy's Canadian campaign that has been thoroughly analysed. In the much neglected field of Canadian-American re­ 1ations, Robin Winks provided one of the few worthy studies of the era with his Canada and the United States; The Civil 1 War Years. But, although he mentioned the Confederate Com­ missioners who came to the provinces in 1864, he was primarily concerned with showing how their efforts affected relations between the two countries, and how the disjointed provinces eventually drew together to compensate for the economic and military superiority of their southern neighbour. Most other secondary accounts dealing with the Confederates in Canada are uncritical narratives by popular writers and writers of historical fiction, attracted by the mystery and intrigue of

1. R.W. Winks, Canada and the United States; The Civil War Years (Baltimore, 1960), hereafter referred to as Winks, The Civil War Years.

i ii secret service work. Finally, several of the Confederate operations have been the subjects of monographs, but usually only for their significance in local history.2 The Confederate operations from Canada cannot be fully explained, however, unless they are carefully examined as an integrated campaign. By adopting this approach I hope to explain why, in 1864, the Confederacy decided to use the British provinces as a base for operations; the nature of the campaign and the aims of the men who directed it; and its consequences for the Confederacy, the Union, and Canada. The sources for such a study present particular problems. Contemporary accounts of the campaign must be used with great caution, since most were written by retired soldiers who had served under Jacob Thompson, one of the two Confederates in charge of the campaign. Between him and his fellow commissioner, Clement Clay Jr., there was a deep antagonism which has escaped the notice of subsequent historians. The result has been an uncritical acceptance of the version created by Thompsonfs followers, all of whom wrote long after the war, and usually to vindicate their own actions. Many of the primary sources are also of doubtful re­ liability because they concern secret service work. Harrassed by the effective Northern intelligence service, the Confederates

2. Such monographs include O.A. Kinchen, Daredevils of the Confederacy; The Story of the st. Albans Raiders (Boston, 1959) and C.E. Frohman, Rebels on Lake Erie (Ohio, 1965). iii

often employed special methods to avoid detection: codes and pseudonyms, and sometimes misleading Ifdecoyll letters which were channeled into the hands of Union officials. When messages were carried by a trusted courier, the crucial items were often communicated verbally. III reached Toronto safely,lI wrote one such runner, "and after a week started back with my coat sleeves full of closely written white silk and my head 3 full of more important matters committed to memory." To add to the researcher's difficulties, letters were often burned soon after they were received, or else the most important parts were torn out. Clement Clay and James Holcombe, the two Confederates who differed with Jacob Thompson, were ship­ wrecked while returning south, and both lost valuable papers which might have helped them in vindicating their position, and the historian in understanding the campaign. Perhaps my only advantage over the Northern Secret Service of the 1860's is that I had access to more material in piecing together the story. Even so, it is sometimes impossible to tell which letters have false information woven into an otherwise truth­ ful account. In many cases the accounts written by ex-Con­ federates in later years provide the only clues. An account of the Confederate campaign in Canada must,

3. S.B. Davis, Escape of a Confederate Officer from Prison, what he saw at Andersonville, how he was sentenced to death and saved by the interposition of President Abraham Lincoln (Norfolk, Virginia, 1892), p. 45. iv therefore, be presented as an hypothesis, subject to correction and revision. I have attempted to give the available fragments of information a plausible interpretation. In the hope of presenting an intelligible narrative of an elusive and complex campaign, I have refrained from conjecture only when there was little or no justification for stating what might have happened. v

Reference Abbreviations

C.A. - Confederate Archives, Montgomery, Alabama. Duke - Duke University, Durham, North Carolina. L.C. - Library of Congress, Washington, D.C. McGill - McGill University, Montreal, Quebec. N.A. - National Archives, Washington, D.C. N.Y.P.L. - New York Public Library, New York, New York. P.A.C. - Public Archives of Canada, ottawa, Ontario. U. Ken. - University of Kentucky, Lexington, Kentucky. Table of Contents

Preface ·... i Reference Abbreviations ·... v

Table of Contents vi

Introduction ·... 1 Chapter One ·... 18 Chapter Two ·... 40 Chapter Three ·... 53 Chapter Four ·... 69

Chapter Five 97

Chapter Six ·... 117 Chapter Seven ·... 132

Chapter Eight 147

Chapter Nine ·... 164 Epilogue ·... 177 Bibliography ·... 186 ~ vi Introduction

This thesis is not merely a chronicle of a Confederate campaign, but also an analysis of the men and ideas that motivated its execution. The 'gentleman's struggle, I in which one group desired independence and the other hoped to maintain a sacred union, had disappeared by 1863. The North had not only challenged the South's right ·to secede, but had also attacked the whole social structure upon which the South had developed. With the emancipation of the slaves the South's economic and social foundation had been undermined and the Confederacy was beginning to lose strength rapidly. The situ­ ation gave birth to two new ideological positions, both in the

North and in the South. One group believed that w~rtothe bttterend was the only way that a victor could be declared. As the savagery of such a policy became apparent, however, another large sector of the population was drawn closer to the other extreme, the view that peace and reconciliation would be the only way to restore the nation without the com­ plete annihilation of one side or the other. A survey of the events of 1864 and 1865 shows that final victory for the North was brought about by a complete adherence to the policy of total war. General Ulysses S. Grant pushed the 'Army of the Potomac' to an extent undreamed

1 2

of in 1861. Scoffing at the idea that he was taking great risks, Grant submitted his men to repeated marches and skir­ mishes to repel General Robert E. Lee's northern thrust and begin the Richmond campaign. General William T. Sherman's march to the sea bore more resemblance to the devastation of Carthage than to the gentleman's war of three years earlier. No longer did civilians come out to picnic by the battlefield as they had at the first battle of Bull Run; the war was 'brought to the people. Sherman burned Atlanta with merciless precision while General Phillip Sheridan followed the same tactics in the once peaceful farming country of the Shenandoah Valley. Yet such a policy did not appeal to all Northerners and a peace faction grew rapidly. The recruits who had enlisted so eagerly in 1861 had long ago grown tired of army life. The road to honor and glory was too stained with the blood of com­ i/t\p.I YI"1\ rades, and a policy·",' increased brutality made many see a peaceful solution as the best one. In the North, men such as

I Clement L. Vallandigham, George McClellen, and Horace Greeley 4 led a political assault on Lincoln. Although the North showed a clearer division of opinion,

4. 3 the South too had developed a cleavage in its attitude towards the war. It too had both peace advocates and men who would stop at little to achieve final victory. This basic division is no better illustrated than in the Confederate campaign from Canada. Jacob Thompson of Mississippi and Clement C. Clay Jr. of Alabama were the two men chosen to direct the Canadian campaign. Both were prominent Southerners and loyal Confederates, and each tried his best to succeed in his mission. Yet their conflicting attitudes towards the war soon weakened the Confederate effort. Jacob Thompson was born and brought up in North Carolina. He received a degree from the University of North Carolina in 1831, and was admitted as attorney and counsellor-at-law in the superior courts of that state four years later. In 1835, at the age of twenty-five, he moved to Mississippi and soon became involved in the politics of the newly developing state. National prominence came in 1839, when he was elected a Mississippi Congressman, a position which he held for the remarkable tenure of six terms between 1839 and 1861 .. He played important roles at the Democratic Conventions of 1852 and 1856, and during the incumbency of President Pierce he declined an offer to be U.S. Consul to Cuba, a position which held much prestige in the mid 1850's. The following year he lost the Mississippi Senatorial race to Jefferson Davis, but was more than compensated for his devotion to the Democratic 4

Party by being appointed Secretary of the Interior to the newly elected Buchanan administration. He held this position until January 9, 1861, when he was informed that the pro­ visions ship, Star of the West, had been sent to support the Federal troops at Fort Sumter. Forseeing the coming struggle, Thompson handed in his resignation and returned to his home in Mississippi. He took no part in the formation of the Confederate government but when General P.G.T. Beauregard was sent to take charge of the South's 'Army of the West', Thompson proffered his services as an aide. He accompanied the army to Corinth and was actively engaged for two days at Shiloh. When that campaign ended he returned home, but soon resumed his military career as a lieutenant colonel under General John B. Villipeque. Four months later, when General John Pemberton took command in the West, Thompson was made Chief Inspector on the Pemberton staff. He helped formulate a plan which resulted in the repulse of General U.S. Grant and the removal of Union forces from Oxford, Mississippi to Memphis, Tennessee. After Grant's victory at Vicksburg in July, 1863, Thompson again returned to his home in Oxford. In November of that year he was elected to the state legislature and attended the sessions at Columbus and Macon, Mississippi. At the close of the second seSSion, he was called to Richmond by President Davis and given a major role in leading the 5

Confederate campaign from canada. 5 A similar appointment was presented to Clement C. Clay Jr. Born in Huntsville, Alabama, in 1816, Clay was graduated from the University of Alabama in 1834 and served for a short time as private secretary to his father, the Governor. After some editorial work with the Huntsville Democrat he attended the University of Virginia where he received his law degree in 1839. He served in the state legislature for three terms before resigning to become a judge for the county court at Madison, Alabama. In 1853, Clay won a seat in the U.S. Senate and was unanimously re-elected in 1859. Yet as tension and unrest grew after the election of Abraham Lincoln, Clay knew that he must side with the South. With a firm adherence to the princi­ ples of the secessionists, Clay dramatically withdrew from the Senate on January 21, 1861, at the same time as did his friend

5. For Thompson's earlier career see J.F.H. Claiborne, Mississippi as a Province, Territory and State (Jackson, Mississippi, 1880, reprinted by Louisianna state Univer­ sity Press, 1964), pp. 446-466; J.F. Bivins, IlThe Life and Character of Jacob Thompson", Annual Publication of Historical Papers (Durham, North Carolina, 1898), series i1, pp. 83-91; P.L. Rainwater, ed., "Letters to and from Jacob Thompson", The Journal of Southern History, vol. vi, February, 1940, pp. 95-111; The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Con­ federate ~rmies (Washington, 1900), ser. iv, vol. iii, p. 278, hereafter cited as OR; and Wilfred Bovey, "Con­ federate Agents in Canada during the American Civil War", Canadian Historical Review, vol. ii, No. 1, March, 1921, pp. 46-7. 6 6 and cohort, Jefferson Davis. Upon the organization of the Confederate government Davis offered Clay the position of Secretary of War, but he declined the post and secured instead the appointment of his fellow townsman, Leroy Pope Walker. Alabama sent Clay to the Confederate Senate where he continued to wield his in­ fluence. As Chairman of the Committee on Commerce, he in­ itiated four bills which established a workable system of imports and exports. The plan called for government control of cotton sales and shipment, as well as the expediting of military supplies through the coastal blockade. The system, had it been effected earlier, might well have established a sound credit system abroad and changed the fortunes of the Confederacy. In November, 1863, Clay lost his bid for re-election to the Senate. The reason for his defeat is not clear,7 but Davis wasted little time in offering him a judgeship in the military court. Having decided to take a rest from public office Clay refused the position, but by late December he was restless. He considered joining the army, but soon realized that his character and lack of military training barred such a course. By March, 1864, he had decided that he perhaps

6. OR., ser. iii, vol. LII, Part 2, P. 13: C.C. Clay, B. Fitzpatrick to Hon. A.B. Moore, Washington, January 21, 1861. See also R.K. Nuermberger, The Clays of Alabama; A Planter-Lawyer-Politician Family (Lexlngton, KentuckY, 1958), p. 182. 7. See C.C. Clay Manuscripts (Manuscript Dept., Duke: C.C. 7

should return to his law practice, but Davis soon proposed that he serve the Confederacy in Canada. After some contem­ plation Clay accepted the offer.8 Commissioners Clay and Thompson discussed their mission with the Confederate leaders at Richmond and made tentative plans for operations which would disrupt the North and acti­ vate the growing peace sentiment. Captain T.H. Hines, a Kentucky cavalryman and experienced guerrilla officer, had already departed for Canada to organize Confederate soldiers for thrusts into the Northern states. Thompson was anxious to begin the raids, but Clay favored more diplomatic procedures. By the time they reached Halifax, the two men were at logger­ heads over the best policy to be employed in the campaign. Thompson proceeded inland to confer with the guerrilla officers who were being summoned together by Captain Hines. Clay chose to delay his departure from Halifax, having found support for his own ideas from suchadistinguished person.· as

Clay to S.C. Clay, Montgomery, Alabama, November 11, 1863; Clay-Yancy Correspondence (Military Department, C.A.): C.C. Clay to W.L. Yancey, Macon, Georgia, June 30, 1863, and C.C. Clay to W.L. Yancey, Suspension, Alabama, July 25, 1863; W.B. Yearns, The Confederate Congress (Atlanta, 1960), p. 56. 8. Clay's biographical sketch was compiled from C.C. Clay MSS. (Manuscript Department, Duke); C.C. Clay MSS CC.A.); Nuermberger, The Clay's of Alabama; Mary Boykin Chesnut, A Diary from Dixie, ed., B.A. Williams (Boston, 1949); B.I. Wiley, The Road to omattox (Memphis, 1956); V. Clay-Clopton, Be le of e Fifties (New York, 1904).

; 8

Thomas Connolly, Archbishop of Halifax. Within the next few weeks Clay had also befriended Beverley Tucker and James P. Holcombe, two other Confederates who had been sent to the British provinces to aid the war effort. Tucker, a native of Virginia, received his formal education at the University of Virginia in the late 1830's. For three years he edited the Washington Sentinel before re­ signing to become the U.S. Consul to Liverpool, England, during the Buchanan administration. With the outbreak of war in 1861 he returned to Richmond carrying important diplomatic corre­ spondence from the European powers. He enrolled in Richmond's Home Guard until November, when he was sent to England and France to purchase supplies for the Confederate government. In the spring of 1863 he carried important dispatches to England, probably to aid the Confederate Commissioners in carrying out the cotton transactions then in progress. He was sent to Canada early in 1864 to arrange for an exchange of Con­ federate cotton for United States beef. He immediately attached himself to Commissioner Clay and the two men boarded together at St.Catherines, Canada West, throughout the summer and autumn. 9

9. For Tuckerls career see B.R. Tucker, Tales of the Tuckers: Descendents of the Male Line of St.George Tucker of Bermuda and Virginia (Richmond, 1942); Beverley Tucker; A Memoir by his Wife, Jane Ellis Tucker (Richmond, 1893); OR., ser. iv, Vol. li, pp. 87-9: B. Tucker to G.W. Randolph, PariS, September 19, 1862. Note that according to his w·ife IS 9

James P. Holcombe was a prominent Southern lawyer and educator who also came from Virginia. In 1837, at the age of 17, he entered Yale University, and after two years transferred to the University of Virginia. During the next decade he made his reputation in law and published several works on legal topics. In 1851 he joined the sta of the University of Virginia where he became a staunch defender of states' rights. Exerting considerable influence in getting Virginia to with­ draw from the Union, he was rewarded with a seat in the Con­ federate Congress. There he remained until summoned by Jeffer­ son Davis to serve the Confederacy in Canada. In February, 1864, Holcombe travelled north to defend the Chesapeake raiders and secure transportation for Confederate soldiers wishing to return to the South. 10 Two factions had now formed that differed greatly in membership and purpose. At Toronto, Thompson surrounded him­ self with Confederate soldiers who were bent on retaliation. Many were still in their twenties and almost all had experienced

account, Tucker was engaged in the Canadian cotton trans­ actions in April, 1863. Actually Tucker was still carrying dispatches to England at that time. See Confederate states of America, State Department Records, 226H (Manuscript Department, L.C.) Container 63: Lewis Sanders to J.P. Benjamin, Halifax, April 21, 1863. 10. For an excellent resume of Holcombe's career see Dumas Ma lone , ed., Dictionar of American Bio raphy (New York, 1932), pp. 13 - .• For ll')fo'l"mattoo c:ol'\ce.l"oil\g the c;. hesp?eoke. ·ll')cid.ent See pp. 40~6 of thesIs. 10 combat under General John H. Morgan, one of the Civil War's most notorious guerrilla leaders. In contrast, Clay and his associates were in their mid and late forties, learned men who had served the South for many years and who had homes and families to protect. They were tired of war and hoped that perhaps they could help restore peace. Thompson's dislike for Clay's peace schemes grew con­ siderably when the Clay-Holcombe faction accepted assistance from George N. Sanders, a self-appointed member of the Con­ federate Commission for whom Thompson had formed a vehement dislike. Sanders' career challenges that of the most romantic of adventurers, and his bold, officious manner was to play an important role in disrupting the Confederate efforts. A native of Kentucky, Sanders acquired initial dis­ tinction by calling one of the first meetings in the United States to advocate the annexation of Texas. At this meeting, in November, 1843, he drew up a series of resolutions, and later corresponded with the various presidential candidates to further the cause. His appeals elicited replies from James K. Polk, John Tyler, James Buchanan, Charles Woodbury and Robert J. Walker. In recognition of his service in the Texas affair he was appointed U.S. Consul to London by President Franklin Pierce. While filling that position he became known for his hospitality and rabid republican sentiments. Sanders hosted 11 a famous dinner party for U.S. Ambassador James Buchanan, and later, at Ostend, he encouraged the Ambassador and Pierre Soule, the U.S. Ambassador in Madrid, to advocate the annex­ ation of Cuba to the United states. While abroad, Sanders gained the friendship of several well known radicals of his era, including the Hungarian revolutionist Louis Kossuth, the French novelist Victor Hugo, the French politician Alexandre Ladru-Rollin, and the Italian nationalists Giuseppe Mazzini and Giuseppe Garibaldi. Sanders wasted no opportunity to further his dream of universal republican government. With the advent of civil strife in his homeland Sanders took the side of the South. To him, a war would not signify the collapse of one of the greatest republics, but the cre­ ation of another. He returned to the United States to write articles in defence of the South's right to secede and led a vigorous campaign to encourage the border states to side with the newly formed Confederacy. When war began Sanders went south to encourage the rebels. In Huntsville, Alabama, he had the honor of presenting a regimental flag, which had been donated or perhaps made by Clement Clay's wife, Virginia. After a thundering speech on the duty that lay before them, Sanders presented the flag to the men with the solemn request to "bear it onward! True to the spirit of the immortal Calhoun and in honor of the patriotic Virginia Clay.1! Near the end of 1861 Sanders conducted an ammunition 12 shipment to General A.S. Johnson's troops near Bowling Green, Kentucky, and in January, 1862, he was nominated to the Con­ federate Congress as a representative of the 12th Kentucky district. In July, 1862, he was sent to England by the Con­ federate government with a contract to build ships for the Confederate Navy. He travelled via the British provinces, perhaps relaying information regarding the situation in the provinces back to the Confederacy_ Hoping to secure money for building iron-clad warships in England, Sanders was authorized to use cotton bonds as money_ In the months to follow he worked with the South's Commissioner, James Mason, in the first successful use of this device. In October, 1862, Sanders was back in Richmond to get permission for extensive use of the cotton bonds as a means of raising money in Europe. He took this opportunity to send the Secretary of State, Judah P. Benjamin, several letters regarding his two sons Lewis and Reid. On October 8, 1862, he boldly suggested to Benjamin that the Confederacy should appoint his son Lewis as Confederate agent at Halifax with a salary of one hundred dollars a month. His manner was blunt but his suggestion was carried out. In an effort to get his other son out of danger in the military service, Sanders wrote Benjamin on December 13, 1862, and requested special permission to let Major Reid Sanders go to London to assist in preventing any delays in the construction 13 of the iron-plated vessels in the Sanders contract. Sanders was not successful in this second request. He returned to Europe in 1863 to further his contract. His sudden reappear­ ance in Canada in 1864 stemmed from the fact that Major Reid Sanders was then a prisoner at Fort Warren in Boston Harbor. A father's desire to keep his son out of danger, coupled with the fact that all efforts at prisoner exchanges had failed, brought George Sanders to the point of advocating peace. Always willing to go to any extreme to pursue the course of action which he deemed correct, Sanders soon became a leading 11 figure in the Canadian campaign. Another person who soon joined the Clay-Holcombe group

11. This summary of Sanders' career was compiled from infor­ mation in the War Department Collection of Confederate Records - George N. Sanders, 1854-1865 (N.A.), Record Group 109, Entry 185; Merle Curti, "George N. Sanders - American Patriot of the Fifties", South Atlantic Quarterly, vol. xxvii, No. 1 January, 1928, pp. 19-81; New Yor~Herald, August 17, 1861; J.B. Castleman, Active Service (Louisville, Kentucky, 1917), pp. 134-5; C.S.A., State Department Re­ cords (L. C.) Container 63: G. N. Sanders to J. P. Benjamin, Richmond, December 8, 1862, and G.N. Sanders to J.P. Benja­ min, December 13, 1862, and Lewis Sanders to J.P. Benjamin, Halifax, April 21, 1863, and J.P. Benjamin to Mrs. G.N. Sanders, Richmond, May 29, 1863, and G.N. Sanders to J.P. Benjamin, Richmond, October 5, 1863; Frank L. Ows1ey, King Cotton Diplomac ; Forei n Relations of the Confederate States of merica Chicago, 1959: first ed tion, 1 1, pp. 363-70; Official Records of the Union and Confederate Navies in the War of the Rebellion (washington, 1896), ser. ii, vol. ii, pp. 220-222, and ser. ii, vol. iii, pp. 579­ 580, hereafter referred to as ORN; E.C. Kirkland, The Peace­ makers of 1864 (New York, 1927~pp. 71-2; G.F. Milton, Abrafiam Lincoln and the Fifth Column (New York, 1962: first edition, 1942), pp. 42, 118. 14 was William Cornell Jewett. Jewettrs background is obscure, but his attempts to bring peace during the Civil War have not gone unnoticed by historians. Born in New York City, he travelled to San Francisco and Colorado prior to the war. In February, 1861, he represented Pike's Peak at the Peace Con­ vention in Washington12 and when that body failed to restore harmony, Jewett travelled to Europe as an independent peace advocate. England refused to support his peace project, so he travelled to France where he found a more productive audience in Napoleon Ill. The French leader invited England and Russia to join in arbitrating the American conflict, but the results were unsuccessful. After another attempt to gain England's support in September, 1862, Jewett returned to America to stir up support in the North. He interviewed several influential Northerners who showed a desire for peace and published an appeal "To the American People and the Church Universal. !I Late in 1862 he contacted Horace Greeley, the powerful editor of the New York Tribune. Greeley favored a mediation board. He had corresponded with both Clement L. Val1andigham, Ohio's leading peace Demo­ crat, and Henri Mercier, the French Minister at WaShington. 13

12. The Peace Convention of February 1861 is discussed in J.G. Randall, D. Donald, The Civil War and Reconstruction (Boston, 1961 second edition), pP. 151-2. 13. See "Extracts from the Journal of Henry J. Raymond IIIII, 15

The editorts efforts had not been productive, and on January 2, 1863, he wrote Jewett informing him of the principles that had to be kept in mind in attempting to begin peace negoti­ ations. Although still in favor of a mediation board, Greeley wished to exclude England and France because of their parti­ ality toward the South. Through continued correspondence with the French Minister, he was becoming convinced that France wanted the United States divided. Greeley suggested that the Confederacy should take the initiative in beginning peace negotiations and reminded Jewett that action must be taken via the proper channels. 14 Jewett returned to Europe in the summer of 1863 and was successful in gaining the support of King Leopo1d of Belgium. He then travelled to England where further talks convinced him that Whitehall also favored mediation. Only America remained to be convinced that an impartial tribunal settlement could end the war. But the North had now adopted a policy of total war and the victories at Gettysburg and Vicksburg lessened the desire for peace negotiations that would give unwarranted

edited by his son, Scribner's Monthly, vol. xix, November 1879 - April 1880, pp. 705-6; Horace Greeley Papers (Manuscript Department,(N.Y.P.L.), Box 2: C.L. Va11andigham to H. Gree1ey, Washington, D.C., January 10, 1863. 14. Gree1ey's letter to Jewett is reprinted in J. Parton, The Life of Horace Greele Editor of the New York Tribune--­ from his Birth to the Present Time Boston, 1 72 , here­ after referred to as Parton, Horace Greeley, p. 469: H. Greeley to W.C. Jewett, New York, January 2, 1863. 16 concessions to the South. On August 21 Jewett wrote to Lincoln from London, condemning the Northern position and trying to shame the President into changing his tactics. ilSatan must control you,ll cried Jewett, "or your reason has departed, Your general policy is most unwise. You are con­ demned by government, people and all precedent. You are de­ stroying your country, and erecting for yourself a monument in the curses of future generations. n15 On August 27 Jewett wrote Napoleon III, suggesting that since other European nations would now second France's action, the Emperor should extend an invitation to the United States proposing a mediation agreement. In the meantime, Jewett would return to America to seek aid through "the daring Vallandigham. ,,16 Jewett was in the British provinces by the spring of 1864, offering assistance to anyone who shared his beliefs, Vallandigham was there also, but by 1864 his philosophy was one of ambivalence. Exiled from the United States for his efforts to disrupt Lincoln's war effort, the leading Ohio Democrat vacillated between a policy of peace and reconCiliation,

15. William Cornell Jewett, Mediation Address to England; Preparatory to proposed efforts for the favour of the Northern States of America to the existing desire of Europe and the South for an international settlement of the Ameri­ can War (London, 1863), p. 5: W.C. Jewett to A. Lincoln, London, August 21, 1863. 16. Ibid., p. 6: W.C. Jewett to Napoleon Ill, London, August 27, 1863. 17 and one of vengeful retaliation against the Lincoln adminis­ tration. When the Confederate Commissioners arrived,

Vallandigham at first worked with Thompson to organize up­ risings in the Midwest. Hearing of Clay's attempt at direct negotiations, however, the anti-war radical withdrew some of his support, lessening the effectiveness of Thompson's schemes. Throughout the Canadian campaign the opposing atti­ tudes of the Commissioners continued to hamper the Confederate operations. By the late summer of 1864 both Clay and Thompson had adopted new tactics to cope with the ever-changing situ­ ation in the provinces. Yet neither abandoned his initial premise. Chapter One

On the night of November 11, 1863, a group of men dressed as mechanics and laborers gathered along the Welland Canal at St.Catherines, Canada West. They awaited a steamer from Ogdensburg, New York, where passage for twenty-five had been paid in advance for a trip to Chicago. Their luggage consisted of boxes and casks marked "Machinery, Chicago." The people of St. Catherines were not alarmed, but only hours before the arrival of the steamer Governor General

Charles S. Monck ordered the seizure of any IIsuspicious ll steamer along the Welland Canal. He knew that hundreds of Confederate soldiers, victims of civil war, had escaped from United States prisons along the Canadian frontier. Many had crossed the border into the neutral haven of the British provinces. Rumors of Confederate plots had reached Canadian authorities on several occasions, and Monck was afraid that the Confederacy had selected Canada as a base for military operations. A report by a Navy lieutenant, drawn up three months after the incident, confirmed Monck's suspicions. The men. at St.Catherines were thirty-two escaped Confederate officers who had taken refuge in Canada, joined by twenty-two cohorts who had run the blockade from North Carolina in early October.

18 19 Aided by sympathetic Canadians, the conspirators purchased arms and ammunition which were sent from Montreal to St. Catherines to be loaded on the steamer for Chicago. Once out into Lake Erie and clear of British jurisdiction, however, they planned to overrun the vessel and use it to release over two thousand prisoners of war on Johnson's Island, near Sandusky, Ohio. The major threat to their scheme was the U.S.S. Michigan, the only man-of-war on the Great Lakes, which was moored a few hundred feet off shore guarding the prison. Steamers filled with curious excursionists sometimes skirted the island; hence, the captured steamer would appear innocuous as it approached its prey.l The raiders planned to reach the island at daybreak, collide with the Michigan, and capture it. The party would then overpower the two hundred guards and secure vessels in Sandusky harbor to shuttle the escapees to the Canadian shore. With the Great Lakes under Confederate control, the raiders could undertake a systematic devastation of all Federal property afloat. The plan was not unworkable, but it failed to materialize. Word had leaked out to the authorities and the expedition had to be called off at the last moment. 2

1. For an excellent description of the Johnson's Island prison see Horace Carpenter, "Plain Living at Johnson's Island", The Century Illustrated Monthly Magazine, vol. xli, New Series, vol. xix, March, 1891, pp. 705-718. 2. ORN., ser. i, vol. ii, PP. 822-828: Lt. R.D. Minor to Aamiral Buchanan, Richmond, February 2, 1864. 20

The rebels had been under surveillance for a week due to the alertness of Lieutenant Colonel J.R. Smith, U.S. Commander at Detroit. Hearing rumors of a plot, Smith had sent detectives across the border to Windsor where many of the Confederates lodged in private boarding houses. When a large number of the rebels began to disappear, the detectives reported that they had probably gone to take possession of a vessel. Smith notified his superiors and requisitioned a steamer, the Forest Queen, for reconnaissance duty on the lakes. 3 In the meantime, Governor General Monck received simi­ lar information from David Thurston at Quebec. Thurston was a United States agent who had been sent to Montreal by Secre­ tary of State William Seward in 1861, in an attempt to organize secret service activity in the provinces. On November 1, 1863, Thurston received a letter from a "William S. Fousha,1I prob­ ably a name assumed by one of the conspirators. Disregarding this first letter requesting a conference, Thurston received a second note predicting much regret if the proposal were

3. OR., ser. iii, vol. iii, pp. 1031-1032: Lt. Col. J.R. Smith to General L. Thomas, Detroit, Michigan, November 13, 1863, and ser. iii, vol. iii, pp. 1012-1013: Brig. Gen. J.D. Cox to Col. W. Hoffman, Cincinatti, OhiO, November 10, 1863. Detectives had been sent to Windsor earlier in the year and Ifrebel" mail had been inspected by the military authorities whenever it crossed into Detroit. See Turner-Baker Papers (N.A.), Record Group 94, No. 1198: G.S. Goodale to Secretary of War E. Stanton, Detroit, November 3, 1863, and No. 2634: Gen. O.B. Wilcox to Gen. L. Thomas LPlace and date torn oui!_ 21 ignored. In return for a reward the informant promised to give the complete story of a Confederate plot. Thurston accepted the proposal and by November 11 he had rushed to Quebec to inform the Governor General. 4 Monck acted at once. He sent a telegram to the British Minister at Washington, Lord Lyons, who notified Secretary of State Seward. Seward contacted the Secretary of War, Edwin Stanton. Before morning Stanton had alerted the Governors of all states bordering the British provinces, informing them that IIthere is reason to believe that a plot is on foot by persons hostile to the United States, who have found an asylum in Canada, to invade the United States and destroy the city of Buffalo; that they propose to take possession of some of the steamboats on Lake Erie, to surprise Johnson's Island, and set free the prisoners of war confined there, and to proceed with them to attack Buffalo. 115

4. Milton, Abraham Lincoln and the Fifth Column, pp. 212-3. Lt. Minor claimed that the informer was a man named McCuaig, one of the sympathetic Canadians who had helped them in their plans. Fearing that the success of the plot would endanger his commercial prestige McCuaig had told Mr. Holden, a member of the provincial parliament, who in turn notified the Governor General. See ORN., ser. i, vol. ii, pp. 825-6. Further mention of the early warnings re­ ceived at Quebec is given in the testimony of G. La Mothe, January 2, 1872, Papiers LaMothe (Manuscript Department, P.A.C.), Manuscript Group 19, A.12, vol. iii. 5. OR., ser. iii, vol. iii, p. 1013: Edwin Stanton to Gover­ nors of Pennsylvania etc., Washington, November 11, 1863. 22

The Confederate potential was perhaps slightly ex­ aggerated, but no chances could be taken. A surprise attack from the British provinces could do unheard of damage to the undefended region of the United States. Stanton repeated the warnings to the mayors of Erie, Pennsylvania; Cleveland and Toledo, Detroit, Milwaukee, Chicago, and the New York towns 6 of Buffalo, Ogdensburg, Oswego, Lewiston, and Rochester. Major General Jacob D. Cox, Commander of the Northern forces in Ohio, was dispatched to Sandusky to provide for the security of the Johnsonfs Island prison and to guard against a possible invasion of the state. Further rein£orcements were sent from Pittsburg to Erie to secure the northern border of Pennsylvania, while Major General John A. Dix, the Commander at New York City, was ordered to seize any potentially danger­ ous vessel on New York waters and to call on any force in that state to defend its border.7 The United States moved as quickly as possible, but it was soon apparent that she was unprepared for attacks from the British provinces. Although stanton had sent his warnings on the night of November 11, replies were not received from

6. OR., ser. iii, vol. iii, pp. 1013-4: Edwin Stanton to the Mayors of Buffalo etc., Washington, November 11, 1863. 7. Ibid., pp. 1014-5: Edwin Stanton to Major General John Dix, Washington, November 11, 1863, and Edwin Stanton to Major General J.D. Cox, Washington, November 11, 1863, and Edwin Stanton to Major General W.J. Brooks, Washington, November 11, 1863. 23 some of the officials until the 13th. On the 12th, Detroit announced that there was not one gun larger than a thirty-two pounder on the lakes and only four of those. They were at Erie, Pennsylvania, but were inoperative for lack of powder. Five hundred recruits had been sent from Ohio to Johnson's Island. Not only were they inexperienced in combat, but also they came from a state whose support for the Union's war policies had ebbed considerably during the previous year. 8 Their ability and desire to fight WelrB hence unknown. Northern defences were fUrther weakened by the fact that a majority of the troops were not in position until the 13th. Confusion was reported at Erie. Two hundred troops had arrived on the 13th, but the remainder of the force, the men in charge of the heavy guns, were not expected for another twenty-four hours. 9 If the conspirators had boarded the steamer at St.Catherines, they might well have inflicted a series of damaging raids before the North could retaliate. The Confederate expedition had failed, but it was to have a lasting effect on the future policies of the United States, Canada, and the Confederacy. On November 15, Secre­ tary.Stanton received a dispatch conveying word from the U.S.

8. OR., sera iii, vol. iii, pp. 1019-1034: Z. Chandler to E. Stanton, Detroit, November 12, 1863, and J.D. Cox to E. Stanton, Cincinnati, Ohio, November 12, 1863, and E. 0'Nei1 to E. Stanton, Mi1waukee, Wisconsin, November 13, 1863. 9. Ibid., PP. 1033-4: J.D. Cox to E. Stanton" Sandusky, Ohio, November 13, 1863, and W.T. Brooks to E. Stanton, Erie, Pennsylvania, November 13, 1863. 24 detectives at Windsor. It stated that "rebels who left Windsor to join the raid are returning, saying that the plans are frustrated for the present and will have to be postponed 10 for a time.1! If the message were correct, and if the Con­ federates hoped to use the British provinces for future operations against the United States, the Federal government would have to increase its espionage services. Adequate border defences and communication systems would also be re­ quired. The presence of Confederate raiders could do even more harm to Canada. A successful attack from Canadian soil might easily embroil the British territory in a war with the United states. Governor General Monck was praised for his part in preventing the flNovember raid" and the Canadian government would try to prevent such covert operations in the future. Yet the Canadian authorities knew only too well that one major international incident might endanger their country. Many Northerners, bitterly resenting the amount of Canadian sym­ pathy for the South, sought adequate justification to annex the provinces to the United States. During the first three years of the Civil War, Canadian public opinion had turned sharply against the North. When the war broke out in 1861, the provinces supported what they

10. OR., ser. iii, vol. iil, p. 1043: J.D. Cox to E. Stanton, Sandusky, Ohio, November 15, 1863. 25

believed to be a crusade against slavery. But when Abraham Lincoln refused to dedicate the war to this principle, many Canadians concluded that perhaps the South was attempting to free itself from Northern tyranny. Expression of anti­ Northern sentiment was apparent in a majority of the news­ papers in the British provinces and increased rapidly after the United States seized the British vessel Trent in inter­ national waters in 1861, taking off the Confederate envoys James Mason and John Slide11. This feeling was again strength­ ened late in 1862 when the provincials were asked to contribute funds to relieve the cotton famine in England. Although the decline in cotton shipments was essentially a Southern maneuver to force England's recognition of the Confederate States, many Canadians believed it to be a result of the Northern blockade. It was barely a half-century since American invasion threatened the provinces and not yet thirty years since the United States had lent her undeclared support to the rebellions within the provinces. The chivalrous Confederates gained the sympathy of the provincials as perhaps the lesser American evil. A Southern victory would at least restore a balance of power in North America and greatly reduce the danger of annexation by the United states. Niagara Falls had long been a stopover for Southern tourists, and the Southern aristocracy was well represented in the higher social circles of many Canadian cities. With such a mood prevailing throughout the provinces c 26

the Canadian authorities would have to use great tact in order to prevent an international incident. ll The November raid also had a major effect on Confederate policy. Although unsuccessful, it initiated a new kind of campaign. Southerners had been sent to Canada as early as 1862, and the expedition which failed at st. Catherines in November had been first suggested to the Confederate Secretary of the Navy in a letter of February 7, 1863. 12 The plan was approved and $100,000 was raised for its execution. But Jefferson Davis dissented, fearing that the incident would violate British neutrality and jeopardize the construction of

11. There are several detailed studies of Canadian public opinion during the Civil War period which provide a variety of conclusions. Helen G. Macdonaldls popular account Canadian Public Opinion on the American Civil ~ (New York, 1926), contends that the provincia1s were basically pro-Northern. Other popular works such as W.F. M. Kennedy, The Constitution of Canada, 1534-1937: An Introduction to its Develo ment taw and Custom (London, 93 . second e i ion , cla~m tha the anadian people were pro-Southern. The present writer, however, supports Robin Winks who avoids the prefix "pro!! and employs instead the terms tlanti-Northernll and "anti-Southern". Winks con­ cludes that Canadians were essentially anti-Northern, and his arguments have been summarized for this essay. See I R. Winks, The Civil War Years; and R. Winks, II The Creation of a Myth', Canadian Enlistment in the Northern Armies during the American Civil War", Canadian Historical Review, vol. xxxix, 1958, pp. 24-6. For the attitude of the people of Niagara Falls toward the South see J. Carnochan, History of Niagara (Toronto, 1914), pP. 318-9; and W. Kirby, Annals of Niagara (Toronto, 1896, 1927), pp. 300-1. 12. ORN., ser. i, vol. ii, pp. 828-9: Lt. W.H. Murdaugh to the Secretary of Navy, C.S.A., Richmond, February 7, 1863. c 27 13 Confederate iron-clads in England. Jefferson Davis' approval of the proposal later in the year illustrates a change both in the South's fortunes and in its attitude toward war. During the summer of 1863 the Con­ federate forces had suffered a major setback in the West. The fortress at Vicksburg had been captured by General Grant and the Mississippi fell under Federal control. Gunboats patrolled the waterway, severing Arkansas, Louisiana and Texas from the remainder of the Confederacy. Ordinary communication was difficult, and military cooperation was close to impossible. The Confederacy abandoned Tennessee, for although General Braxton Bragg won the battle of Chickamauga, his inability to capture Chattanooga forced a Southern withdrawal into Georgia. Profits from Southern cotton dwindled as Federal troops pushed into northern Alabama, Georgia and Mississippi. Farmers suspended planting because of hostile occupation or lack of transport and marketing outlets. Elsewhere the South was also in peril. General Lee's thrust into the North had been stopped tragically at Gettys­

burg, and the Northern campaign of his ~rmy of Virginia' was coming to an end. The Federal naval blockade tightened closely around the major Southern ports and the disruption of her rail­ road system hampered communications. One of the Confederacy's most pressing problems was to

13. ORN., ser. i, vol. ii, pp. 829-30. 28

find enough men to fill the rapidly thinning ranks of the Southern army, Conscription was unsuccessful, and the cartel for prisoner exchanges, agreed upon in July, 1862, had fallen through by the summer of 1863. The North could afford to lose some of its soldiers to Southern prisons, but the South was in dire need of all available manpower. The United States was quite aware of the double burden that had been created by discontinuing prisoner exchanges. The Confederacy not only had fewer men to build its forces, but was also hampered by the feeding of Federal prisoners, a situation which brought further unrest as the food supply became more desperate. 14 The November raid, therefore, had several important objectives. It was designed as a reconnaissance raid to test British neutrality, to see whether the provinces had the de­ sire or the potential to hamper future operations. It would also check the North's defences along the Canadian frontier and reveal the degree to which the United States government would go to prevent such undertakings in the future. Further­ more, it would show the South whether or not the Confederate soldiers who had escaped into Canada were willing to continue to fight for their cause, or whether they wished to remain

14. Views concerning prisoner exchanges can be seen in Horace Carpenter, flPlain Living on Johnson's Island", p. 714; andT.H. Hines, "Northwest Conspiracy", Southern Bivouac, vol. ii, June 1886 - May 1887, PP. 438-9. Although this article was actually prepared by John B. Castleman it will be henceforth referred to as Hines, IINorthwest c Conspiracy" . 29

unmolested in a neutral country until hostilities ceased. Finally, if the raid were successful, the South would have freed over two thousand badly needed soldiers: soldiers that might be used in a campaign from the provinces. Hoping to gain such information and to strike a blow at the North, 15 Davis finally agreed to support the operation. The November raid marked the beginning of the Canadian campaign, a campaign greatly animated by the rapidly worsening position of the Confederacy. Yet perhaps even more important were the long-run strategic changes which gave the campaign its hope for success. Political and military factors in the

American Midwest were the sine qua ~ that made the Canadian campaign both possible and important. The Midwest, often referred to at the time as the IINorthwest", contracted close ties with the South prior to 1860: social, political, and economic bonds that could not

be sev~red even by civil war. Close to forty per cent of her people were of Southern origin. Like the Southerners they were mostly farmers, and until the 1850's the two sections stood in firm political alliance under the Democratic banner.

The decade of the 1850 l s brought changes in this situation, but in some respects they further alienated the region from the Northeast.

15. The Confederacy had also lost support in England by late 1863. See E.D. Adams, Great Britain and the American c Civil War (London, 1925), vol. ii, p. 184. 30

The creation of the Republican Party in 1854 was viewed by many as a compromise between the East and West. Swapping the vote on Eastern needs such as the protective tariffs and increased banking measures, the Midwestern states

of Ohio, Indiana~ and Illinois hoped to secure expanded trans­ portation and homestead policies. Checking the spread of slavery also appealed to both sections, both as a moral policy and as a way of preventing the increase of the plantation vote in Congress. During the decade, the old trade route of the Mississippi was gradually replaced by the East-West route of the expanding railway system, opening up new markets in the East. The Eastern and Midwestern states began to grow together. The new alliance nevertheless displeased several factions in the Midwest. When the cost of transportation rose, the Midwester­ ner lost faith in the railways owned and operated by the wealthy Eastern capitalist. The old Mississippi route again found favor with many and by 1860 newly constructed railways

ran south from Louisville and Columbus~ then east from Memphis and Vicksburg. The South again became a marketplace for Mis­ western products. Midwestern politics also revealed discontent with the Eastern alliance. Persons of Southern origin brought with them a hatred of the Negro which immediately opposed them to the ideals of the Republican Party and to the Midwesterners 31 who had migrated from the East~ close to forty per cent of the population. Maintaining their allegiance to the Demo­ cratic Party the dissatisfied gained the support of several minority groups who also questioned the policies of the newly formed party. Together these dissenting factions 16 constituted a formidable force. With the severing of ties between North and South and the eventual outbreak of armed violence, many Midwesterners did not know where to proffer their allegiance. Although most eventually chose the North, a large minority fought bitterly against the policies of the Lincoln administration, and some even favored the formation of a IINorthwest Confeder­ acy.1! Secret anti-war societies appeared in Illinois as early as April, 1861, and membership expanded with every Union set­ back. Decorated with all of the rituals of the Masonic move­ ment of the 1830's, groups such as the IIKnights of the Golden Circle,1I flCorps de Belgique, " and the IIKnights of the Golden Square!! gained strength qUiCkly.17 The loyalists accused the

16. For background information on the situation in the Midwest see Wood Gray, The Hidden Civil War; The Story of the Copperheads (New York, 1964: first edition, 1942), pp. 13­ 30; Kirkland, The Peacemakers of 1864, P. 31; F.L. Klement, The Cop~erheads in the Middle West (Chicago, 1960); J.M. Hofer,Development of a Peace Movement in Illinois during the Civil war", Journal of the Illinois State Historical Society, vol. xxiv, No. 1, April 1931, pp. 112-4~ 116. 17. For notes on the origin of the society see Gray, The Hidden Civil War, pp. 70-1; Milton, Abraham Lincorn-and the Fifth Column, pp. 186-9; Letters received by the 32 societies of interfering with Union recruiting, of aiding men in going south to join the Confederate army, and of attempting to turn public opinion against the war effort. Reports pf attempts by the societies to burn bridges over which Union troops were to be transported and to fire the homes of those who enlisted in the Union army created con­ 18 siderable difficulty in parts of Ohio, Indiana and Illinois. The anti-war Democrats became known as "Butternuts" and "Copperheads,1I and their support grew rapidly in the Mid­ west. The state elections of 1862 showed a marked increase in Democratic support in the region, and on December 5 Clement L. Vallandigham, the Ohio peace Democrat, introduced into the United States Congress resolutions condemning the war policies of the Lincoln administration. A prominent historian of the subject has called this move lithe beginning of an attempt to release the Democratic Party from any further support of the war. 1119

Adjutant-GeneralIs Office, 1861-70 (N.A.), M. 619, Roll 34, 166-70: R.C. Rogers et al., to Simon Cameron, San Francisco, August 28, 1861. For more complete material on the development of the society see Office of the Judge Advocate General, Reports on the Order of American Knights, 1864 (N.A.), Record Group 153. 18. For an excellent account of the "Origin and Progress" and IIPresent Condition of the Organization", see the report of Col. H.B. Carrington, Indianapolis, March 19, 1863, OR., ser. ii, vol. v, pp. 363-7. Other relevent reports are in OR., ser. ii, vol. v, p. 108: H.B. Carrington, to E. Stanton, Indianapolis, December 22, 1862, and p. 235: H.B. Carrington to A. Lincoln, Indianapolis, February 2, 1863. 19. Gray, The Hidden Civil War, P. 116. 33

The situation came to a head when Lincoln appointed A.E. Burnside as Commander in the West in March, 1863. This leading Union General had just been demoted for his role in leading the Army of the Potomac to hideous slaughter at Fred­ ericksburg, Virginia. He arrived in the West in no mood to tolerate anti-war demonstrations, and on April 13 he ordered the arrest of anyone guilty of seditious utterances that would obstruct Federal recruiting. The order appeared as a challenge to Vallandigham, who was beginning his political campaign for the Governorship of' Ohio. At a political rally at Mount Vernon on May 1, Vallandigham took up the gauntlet and delivered a fire-eating speech in which he criticized the policies of liKing Lincoln,1I and came close to declaring outright sympathy for the Southern cause. Many anti-war Democrats attended the meeting and Vallandigham was cheered on afresh with every blast against the North's war effort. The outcome was inevitable. Vallandigham was arrested, tried before a military court on May 6, 1863, and sentenced to remain in a Federal prison until the end of the war. 20 With their leader imprisoned, the Democratic Party of Ohio surrendered completely to a peace platform. Other areas soon followed with varying degrees of support. Mass meetings denounced the Washington "despots ll and hailed Vallandigham as a martyr.

20. For Vallandigham's opposition to Burnside's order see -.,.; Milton, Abraham Lincoln and the Fifth Column, pp. 121­ 134. 34

Lincoln was embarrassed by Burnsidets actions and in an attempt to lessen the tension created, he commuted Vallan­ digham's sentence to expulsion to the Confederacy. The Ohio Democrat soon found himself aboard a U.S. gunboat bound for Louisville. From there he was taken to Nashville, to General William Roscrans' headquarters at Murfreesboro, and finally 21 escorted across the Confederate lines under a flag of truce. In the South he travelled to Chattanooga, Knoxville, Bristol, Lynchburg and Richmond, talking with many leading Southerners as he went. Robert Ould, the Confederacy's Commissioner of Prisoner Exchanges, had several interviews with the high ranking exile, and reported them to President Davis. Vallandigham was still a candidate in the Ohio election and confidently predicted that if the South could hold out until the Federal election in November, 1864, the Northern populace would sweep the Lincoln "dynastyll from office. Aware that Vallandigham's policy of disrupting Lincoln's war effort was indirectly aiding the Southern cause, the Confederate government decided to help him reach the British provinces, where he could carry out his struggle from closer quarters. Physical separation from the Confederacy would also help gain

21. The story of Vallandigham's expulsion is found in Milton, Abraham Lincoln and the Fifth Column, PP. 135-6; and Captain S.F. Nunnelee, "How Vallandigham Crossed the Lines", Under Both Fla~s, A Panorama of the Great Civil War as represented in tory, Anecdote Adventure, and - Romance of Reality.•. (Philadelphia, i896), pp. 316-7. 35 the support of moderate Copperheads who did not favor direct cooperation with the South. Accompanied by a Confederate escort, Vallandigham travelled to Wilmington, North Carolina, in early June, where he took a blockade runner to Bermuda. He reached Halifax on July 5, 1863. As he travelled westward in the British provinces, Canadians praised him for his support of peace and his courage in standing up against the policies of the Lincoln administration. At Quebec, British Financier Edward Watkins presided over a private dinner given in his honor at the ex­ clusive Stadacona Club while DIArcy McGee introduced him on the floor of Parliament. Similar treatment was accorded him at a public dinner at Montreal and on his trip to Niagara Falls the Grand Trunk Railway provided him with a private car. On July 15, 1863, he arrive d at the Clifton House at Niagara Falls and immediately issued an IIAddress to Democracy of Ohio." The message praised the British provinces and con­ demned lithe shallow contrivance of the weak despots at Washing­ ton." It did not support the South, but subtly inferred that the Ohio leader had been "fairly and honorably dealt with and given leave to depart. It At Niagara, Vallandigham was joined by his wife and daughter, who had been escorted to the provinces by George Pendleton, an Ohio Congressman. A few weeks later Vallandigham moved his headquarters to Windsor where he con­ tinued his campaign for a Copperhead takeover of United States 36 22 politics. Vallandigham's journey through the British provinces coincided with another Confederate move which had a marked effect on the Canadian campaign. In the border regions of Kentucky the cavalrymen of General John H. Morgan had for many months created havoc with a series of successful guer­ rilla raids into Union territory. In the summer of 1863 his force gained national prominence by boldly advancing into the heart of the Union Midwest. On July 2, with over four thousand men in his command, Morgan crossed the Cumberland River and began to destroy all Federal property in sight. His men kept ahead of the pursuing Union troops by systematically stealing every horse within a ten mile radius on both sides of the march. Disguising some of his men in civilian dress, he procured valuable information for his future progress before the local citizens were aware of his presence. The march not only boosted the morale of the South, but did much to undermine the security and courage of many a Northerner. For twenty-five days Morgan's men rode through the countryside of Indiana and

22. Sections of the IlAddress" are quoted by A. Stager, the Federal authority who refused permission to have the speech telegraphed to the Chicago Times. See OR., ser. ii, vol. vi, p. 122: A. Stager to E. Stanton, Cleveland, Ohio, July 15, 1863. For Vallandigham s trip through the provinces see Milton, Abraham Lincoln and' the Fifth Column; and Winks, The Civil War Years. Milton errors, however, when he implies that Vallandigham left Quebec on July 15, 1863. See OR., ser. ii, vol. vi, p. 231: B.H. Hill to Gen. J.B. Fry, Detroit, August 27, 1863. ""', 37

Ohio, covering over six hundred miles and eluding the over one hundred thousand Northern soldiers drafted to stop them. Only the swollen banks of the Ohio River prevented their es­ cape, and on July 27 Morgan was finally captured. Less than five hundred of his men made it back to the South, and within a week he and sixty-nine of his officers entered the Ohio Penitentiary at Columbus. 23 The raid had depleted further the ranks of the Con­ federate army, but it greatly influenced Southern policy. RUmors circulated that Morgan had been aided by the anti-war societies of the Midwest, and their potential was again brought to the attention of Richmond. Morgan's men were now another asset in the Midwest. Trained in the tactics of guerrilla warfare and familiar with the terrain of the region, these soldiers were ideal agents to infiltrate the Midwestern states and proselytize the populace with propaganda against Lincoln and the war. The men could base themselves in the British provinces to organize raids into the Northern states, and their training would help them evade the Canadian authorities and Northern secret service agents. When the Confederacy sanctioned the reconnaissance expedition to the British provinces, Morgan and his officers

23. 38 were still in prison. But on the night of November 27, 1863, two weeks after the abortive attempt at St.Catherines, he escaped with six of his officers from the Ohio Penitentiary. Credit for a major role in the escape was given to one of 24 Morganfs officers, Captain Thomas H. Hines. Competent military leadership for guerrilla activities from the British provinces was now available. Morgan was too well known and would create too much of a disturbance if sent to Canada, but men like Hines were well suited for such an assignment. The Confederacyfs Canadian campaign incorporated both

24. Accounts of the escape are given in National Tirbune, Two Great Raids, pp. 282-300 (This account is Hines' version reprinted from the Southern Bivouac, June, 1885); Frank Moore, Rebellion Record: A Diary of American Events with Documents, Narratives, Illustrative Incidents, Poetry etc. (New York, 1865), vol. viii, pp. 318-21; OR., ser. ii, vol. vi, pp. 665-78: F.N. Dese11em to Gov. D. Tod, Columbus, December 30, 1863, and pp. 723-734: O.A. Mack to Brig. Gen. L. Thomas, Washington, December 19, 1863; J.D. Horan, Con­ federate Agent: A Discovery in History (New York, 1954~ It should be cautioned that Horan exaggerates the importance of Hines throughout his account. In a newspaper article from the United States Daily of May 22, 1930, for example, the writer mentioned eIghteen distinguished Kentuckians who had served in the Confederacy without any mention of Hines. See Papers of the Confederate States of America, (Kentucky) (Manuscript Department, N.Y.P.L.), A.B. Fogg, flConserving War Records of South, Kentucky Treasures roles of Confederate Soldiers. If • Examples of Hines' earlier exploits can be seen in E.M. Coffman, "Captain Thomas Henry Hines and His February, lt 1863 Raid , The Register of the Kentucky Historical Review, vol. lv, April 1957, pp. 105-8; OR., ser. I, Vol. xxiii, Part 1, pp. 347-8: Report of Col-.-W.C.P. Breckinridge, Camp Heath, June 6, 1863, and p. 632: Report of A.C. Simp­ son, Cincinnati, Ohio, July 1, 1863, and ser.i, vol. xxiii, Part 2, pp. 428-9: Btig. Gen. R.S. Granger to Col. C. Goddard, Nashville, June 14, 1863. 39 of the attitudes toward war that had developed by the autumn of 1863. By aiding Va11andigham it supported those whose major objective was the end of hostilities. In sanctioning the expedition to St.Catherines it adopted a policy of escal­ ating the war to an extent that might endanger the safety and security of neutral nations. A plan which incorporates peace proposals and guerrilla warfare appears at first sight in­ consistent, but it was the most practical one for the Con­ federacy at the time. The South's purpose in the war was to secure independence and this could be accomplished either by a peaceful settlement or by forcing the North to a stalemate. Vigorous military campaigns followed up by peace overtures might bring victory by either means. Furthermore, if peace could not be brought about by direct negotiations, support for such measures might at least gain the sympathy of the North's peace Democrats and lead to Lincoln's downfall in the 1864 election. A victory for the peace Democrats would also mean victory for the South, for a peaceful settlement would guarantee independence. Chapter Two

As the news of the failure at St.Catherines reached Richmond, Jefferson Davis patiently waited for repercussions from Canada and Washington. It would take weeks for the Con­ federates in charge of the reconnaissance raid to run the blockade and report on the usefulness of the British provinces as a base for operations. Before such a report was submitted, the Chesapeake incident forced Davis to come to a decision on the proposed Canadian campaign, On the night of December 7, 1863, sixteen men, led by a native of New Brunswick, John C. Braine, seized the coastal 1 steamer Chesapeake on the high seas off Cape Cod, Their plan was to sail to Bermuda and then to run the blockade to North Carolina, where the ship would be turned over to the Confeder­ acy as a prize of war. The first stage of the plan ran smooth­ ly. The passengers were left in a pilot boat within six miles of the New Brunswick coast, and the vessel bore northward to rendezvous with a supply boat that had secured coal for the journey to Bermuda. The coal had been purchased in small quantities from New Brunswick merchants in order not to arouse suspicion, but it soon became apparent that there was not

1. For a background sketch of John C. Braine see Milton, Abraham Lincoln and the Fifth Column, P. 59.

40 41 enough of it. Frustrated, the men sailed the Chesapeake a­ cross the Bay of Fundy and searched for extra fuel up the Nova Scotia coast. Federal authorities soon received word of its presence and the United States gunboats Ella and Annie and Dacotah hurried to the area. For over a week the Chesapeake evaded the warships. The "crewl! sold quantities of the ship's cargo whenever possible and obtained a small amount of coal near Shelburne. Braine was almost arrested when he went ashore to purchase fuel at Liverpool, but eluded the authorities and escaped by land to Halifax. The rest of the raiders resumed their voya up the coast. After narrowly escaping an encounter with the Ella and Annie at Lunenburg, the men sailed to St. Margaret's Bay, where they awaited news from their leader. A Nova Scotia vessel was finally contracted to carry coal to Sambro Harbor and the Chesapeake cautiously steered toward its new rendezvous. The ships met on schedule, but before the coal could be loaded the Chesapeake was overtaken by the Ella and Annie. Although most of the conspirators escaped by land, the incident created an international furor. The ship had been captured in British waters, and one of the raiders had been forceably removed from the Nova Scotia supply vessel. To avoid any further breaches of diplomacy the Federal warship towed its prize into Halifax harbor and made arrangements to 42 turn the prisoner over to the county marshal in that province. The provincials were angered by the bold manner in which the Americans had seized a ship in British territorial waters. A crowd gathered at the Queen's Wharf at Halifax as the prisoner was rowed ashore, and in the ensuing confusion the raider escaped to the cheers of the onlookers. Weeks passed before the United States Consul at St.John secured warrants for the arrest of the raiders, and a preliminary examination did not get underway until January 4, 1864.2

In Richmond, th~ Confederacy watched the developments with great interest. The trial would show the temper of Canadian opinion, and the verdict would set a precedent for any future proceedings against covert operations originating in Canada. As the weeks rolled by without a final decision, President Davis realized that he could no longer afford to delay. Soon the armies would be coming out of winter quarters to begin another summer of fighting. To find out more about the situation in the provinces, the administration sought the services of Beverley Tucker.

2. A good account of the Chesapeake affair is given in Winks, The Civil War Years, pp. 244-263. An excellent source for this material is New Brunswick, Record Group 7, G8B., vol. lxii, pp. 416-500 (Manuscript Department, P.A.C.). Braine himself escaped arrest and on January 12, 1864 was reported to be in Montreal with several Confederates on their way to Windsor. See Ministers at Washington to Governors, Record Group 7, G6, vol. xii (Manuscript Department, P.A.C.), 1: J. Giddings to W. Seward, Montreal, January 12, 1864, con­ tained in Lord Lyons to Governor General Monck, Washington, January 13, 1864. 43

Tucker had received diplomatic training as a United States Consul and since the beginning of the war he had proved his worth on missions to England and Europe. Tucker's original assignment was to convince the Canadian authorities to mediate an exchange of Confederate cotton for United States beef. But before his departure, the Richmond officials out­ lined their plan for a major campaign. Men were to be sent to organize raids and stir up peace sentiment from the neutral territory, but Davis explained that the Confederacy hesitated because it did not know whether Canadian sympathy was strong enough to permit such schemes and whether escaped prisoners could provide the necessary manpower. Tucker's first duty, therefore, was to supply the answers. By February 3, 1864, he had successfully run the blockade to Nassau. 3 On February 2, after Tucker's departure, Lieutenant R.D. Minor, one of the Confederates in charge of the St. Catherines expedition, finally submitted his report to the Navy Department at Richmond. President Davis was pleased to learn that the mission had been greatly aided by sympathetic Canadians and Confederate escapees. He decided to take

3. See Munford-Ellis Family Letters, 1864-6 (George W. Munford Division, Manuscript Department, Duke}. Bev. Tucker to Charles Ellis, Nassau, February 3, 1864. Tucker remarked in a letter to the Governor General the following year that he had left Richmond in January, 1864. See Address of Beverley Tucker, Esq., to the People of the United States with Appendix relatin to President Johnson's Proclama on of n May, 1 5 Montreal, 1 5, pp. 34­ 6: B. Tucker to Gov. Gen. Monck, Montreal, May 4, 1865. 44 further action before receiving word from Tucker. 4 Davis chose James P. Holcombe, a distinguished Southern lawyer and former professor at the University of Virginia, as the first official Confederate Commissioner to the British provinces. Holcombe had served in the Confederate Congress since February 20, 1862, and his term was due to expire within the month. His knowledge of international law and his devotion to the Confederacy made him ideal for a foreign assignment. On February 19, Davis directed him to proceed to Canada to aid in the defence of the Chesapeake raiders, and to arrange transportation to the South for any stranded Confederate soldier who wished to return to duty. 5 Beverley Tucker landed at Halifax about the time of Holcombe's appointment and was soon sending encouraging letters to Richmond regarding Canadian sympathy for the Confederacy. He mentioned also that reliable sources calculated the number of stranded Confederates in the provinces at four to five hundred, and suggested that any future missions sent to the area should be empowered to give aid to these men. 6 Davis

4. The Canadian campaign appears to have been organized and run exclusively by Davis and his Secretary of State Judah P. Benjamin. See Yearns, The Confederate Congress, PP. 167-9. 5. Holcombe apparently received his commission on February 15, 1864. See The Report of the Committee of the House of Re resentatives made durin the first seSSion, Thirt -Ninth Congress, 1 5- Washington, 1 ,Boutwell Committee Report No. 104, "AssaSSination of Lincoln", p. 12, here­ after referred to as House Judiciary Committee Report No. 104. 6. C.S.A., State Department Records (L.C.), Container 63: 45 was one step ahead of Tucker's suggestion, but events were happening so quickly that the Confederacy could not move fast enough. As Holcombe left Wilmington, North Carolina, on the blockade runner Caledonia, the trial of the Chesapeake raiders continued in New Brunswick. On February 24, the court upheld the prosecutor's charge that the raid had been an act of piracy rather than one of war. The prisoners were returned to custody to await extradition to the United States. Their situation appeared critical, but the defence appealed the case to a higher court and the proceedings began anew. Public opinion favored the raiders. Since most of the defendents were British subjects, an international incident comparable to the Trent affair seemed possible, and Washing­ ton decided not to advocate severe punishment. On March 10, 1864, after a series of unsuccessful pleas, the Nova Scotian attorney, J.W. Ritchie, made an effective complaint that warrants for the arrest of the raiders had been processed incorrectly. If piracy was the offence, then proceedings should have begun in the United states, rather than in the British provinces. The decision meant that the prisoners would have to be released and rearrested under new warrants.

B. Tucker to J.p. Benjamin, Halifax, March 7, 1864; The Protest of W.W. Cleary against the Proclamation of ~ident Johnson of May 2nd, with a complete exposure of the per­ juries before the Bureau of Militar Justice upon which t at proc amation issued oron 0, 1 5, p. 0: C•. Pilsbury to the Editor of the LHalifa~ Unionist, Halifax, June 9, 1865. 46

The raiders were freed, but the new warrants were not ex­ ecuted. Washington realized that the situation might severely strain Anglo-American relations as had the Trent affair of 1861. Although displeased with the provincial decision in favor of the raiders, the United States decided not to demand retribution.7 After some difficulty in running the blockade, Holcombe reached Halifax aboard the British mail ship Alpha on March 23. He reported to Confederate Secretary of State Benjamin that the raiders were not in any immediate danger of rearrest, and that he did not see any point in having the case flare up once again by putting in a claim that the Chesapeake belonged 8 to the Confederacy as a prize of war. With this matter settled, Holcombe began contacting persons sympathetic to the South in an attempt to establish transportation facilities for the Confederates stranded in Canada. The March 10 de­ cision to release the Chesapeake raiders convinced him that effective operations might be carried out from the provinces. The Confederate War Department contacted Captain T.R. Hines, who had fought and escaped from prison with General Morgan.

7. New Brunswick (P.A.C.), Record Group 7, G8B, vol. xliv, pp. 880-3: W. Seward to Lord Lyons, Washington, March 21, 1864, and pp. 887-91: Lord Lyons to Lt. Gov. A. Gordon, Washington, April 8, 1864. 8. C.S.A., State Department Records (L.C.), Folder 59. Copies also in Container 62: J.P. Holcombe to J.P. Ben­ jamin, St.George, Bermuda, March 12, 1864, and J.P. Holcombe to J.P. Benjamin, Halifax, Nova Scotia, April 1, 186L~. 47

On March 16, 1864, after consultation at Richmond, Hines was ordered to proceed to Canada to organize those Confederate soldiers who had escaped to the provinces from Northern prisons. He was told to get in touch with Holcombe and arrange safe passage back to Confederate lines for any soldier desiring to return to service. If the situation presented itself, he was also empowered to employ the Confederate es­ capees in "any fair and appropriate enterprise of war against our enemies. ,,9 Many of the stranded Confederates were anxious to fight and by March, 1864 Confederate refugees were reported to have armed two schooners in Canadian waters to be used against American shipping in the Great Lakes. 10 In order to prevent such undisciplined maneuvers from Jeopardizing a full scale campaign, Hines was to assume the position of military

9. A copy of Hines' order is reproduced in Hines, lINorthwest Conspiracy"" p. 443: J.A. Seddon to T.H. Hines, Richmond, March 16, lb64. See also T.H. Hines Papers (Margaret I King Library, U. Ken.): T.H. Hines to J.A. Seddon, Rich­ mond, December 16, 1864. 10. In a letter from L.C. Baker, the director of the Federal Secret Service, to Edwin Stanton, Washington, March 8, 1864, Baker remarked that one of his agents who had been in "Upper Canada ll for two months reported that there was a fore and aft schooner, the Montreal, lying in Roudeau Harbour, 17 miles from Chatham, commanded by Captain Whltby, formerly a Lieutenant in the Confederate Navy. The vessel was armed with "two twenty-four pounders, a quantity of ammunitions, arms, chests, cutlasses, board­ ing pikes etc.,1! and a crew of fourteen "nearly all es­ caped rebel prisoners." At New Creek, Long Point Marsh, 15 miles from Port Stanley, a similar situation existed. Here, the Saratoga, with four eighteen pounders and a crew of sixteen also awaited the spring shipping season. The letter is enclosed in Lord Lyons to Gov. Gen. Monck, 48 commander. Davis also wanted to take advantage of events in the Midwest. Late in the summer of 1863 the anti-war societies in that region had amalgamated into a central organization known as the "Order of American Knights." On February 22,

186L~, at a meeting in New York, the group changed its name to the 'IS ons of Liberty" and elected as its Supreme Commander Clement L. Vallandigham, who now appeared firmly aligned with the anti-war radicals. If the Confederates could form an alliance with Vallandigham and his Sons of Liberty, their united force could create turmoil in the Midwest. Raids against Northern prisons, coupled with simultaneous uprisings in the major cities of Ohio, Indiana and Illinois might make it possible to create a Northwest Confederacy. The Federal government would be forced to send troops to the area, hence weakening its offensive in the South. Hines' orders there­ fore continued: "in passing through the United States you will confer with the leading persons friendly or attached to the cause of the Confederacy or who may be advocates of peace, and do all in your power to induce our friends to organize and prepare themselves to render such aid as circumstances may 11 allow. "

Washington, March 13, 1864. See Minister at 'tvashington to Governors (P.A.C.), Record Group 7, G.6, vol. xii, 104. 11. Hines, "Northwest Conspiracy}' p. 443: J.A. Seddon to T. H. Hines, Richmond, March 16, 1864. 49

There was another aspect to the Confederate scheme. The threat of a new Confederate campaign would strengthen the position of the Northern peace Democrats and make peace negotiations more likely. Hines' instructions thus stated that on his journey northward he lIencourage and animate those favorable to a peaceful adjustment to the employment of all agencies calculated to effect such consummation on terms consistent always with the independence of the Confederate 12 states. I! The Confederacy would employ the provinces both as a base for guerrilla warfare and as a haven for extending peace feelers. Hines would act as military liaison, but the Confeder­ acy still needed a leader inside the provinces to plan and coordinate activities; Davis would be too far from the front. The first person suggested was A.H.H. stuart, a personal friend of Secretary Benjamin, and a former Secretary of the Interior. On March 25, Richmond contacted Stuart and re­ quested that he report to the Capital on a subject IItoo deli­ cate for correspondence. 1I13 At the State Department Stuart was informed by Benjamin that the President was tendering him a position as Commissioner of the Confederate States to Canada. He discussed the matter with Davis and Benjamin, but was not hopeful that the South could effectively manipulate Northern

12. Hines, flNorthwest Conspiracy,": p. 443: J.A. Seddon to T. H. Hines, Richmond, March 16, 1864. 13. Robert D. Meade, Judah P. Benjamin, Confederate Statesman ~ew York, 1943), p. 299. 50 peace sentiment. Stuart declined the appointment, but his pessimism did not alter Davis' determination to carry out his Canadian schemes. 14 The President concluded that the mission might better be entrusted to two Commissioners. This time he offered the appointments to two of his own friends: Jacob Thompson of Mississippi, and Clement C. Clay Jr. of Alabama•. Thompson had gained prominence as a Mississippi Congressman and as a member of the Buchanan Cabinet, but his service with the Confederate army on the Western front had shown that he could also adapt to the rigors of a military situation. He was serving as an elected state representative in Mississippi when he received a telegram from the President. Davis informed him that if he could accept a foreign mission he was to come at once to Richmond. Thompson consented. Davis offered a second Com­ mission to Clement C. Clay Jr., a good friend since the days when they both sat in the United states Senate. In the spring of 1864 Clay was out of public office, having lost his seat in the Confederate Senate the previous November.

14. Stuart's own description of the incident is included in A.F. Robertson, Alexander Hugh Ho1mes Stuart (Richmond, 1925), pp. 205-8. Stuart was almost fifty seven and in ill health by March, 1864, another major reason why he did not accept the mission to Canada. A native of Vir­ ginia, he had led a varied life as a lawyer, federal congressman and Secretary of the Interior under President Fil1more. He did not deny the South the right to secede, but 'bondemned the move as inexpedient!'- (Dictionary of American Biography, vol. ix, p. 161) His active interest 51

He accepted Davis' offer. The two Commissioners met with Davis and Benjamin in Richmond and discussed the strategy of a Canadian campaign. 15 On April 27, Davis drew up formal orders directing the men to proceed at once to Canada to begin operations. 16 Soon after the meeting at Richmond, the President re­ ceived word from Beverley Tucker, who had established residence at St.Catherines, Canada West. Tucker wrote: H••• it is much to be regretted that the government has not carried out its original design with regard to a certain political mission discussed previous to my departure. I have reason to be more thoroughly convinced than ever of its utility and still hope that it may be done."17 Although the letter itself was one of discouragement its message reassured Davis that he had

in restoring peace and harmony was seen before the fight­ ing began and again after the war had ended. (See Horace Greeley Papers, N.Y.P.L., Box 3: A.H.H. Stuart to H. Greeley, Staunton, Va., January 6, 186a) 15. The meeting was confidential, a fact which has led to some confusion with regard to the content of the "verbal" instructions given to the Commissioners. This topic is covered more completely in G.H. Whyte, "Ballot Box .•. Cartridge Box 11 ; The Peace Mission of Clement C. Clay, Middlebury College Honors Thesis, 1966, Middlebury College Library, PP. 12-17. 16. For a copy of the original commission see War Department Collection of Confederate Records - C.C. Clay Correspondence, March 15, 1862 - March 26, 1865 (N.A.), Record Group 109, Entry 186: Jefferson Davis to C.C. Clay, Richmond, April 27, 1864. See also OR., ser. iv, vol. iii, p. 322; and ORN., ser. ii, vol. iii, p. 174. 17. C.S.A., State Department Records (L.C.), Container 63: B. Tucker to J.P. Benjamin, St.Catherines, C.W., April 20, 1864. 52 taken the proper course of action. He had done his part; the fate of the mission now rested in the hands of Thompson and Clay. Thompson's experience in military matters, gained as a member of General John Pemberton's staff, would prove useful in dealing with Hines and his band of escaped Confederates, and in planning the operations for a Northwest Confederacy. In addition, his friendship with Clement L. Vallandigham when he sat in the United states Congress made cooperation with the Sons of Liberty even more certain. As for Clay, his background in law and his experience in handling governmental matters made him a key link in the campaign. His mild nature and distinguished reputation made him an ideal choice for receiving peace advocates from the North and for coordinating any peace attempts that might generate from the provinces. Davis was hopeful that the Canadian campaign would bolster the weakening Confederate position. Chapter Three

As the two Confederate Commissioners began their journey to Canada, they no doubt contemplated the mission that lay before them. Their characters, attitudes, and pre­ vious training differed sharply, and each had his own reasons for accepting the appointment. Jacob Thompson had fought hard in the defence of his beloved MissisSippi, but had wit nessed it succumb to the overpowering force of the Federal armies. Now he had been placed in a position to organize a counter-thrust into the heart of the North. Clement C. Clay also saw a need for a Northern mission, but for quite different reasons. Although his state had also experienced the onslaught of the Northern armies, he sought no revenge. He did not believe in physical violence, and had faithfully served the Confederacy in the best way that he could - in vociferous debate in the Confederate Senate. Yet there were continuous reports from Alabama that his state was also capitulating. His own home and plantation had been over­ run by Federal troops, and his elderly parents were alone to defend their property.l Saddened by his personal loss, and fearing the devastation of his homeland, Clay travelled

1. Nvermberser, The C\~yt of' A\ab~ma; CC.C\ay 1'I\f'i\S, (cvke). Jacob Thompson's home was burned on August 22, 1864 by Federal trooRs under the command of A.J. Smith. See Rain­ water, ed., 'Letters to and from Jacob Thompson,1l p. lo6f.

53 54 northward with the hope that his efforts would help to restore peace. Thompson arrived at Wilmington, North Carolina, on Friday, April 29, but immediately wired Richmond that a fire 2 in the harbor the previous night would delay his departure. Clay, greatly saddened at parting with his wife, left Peters­ burg on Saturday,3 He travelled with W.W. Cleary, the secre­ tary appointed to the Commission, but before they arrived at Wilmington the next day, news was delivered regarding the 4 death of Jefferson Davis' son. Clay was the boy's godfather and this additional grief served to strengthen his desire to succeed in his mission. Writing to Davis the next morning, Clay offered his sincere condolences and told the President

that he would IIg1adly resign all claim or aspiration for the temporal honors or rewards of man for the far greater blessing of peace and independence. 115 The three men secured passage aboard the blockade runner Thistle and anxiously awaited the run to Bermuda. 6

2. OR., ser. ii, vol. iii, p. 1105: J. Thompson to J.P. Benjamin, Wilmington, N.C., April 29, 1864 (telegram). 3. C.C. Clay MSS (Duke): Clay's Diary, Saturday, April 30, 1864. 4. OR., ser. ii, vol. iii, p. 1111: J. Thompson to J.P. Benjamin, Wilmington, N. C., May 2, 186L~. 5. C.C. Clay MSS (Duke): C.C. Clay to Jefferson Davis, Wil­ mington, N.C., n.d., but ca. May 1, 1864. 6. OR., ser. ii, vol. iii, p. 1111: J. Thompson to J.P. Benjamin, Wilmington, N.C., May 2, 1864. 55

Blockades were a constant threat to Confederate communication with the outside world, but by 1864 the vessels were modified with a host of deceptive devices to keep them from falling prey to the Northern gUnboats. 7 The Thistle was painted a dull grey to render it nearly invisible during night maneuvers. Mechanical equipment was kept in top shape at all times and constant oil lubrication provided almost noiseless function­ ing. The vessel burned anthracite coal in order to give off as little smoke as possible and a hood over the furnace pre­ vented reflection from the engine fires. Not equipped for combat, the ship relied solely on speed and deception to elude the enemy. On May 6, after several delays, the vessel finally steamed down Cape Fear River to Fort Fisher and waited for nightfall. As the sky darkened the ship slipped out of the harbor and into the shadows of the thirteen gun­ boats that formed the blockade squadron. Passing in what

Oleary observed to be a "stone t s throw 11 of the enemy dec1m, the Thistle steered her way toward open sea. All went well until daybreak, when it was discovered that the ship was still in sight of the Carolina coast. At 7:00 a.m. the lookout sighted another steamer and the captain immediately changed course in an attempt to avoid being spotted. But the maneuver was performed too late. The other

7. For detailed descriptions of blockade running during the period see W. Watson, Adventures of a Blockade Runner, or Trade in Time of War (London, and New York, 1892); M.P. l steamer also changed direction and was soon in hot pursuit. The growing cloud of thick black smoke was the ugly trade­ mark of a Federal gunboat, and she began gaining rapidly. The Confederates prepared to burn all personal papers and government dispatches and divide the gold if necessary. The mission seemed doomed, but after a chase that lasted over five hours the Federal steamer experienced mechanical diffi­ culty and the tiny blockade runner began to pull away. With­ out further incident the vessel reached St.George, Bermuda, on May 10. The Commissioners had experienced their first taste of the dangers of their mission and of the deceptive devices which would be required to make it a success.8 At St.George, Clay was at once invited to the house of Major Norman S. Walker, the Confederate agent to Bermuda and a personal friend of the Clay family. While the Confederates waited for a ship to Halifax, Clay joined the Walkers at a dinner party which they were giving in honor of the Archbishop

Ursina, "Blockade Running in Confederate Times;! Confederate Veterans' Association, Addresses, 1895; H. Cochran, Blockade Runners of the Confederacy (Indianapolis, 1958). 8. This account of the blockade running incident is derived primarily from the description given by Cleary to Hines and recorded in Hines, "Northwest Conspiracy," PP. 444-5. Also used were J.B. Castleman, Active Service, P. 132; C.C. Clay MSS (Duke): Clay's Diary, Saturday, May 7, 1864, and C.C. Clay to Virginia Clay, St.George, Bermuda, May 15, 1864; OR., ser. ii, vol. iii, p. 1117: J. Thompson to J.P. Benjamin, st.George, Bermuda, May 10, 186l.J,. The "Northwest Conspiracy" article errs when it states that the party left Bermuda on the 10th, when in fact they arrived there on that date. 57

of Halifax, Thomas Connolly. Connolly was an influential person in the Canadian provinces and had captured the hearts of many by his active interest in the common people. Since his appointment in 1859, he had plunged into a campaign of building schools, convents, orphanges and academies for the benefit of the maritimers. He was a loyal Canadian and later played a major role in getting the Catholics to accept Confederation. Yet like many Canadians his support of a federal union might have stemmed from dislike of the aggressiveness of the United states. In the years that followed the Civil War he did all in his power to dis­ credit Fenian attempts against the provinces. The Confederacy's desire to be independent was not unlike the provincial wish for similar status. Therefore, in 1864, he was willing to let it be known that he admired the South. 9 At the dinner party Clay and the Archbishop enjoyed each other's company. Connolly was later reported to have re­ ferred to the Alabamian as "a good type of true Southern gentleman."10 Connolly was one of the major figures in the

9. Although a major biography of the Archbishop has never been published, brief sketches of his career and ideas can be seen in G.D. Roberts, A.L. Tunnell, eds., Standard Dictionar of Canadian Bio ra h ; Canadian Who Was Who oron 0, 19 ,vo. 1, pp. 7-7; and N.F. Davin, e Irishman in Canada (Toronto, 1877), Pp. 635-9. See also J.C. Dent, The Canadian Portrait Gallery (Toronto, 1880), vol. ii, PP. 54-6; W.S. Wallace, ea., The Macmillan Diction­ ary of Canadian Biography (Toronto, 1963: first eaition, 1926), p. 151; C.D. Herbermann et al., The Catholic Encyclopedia (New York, 1910), vol. vii, p. 118. 10. War Department Collection of Confederate Records - C.C. 58

British provinces who might outwardly support a policy of reconciliation between the warring sections of the neighboring republic. Clay's new friendship may have displeased his fellow Commissioner. An enthusiastic attempt to end hostili­ ties by direct negotiations could readily destroy Thompson1s plans of establishing a Northwest Confederacy. With Clay already gaining support for his scheme, Thompson was eager to continue the journey. The Commissioners left Bermuda on May 16 on board the British mail ship Alpha, and arrived at Halifax without mishap on the 19th.ll The Archbishop probably accompanied the Con­ federates on this stage of the journey, for the next day Clay received a letter of introduction from Conno11y. It expressed

the Archbishop's sympathy for C1ay 1s mission and requested the cooperation of every Catholic priest and bishop with whom Clay might come in contact. Conno11y referred to Clay as lIone of the most eminent men" in the Confederacy and stated that he was flengaged in a cause that commands the respect and sympathy 12 of the wor1d.!f In Halifax, the Confederates visited Holcombe who

Clay Correspondence (N.A.): G.F.W. ~s. Norman Walkei7 to Virginia Clay, St.George, Bermuda, May 16, 1864. 11. C.C. Clay MSS (Duke): C.C. Clay to J.P. Benjamin, Mont­ real, June 14, 1864; Hines" IINorthwest Conspiracy;' p.445. 12. C.C. Clay MSS (Duke): T.L. Conno11y to C.C. Clay, Halifax, N.S., May 20, 1864. 59 boarded over a confectionary store on Barrington Street.13 Here Clay and Thompson were informed of the progress of the Canadian campaign. Since his arrival Holcombe had completed a deal with the mercantile house of Benjamin Wier and Co. to transport Confederate soldiers back to the South. Agents would be appointed to assemble the men at Montreal, Toronto, and Windsor. From these points they could sail down the St. Lawrence River to Halifax and from there back home. Ho1combe showed no sign of abandoning his efforts, but his reports to Richmond suggested that few men would actually return to ser­ vice. This pessimism may have caused him to favor Clay's policy of attempting direct peace negotiations. If the men were reluctant to fight, a peace settlement might be the best hope for the Confederacy.14 On May 21 Thompson and the secretary, C1eary, crossed

13. Turner-Baker Papers (N.A.), Box 49, 4026: The Confession of F.H. Jones, Washington County, Maine. 14. For reports concerning Holcombe's establishment of the transportation system see C.S.A., State Department Records (L.C.), Box 7, Folder 59: J.P. Holcombe to J.P. Benjamin, Halifax, April 26, 1864, and J.P. Ho1combe to J.P. Ben­ jamin, Halifax, April 28, 1864~ and J.P. Ho1combe to J.P. Benjamin, Montreal, June 16, Ib64, and J.P. Ho1combe to J.P. Benjamin, Richmond, November 16, 1864. Copies of these letters are in container 62 and ORN., ser. ii, vol. iii, pp. 1103-5, 1239-40, (except the June 16, 1864 letter). See also War Department Collection of Confederate Records - C.C. Clay Correspondence (N.A.): B. Wier to C.C. Clay, Halifax, October, 11, 1864; Minister at Washington to Governors (P.A.C.), Record Group 7, G.6, vol. xii, 267, 270: Lord Lyons to Gov. Gen. Monck, Washington, May 30, 1864. 60 the Bay of Fundy to St.John, New Brunswick, overland to Riviere du Loup, then by train to Montreal, arriving on the 29th. Here Thompson met Captain Hines and preliminary plans 15 were formulated for retaliation against the North. During the same week the U.S. Consul at st. John reported that a large number of IIdisloyal citizens ll had passed through the area on their way to Riviere du Loup. He claimed that most of them had been living for some months at Halifax, but that they had been joined by others who had found their way north from Nassau and Bermuda. From this report it appears that Thompson had recruited supporters in Halifax and was taking them with him to begin his operations.16 Clay did not accompany the other two men and later reported to Richmond that he had been struck by a "sudden and quite severe indisposition.,,17 Clay was not well, but from remarks during the Canadian mission, it does not appear that his health was any worse in May than it had been for some time. Just three days earlier Mrs. Walker had written to

15. Hines, "Northwest Conspiracy;l, p. 4)-1-5; T.H. Hines Papers (U. Ken.): T.H. Hines to J.A. Seddon, Richmond, December 16, 1864. 16. Minister at Washington to Governors (P.A.C.), vol. xii, 283: J.Q. Howard to W. Seward, St.John, New Brunswick, May 26, 1864, included in Lyons to Monck, Washington, June 2, 1864. See also 304, Lyons to Monck, Washington, June 15, 1864. 17. C.C. Clay MSS (Duke): C.C. Clay to J.P. Benjamin, Montreal, Canada East, June 14, 1864. 61

Clay's wife from Bermuda remarking that "Mr. Clay was very well while here, (and certainly looks better than he has done for years). 1118 Perhaps Clay felt ill on the morning of the 19th, but other considerations may have caused the two Com­ missioners to part company. Thompson was eager to forward his own schemes. 19 Clay, on the other hand, had established several important contacts at Halifax and was in no rush to proceed inland. He and Hol­ combe were remarkably similar in background and temperament, and Clay may have decided to remain to further their relation­ ship. They had studied together at the University of Virginia in the late 1830's. Clay had maintained a law practice in Alabama for years, while Holcombe returned to the University of Virginia to become a noted professor of international law. Both had served in the Confederate government in 1862 and 1863. Now in the spring of 1864, they were becoming convinced that a negotiated peace was preferable to the brutality im­ p1icit in the schemes of Hines and Thompson. Holcombe had written to Richmond in late April praising the deeds of

18. War Department Collection of Confederate Records - C.C. Clay Correspondence (N.A.): G.F.W. to Virginia Clay, St. George, Bermuda, May 16, 1864. 19. Evidence of the antagonism that existed between the two Commissioners is suggested when one of the Confederates later recorded that "each insisting on his own course ­ greatly impaired the usefulness of both!'" See Hines, I/Northwest Conspiracy;' p. 502. 62 20 Archbishop Connolly. Clay soon echoed the sentiments and reported that the Archbishop lIexpressed a willingness to 21 traverse the United States as an advocate of peace." At Halifax Clay also met Bennett Young, a Kentuckian still in his twenties who had seen service in the Confederate army under General Morgan. Young had been captured by Federal troops during the famous July raid, but had escaped from Camp Douglas prison and made his way to Canada, where he enrolled at the University of Toronto as a theological student. His interest in religion suggests that Archbishop Connolly may have played some part in his meeting the Commissioner. Young presented some "feasible" plans for retaliation against the North and Clay decided that his services could prove beneficial. If peace attempts failed, Clay might also be required to organize operations against the Northern states. If this situation arose, the Commissioner would need his own military commander. Thompson had several operations planned for Hines, and Clay would need someone whom he could trust. Young seemed qualified for such a position. Clay dispatched him to Richmond to receive a formal commission and report back for duty.22

20. C.S.A., State Department Records (L.C.), Box 7, Folder 59: J.P. Holcombe to J.P. Benjamin, Halifax, April 26, 1864. Also in Container 62 and ~., ser. ii, Vol. iii, p. 1101-3. 21. C.C. Clay MSS (Duke): C.C. Clay to J.P. Benjamin, Montreal, C.E., June 14, 1864. 22. Governor General's Numbered Files (P.A.C.), Record Group 7, G. 21, vol. xv, 57: LP.C. Clai7 to J.P. Benjamin, 63

Following the route of Thompson and Cleary, Clay finally left the maritimes on r~y 30, and made his way to Quebec City and then traveled by steamboat to Montreal, arriving on June 11.23 During the interim Cleary had gone to Toronto, while Thompson and Hines remained in Montreal to await Commissioner Clay. Temporary lodging was probably secured at the Donegana Hotel or at the St.Lawrence Hall, two favorite meeting places for Confederates in the City.24 Thompson explored the poten­ tial resources of the area. He opened an account at the Bank of Ontario in Place D'Armes Square and deposited the Commission's funds. He spent the rest of the week in talks with a peace advocate from New York and no doubt had several discussions with escaped soldiers and other Southern refugees in the city.25

St.Catherines, C.W., November 1, 1864; Parliamentary Papers. North America Number One, 1865, "Correspondence respecting the Attack on St.Albans, Vermont; and the Naval Force on North American Lakes 11 (London, 1865), pp. 51-3: "Letter addressed to Mr. Benjamin 11 (communicated to Earl Russel by C.F. Adams, London, December 28, 1864. Also pp. 67-72 J. Burnley to J. Russell, Washington, December 23, 1864. See also E.A. Sowles, ftThe St.Albans Raid, 11 Vermont Historical Society Proceedings, vol. liv, October, 1876; J.W. Heaaley, Confederate Operations in Canada and New York (New York, 1906), p. 257, hereafter referred to as Headley, Confederate Operations. 23. C.C. Clay MSS (Duke): C.C. Clay to J.P. Benjamin, Montreal, C.E., June 14, 1864. 24. See E.C. Guillet, Pioneer Inns and Taverns (Toronto, 1956), vol. 11, PP. 88-9; Papiers La Mothe (P.A.C.) vol. iil, 6. 25. See Castleman, Active Service, P. lLf4. Winks, The Civil War Years, P. 274. 64

During his sojourn Thompson chanced upon George N. Sanders., a native of Kentucky who had performed a variety of tasks for the Confederacy. Sanderfs record of service was loyal., but many found his bold and meddlesome manner repug­ nant. During most of the past two years he had been in Eng­ land attempting to arrange the construction of ships for the Confederate Navy. During that time he had taken several steps to assure the safety of his two sons., Lewis and Reid, but by the spring of 1864, Major Reid Sanders was a prisoner at Fort Warren in Boston Harbor. George Sanders had not knOt-in of the Confederate Commission to Canada, and told Thompson that he too had come to stir up peace sentiment in the North. As if to belittle Thompson's capabilities Sanders stated that he in­ tended to continue his mission and that he was on his way to 26 see Vallandigham. Thompson immediately directed Hines to go to Windsor to arrange an official conference with Vallandigham. 27 He then wrote a hasty letter to Clay informing him of Sanders f intentions and warning him that "there is such a thing as 28 spoiling broth by having too many hands in it.1f That same day Thompson left Montreal for the West, and after a brief

26. House JUdiCiar Committee Report No. 104, p. 19: J. Thompson to C••e Clay, Montreal, C.E., June 9, 1864. 27. Hines, "Northwest Conspiracy;', p. 502. 28. House Judiciary Committee Report No. 104, p. 19: J. Thompson to C.C. Clay, Montreal, C.W., June 9, 1864. 65 29 stopover in Toronto, he proceeded to Windsor. Although frustrated by his meager accomplishments to date, Thompson was encouraged by the meeting with Vallandigham. The Ohio leader approved of the Confederate schemes. As Supreme Commander of the Sons of Liberty, Vallandigham proudly reported to Hines and Thompson that his anti-war organization possessed over three hundred thousand members, including eighty-five thousand in Illinois, fifty thousand in Indiana, and forty thousand in Ohio. 30 The Copperhead leader had not been successful in winning the Ohio gubernatorial election the previous fall and now saw direct cooperation with the rebels as possible and practical. Perhaps he would be­ come the first President of the Northwest Confederacy. The anti-war radical pledged his fullest support. Hines and Thompson returned to Toronto full of en­ thusiasm and the Commissioner set up permanent headquarters

~a.'(\v at the Queen's Hotel. ,,$outhern refugees i.nhabited the city, and over one hundred Confederates were registered at the hotel. 3l

29. House Judiciary Committee Report No. 104, P. 19: J. Thompson to C.C. Clay, Toronto, C.W., June 11, 1864. 30. Castleman, Active Service, pp. l4Lf-5. J.M. Hofer quoted the figure 85,000 for Illinois, 50,000 for Indiana, and 110,000 for Ohio. See HOf'er, "Development of the Peace Movement in Illinois during the Civil War," p. 123. Hofer claimed to have gotten these figures from J. Moses, Illinois Historical and Statistical, vol. ii (Chicago, 1889), P. 692. 31. Headley, Confederate Operations, PP. 214-5; E.C. Guillet, Toronto, From Trading Post to Great City (Toronto, 1934) 66

Clement Clay had reached Montreal two days after Thompson's departure. 32 Beverley Tucker was there when the Commissioner arrived and the two probably discussed the

p. 318. Rev. Stuart Robinson, Dr. L.P. Blackburn and Godfrey J. Hyams were three Toronto residents often men­ tioned in Confederate accounts. Robinson and Blackburn were Confederate refugees and Hyams was supposedly a local 11 shoemaker It • At the trial of the Lincoln assassination conspirators the following year, Hyams testified that in December, 1863, Dr. Blackburn contracted him to sell clothes in Washington that had been infected by small-pox bacteria in Bermuda, the Bahamas and Cuba. On May 10, 1864, when the Confederate Commissioners were in Bermuda, Dr. Black­ burn wrote Hyams from Havana telling him to meet him in Halifax. Hyams claimed that he met Blackburn on July 12, 1864, when the latter arrived at Halifax aboard the mail ship nAlphia 11 raiiJ. Five trunks of the infected clothing were then smuggIed into the United States by Hyams (alias J.W. Harris) and sold at a public auction by W.L. Wall & Co. See B. Pitman, ed., The Assassination of President Lincoln and the Trial of the Cons lrators •••• {New York, 1 5, pp. 5 -7: estimon es 0 G.J. ams, W.L. Wall, A. Brenner. Although much of the testimony at the trial was false this plot is revealed in other sources. See Records of the War Department (N.A.), Record Group 109, vol. xxiv: K.J. Stewart to J. Davis, Toronto, November 30, 1864, and' K.J. Stewart to J. Davis, Toronto, December 12, 1864. For further references to these three Confederate supporters see Headley, Confederate Operations, pP. 214-5; Davin, The Irishman in Canada, p. 635; The Protest of W.W. Cleary:--­ Testimony of Sandford Conover; Winks, The civil War Years, pp. 368-9; J.M. Callahan, "The Northern Lake Frontier during the Civil War" Annual Report of the American Historical ASSOCiation, 1896, vol. i, p. 359; House Judiciary Committee Report No. 104, p. 11. Headley believed that Hyams was the person that had betrayed the Confederate attacks on New York City and Chicago in November, 1864. See Head1ey, Con­ federate Operations, pp. 215, 281, 288, 308. Hyams later­ testified against Bennett Young, Ibid., p. 381. 32. C.C. Clay MSS (Duke): C.C. Clay to J.P. Benjamin, Montreal, C.E., June 14, 1864. Minor facts such as these illustrate the historical inaccuracy of the Horan account (Horan, Confederate Agent, pp. 84-5). Horan spent two pages e1aborat1ng on the conversation that took place between Hines, Ho1combe, Thompson, and Clay when the latter two progress of Tucker's plan to exchange cotton for beef.33 As Chairman of the Commerce Committee in the Confederate Senate Clay had supervised several government sales of cotton and his advice to Tucker could prove beneficial. Since both Clay and Holcombe reported to Richmond from Montreal during the third week in June, it is not un­ likely that they too were in contact at this time. 34 Clay had accepted Thompson's appraisal of George Sanders and mentioned in the postscript of his June 17 letter to Richmond that he wished Sanders were !fin Europe, Asia or Africa. ,,35 Yet Clay's hopes for peace were not diminished. Neither Hol­ combe nor Tucker was supporting the policies of the Hines­ Thompson faction, and an attempt to end hostilities by peaceful methods seemed likely. Holcombe still had to appoint agents at Toronto, Hamilton, St.Catherines and Windsor to distribute funds to Confederate soldiers wishing to return south. Leaving

men arrived at Montreal at 10 otclock on the morning of May 29, 1864. In reality, Clay and Holcombe were still in Hall:fax. 33. Munford-Ellis Family Letters, 1864-1866 (Duke ):, B. Tucker to Charles Ellis, Montreal, June 13, 1864, and B. Tucker to C. Ellis, Montreal, June 17, 186~. 34. See C.C. Clay MSS (Duke): C.C. Clay to J.P. Benjamin, Montreal, C.E., June 14, 1864; C.S.A., State Department Records (L.C.), Box 7, Folder 59: J.P. Holcombe to J.P. Benjamin, Montreal, C.E., June 16, 1864, and J.P. Holcombe to J.P. Benjamin, Montreal, C.E., June 18, 1864, and Folder 58: C.C. Clay to J.P. Benjamin, Montreal, C.E., June 17, 1864. 35. C.S.A. State Department Records (L.C.), Box 7, Folder 58: C.C. Clay to J.P. Benjamin, Montreal, C.E., June 17, 1864. 68

Montreal, he spent a week completing his business in the major cities of Canada West. He then proceeded to Niagara Falls where he established residence at the Clifton House. Here, Holcombe was free to welcome peace advocates from the Northern states. Clay also decided to avoid the Queen's Hotel. From Montreal he went directly to St.Catherines where he estab­ lished his headquarters with Beverley Tucker. 36 From this vantage point he vJQuld only be a few hours from Thompson, yet even closer to Niagara Falls where he planned to join Holcombe for consultation with American peace advocates.

36. See C.C. Clay MSS (Duke): Lewis Sanders to Virginia Clay, Richmond, August 12, 1864, and Beverley Tucker to C.C. Clay, Montreal, December 9, 1864. This last letter is reprinted in O.A. Kinchen, I1S ome Unpublished Documents on the St .Albans Raid;' Vermont History, vol. xxxii, No. }-J., October, 1964, PP. 182-3. Chapter Four

At Niagara Falls Holcombe met George Sanders, who told him that invitations had already been sent to Northern peace advocates in anticipation of the arrival of the Confederates. Clay and Holcombe had doubts about the trustworthiness of this self-appointed member of the Confederate team. They de­ cided, however, that Sanders' desire for peace was real, and Holcombe later described the interloper as "a sincere and zealous friend of the Confederacy." But Holcombe also said that Sanders IIwas at no time taken into my confidence, nor, I 1 believe, into that of Mr. Clay." With their decision to accept assistance from George Sanders the Confederates also gained the services of Sanders' cohort William Cornell Jewett. Jewett had spent a greater part of the previous three years attempting to initiate peace negotiations. He travelled several times to England, France and Belgium where he tried to convince the authorities to join forces to create a mediation board. His efforts, however, were unsuccessful. Late in 1862 he sought the opinion of

1. C.S.A., State Department Records, (L.C.), Box 7, Folder 59: J.P. Holcombe to J.P. BenJamin, Richmond, November 16, 1864. This letter is also in Container 62 and ORN., ser. ii, vol. iii, pp. 1234-9. For Clay's remarks concerning Sanders' participation see OR., ser. iv, vol. iii, p. 584: C.C. Clay to J.P. BenJamin, st.Catherines, C.W., August 11, 1864. 70 Horace Greeley, the influential Republican editor of the New York Tribune. Greeley's peace sentiment and willingness to open negotiations were known throughout the war, but he was skeptical of Jewett's approach. He warned the independent peace advocate that action must be undertaken by "accredited 2 authorities of the Confederates. n Jewett had returned to Europe in 1863, but having little success now sought the aid of Vallandigham. Jewett was neither a Confederate nor an enemy of the North, and hence he could travel through the United States without fear of arrest. By June, 1864, he had established his headquarters at Cataract House on the American side of Niagara Falls and was delivering Sanders' invitations to Northern advocates of peace. Soon after Holcombe arrived at the Falls, a number of prominent Northerners began making regular trips to Clifton House to discuss the possibilities for peace. Holcombe re­ corded that during the summer he talked with "Governor Hunt, of New York; Messrs. Leigh Richmond and BenJamin Wood, of the same state; Messrs. Buckalew, Judge Black, and Mr. Van Dyke, of Pennsylvania; McLean, of the Cincinnati Enquirer; Weller of California; Judge Bullitt, of Kentucky; and Colonel Walker, of Indiana" plus ffa crowd of less distinguished persons.,,3

2. Parton, Horace Greele p. 469: H. Greeley to W.C. Jewett, New York, January 2, 1B 63. 3. C.S.A., State Department Records (L.C.), Box 7, Folder 59: J.P. Holcombe to J.P. BenJamin, Richmond, November 16, 1864. A copy of this letter is also found in Container 62 and ORN., ser. ii, vol. 111, pp. 1239-40. 71

The talks encouraged Clay and Holcombe as they learned that many influential people in the United States were willing to make a settlement with the Confederacy in order to restore peace. The next move was to invite Horace Greeley to the Confederate headquarters at the Falls. In early June the editorials of his New York Tribune had again reflected a de­ sire for peace and the Confederates were anxious to hear his 4 views. Sanders contacted Jewett and told him of the idea and during the first week in July the intermediary wrote to the editor at New York.

Greeley was eager to reply to the r~quest. He later wrote that he had been aware of the Confederate interviews with leading Northerners, and reasoned that if peace senti­ ment was strong, the Democrats should not "be the sole recipi­ ents of these gentlemen's overtures."S But Jewett's involve­ ment disturbed him. Jewett had published the editor's letter of January 2, 1863 after being asked not to, and in his efforts to establish a mediation board in Europe he had not followed Greeley's advice. To avoid any misunderstanding of the situation at Niagara, Greeley now asked Jewett to elaborate

4. ORN., ser. ii, vol. iii, pp. 1239-40: J.P. Holcombe to J. P. Benjamin, Richmond, November 16, 1864. See also Yearns, The Confederate Congress, pp. 171-83, partIcularly p. 176.

5. Don C. Seitz, Horace Greele~, Founder of the New York Tribune (IndIanapolls, 1926 , p. 246, hereafter cited as Seitz, Horace Greeley. 72 upon the invitation. He received the following reply:

Niagara Falls, July 5, 1864 My Dear Mr. Gree1ey: In reply to your note, I have to advise having Just left Honorab1e George N. Sanders, of Kentucky, on the Canada side. I am authorized to state to you, for your use only, not the public, that two ambassadors of Davis & Co. are now in Canada, with full and complete powers of a peace, and Mr. Sanders requests that you come on immediately to me, at Cataract House, to have a pri­ vate interview; or if you will send the President's protection for him and two friends, they will come on and meet you. He says the whole matter can be con­ summated by you, them, and President Lincoln. Tele­ graph me in such form that I may know if you are to come here, or they to come on with me. Yours, 6 W.C. Jewett.

This letter is important, for although it encouraged Greeley to take positive action, it also misrepresented the powers of the Commissioners. Although Ho1combe and Clay were accredited Confederate Commissioners to Canada, the secrecy of their mission denied them the use of written credentials, and hence in diplomatic circles they did not have "full and

complete powers of a peace. 11 Gree1ey had warned Jewett early

6. H.J. Raymond, Life and Public Services of Abraham Lincoln, Sixteenth President of the United states; together with his State PaEers includlat hIs sEeeches, Addresses, Messages, Letters and Proclama Ions and the closin scenes con­ nec e w s e an ea ew or, I hereafter cited as Raymond, Abraham Lincoln. See also F.H. Severance, "Peace Episodes on the Niagara;l.. Buffalo His­ torical SOCiety Publications (BUffalo, 1914), p. 83, here­ after cited as Severance, "Peace Episodes If j E.C. Kirk1and, The Peacemakers of 1864, p. 68; Seitz, Horace Greelel, p. 247. 73 in 1863 that only Ifaccredited authorities of the Confederates ff could proffer proposals for peace.7 Considering that Jewett told Greeley not to make his letter public, Jewett probably deemed it necessary to exaggerate the powers of the Confeder­ ates in order to get negotiations started. Greeley was still reluctant to take Jewett's word, but the next day he again heard from Niagara. This time Jewett wired: IIWill you come here? Parties have full powers, wrote 8 you yesterday. It The temptation was too great and Greeley decided to inform the President of the situation. Enclosing Jewettts letter and telegram, Greeleyadvised President Lincoln of the presence of the "ambassadors,rt al­ though he showed his distrust of Jewett by suggesting that the Commissioners did not have full powers from Jefferson Davis. Greeley advised Lincoln, however, that he use the opportunity to show the nation that the administration was not unwilling to accept peace. He reminded the President that their "bleeding" bankrupt, almost dying country also longs for peace" and that it "shudders at the prospect of fresh conscriptions of further wholesale devastation, and of new rivers of human blood." The North was convinced" he

7. Parton" Horace Greeley~ p. 469: H. Greeley to w.o. Jewett, New York, January 2, 1 63. 8. Raymond, Abraham Lincoln, p. 571; Severance, flPeace Episodes," P. 84: W.C. Jewett to H. Greeley, Niagara Falls, July 6, 1864, (telegram). 74 wrote, that the Lincoln administration was not anxious for peace, and suggested that such an image could do great harm in the coming elections. "I would give the safe conduct required by the rebel envoys at Niagara," said Greeley; "I fear you do not realize how intently the people desire any peace consistent with the national integrity and honor.1t The editor admitted that a meeting at that time might not necessarily bring about a peaceful settlement, but argue~ that ua frank offer by you to the insurgents of terms which the impartial say ought to be accepted, will, at the worst, prove an immense and sorely needed advantage to the national cause. I! Aware of the coalition formed by Vallandigham and the Oonfederates, he went further to suggest that "it may save us from a northern insurrection." Unwilling to close the letter without one last attempt to persuade the President, he added a postscript urging Lincoln to "invite those now at Niagara to exhibit their credentials and submit their ulti­ matum. ,,9 Lincoln shrewdly considered his alternatives. If he denied a hearing to accredited representatives, he would show the nation that he did not want peace without victory. Yet there was the other possibility, that the ambassadors were not accredited. In this case a peace attempt might easily

9. Raymond, Abraham Lincoln, p. 572; J. Parton~ Horace Greelez, pp. 470-2; Severance, "Peace Episodes;' p. t54; Seltz, Horace Greeley, pp. 248-50: H. Greeley to A. Lincoln, New York, July 7, 1864. 75 prove a farce, to be used by the enemies of the administra­ tion to show that Lincoln was weakening and seeking a peace to salvage what he could from the war. If the Commissioners were not accredited, why had Jewett said that they were? Had the mistake been made by Jewett, or was it a trick of the Confederates to elicit the wrong response from Lincoln? In the face of these uncertain­ ties and possible embarrassment" the President decided to block the peace attempt altogether. There was a good chance that the Confederates were not in possession of written credentials appointing them ambassadors of peace. If this were true, he had only to invite the emissaries to Washington, on the condition that they show written proof of their status. They would therefore themselves be to blame for the failure of negotiations. The decision seemed foolproof, except that it did not protect Lincoln from criticism for attempting peace negoti­ ations with unaccredited officials. Lincoln decided to sacrifice Greeley to the perils of any such embarrassment:

Washington, D.C., July 9, 1864. Honorable Horace Greeley: Dear Sir: Your letter of the 7th, with enclosures, received. If you can find any person anywhere professing to have any proposition of Jefferson Davis in writing, for peace, embracing the restoration of the Union and the abandonment of slavery, whatever else it embraces, say to him he may come to me with you; and that if he really brings such proposition, he shall, at the least, have safe conduct with the paper 76 (and without publicity if he chooses) to the point where you shall have met him. The same if there be two or more persons. Yours truly" 10 A. Lincoln. Negotiations were certainly not advanced by Lincoln's demand for "restoration of the Union ft and "the abandonment of slavery. It The Confederacy would not concede on these pOints as long as its armies withstood the Northern offensive. Even more important to the Niagara negotiations" however, were the two underscored sections of Lincoln's letter. The first sub­ ~eti"g as jected Greeley to the burden of~meaiator and the second created an impasse which would likely end the peace attempt. Greeley sensed the danger immediately and retorted to the President that he had "neither purpose nor desire to be made 11 a confidant, far less an agent" in such negotiations." If the Confederates were not accredited" as he himself had surmised in his first letter to Lincoln, then he would take the blame for attempting negotiations with unofficial parties. This was precisely the danger of which he had warned Jewett

10.OR." ser. iii, vol. iv, P. 286; Raymond, Abraham Lincoln" -- 573;· John Hay" eds., Abrafiam tincoln,

11.Nicolay, Hay" COmjlete Works, p. 188; Raymond" Abraham Lincoln, p. 57~;eltz, Horace Greeley, P. 251: Horace Greeiey to A. Lincoln, New York, July 10, 1864. 77

. in January, 1863. As Greeley's temper calmed, however, the tone of his reply to Lincoln changed completely. He recalled the adverse effect upon the administration of the ce.fusal. to let A.H. Stephens visit Washington to previous year. With the hope that some of the ground lost could be regained in time to affect the upcoming North Carolina election, Greeley reluc­ tantly decided to go to Niagara. 12 Meanwhile the Confederates at Niagara anxiously awaited a reply. Jewett told them that he had informed Greeley that the Commissipners would be prepared to go to Washington if a safe conduct were secured. After nearly a week without any word from New York, Sanders decided to reconfirm what Jewett claimed he had said to Greeley.

Clifton House, Niagara Falls, Canada West, July 12, 1864. Dear Sir: I am authorized to say that the Honorable Clement C. Clay of Alabama, Professor James P. Holcombe of Virginia, and George N. Sanders of Dixie, are ready and willing to go at once to Washington, upon complete and unqualified

12. For further information on the contemporary opinions re­ garding the A.H. Stephens peace attempt and the North Carolina elections see Jefferson Davis, The Rise and Fall of the Confederate Government (New York, 1958, fIrst pub­ lished In 1881), vol. iI, p. 009; Joel Benton, ed., Greeley on Lincoln, with Mr. Greeley's letters to Charles A. Dana and a lad frIend to which are added ReminIscences o orace rea ey ew or, , pp. orace Greeley, The American Conflict, A History of the Great Rebellion !n the UnIted States of AmerIca (Hartford, 1866), p. 664. 78 protection being given either by the President or Secretary of War. Let the permission include the three names and one other. Very respectfully, George N. Sanders. 13

The differences between this letter and Jewett's of July 5" clearly show that the exaggeration regarding the accreditation of the Commissioners had been the work of Jewett. Yet Greeley was quite willing to jump to conclusions. From the office of the Tribune, he wrote Lincoln that ItI have now information upon which I can rely, that two persons if.e. Clay and Holcombi! duly commissioned and empowered to hego­ tiate for peace are at this moment not far from Niagara Falls, in Canada, and are desirous of conferring with yourself, or with such persons as you may appoint and empower to treat with them. 1114

13. Edward McPherson, The Political History of the United States of America aurIn~ the Great Rebellion, from Novem­ ber 6, 1860 - Jull 4 1 64. Including a classifIed summar!s0r the Legisiation of the Second sessIon of the Thirt ixth Congress, the Three sessions of the T.hlrt - Sevent h confresss the First Session of the Thirtl-Eigh~t Congress, w th t e Votes !hereon, and the Important Executlve~ Judicial, and pOlitIco-Military Facts of That Eventful eriod; Together with the organiZation, Legis­ lation and General Proceedin s of the Rebel Administration as ng on, , p. , erea er c e as cP erson, Political Historl. See also Parton, HQrace Greeley, p. 47~; Seitz, Horace Greelel, pp. 251-2; Raymond, Abraham Lincoln, p. 575.

14. Seitz, Horace Greeley~ pp. 252-3: H. Greeley to A. Lincoln, New York, JUly 12, 1864. 79

How Sanders' letter led Greeley to conclude that the Commissioners were "duly commissioned and empowered to nego­ tiate for peace" is hard to comprehend. It was either wish­ ful thinking, or an attempt to have Lincoln reclaim the initiative and relieve Greeley of the job as middleman. Greeley also erred in his letter to Lincoln in assuming that the request for permission for "one other 11 referred to Jacob Thompson rather than William Jewett. In reality, Thompson was violently opposed to the actions taken by Clay and Hol­ combe.15 Nevertheless Greeley repeated the belief he had expressed so often before, that an nanxious effort to termi­ nate the war on honorable terms would immensely strengthen 16 the government." Lincoln's reply was short. It chided Greeley for putting off his departure to Niagara Falls, and said that he had expected the Confederates themselves, not another letter from the editor.17 Lincoln allowed Gree1ey no way of escaping his task - and no way of escaping the blame for an unsuccess­ ful mission. The President's private secretary, Major John Hay, was sent with the official reply to Gree1ey's letter and arrived on July 16. After an interview at the Tribune office,

15. Castleman, Active Service, p. 136. 16. Seitz, Horace Gree1ey, p. 253. 17. OR., ser. iii, vol. iv, p. 496; Raymond, Abraham Lincoln, p. 576; Nicolay, Hay, Complete Works, p. ;46; Seltz, Horace Gree1ey~ pp. 253-4: A. Lincoln to H. Gree1ey, washington, JUly 15, 1864. 80

Hay wired Lincoln that Greeley would start immediately for the Falls, although the editor persisted that a lesser known 18 person would arouse less excitement and curiosity. The secretary also mentioned Greeley's doubt that the President's letters would serve as a safe conduct. Hay suggested that he could write one in the President's name, and Lincoln immedi­ ately wired his approval.19 That afternoon Greeley boarded a train in New York and arrived at the Falls the next day. Without further delay, he wrote to the Confederates.

To Messrs. Clement C. Clay, Jacob Thompson, James P. Holcombe, Clifton House, C.W. Niagara Falls, July 17, 1864. Gentlemen: I am informed that you are duly accredited from Richmond as the bearers of propo­ sitions looking to the establishment of peace; that you desire to visit Washington in the fulfillment of your mission, and that you further desire that Mr. George N. Sanders shall accompany you. If my information be thus far substantially correct, I am authorized by the President of the United States to tender you his safe conduct on the journey proposed, and to accompany you at the earliest time that will be agreeable to you. I have the honor to be, gentlemen, yours, Horace Greeley.20

18. Seitz, Horace Greeley, p. 254: J. Hay to A. Lincoln, New York, July 16, 1864, (telegram). 19. Ibid., p. 254; Nicolay, Hay, Complete Works, P. 549; Raymond, Abraham Lincoln p. 576: X. LIncoln to J. Hay, Washington, July 16, 1864, (telegram). For a copy of the safe conduct written by Hay, see Seitz, Horace Greeley, p. 254. 20. Mc Pherson, Political History, p. 301; Raymond, Abraham 81

Clay and Ho1combe were shocked. They realized that someone had misrepresented their status and that Lincoln was taking advantage of the error to nullify any attempt to nego­ tiate. Their attempts at peace talks almost certainly ruined, they nevertheless hoped that the situation might still be used to the advantage of the Confederacy. If their reply to Gree1ey could be so worded as to keep the possibility for negotiations open, it would force Lincoln to take a stand on the "peace" question and thereby divide the North. Ho1­ combe later wrote that they had hoped nto compel such a new development from Mr. Lincoln as would disclose the true policy 21 of his administration." If peace sentiment in the North could be stirred up enough to defeat Lincoln in the approaching election, there would again be hope of peace without a final victory. Clay and Ho1combe realized that their reliance on "the ba110t IJ would alienate the Thompson faction, as well as

Lincoln, p. 577; Parton, Horace Gree1ey, PP. 472-3; Seitz, Morace Gree1ey, p. 255. Note that Gree1ey's letter did not include Lincoln's demand that the Confederate proposal include propositions embracing "restoration of the Union" and lithe abandonment of slavery!'. Compare with Lincoln IS letter to Greeley of July 9, 1864. 21. C.S.A., state Department Records (L.C.), Box 7, Folder 59: J.P. Ho1combe to J.P. Benjamin, Richmond, November 16, 1864. Also in Contained 62 and ORN., ser. ii, vol. iii, pp. 1234­ 9. In this letter Ho1combe suggests that it was Jewett who had misrepresented them. Clay, too, attributed their mis­ representation to Jewett. See OR., ser. iv, vol. iii, pp. 584-5: C.C. Clay to Benjamin, S~Catherines, C.W., August 11, 1864. many other Confederates who felt that increased brutality was the only hope for the South. After weighing the consequences, however, the peace Confederates decided to risk such condem­ nation. In their reply to Greeley, the Commissioners were forced to admit that the safe conduct had been tendered under 22 "some misapprehension of facts." They were not accredited from Richmond as bearers of peace propositions, but they were in the confidential employment of the Confederate government and "entirely familiar with its wishes and opinions on that subject. It In order to block Lincoln'S attempt to nullify the peace talks Clay and Holcombe freely stated that "we feel authorized to declare that, if the circumstances dis­ closed in this correspondence were communicated to Richmond, we would be at once invested with the authority to which your

letter refers. 11 With the hope that such a reply would keep the negotiations open, they gave the letter to Jewett, who crossed the suspension bridge and delivered it to Greeley at the International Hotel. Greeley was unsure of his next move. He had surmised that the Confederates might not be in possession of written credentials, but their bold proposal to notify Richmond would

22. McPherson, Political History, p. 301; Raymond, Abraham Lincoln, PP. 577-8; parton, Horace Gree1ey, P. ~73j Seitz, Morace Gree1ey, pp. 255-6: C.C. Clay and J.P. Holcombe to H. Greeley, Clifton House, Niagara Falls, C.W., July 18, 1864. 83

require additional advice from Washington. He notified the two men that he thought it advisable to wire Washington for fresh instructions and would hopefully forward them the same day.23 The Commissioners notified Greeley that they would wait a directive.24 Late in the evening of the 18th, a message from Washington advised Greeley that orders would arrive at the International Hotel no later than noon of the 20th. The next morning Jewett took the news to Clifton House and returned to inform Greeley that the Confederates would be at Niagara on the 20th to receive further instructions. Their message added, however, that it would be necessary for them to leave the Falls during the interim.25 This temporary absence of Clay and Holcombe serves as a reminder that other Confederate operations were already underway from the provinces. Hoping that peace negotiations might still get underway, they probably wanted to delay any attempt by the Thompson faction to create armed uprisings in

23. McPherson, Political History, P. 301; Raymond, Abraham Lincoln p. 578; Farton, Horace Greeley, p. 474; seitz, Horace 6reeley, p. 256: Horace Greeiey to C.C. Clay and J.P. Holcombe, International Hotel, Hiagara Falls, New York, July 18, 1864. 24. McPherson, Political History, p. 301; Raymond,Abraham Lincoln, p. 578; Barton, Horace Greele!, p. 474: Messrs. Clay and Holcombe to Horace Greeiey, C ifton House, Niagara Falls, C.W., July 18, 1864. 25. McPherson, Political Histor , p. 301; Parton, Horace Greeley, p. 475: Messrs. Clay and Ho1 combe to H. Greeley, Cllfton House, Niagara Falls J C. W., July 19, 1864. 84 the Midwest. Since Thompson's first meeting with Vallandigham, during the second week of June, final plans had been made for the establishment of a Northwest Confederacy. Thompson was inducted into the Sons of Liberty and the anti-war organi­ zation pledged to cooperate. Simultaneous armed uprisings by the discontented Midwesterners would create havoc in the major cities, and Thompson distributed funds to arm the local lodges of the societies. For the Confederate role in the conspiracy, Thompson appointed Captain Hines to command a guerrilla attack against the prison at Camp Douglas, outside Chicago. Captain John B. Castleman, another of Morgan's chief officers, would lead a similar assault against the prison at Rock Island, Illinois. If successful, the Confederate force would then consist of over 8,000 men and it could begin its drive through the North­ west. Both Hines and Castleman had been with Morgan on his raid through the region in 1863, and were therefore familiar both with the terrain and with those persons sympathetic to the Southern cause. Hines' journey northward after his appointment at Richmond had also given him a chance to extend these "relationships." The situation looked most favorable. Although Thompson was aware of the degree of unrest in the Midwest, he also realized that many of the discontented resented interference from the Confederacy. Even Morgants 1863 raid had alienated numberous Copperhead supporters. 85

Anti-war radicals had placed five pointed stars in their windows to identify their allegiance, but the emblems had often been disregarded by guerrillas eager to destroy all in sight. Thompson therefore decided that success would be more likely if the uprisings at Camp Douglas and Rock Island came after a general uprising by the Sons of Liberty. In this way, the Copperheads would have already committed themselves to rebellion and would be more willing to accept Confederate support. With these considerations in mind, the original plan was for Val1andigham to return to Ohio and make speeches against Lincoln's war policy. This action would precipitate his arrest, which in turn would be the signal for a general uprising by the Sons of Liberty. Val1andigham accordingly returned to Ohio in June, and delivered a firebrand speech at Hamilton on the 17th. Immedi­ ate arrest was expected, but the Northern authorities had been notified of the scheme and allowed the Copperhead to return to Windsor unmolested, much to the chagrin of the consPirators.26 They then set the 4th of July as the date for beginning re­ sistance. Holiday celebrations would help disguise movements of men and the event would coincide with the Democratic

26. Milton, Abraham Lincoln and the Fifth Column, pp. 170-2, 217-8; OR., sera ii, vol. viI, P. 372: E. Stanton to Governor-Brough, Washington, June 16, 1864, and p. 376, Brig. Gen. Carrington, to E. Stanton, Indianapo1is, June 17, 1864. See also T.H. Hines Papers (U. Ken.): T.R. Hines to J.A. Seddon f:june, 186~. 86

Convention at Chicago. Before the day arrived, however, the convention was postponed until August, and Vallandigham de­ clared that the situation did not warrant execution of the plan. The uprising was postponed until the 16th of July, but Thompson continued to be optimistic and reported to Richmond that all that was needed was "unflinching nerve. ,,27 When July 16 arrived, Clay and Holcombe were in the midst of peace negotiations, and Vallandigham again stalled for time. When in Richmond the previous year he had defined his position as sympathetic to the Southern cause, but not synonymous with it. Although he had become more radical in his views during the past twelve months, he still possessed many of his former beliefs. Prior to the arrival of the Confederate Commission Vallandigham had approved of Sanders' invitations to leading Northern Democrats to visit 28 the Falls. Now that such action showed promise of bringing peace he was willing to wait a few days longer. The Confederates at first believed that four days would see the outcome of the Niagara overtures, but with Greeleyfs proposal to send to Washington for further instruc­ tions, a meeting was called to reconsider the date of the

27. This report is quoted in Hines, ttNorthwest Conspiracy," p. 507. For Hines' views on the proposed uprising see his July 1, 1864 report to Richmond as quoted in T.R. Hines Papers (U.Ken.): T.R. Rines to J.A. Seddon, Richmond, December 16, 1864. 28. Office of the Judge Advocate General, Reports on the Order of American Knights, 1864 (N.A.): Unsigned letter to C.L. Vallandigham, Cincinnati, Ohio, June 9, 1864. 87 uprising. Clay and Holcombe had informed Greeley that they would be back at Niagara within twenty-four hours~ a fact which suggests that the meeting was held close by, perhaps at Clay's residence in St.Catherines. At the meeting the peace Confederates were successful in securing a further de­ lay of the uprising, thus assuring that the peace attempt would not be jeopardized by an unexpected Confederate assault from the provinces. The decision was wired to Chicago, where the Supreme Council of the Sons of Liberty passed a resolution formally postponing action. Thompson was aggrieved by all the delays and regretted that Clay had begun his overtures at Niagara. 29 Meanwhile, in Washington, Lincoln too was disturbed

29. Thompson was also busy with a scheme to corner the ,U.S. gold market. Following a suggestion from Richmond the Confederates warned the people of the North to convert their money into gold and withdraw it from the market. To supplement this scheme $100~000 was given to John Porterfield, formerly a banker in Nashville, but then a refugee in Montreal, to purchase gold in New York, export it, convert it into sterling, then purchase more gold in New York. The plan was Porterfield's own idea and al­ though a loss would be suffered in the shipping cost he was instructed to proceed with the plan until he had ex­ pended $25,000. There is little mention of the scheme in the writings of the Confederates, but by December, 1864, Thompson recorded that Porterfield had shipped more than $2,000,000 of gold at a loss of only $10,000. See J. Thompson to J.P. BenJamin, Toronto, December 3, 1864. This letter can be found in OR., ser. i, vol. xliii, Part 2, pp. 930-6; ORN., ser-.-i, Vol. iii, pp. 714-9; A Leaf from Hlstor j ~ort of Jacob Thom son.... (Rare­ Boo Room, L.C.. or fur er men on of Por erfield~ see Trial of John H. Surratt in Criminal Court for the District of Columbia, Geor~e P. Fisher Presid1n~ (Washing­ ton" 1867), Vol. il, PP. 1 37, 1344; Sow1es, liS .Albans Ra id!' p. Lf.2. 88 by the correspondences from Niagara. Shortly after receiving Gree1ey's first letter regarding the Confederate Commission at Niagara, he sent out his own peace feelers. He selected Colonel James F. Jaquess of the Seventy-Eighth Illinois Volunteers, and James R. Gi1more of Massachusetts, and ordered them to hurry to Richmond. Gi1more's account of the episode mentions that the Niagara overtures were not considered to be a sincere attempt at peace, but rather a plot to embarrass the government, and Lincoln was anxious to find out whether 30 Richmond was invo1ved. A prominent Southerner had reported to Gi1more on June 21, 1864, that Jefferson Davis was not willing to negotiate on any terms other than complete Southern independence.31 Although Clay and Ho1combe would certainly not have proffered peace on any other terms, this condition had not appeared in Jewett1s letter of July 5, or in Sanders' letter of the 12th. Since these were the only direct communication with the " peace­ men~at the time of the Jaquess-Gi1more aSSignment, Lincoln believed it possible that Davis was unaware of the attempts to negotiate at Niagara. If it could be proven that Clay and Davis were not working together, and that the Commissioners'

30. n.R. Gi1more7,. "Our Visit to Richmond;' Atlantic Monthly, ~eptember, 18'6lJ., p. 372. 31. B.R. Gi1more7, "Our Last Day in Dixie,r'. Atlantic Monthly, December, 18~, p. 725. The prominent Southerner had supposedly talked with Jefferson Davis on June 15, 1864, before making his way through the Union lines. proposal was only a ruse, then the 1110w schemes" of Clay and Holcombe could be "exposed to the scorn of all honest men, 2 North and South.,,3 If, on the other hand" the emissaries found that Davis had changed his attitude, and that he was willing to open negotiations on terms acceptable to Lincoln, then the Northern attempt might be used to show that Lincoln was the true instigator of negotiations. The plan exemplified Lincoln's pragmatiC character and his desire to keep one step ahead of his enemies. Lincoln wrote to General Grant requesting that he help Jaquess and Gilmore through the Confederate lines. Grant in turn wrote to General Lee and on July 15 the envoys entered Confederate territory armed only with a letter to Jefferson Davis and a white cambric handkerchief on a short stick. Late the following evening they arrived in Richmond and the next morning they submitted a letter to Secretary Benjamin requesting an audience with the President.

Spotswood House, Richmond, Virginia, July 17, 1864. Dear Sir: '!'he undersigned, James F. Jaquess, of Illinois, and James R. Gilmore, of Massachusetts, most respectfully solicit an interview with Presi­ dent Davis. They visit Richmond as private citizens" and have no official character of authority; but they are fully possessed of the views of the United States government relative to an adjustment of the differences now existing between the North and the South, and have little doubt that a free interchange of views between

32. Gilmore, ItOur Visit to RiChmond,1I p. 372. go

President Davis and themselves would open the way to such official negotiations as would ultimate in restoring peace to the two sections of our dis­ tracted country. They therefore ask an interview with the President; and~ awaiting your reply~ are, most truly and respectfully~ your obedient servants. James F. Jaquess 33 James R. Gilmore

The confidence that such a letter would gain them admittance to Confederate Headquarters illustrates the differ­ ent positions of the two administrations. Lincoln was to refuse even an audience with two Confederate Commissioners, merely because they did not possess written credentials from

Richmond. Yet at the same time he sent two "private citizens 11 with "no official character of authorityll and expected them to be granted such audience with Davis. The two Northerners were granted their interview with the Confederate executive, but it was soon evident that Presi­ dent Davis would not contemplate any negotiations that did not ensure the independence of the Confederacy.34

33.

34. For versions of the interview by three of the persons involved see Davis, Rise and Fall of the Confederate Government~ p. 609; Gilmore" hOur 'Visit to Richmond;' pp. 376-82; Edmund Kirke fJ.R. Gilmore7" "A Suppressed Chapter of History,", Atlantic Monthl!, vor. lix, April~ 1887, Pp. 435-448; Richardson" A Comp~ation of the Messages and 91

This information was what Lincoln wanted, but it arrived too late to be of use.35 He had already received word from Greeley stating that the Confederate Commissioners were unaccredited, but could be given authority if the Presi­ dent wished to notify Richmond. Not knowing how Richmond would act upon the request, Lincoln was nonplussed. He suspected that the Confederates would not want peace without independence, but there was no way to be certain. His attempt to halt negotiations by demanding written credentials had not been successful. He had not improved his position since re­ ceiving Greeley's letter of July 9. The only course now, was to assume that the Commissioners were not bluffing in their claim that Richmond would back their proposals, and to make a firm statement of the administration1s policy regard­ ing a peace settlement. Such action would show the nation exactly where the administration stood, and would, he hoped, help consolidate the Republican party. Lincoln was fully aware that such a declaration at that time would end the peace efforts in progress at Niagara. Yet he also realized that it was the only way of eliminating further correspondences which might be used by his adversaries to show his uncertainty in the matter. He drafted his response accordingly:

Papers of the Confederacy, vol. ii, pp. 666-8: J.P. Benjamin to J.M. Mason, Richmond, August 25, 1864. J.T. Headley, The Great Rebellion A History of the Civil War in the United States (Hartrord, Conn., 1866), vol. ii, p. 464, suggests that Davis' motive in accepting the Northern peace advocates was to "help the peace-party North;'. 35. Gilmore did not make his report to Lincoln until July 21, 1864, Dictionary of American Biography, vol. iv, p. 310. 92

Executive Mansion, Washington, D.C., July 18, 1864. To whom it may concern: Any proposition which embraces the restoration of peace, the integrity of the whole Union, and the abandonment of slavery, and which comes by and with the authority that can control the armies now at war against the United States, will be received and con­ sidered by the Executive Government of the United States, and will be met by liberal terms on other substantial and collateral points, and the bearer thereof shall have safe conduct both ways. Abraham Lincoln.36

The President was confident that he had found the best possible solution to the dilemma, and decided to reap the full benefit of its execution. John Hay was sent to Niagara as the President's personal emissary and crossed the suspension bridge on the 20th to deliver the reply to the waiting Con­ federates. Greeley accompanied the secretary, but was angered by Lincoln's decision to eliminate him as liaison now that the overtures were bei,,&.t.c)\\c.weflfl. He left for New York on the next train, leaving Hay to receive further word from the Clifton House. The Confederates had anticipated such a statement by. Lincoln, one that would include an unequivocal statement of the policy of the administration. A carefully worded reply could now tarnish Lincoln's image in the North and add fuel

Letters 93 to the fires of dissension about the war. The Confederates had first to decide to whom to write. Hay had notified Clifton House that he awaited their reply, but the Confeder­ ates were afraid that a propaganda letter to Lincoln would be suppressed, or else appear as a bitter retort by discouraged Confederates. Their previous correspondence had been with Greeley, and a letter to him would look more like a disheart­ ened reply from one peace advocate to another. As Greeley would no doubt want to show his displeasure with Lincoln's actions, the letter would probably appear in the Tribune and help illustrate the split in the Republican party. Before notifying Hay, Clay and Holcombe sat down and composed a reply to Greeley. They sent it to Jewett with their regrets at the "sad termination" of events, which they claimed was the consequence of Lincoln changing his mind. 37 Jewett delivered the letter to Greeley and had a duplicate sent to the Associated Press.38 The letter is classic. It was carefully constructed

37. Mc Pherson, Political History, p. 302; Seitz, Horace Greeley, p. 259; Farton, Horace Greele , p. 475: Messrs. Clay and Holcombe to W.C. Jewett, Cli~ont House, Niagara Falls, C.W., July 20, 1864. 38. McPherson, Political Histor , p. 301. Nuermberger, The Clays of Alabama, p. 241, g tves a different interpre~ion by claiming that there was only one copy of the letter and that Jewett gave it to the Associated Press because Greeley had already left for New York. 94 to embarrass Lincoln and cause him as much harm as possible in the approaching presidential election. According to the Confederates, Lincoln's performance was strictly pretense, and the President never had any intention of opening nego­ tiations. With the first safe conduct proposal, said the Commissioners, it appeared as though Lincoln were opening a door tlwhich had previously been closed against the Confederate States for a full interchange of sentiments." Perhaps they were not in immediate possession of written credentials, but the fact that Confederate overtures had been rejected on three different occasions proved that any proposal by Washington for peace talks would receive ready acceptance in Richmond. The Commissioners claimed that had the correspondence of the Niagara overtures been sent to Richmond, the Confederacy would most certainly have taken action. In an attempt to make Lincoln appear the only obstruction, the letter continued; "we feel confident that you must share our profound regret that the spirit that dictated the first step toward peace had not continued to animate the counsels of your President.1t For they claimed that while they awaited a new safe conduct proposal, Lincoln used their status to terminate negotiations. The Commissioners received Lincoln's ultimatum with nas much indignation as surprise. 1t It Itbears no feature of resemblance to that which was originally offered and is unlike any paper which ever before emanated from the constitutional of a free 95 people. It The Confederates also criticized the proclamation for prescribing in advance the terms and conditions upon which Lincoln would consider peace. The Confederates wondered aloud at the explanation for "this rude withdrawal of a courteous overture for nego­ tiation at the moment it was likely to be accepted." Why the President had used the opportunity to utter "fresh blasts of war to the bitter end" was left to the speculation of the Northern reader. Lincoln's outburst was gratuitous, acconding to Clay and Holcombe, for they could not send it to Richmond without insulting their administration, dishonoring themselves, and eliciting the scorn of their countrymen. While the people of the South had !tan ardent desire for peace,1f they would not be willing to accept it flat the expense of liberty, honor, and self-respect." Finally, in a dramatic appeal to the war-torn North the letter declared that Lincoln'S proclamation would only strengthen the Southern cause, and show any Southerner who still hoped for peace with the Lincoln administration, that he had been mistaken. nIt will strip from his eyes the last film of such delusion; or if there be any whose hearts have grown faint under the suffering and agony of this bloody struggle, it will inspire them with fresh energy to endure and brave whatever may yet be requisite to preserve to them­ selves and their children all that gives dignity and value to life or hope" and consolation to death. ,,39 With this letter Clay and Holcombe ended their attempt at peace negotiations. Yet it did not kill their hope that they could restore peace to their distraught country. If the peace Democrats could win the presidential election in November" an end to hostilities could again be attempted. The best policy for the peace Confederates" therefore" would be to continue to criticize the Lincoln administration and to lend their support to the Democratic Party.

39. Raymond" Abraham Lincoln" pp. 580-2; Seitz" Horace Gree1ey, PP. 260-3; Farton, Horace Gree1e~" PP. 475-7: Messrs. Clay and Ho1combe to Horace Greeley, 1ifton House, Niagara Falls, C.W., July 21" 1864. Chapter Five

On July 22, 1864, the leading officers of the Sons of Liberty met with the Confederate Commissioners at St.Catherines. The representatives of the anti-war society declared that without more Confederate support, any attempt at an uprising would be easily suppressed by the Federal authorities. The society had been told that Jefferson Davis had promised to send Generals S.B. Buckner, J.C. Breckinridge, or even James Longstreet into Kentucky to support their efforts, but there had been little concrete action to uphold the promises. 1 In June, General Morgan had once again entered the Northern Mid­ west, this time with a force of 2,700 men. But he was immedi­ ately pursued by a superior Federal force and beaten badly three times in six days, with a loss of nearly two thousand 2 men. Thompson was in no position to promise support from additional Confederate troops. Instead, he offered funds to aid in strengthening the present terrorist groups. The Sons of Liberty agreed to accept the money, but the move meant more preparations and further delays. They scheduled another con­ ference, this time for August 7, at London, Canada West.

1. See the reports of Fe1ix Stidger in Milton, Abraham Lincoln and the Fifth Column, p. 198. 2. National Tribune, Two Great Raids, pp. 301-6.

97 .. 98 Thompson realized that with every delay the Federal authorities were infiltrating farther into the revolutionary force. The Sons of Liberty had discovered a number of un­ trustworthy members within their ranks, and even some escaped Confederates living in the provinces were suspected of being Federal spies - sometimes with good reason. Reports sub­ mitted by Northern counter-espionage agents show that Thompson's fears were Justified. Fe1ix Stidger was one such spy. Not all his information was accurate, yet the reports that he sub­ mitted during the early summer of 1864 disclose several as­ pects of the strong alliance that had formed between the Sons of Liberty and the Confederates. Stidger, a Kentuckian by birth, became a spy on May 5, 1864, under orders from General Henry B. Carrington, Federal Commander for the District of Indiana.3 Within a week, Stidger won the confidence of Horace Heffren, a high official in the Sons of Liberty, and Dr. Wi11iam Bow1es, Military Com­ mander of the Order in Indiana. Stidger was initiated into the SOCiety, returned to his headquarters at Louisvi1le, and immediately reported his progress to the Federal authorities. On May 24, Stidger returned to Indiana to visit Heffren. He learned that the society had two regular lines of communication

3. Long after the war Carrington mentioned that detectives had been given permission to steam open "rebe1 1t correspondence destined for anti-war organization leaders. Copies were made of these letters as they came into the post office at Detroit. See Ca11ahan, "The Northern Lake Frontier during the Civil war," p. 358. 99 to the South, and that the Confederacy had promised reinforce­ 4 ments in the Northwest if uprisings occurred. He also re­ ported that the Copperheads had Just established formal com­ munication with the anti-war societies of Ohio. At a con­ ference held the previous week at Indianapo1is, representatives from Indiana, Illinois, Missouri and Kentucky had appointed a liaison Commissioner to coordinate activities in the newly acquired area. Stidger soon attended a conference in person. At the meeting, again held in Indianapo1is, the spy learned of the problems involved in arming men for an upriSing. He also took part in a discussion of the "Greek fire ll used to sabotage a riverboat at Louisvi11e. The ingredients had failed to ignite, but a Dutch chemist had since corrected the formula, and effective demonstrations were staged for the conference, which then sanctioned the weapon for use in further sabotage attempts. Stidger also learned that the Confederates had promised to pay a bounty for all Federal property destroyed by the anti-war SOCieties, the price to be fixed at one-tenth the true value of the merchandise. Although Jacob Thompson's name is not mentioned in Stidger's report, it appears that the conference dealt primarily with the Commissioner's schemes.

4. Juba1 Early later denied charges that his campaign against Washington was designed to coincide with the uprising in the Midwest. See Gen. J.A. Early, liThe Story of' the Attempted Formation of a Northwest Confederacy," Southern Historical Society Papers, vol. x, No. 4, April 1882, pp. 154-8. 100

The society now sent Stidger to Joshua Bullitt, the leader of the Order's Kentucky Council. For a while he was Bullitt's "handy man!' and learned what he could about the anti-war organizations and the plan for the uprising. Gaining the respect of the society's leaders, Stidger was promoted to the position of Secretary of the Grand Council for Kentucky. In this position, Stidger was able to send General Carrington valuable information.5 The spy soon obtained the cipher book of the Order of Indiana and then transmitted information con­ cerning a Captain Bocking and further experiments with weapons of sabotage. According to Stidger's report, Bocking had per­ fected a volatile solution which he encased in explosive shells and termed "hand grenades." The deadly projectiles were about three inches across, weighed two and three-quarter pounds and could be thrown by hand at close quarters. The inventor had also adapted a clock-like device which could be used to set off explosives at a prearranged time. Realizing the capabilities of such weapons, Stidger ,notified the authorities and ordered the arrest ,of a Confederate courier who had been present at the demonstration and who was carrying prototypes of the inventions to the South. On several occasions during the months of June and July, Stidger talked

5. In early June, Stidger discovered that another Federal spy with the Order, S.P. Coffin, was under suspicion and in danger. With the aid of Stidger's reports the Federal authorities alerted Coffin and the anti-war radicals soon dropped their suspicions. In July, Coffin travelled to 101 with B.B. Piper., the Grand Missionary of the Illinois Order., and a member of the Supreme Council. Piper was often employed to take messages to Vallandigham and provided Stidger with 6 another source to discover the Confederate plans. Jacob Thompson was aware that Federal counter-espionage was seriously disrupting his plans., and he decided to attract attention to the maritime provinces in the hope of taking pressure off the Northwest. He sent Captain Wi11iam Co11ins., formerly with General L. Po1k, and a Confederate named Phillips., who had previously seen service with the Ninth Louisiana Regiment, to st. John, New Brunswick. The men were to spread rumors of a major Confederate campaign from that quarter.7 About the time of Col1ins' appointment Francis Jones arrived in Toronto and offered his services to Thompson. A native of St. Louis., Jones had served in the Confederate army until July., 1863., when he became a mail-runner in the secret

Canada where he talked with the rebels and reported to General Carrington that Thompson's preparations were com­ pleted and that the Confederate plan would be executed in the near future if possible. 6. Stidger's activities have been condensed from Milton, Abraham Lincoln and the Fifth Column, PP. 195-209. Stidger's actual reports are located In OffIce of the Judge Advocate General., (N.A.). See also F.G. Stidger, Treason Historl of the Order of the Sons of Liberty (Chicago, 1903). 7. A policy of spreading rumors to alarm the North was not uncommon. See Callahan, "The Northern Lake Frontier during the Civil war,1I P. 350. 102 service.8 Since his appointment he had made thirty-two successful trips through Federal lines and had twice been to Canada. By the summer of 1864, however, the glamor of secret service work had worn thin. His mother, whom he later de­ scribed as a "good Union woman" pleaded with him to abandon his position and return to St.Louis. Finally convinced Jones wrote to the Federal Secretary of War, Edwin Stanton, and asked to be allowed to take the oath of allegiance and return home. His request was refused, but Thompson learned of his attempt to defect. Jones was no longer to be entrusted with confidential information, but Thompson sent him to st. John with information that an army of five thousand men would be transported north aboard eight blockade runners. They would be landed on the Maine coast and would proceed south destroying all in their path. The Confederacy was in no position in the summer of 1864 to attempt such a scheme, but Jones believed it to be true. Arriving in St.John, he contacted Col1ins, and awaited further orders. In early July, Collins decided that a small raid into Maine would make the diversionary plot more plausible. The town of Calais was chosen as the best site for such a maneuver, for it lay immediately adjacent to the border, separated from

8. Information concerning Jones comes primarily from his own confession. See Turner-Baker Papers (N.A.), 4026: Con­ fession of F.H. Jones. , 103 Canada only by a small bridge. On Christmas eve, 1863~ with the trial of the Chesapeake raiders underway in St.John, Calais had been alarmed by rumors of impending raids into Maine to rob the banks. The townspeople spent the entire

night guarding the bridge and even ignored a fire alarm~ be­ lieving it to be a decoy to lure them into abandoning their Position.9 It was perhaps for this reason that the Confeder­ ates reasoned that Calais would be less likely to believe the present reports of Confederate raids, and hence be less pre­ pared for attack. On July 16, Collins, Phillips and Jones crossed the bridge from New Brunswick and entered the peaceful hamlet of Calais. The town seemed unaware of the danger lurking in the streets, but as Collins entered the bank with his gun drawn, he was immediately confronted by a volley of gunshot. The men retreated, but a posse quickly had them surrounded, and they were forced to surrender.10 A few days later the trio was moved to the county jail

9. Winks~ The Civil War Years~ p. 260. Winks refers to the New Brunswick Courier, December 26~ 1863. 10. Winks, The Civil War Years, PP. 285-6. For Collins' version see Turner-Baker Papers (N.A.): W. Col1ins to Mary A. Co11ins /Machiai7, July 26, 1864. The town had been alerted by !he U.S. Consul at St.John. See Turner­ Baker Papers (N.A.): Ferrar to Seward, Sheriff's Office, Machias, Me., August 16, 1864. See also New Brunswick, Record Group 7, G8B, vol. xliv: W. Seward to Lord Lyons, Washington, July 18, 1864, enclosed in Lord Lyons to Col. Cole, Washington~ July 19, 1864. 104 at Machias to await trial. Jones was heartbroken that he had not followed the advice of his mother, but Co11ins was content with the small role they had played in the Confeder­ ate struggle. The incident aroused Federal suspicion in the Northeast and Col1ins proudly wrote to his sister that "the blue cross of the Confederacy did flyover the hills of Maine in the hands of an armed invader, for myself did shake it out to the breeze, under the flag staff on the hill behind 11 Calais." Meanwhile with the Federal authorities watching every step that Thompson made, Clay became convinced that his own policy was the better to aid the Confederate cause. If Lincoln's actions during the Niagara overtures could be proven unjust, there was a good chance that public opinion could be stirred up sufficiently for a Democratic victory in November. The initial step had been the publication of the letter of July 21 to Gree1ey. It had surely aroused the Democrats and probably many other Northerners who had doubts about the Lincoln administration. The next step was to work for the disintegration of the Republican Party. Reviewing the conflicts within the party during the previous year, Clay decided to put pressure on Gree1ey. During the winter of 1863-4, the Tribune had campaigned

11. Turner-Baker Papers (N.A.): W. Col1ins to M.A. Col1ins, ~achia~, July 26, 1864. 105 for Salmon p. Chase, Secretary of the Treasury, as the next Republican candidate for President. In the nominating con­ vention in June, Greeley had supported Chase. With the Republican Party at this stage of division, a dispute over the personnel in the New York Customs House brought the split into the open. A new appointment would have to be made from one of the factions. Lincoln's appointment ran contrary to the advice of Salmon Chase, bringing about the resignation of the Secretary. Greeley had been dismayed by the outcome. Now, a month later, the Niagara affair further alienated him from the President. Clay devised a plan to widen the fissure. He had all the correspondence of the peace overtures printed and sent to Richmond with C.C. Nelson, a Canadian who offered to act as courier. Clay also reported the Niagara negotiations to Jefferson Davis in much the same manner as he had described them to Greeley on July 21.12 He added that Lincoln's re­ sponse had shown the North that the Federal government did not want to open negotiations, and that flaIl the Northern friends of peace we have seen, think, as the matter now stands, it has weakened the Administration. 1t13

12. W.H. Hale, Horace GreeleY Voice of the peoile (New York, 1950), pp. 275-9; Klrkiana, Peacemakers of 864, pp. 65-6. 13. C.C. Clay MSS (Duke): C.C. Clay and J.P. Holcombe to ~'fferson Davis, C1ifton House, Niagara Falls, C.W., July 25, 1864. George Sanders also appears to have been in­ volved in the plan to upset the Republican Party. See - 106 Instead of travelling straight to Richmond~ Nelson was sent to New York with a letter to Horace Greeley suggesting that the editor help the courier on his mission south. Clay gave Greeley permission to read the report addressed to Jefferson

Davis~ and advised him that his cooperation might promote the "noble end" which he had hoped for when he visited the Falls. Actually the courier had little need of Greeley's aid in reaching the Confederate capital. The scheme was merely an attempt to embroil the editor in controversy_ Any further alignment with the Confederates in Canada would further alienate Greeley from Washington and intensify the feud be­ tween the leading Republicans. Clay's scheme did not work. Greeley was tired of negotiating for a country whose government had no desire for

peace without victory•. All was not lost~ however. Greeley supported Clay's position and criticized the manner in which Lincoln had manipulated all those concerned during the Niagara affair. No doubt influenced by Clay's July 21 letter and the report to Richmond, Greeley declared shortly after the peace attempt that Ifa grievous error ffiaj7been committed in not in­ viting the Commissioners to Washington even though they were not at the time clothed with full powers to negotiate for peace. An acceptable proposal from them after receiving

Montreal Gazette, July 30, 1864" "Did Greeley call Lincoln a Blackguard? George Sanders f Testimony. 11 107 authorization from Richmond would have elicited universal rejoicing••• ~n£7 had the envoys been totally discredited by the Davis regime, the Washington authorities would still 14 have made a strong point on the rebellion." Throughout the war Greeley had been a pacifist and in 1864 his views had not changed. He firmly believed that if the administration would talk peace with gentleness and tact, the enemy would Yield.15 With reference to Lincoln's "To whom it may concern" letter of July 18, Greeley stated that it "did much to disabuse the Southern mind with regard to the

Northern purposes. 11 If it had been properly framed !lit would have paralyzed thousands of arms then striking frenziedly at 16 the best of their and our country." Soon after Clay sent the Niagara correspondences to Richmond, Greeley decided that a full explanation.of the episode in the Tribune would help the North understand the transactions and vindicate his own position. He wrote to Lincoln requesting permission to publish the letters, and once again received a disconcerting reply. Permission had been granted, but several passages had been deleted from the COpy.17

14. R. Fahrney, Horace Greele! and the Tribune in the Civil ~ (Cedar Rapids, Iowa, 936), pp. 167-8. 15. See E.J. Benton, The Movement for Peace without Victory during the Civil War (Cleveland, 1918), P. 65. 16. Benton, ed., Greeley on Lincoln, p. 47.

17. ~., ser. ii, vol. iv, p. 581: A Lincoln to H. Greeley, 108

Greeley was furious, yet there was little he could do. The article appeared in its abridged form,18 but the editor would not forget Lincoln's actions throughout the affair. The Tribune would be an influential factor in the Presidential election, as it had been many times before.., and it was still three months until the final balloting. Writing to a friend in England a week later" Greeley prophesied: "The effort to free our country from slavery gallantly made but unwisely led" is destined to fail and a long black night settles down 19 on our blood-stained country." Clay believed that his efforts to influence Northern opinion had begun to have their effect. Yet not all Confeder­ ates were as confident. Thompson had reported to Richmond 20 that !Inothing but violence can terminate the war.., 11 while the Richmond Examiner feared that the peace attempt might suggest that the Confederacy was on the verge of collapse, and castigated Clay and Holcombe for their actions. The Examiner chose George Sanders as its scapegoat and claimed

Washington, August 6" 1864; Seitz, Horace Greele*, pp. 263­ 4. Seitz mentions that Lincoln later wrote to t e New York Tribune claiming that it had been his idea to publish the correspondence" but this idea appears to be contradicted by Lincoln's own cabinet minister. See H. Baale, ed., Diar~ of Gideon WelleS& Secretary of the Navy under Lincoln an Johnson (New Yor , 1960), vol. 11, Pp. 99-100. 18. See New York Tribune, July 25, 1864, and August 5, 1864. 19. Horace Greeley Papers, (N.Y.P.L.), Box 1: H. Greeley to L. Smith, New York, August 16, 1864. (rough draft). 20. Hines, "Northwest Conspiracy," p. 507. 109 that he had embroiled the two Confederates in peace talks while they were travelling in Canada "for their health." The article received wide publication and was even reprinted by the Canadian press a few weeks later. 21 In the Confederate Cabinet, assessments of Clay's actions varied. Secretary of state BenJamin viewed Clay's lack of success as his flown fault, 1122 while the Secretary of Navy, Stephen Mal10ry, wrote Virginia Clay expressing his deep satisfaction with her husband's efforts: lithe correspondence between your lord master and Holcombe on one side and Gree1ey on the other, is doing good service. The parties, fragments, cliques and individuals in the United States who desire peace, but differ only upon the means operative of getting it will now learn that with Lincoln at the head of affairs, no peace is possible •••• I am very glad that Mr. Clay went, for I see 23 that his presence in Canada must be beneficial to our cause." Clay was doing all that he could to aid the peace Democrats, but the fruits of his efforts would not be reaped until Lincoln was defeated. At his headquarters in Toronto, Thompson was not pleased

21. Richmond Examiner, July 26, 1864; published in full in the Montreal Gazette, August 6, 1864 as "Rebel View of the Peace Negotiations. n 22. War Department Collection of Confederate Records - C.C. Clay Corre!pondence (N.A.): ~onfederatemail carrie!7 to ~.C. Clal!, St.Catherines, August 30, 1864. 23. C.C. Clay MSS (Duke): S.R. Mallory to Virginia Clay, Richmond, August 1, 1864. 110 with the progress of the Canadian campaign. At the London conference on August 7~ the delegates of the Sons of Liberty, voted once again to postpone a general uprising. The tenta­ tive date of August 16 was changed to August 29~ to coin­ cide with the new date of the Democratic Convention at Chicago. Hidden among the multitudes that would flock to the city at that t1me~ the Confederates could easily disguise themselves. The plan was perhaps the most feasible under the circumstances, but Thompson knew that the Federal Secret Service was pene­ trating his scheme. His pleas for action fell on deaf ears. Va11andigham dominated the meeting and the uprising would have little chance of success without his aid. Va11andigham cared less about a successful Confederate coup than he did about a successful Democratic victory at the polls. The more public opinion showed Lincoln would lose his bid for re­ e1ection~ the less Va11andigham wanted to risk everything on an armed uprising. Thompson's only hope was to be patient and do all that he could to further the plans for the 29th.

On August 9~ Gree1ey wrote that if the election were to take place the next day~ the Democrats would take the

Northern states of New York~ Pennsylvania and Connecticut. If the rebellion were crushed before the national election in November, all would be we11~ but if it continued any longer 24 the Republican Party was heading for "certain ruin. 11 Many

24. Quoted in Nico1ay~ Hay, Complete Works, PP. 196-7; Randa11 and Dona1d~ The Civil War and Reconstruction~ p. 473. III other Republicans had come to this conclusion by early August, and it was this belief that led them to attempt the removal of Lincoln as the party's nominee for the November election. Grant and Sherman were making little headway in their cam­ paigns against the South, and the President's war policy did not appear to be Justified. In addition there was dissatis­ faction with Lincoln's stand during the Niagara affair, a factor which had led to the growth of the peace faction. To complicate matters even further, the Radical Republicans were violently opposed to Lincoln's view on the Wade-Davis Bill regarding reconstruction. The two extremist wings of the Republican Party now joined forces in an all-out effort to force Lincoln's withdrawal in favor of a more promising candidate.25 On August 11, Clement Clay wrote to Secretary Benjamin from St.Catherines of the success of the Niagara overtures. !fAll the Democratic presses denounce Mr. Lincoln's manifesto in strong terms, and many Republican presses (and among them the New York Tribune) admit it was a blunder. Mr. Greeley was chagrined and incensed by it, as his articles clearly show ••• and regards himself as deceived and maltreated by the Administration.1! Clay said he was !lsatisfied that the correspondence has tended strongly toward consolidating the

25. For further discussion on the topic of another candidate see Randall and Donald, The Civil War and Reconstruction, p. 463. 112

Democracy and dividing the Republicans and encouraging the desire for peace." The job now was to maintain the crescendo of opinion until the election. Overjoyed by the success of his manipulations, Clay claimed that "many prominent poli­ ticians of the United states assure us that it ~e Niagara peace attemp!7 is the most opportune and efficient moral instrumentality for stopping the war that could have been 26 conceived or exerted.1!

Another incident encouraged Clay. On August 20, Judge Jeremiah Black, an associate of Thompson in the BUchanan Cabinet, arrived in Toronto to visit the Commissioner. Re­ ports of the visit are somewhat contradictory, but it appears that Black saw Secretary Stanton before his departure and in­ formed him of his plans. Stanton consented to the mission,

26. C.S.A., state Department Records (L.C.), Box 7, Folder 58: C.C. Clay to J.P. Benjamin, St.Catherines, C.W., August 11, 1864. Copies also in Container 62, and OR." sera iv, vol. iii, Pp. 584-7. The day prior to Clay'S-report the Confederates had sent $25,000 to Benjamin Wood, the pro­ prietor of the New York Daily News" to assure wide pub­ licity of anti-Lincoln propaganda. Benjamin Wood's partner in the paper was his brother Fernando Wood" former mayor of New York City and in 1864" a New York Congressman. Both were professed Copperhead supporters. The editor of the paper was Phineas Wright, founder of the Order of American Knights, who in January, 1864 had proffered the services of h1s paper as the "especial organ ft of the anti-war organi­ zations. See Castleman, Act1ve Service, p. 146; M1lton, Abraham L1nco1n and the Fifth Column" pp. 54, 183-6, 226­ 7; The AssassInatIon of PresIdent LIncoln and the Trial of the Conspirators, p. 63; House JudiciaI': Committee Report No. 104, p. 17: C.C. Clay to J. Thompson, St.catfierines, C.W., July 11" 1864; C.S.A., State Department Records (L. C.), Box 7, Folder 59: J.P. Holcombe to J.P. Benjamin, R1chmond, November 16, 1864. Copies also in Conta1ner 62 and ORN., sera ii, vol. 111, pp. 1239-40. 113 although he later denied giving Black any official authority. Black and Thompson discussed the possibilities for ending hostilities. According to Thompson, Black stated that Stanton was convinced that Lincoln would lose in November. Black's main concern, however, was in finding out whether there was any chance of opening negotiations "without the ultimatum of 2 final separation. u 7 Thompson did not feel qualified to answer the Judge and there is reason to believe that the men consulted Clay and Holcombe on the matter.28 If such a conference took place it is probable that the Confederates upheld their belief that there could be no peace without independence. Black returned to Pennsylvania with little to report. In a letter to Secre­ tary Stanton, Black suggested as an alternative to immediate peace, a tlsuspension of active hostilities for three or four

27. Hines, "Northwest Conspiracy," pp. 508-10: J. Thompson to John Slidell and James Mason, Toronto, C.W., August 23, 1864. Also quoted in part in G.C. Gorham, Life and Public Services of Edwin M. Stanton (New York, 1899), vol. i1, p. 148. Castleman stated that Black first arrived at Toronto on August 14, 1864. See Castleman, Active Service, p. 149. 28. Holcombe later reported to Richmond that he had seen Judge Black at Niagara during the summer. C.S.A., State Department Records, Box 7, Folder 59: J.P. Holcombe to J.P. Benjamin, Richmond, November 16, 1864. Also in Container 62 and ~., ser. ii, vol. iii, p. 1234. Clay implied that he too was consulted, when he stated in his September 12, 1864 report to Richmond that "Judge Black stated to us." See OR., ser. iv, vol. iii, p. 636: C.C. Clay to J.P. Benjamin, St.Catherines, September 12, 1864. 114 months. ,,29 Such a truce, he felt, would allow time for fair negotiations to get underway, and he predicted that a peace­ ful settlement would probably follow. Black's alternative probably came from his discussions with the Confederates in Canada. Clay had remarked in his August 11 report to Richmond that he was suggesting flan armistice of six or more months" to any person who hoped for a cessation of hostilities.30 Secretary Stanton, however, was not enthusiastic. Declaring that it was no more than South Carolina had proposed when the war began, Stanton viewed Black's suggestion as absurd. He also expressed re­ sentment that Black had tied him in so closely with the de­ cision to go to Toronto. The incident precipitated a bitter struggle between Black and Stanton that severed their long relationship.31 The Black incident showed, as had Greeley's actions during the previous month, that the tone of Northern politics appeared to be turning against Lincoln. With these thoughts in mind the Confederates decided to send Holcombe to Europe.

29. Gorham, Life and Public Services of Edwin M. Stanton, p. 150: Report of J. Black to E. stanton, August 22, 1864. 30. OR., sera iv, vol. iii, P. 585: C.C. Clay to J.P. Benjamin A~ust 11, 1864. In a letter to Benjamin on September 12, 1864, Clay again expressed the belief that Han armistice will inevitably result in peace. fI ill£., p. 638. 31. B.T. Thomas, H.M. Hyams, Stanton, The Life and Times of Lincoln'S Secretary of War (New York, 1962), p. 324. 115 His training in international law and knowledge of recent

developments in America could aid the Confederate Commissioners~ James Mason and John Slidell. If England and France could be

convinced that Lincoln would be beaten in November~ they might decide to recognize the Confederacy and extend further support.32 With this new plan in mind Thompson wrote to Mason and

Slidell from Toronto on August 23~ and in St.Catherines, Clay wrote a similar letter the next day_ Thompson told of Grant's

setback at Petersburg~ of Sherman1s delay at Atlanta, and of the cries of protest against Lincoln's call for another five . hundred thousand troops. But of primary concern was Lincoln's

manifesto during the Niagara overtures. The effect~ Thompson

said, had been to produce ua most wonderful change in the minds of the people of the Northern States. ,,33 Clay was even more emphatic, referring to Lincoln's proclamation as the

IIdeath warrant of the Union. It The people have left Lincoln

32. The idea of sending Holcombe to Europe was not new and had been suggested by Clay soon after the two men had met in the spring. See C.C. Clay MSS: C.C. Clay to J.P. Ben­ jamin, Montreal, C.W.~ June 14, 1864. Holcombe reported the idea to Richmond shortly thereafter. See C.S.A., State Department Records (L.C.)~ Box 7~ Folder 59: J.P. Holcombe to J.P. Benjamin, Montreal, June 18~ 1864. A copy also in Container 62. The idea might also have been supported by Tucker and Sanders, both of whom had worked with the Confederates in Europe.

33. Hines, "Northwest Conspiracy~" PP. 508-10; Gorham, Life and Public Services of Edwin M. Stanton, vol. ii, P. 148: J. Tnompson to J. Mason and J. SlIdel!, Toronto, C.W., August 23, 1864. 116

after this "mortal wound, It said Clay; his Cabinet, the news­ papers, and many other political supporters "now realize the 34 fatal indiscretion of his imperial rescript. 1t Leaving the Canadian campaign to the direction of the two remaining Commissioners, Holcombe prepared for his journey to Europe, armed with hope.35 Clay took over the duty of aiding the Confederates who wished to return to the South, while Thompson put all of his energies into the "Northwest

Conspiracy. I!

34. C.C. Clay MSS (Duke): C.C. Clay to J. Slidell and J. Mason, St.Catherines, C.W., August 24, 1864. 35. Although Holcombe began his joU?ney to Halifax it seems that Clay saw him again in early September, perhaps at Montreal or Quebec City. C.C. Clay MSS (Duke): J.P. Holcombe to Virginia Clay, Bedford, Virginia, October 29, 1864. Chapter Six

With less than a week remaining before the Democratic convention at Chicago, the Confederates made final preparations. for the uprising. On August 24, 1864, Jacob Thompson formally commissioned Captain John B. Cast1eman as second in command to Captain Hines.1 The two veteran guerrilla officers chose sixty men to accompany them. Several prominent Morgan officers were chosen for the expedition, including Colonel George B. Eastin, Colonel St.Leger Grenfe11, and Captain Bennett H. young.2 The situation at Chicago appeared favorab1e. An arsenal of munitions was stored at the house of Charles Wa1sh, leader of the Military Department of the Sons of Liberty. His house lay within a few hundred feet of the main gate of the Camp Douglas prison. The Confederate plan was transmitted to the prisoners, who replied that any assault from the out­ side would set off a simultaneous uprising within. With over five thousand prisoners at Camp Douglas and seven thousand at Springfield, it would not take long for the Confederates to gain control.

1. For a popy of Castleman's commission see Hines, "Northwest Conspiracy," p. 571: J. Thompson to John B. Cast1eman, Toronto, C.W., August 24, 1864. 2. See House Judiciary Committee Report No. 104, pp. 13-4: Bennett H. Young to C.C. Clay, Toronto, September 2, 1864.

117 118

Final instructions were not to be distributed until the raiders reached Chicago. This plan would enable the Confederate officers to meet with the anti-war society and coordinate any last minute changes. With all other prepa­ rations completed, the raiding party left from the provinces on the 27th and 28th and proceeded to Chicago "assuming the appearance and conduct of men attracted there by the political 3 interest of the occasion."

On the night preceding the convention, the ~epresenta­ tives of the Sons of Liberty met with the Confederates in the room of Hines and Castleman at the Richmond House in Chicago. The atmosphere was charged with expectancy, but hope soon changed to doubt as members reported raids by the Federal authorities. Aware that several members of the society sus­ pected him, Felix Stidger had escaped a few days before, and the wave of arrests that followed had disrupted much of the 4 organization within the Order. The members of the secret societies who had converged on Chicago were therefore scattered and the meeting was adjourned until the following evening. The next meeting was equally unproductive. Three thousand Federal reinforcements had arrived in the city and their presence dampened the spirits of many of the conspiators. Castleman later recalled that the number was exaggerated to

3. Hines, "Northwest Conspiracy;' p. 542. 4. Milton, Abraham Lincoln and the Fifth Column, p. 209. 119 5 twice the actual amount. Support from the Sons of Liberty began to crumble. During the first day of the convention it had also become evident that Vallandigham had no hope of dominating the proceedings. The only chance for a Copperhead success was to secure a peace plank in the platform of the winning candidate. In the struggle between George McClellan and Horatio Seymour, the Copperheads would have to support Mc- Clellan. With the political struggle so much in the fore­ ground, the idea of armed rebellion quickly lost favor among the disenchanted Midwesterners. 6 There were not enough men in Chicago to attack Camp Douglas, but Hines and Castleman believed they could make a successful raid on Rock Island, Illinois. Federal troops had been called from the area to guard Chicago and the prison was more vulnerable than had been expected. Five hundred men might easily overpower the guards, cut all communication lines, and release the Confederate prisoners. Hastily formed regi­ ments could then proceed to the prison at Springfield and execute the original plan for an armed uprising. The daring plan was ruled impractical by the commanders of the Sons of

5. Rines, Llfastlema!.!7 "Northwest Conspiracy,,", p. 543. 'Chicago ConSPiracy!'. Atlantic Monthly, July, 1865, pp. 108­ 20, reported that the rebels still outnumbered the federals two to one. 6. For the fate of the Copperheads during the first day of the Convention see Milton, Abraham Lincoln and the Fifth Column, p. 228. For a broader look at the political development see Gray, The Hidden Civil War, pp. 170-88. 120

Liberty.7 The Confederates had no chance of success with their small force of sixty men. Federal authorities made the danger of arrest increasingly acute. Finally the dispirited rebels left the city and journeyed back to the Canadian frontier. Thompson's plan had failed. Trust in the Sons of Liberty had brought disappointment. Political sympathy was not active supportl and no one now realized this more than Jacob Thompson. Lincoln's attitude toward the war had created much unrest in the North, and seldom had he stated his views more clearly than in his manifesto to Clay and Holcombe. The Niagara overtures had thus increased public opposition against the President. It was this feeling exactly that had dic­ tated withdrawal of support from Thompson's Northwestern campaign: the Copperheads were content to risk the wait. Thompson envied the Niagara success and Clay forsaw the re­ sults. In a letter to Holcombe l Clay wrote; ItI think he Lrhompso£7will ascribe the failure at Chicago to the nego­ tiations for peace at the Falls, as creating the delusive idea of rescue from thraldom by the ballot-box and of there being no necessity to resort to the cartridge box. Thus his failures may be charged to our counter efforts! He may throw

7. The II counterplan" is discussed in Hines, IINorthwest Conspiracy," P. 574. 121 on us blame for his shortcomings. Look out for a coup 8 dtetat." As Thompson considered how to vindicate his policy of retaliation, Clay awaited news from Chicago. 9 McClellan had been selected as the Democratic nominee and a peace plank was being drawn up by a two man committee, one of whom was Vallandigham. The peace Confederates waited with hope for McClellan's response to the Copperhead appeal. Edward Farreni of the New York World informed McClellan that "if you do not commit yourself fully to the peace policy in your answer to the Executive Committee ••• a large party of peace men ••• intend to drop your ticket. 1I10 Vallandigham also warned McClellan that nif anything implying war is presented two hundred thousand men in the west will withold ~i£7 their support. till The situation looked favorable, yet died when McClellan delivered his acceptance speech: the General repudi­ 12 ated the peace plank. In Cincinnati, a splinter group

8. C.C. Clay MSS (Duke): T.E. Lacy (pseud. for C.C. Clay) to J.P. Holcombe, St.Catherines, C.W., September 14, 1864. 9. Clay campaigned for McClellan before the repudiation of the peace plank. The C.C.Clay MSS (Duke), contain a speech written by Clay in support of the McClel1an ticket.

10. C.R.Wi1son, IlMcClel1an fS Changing Views on the Peace Plank of 1864," American Historical Review, vol. xxxviii, p. 500. 11. Ibid. 12. Some of McC1e11an's thoughts on the matter are recorded in D.C. Birdsall, "McC1e11an and the Peace PartyJ" The Century Illustrated Month1~ Magazine, vol. xxxix, ~ SerIes, xvIi, February 189 , pp. 638-9. 122 met to draft resolutions to replace McC1el1an. Unable to find a suitable replacement they adjourned. 13 In the British provinces, the Confederate Commissioners had witnessed the almost simultaneous collapse of both their efforts. On September 14, Clay told Holcombe that before McClellan disavowed the peace platform "there was good pros­ 14 pect of his election. If Clay was now convinced, however, that the Confederates must change their plans considerably, for if the Union did not experience "some great disaster" before the middle of October, Lincoln would carry every state. His remarks in this letter foreshadow his actions, and are consistent with his future philosophy towards the Confederate operations in Canada. He could not lead the Army of Virginia or block Sherman's march from Atlanta, but he would do all in his power to disrupt the North by directing the small band of Confederates still present in the provinces. The Federal Secret Service was too efficient to enable the Confederates to effect any large scale operation. But small raids might be staged from Canada. The trial of the Chesapeake raiders had shown that the United States was unwilling to risk a major international incident by demanding severe punishment. Many Canadians believed that increased tension between the United

13. See Klement, The Copperheads of the Midwest, pp. 235-6. 14. C.C. Clay MSS (Duke): T.E. Lacy (pseud. for C.C. Clay) to J.P. Holcombe, St.Catherines, C.W., September 14, 1864. 123 states and Great Britain might cause England to recognize the Confederacy or even bring her into armed conflict against the North. As long as Confederate activities did not involve Canada in a major international controversy with

the United States l anti-Northern sentiment in the provinces protected them. In Toronto, Thompson had reached a similar conclusion. Because of effective espionage, planned operations could be trusted only to small bands of daring raiders. The Sons of Liberty could no longer be counted on for a major role in any operation. They were sympathetic to terrorist uprisings, but on September 7, Grand Commander Harrison H. Dodd was apprehended and another wave of arrests began which was to last until October 10. They could offer little support until further organization was carried out in the Midwest. 15 The anti-war societies might still be a great help in guerrilla raids, however. Their underground organizations throughout the Midwest would supply hiding places and communi­ cation points, and a successful Confederate operation might yet precipitate active support from several sections. In addition, many of the sabotage techniques used by the anti-war societies to destroy Federal property could be adapted by the Confeder­ ates. The improved formula for Greek fire, for example, would be a valuable asset in Confederate maneuvers.

15. Milton, Abraham Lincoln and the Fifth Column, p. 232. 124

captain Hines began the campaign by taking a small group of Confederates to Mattoon, Illinois, where they set fire to an army warehouse. At the same time, Captain Castle­ man and another group destroyed five Federal supply ships moored at the wharves in St.Louis. Hines then arranged a meeting with Copperhead officials and sent word to Castleman to take his men to Sullivan, Indiana. The message was inter­ cepted and General Carrington was alerted. Carrington dis­ patched detectives to Sullivan where Castleman was arrested and taken under heavy guard to Indianapolis. Hines tried several times to free his comrade, but finally returned to 16 Toronto. The Confederates had lost the services of one of their best officers. Thompson was planning a variation of the original re­ connaissance raid - an attack on Johnson's Island. The idea for this attempt dated from early June, when Thompson first arrived in the provinces. The movement of men and supplies from the provinces to Chicago, as well as the possibility of a successful uprising in the northern Midwest, depended largely on knowing the deployment and strength of Federal defences along the Canadian frontier. Thompson apPOinted W.L. McDonald, a Confederate naval officer, to assess the

16. Horan discussed these raids and Hines' attempts to free Castleman in Confederate A~ent, pp. 137-47. For infor­ mation concerning destruct on at Cairo, see House Judiciary Committee Report No. 104, p. 16: J. Castleman to c.C. Clay and J. Thompson, Indiana, September 24, 1864. 125 situation, but he proved ill-suited for the assignment. On July 14, the Commissioner transferred the duties to Captain Charles H. Cole, a native Pennsylvanian who had served with 17 the 5th Tennessee Regiment under General N.B. Forrest. Cole proved extremely able. He travelled from Buffalo to Chicago, reporting the resources of every town along his route, and submitted a detailed report to Thompson which in­ cluded the amount of government stores, quantity of ammunition in Federal arsenals, and even the depth of water in the har­ bors. . To further the plan of a Northwest conspiracy Cole talked with the Military Commander of the Sons of Liberty, Charles Walsh, at Chicago. The result was a scheme whereby armed tugboats would be deployed against the prison at Camp Douglas. The plan called for the employment of newly designed tugs that could carry enough coal for thirty-six hours, and that could be maneuvered across the sand bars at Chicago. Systematic destruction of the bridges along the canal was also part of the plan. Although ingenious it did not comple­ ment Thompson's other schemes, and was scrapped.18

17. Hines, IINorthwest Conspiracy,fI P. 567. Thompson later stated that Cole had just arrived in the provinces after escaping from a Northern prison. See ORN., ser. i, vol. iii, p. 715: J. Thompson to J.P. Benjamin, Toronto, December 3, 1864. Headley, Confederate Operations in Canada, pp. 237-239: A.A. Hosmer to Brig. Gen. W. Hoffman, Washington, July 18, 1865. This letter states that Cole had taken an oath of allegiance and was paroled at Memphis in April, 1864. 18. Extracts from Cole's report are quoted in Hines, IINorth­ west Conspiracy, 11 p. 568. 126

Another section of the report outlined a more practi­ cal scheme. Thompson had asked Cole to contact the officers of the U.S.S. Michigan and see if he could II purchase the boat" from them. 19 Following this suggestion, the Confederate Captain reported that he had "formed the acquaintance of Captain Carter, commanding United States steamer Michigan.1! Cole did not think that Captain Carter could be bribed into cooperating with the Confederates, but predicted that a small Confederate force might be able to seize the Federal warship. From Sandusky, Ohio, Cole wrote Thompson asking to be "placed in secret detached service,,,20 in an effort to cap­ ture the Michigan. As Cole had completed his reconnaissance assignment, Thompson consented. But he warned Cole that the Confederates should "carefully abstain from violating any laws or regulations of Canada or British authorities in re­ 21 lation to neutrality. 11 If the raid involved such violations, the Canadian authorities might clamp down on Confederate activities within the provinces and jeopardize future oper­ ations. Cole was aided by Bennett Young, who reported to both

ORN., ser. i, ~ol. iii, pp. 715-6: J. Thompson to J.P. ~jamin, Toronto, December 3, 1864. The letter is also in OR., ser. i, vol. xliii, Part 2, Pp. 930-6j and A Leaf from-History•••• (Rare Book Room, L.C.). 20. Hines, "Northwest Conspiracy," p. 568: Charles H. Cole to J. Thompson (n.d.). 21. Ibid.: J. Thompson to C. Cole, Toronto (n.d.). 127

Thompson and Clay on the situation along the Canadian frontier. When he decided to attempt a campaign on Lake Erie, however, Thompson sent John Yates Bea11 to organize the Confederate force. A Master in the Confederate Navy, Bea11 had seen action under stonewall Jackson in the Shenandoah Valley in 1862. Wounded in a skirmish near his home in Virginia, he had convalesced in Richmond, Florida, and Canada, before re­ turning to the Confederacy as a privateer. Teaming up with Bennett G. Burley,22 another Confederate privateer, Beall performed many successful guerrilla operations along the eastern coast. When Beall and Bur1ey were finally appre­ hended and placed on trial for piracy, the Confederacy se­ cured their release by arranging a special prisoner exchange. Beall rejoined the Confederate army in the Engineer's Corps, but by the summer of 1864 was on his way north to re­ port to Thompson. He still carried a bullet in his side from the 1862 campaign and tuberculosis had infected one lung. Not willing to be confined to a hospital bed, he set out at Thompson's request to join Captain Cole at Sandusky.23

22. For a brief summary of Bur1ey's earlier career see C.S. Blue, IfThe Case of Bennett Bur1ey, the Lake Erie Pirate" 11 The Canadian Magazine of Politics Science, Art and Literature, vol. xlv, June, 1915, pp. 191-2. 23. o 128 On receiving approval of his scheme from Thompson~

Cole travelled to Philadelphia with Anna Brown~ a woman whom the Federal authorities later claimed was his mistress and message carrier. He left for Ohio on August 6, arriving at Sandusky on the 11th. Here within sight of the Johnson's

Island prison~ Co1e played the role of a spendthrift Phila­

delphia 1awyer~ entertaining Captain Carter and the officers of the Michigan with lavish dinners and showering them with

gifts. The Commandant of the prison at Johnson's Is1and~

Colonel C.W. Hi11~ was given similar treatment, and soon the return dinner engagements aboard the Michigan were topped by a personal tour of the Federal prison. Co1e's liberal dis­ tribution of cigars, wine and champagne had paid off.24 Bea11 had been Joined by his former cohort, Bennett

Bur1ey~ and the two men busied themselves gathering Confeder­ ate soldiers for the campaign. Final preparations were com­

plete by mid-September and on Sunday~ the 18th, Bur1ey secured passage aboard the Phi10 Parsons at Detroit. The vessel was one of the largest steamers on Lake Erie and ideal for Con­

federate maneuvers~ but Bur1ey aroused no suspicion when he asked the ship's clerk and co-owner if they could make an

24. Co1e's activities during August and September, 1864 were under the scrutiny of the Federal authorities. See Union Provost Marshal's File of Two or More Name Papers relating to Citizens (N.A.), Record Group 109~ M. 416~ Rol160, 17095: C.W. Hill to Lt. Col. O.H. Hart, June 22~ 1865. 129 o unscheduled stop at Sandwich, Canada West, to pick up three other passengers. There Bea11 and two companions joined him the following day. Sixteen other raiders carrying a large battered trunk boarded the vessel at Amherstburg. The group posed as draft dodgers, but shortly after leaving Ke11ey's Island they opened the trunk and distributed guns. Bea11 entered the wheelhouse with his revolver drawn and proclaimed the ship a Confederate prize. At Middle Bass Island the passengers were put ashore and preparations were made to re­ fuel. An anxious moment came as the Island Queen also pulled into the wharf to secure coal, with thirty Federal soldiers visible on deck. But discovering that the soldiers were on

leave and were unarmed I the Confederates quickly took their second prize of the day. Bea11 paroled the soldiers and made the passengers, more than one hundred in number, vow not to leave the island for twenty-four hours. The conspirators then boarded the Philo Parsons and resumed their journey with the Island Queen in tow. Once in deep water they scuttled the Island Queen and proceeded in a direct course for Johnson's Island and the U.S.S. Michigan. Captain Co1e, aboard the Michigan at a dinner partYI was to Signal for the attack to begin. The Confederates apparently hoped that with the aid of drugged champagne he could eliminate much of the resistance of the crew. With the 130 o Federal gunboat in their hands, the raiders would find the Johnson's Island prison an easy target and the Great Lakes would be in Confederate hands. Yet what seemed a foolproof plan failed. Cole had been betrayed and he was arrested in his hotel room by Colonel Hill and Captain Carter while preparing for the dinner party. The Michigan and the prison were immediately warned. As Beall positioned the Philo Parsons and waited for the signal from Cole, Federal troops prepared an ambush on board the gun­ boat. The Confederates sensed that something had gone wrong, and fearing the worst, prepared a petition requesting their leader to call off the raid. Beall was furious with this "mutinous request," but, he finally consented.25 After se­ curing a signed statement from his crew that he opposed their wishes, he reluctantly steered to Sandwich, Canada West, where he discharged the men and scuttled the steamer. So ended an­ other Confederate operation. Yet another of Thompson's plans 26 had failed. The failure led to a further revision of

25. Their fate had been forshadowed when a messenger from Cole, who was supposed to meet the conspirators at Kelley's Island, failed to arrive. See ORN., ser. i vol. iii: J. Thompson to J.P. BenJamin, Toronto, December 3, 1864, P. 716. 26. For accounts of this raid see Lucas, Memoir af John Yates Beall, P. 296 (Beall's own account); Office of the Judge Advocate General (N.A.), Record Group 153, NN35l3 (in­ cludes minutes of trial, diary, letters etc.); Trial of 131 o Confederate strategy, a revision that would again involve Commissioner Clay.

John yates Beall and Guerrillero b Militar ommission New York, ; Union Provos rs a s ile of TWo or More Name Papers relating to Citizens, M. 416, Roll 60, 17095: B. White to C.W. Hill, Cleveland" June 20, 1865, enclosed in C.W. Hill to Lt. Col. O.H. Hart, June 22, 1865; Hines, "Northwest Conspiracy," pp. 699­ 700; Minister at Washington to Governors (P.A.C.), Record Group 7, G.6, vol. xiii, 250: Hitchcock to Stanton, September 23, 1864, enclosed in J.H. Burnley to Gov. Gen. Monck, Washington, October 4, 1864; F.B. Stevenson, liThe Johnson Island Conspiracy, An Episode of the Civil war," Frank resliets Popular Monthly, vol. lxvi, No. 3, September 1898, pp. 257-66j C.E. Frohman, "Piracy on Lake Erie, 11 :.Inland Seas' uarterl Journal of the Great Lake Historical Soc e y" vo • x v, No. , Fa, , pp. -;.. FroRman, Rebels on Lake Erie (Columbus, Ohio, 1965); Calla­ han, liThe Northern Lake Frontier during the Civil War" n pp. 337-59; ORN., ser. i, vol. iii, pp_ 715-7: J. Thompson to J.P. BenJamin, Toronto, December 3, 1864; North America No. 1, Pp. 6-9: W. Seward to C.F. Adams, Washington, October 24, 1864 contained in Lord Lyons to Earl Russel, Washington, October 28, 1864. . o

Chapter Seven

, Two days after the Lake Erie raid, Clay joined Thompson in Toronto where they prepared a petition for the release of Captain Co1e. Addressing the communication to Co10ne1C.W. Hill, the Commissioners contested the Federal authority to try Co1e as a spy. They admitted that Co1e was a Confederate officer, but the fact that he had escaped from a Northern prison a few months earlier justified his civilian apparel. He had not been able to return to his own country, and no matter what his intentions had been while in the United States, according to Clay, Co1ehad broken no laws. Furthermore, warned the Commissioners, unjust punishment of Co1e would agalnst 1 result in retaliation ~' Federal prisoners by the Confederacy. The Commissioners' analysis of the situation was essentially correct; there was not enough evidence to convict Cole.2 The Lake Erie incident made it apparent, however, that attacks from Canada West were becoming much more hazardous. The Secret Service had infiltrated everywhere in the

1. Hines, "Northwest Conspiracy.," pp. 702-3: J. Thompson, C.C. Clay to Col. Hill, Toronto, September 22, 1864. Also OR., ser. i, vol. xxxix, Part 2, p. 426; C.E. Frohman, RebeIS on Lake E~1e, PP. 95-6. 2. Cole did not receive his freedom until February 10, 1866. See Head1ey, Confederate Operations, P. 240: M. Burke to Brig. Gen. D.T. VanBuren, Fort LaFayette, N.Y., February 10, 1866.

132 133 o Confederate communication network between Toronto and Chicago, and the United states authorities had armed extra ships on the Great Lakes to protect shipping.3 In Indian­ apolis, a military commission was scheduled to begin pro­ ceedings against Grand Commander William Dodd on September 22 and the prosecutor's chief witness, Felix Stidger, would expose many of the secrets of the anti-war organizations in the Midwest. 4 Major Confederate operations would have to be based in a less dangerous area. The New Brunswick frontier may have been suggested by Jacob Thompson, who had sent the diversionary expedition to that region earlier in the summer. But news from the Machias jail rendered any such scheme impractical. Francis

3. The steam propelled ship Hector was outfitted at Oswego and the Windslow was similarly armed at Buffalo. See North American No. 1, p. 22: W.P. Fessenden to W. Seward, September 30, 1864, enclosed in C.F. Adams to Earl Russel, London, November 23, 1864. Also found in Minister at Washington to Governors (P.A.C.), Record Group 7, G.6, Vol. xiii, 253. 4. The trial dragged on into October, but the military com­ mission found Dodd guilty of conspiracy against the govern­ ment, affording aid to rebels, inciting insurrection, dis­ loyal practices, and violation of the laws of war. Under sentence of death Dodd escaped and successfully made his way to Canada. In October, the military commission met once again, this time with charges against William Bowles, Andrew Humphreys, Horace Heffren, L.P. Milligan and Stephen Horsey, the other anti-war society leaders who had been arrested late in the summer. In December, Milligan, Bowles and Horsey were sentenced to be hanged, but the executions were later commuted to prison terms. For accounts of the trials see B. Pitman, ed., Trials for Treason at Indianapolis (Cincinnati, 1865), or the condensed analysis in Milton, Abraham Lincoln and the Fifth Column, pp. 230-43. 134 o Jones, the courier whom Thompson had suspected of Northern leanings had signed a complete confession to the Federal authorities. In over twenty pages Jones claimed that he had been ftseduced" from his allegiance by "wicked and de­

signing me~tI, and freely proffered his services to the United states if they restored his citizenship. He revealed the identity of over twenty Confederate agents in the United States, Canada, and ]ermuda, and told of the Confederate plan to land forces along the Maine coast to seize the Northeast.5 The Assistant Judge Advocate of the United States, L.C. Turner, was in Machias on September 16 when Jones made his initial statement. Turner admitted that the confession was plausible in several respects. For example, Jones stated that the Tallahassie would convoy the troops northward, and the ship had actually made some piratical ventures along the Maine coast since Jones' arrest. The Confederate might have heard of the vessel's presence while he was in jail. Never­ theless Turner reported the "coincidence" to the Secretary of War, 6 and also checked the names of the Confederate agents

5. Turner-Baker Papers, (N.A.), 4026; Confession of F.H. Jones. 6. Ibid.: L.C. Turner to E. Stanton, Portland, September 16, ~. For an account of the exploits of the Tallahassie by her commander see J.T. Wood, "The Tallahassie's Dash Into New York Waters,tI The Century Illustrated Monthly Ma~aZine, vol. lvi, New Series, vol. xxxiv, July, 1898, pp. 40 -11. This Confederate iron-clad was actually the Atlanta which had been formally commissioned and rechristened the Talla­ hassie on July 20, 1864, four days after Jones had been arrested. See Wood's article, p. 409. 135

mentioned by Jones against the information known by the Federal Secret Service. This part of the confession checked out very accurately, and Turner suggested that Jones might be telling the truth. Actually Jones knew the Confederate agents from his experience as a courier, and the accuracy of his cepor' bore no relation to his story of a Northeast conspiracy. Jones also said that the Confederacy had sent several men to the Maine coast to pose as artists while surveying possible landing sites. Investigation disclosed that several residents claimed to have seen "artists" in the area during the previous months. Jones' inclusion of this information suggests that Thompson had had some future plans for action along the Maine coast, and had sent men to survey the area as McDonald and Cole had done in the Lake Erie region. Thompson had informed Jones of the men engaged in reconnaissance, but he deceived the courier into believing that they were surveying landing sites for five thousand troops. 7

7. The Jones confession appears to have only two plausible explanations. Either Thompson had deceived the courier or else Jones had invented the whole confession to secure his own release. Although evidence is scarce, the present writer does not believe that the incident should be ex­ cluded. Robin Winks, for example, is justified in criti­ cizing Horan, Confederate A~ent, and P. van Doren Stern, Secret Missions of the clvi War (Chicago, 1959), for be­ lieving the Jones confession, but he himself is not willing to present any plausible explanation. See Winks, The Civil War Years, p. 285f. Horan claims that Collins and Phill1ps were tried, convicted and sentenced to death, but there is no evidence to suggest that the sentence was carried out. See Horan, Confederate Agent, p. 229. o 136 o If Thompson had considered action along the New Brunswick frontier he had now had it spoiled by Jones' con­ fession. The whole maritime area was alerted for possible Confederate operations. Thompson realized that border raids might endanger the neutral status of the Confederates in Canada and therefore began planning operations deep behind Federal lines. These would require new contacts and meticulous planning, however, and would consume valuable time. Unwilling to make this sacrifice, Clay chose the area of Upper New York­ Vermont-New Hampshire for his first attempt to disrupt the north by militant means. Here, just hours from Montreal, the United States had made few preparations against attack. The area contained no prisons, no Federal gunboats and few groups who actively challenged the Lincoln administration. The United States authorities did not consider it to be an area which the Confederates would attempt to overrun, but Clay saw the situation differently. With the election near, and Lin­ coln's chance of regaining office better every daYI Clay wanted an immediate Victory. If a small band of well disciplined men could create havoc in the area, it might help to change the tide of public opinion in the North before the election. Clay accepted assistance from George Sanders, who understood military strategy. The two men cooperated at first, but their aims were contradictory. Sanders' son, Major Heid Sanders, had died at Fort Warren on September 5, and his o 137 father no longer wanted peace.8 Hoping to avenge the death of his son" Sanders worked with Bennett Young to organize a band of Confederates for an incursion into Vermont. Sanders adopteffa philosophy of all-out war: to rob, burn, and de­ stroy without regard for the rules of warfare. Clay had clearly changed his attitude toward war, but his policy of retaliation did not incorporate the revenge envisioned by the other Confederates. Nor did he approve of robbery, realizing that it was an extraditable offence accord­ - ing to the Webster-Ashburton Treaty. The raid might therefore create an international dispute that could easily end the Confederate campaign. Sanders believed it was too late in the war to think of diplomatic repercussions. To rid himself of any possible interference from Clay, he sent the Commissioner to Quebec City on what Clay later referred to as a IIfool's errand.,,9 Sanders probably suggested to Clay that with the major leaders of the provinces gathered for the Confederation conference, an ideal opportunity existed to request the Canadian government to arrange the cotton transaction. Tucker had completed the initial negotiations the previous month and by October 3, the first t}nitedS"'baies steamer had left for the South to test the

8. See OR., ser. ii, vol. vii, pp. 679-80. 9. War Department Collection of Confederate Records - C.C. , Clay Correspondence (N.A.): C.C. Clay to B. Tucker, ,Q Quebec" C.E." Friday, October 14, 1864. I 138 o agreement with a cargo of 300 barrels of pork. 10 On October 14, Clay wrote to Beverley Tucker from Quebec expressing his humiliation in not receiving one call or even a card in reply to the proposal. He saw the failure as Ifone of the consequences of following the advice of G.N.S. - who is always promising some glorious fruits of the schemes of his conception. fill Clay was soon further depressed by news from Benjamin Wier at Halifax. Holcombe had finally received Clay's letter about the debacle at Chicago. In the South, Sherman had finally taken Atlanta and Grant had stopped Leefs forces at Petersburg. With no sign of a Confederate success before the election, it had been decided that the best course of action would be for Holcombe to return to Richmond. 12 Boarding the English blockade runner Condor at Halifax, Holcombe had attempted to run the blockade during the last week in September.

10. In an intercepted letter dated October 31, 1864, Tucker claimed that he had secured a contract for 5,000,000 1bs. of meat to be delivered to the Confederacy if Richmond gave permission for the ships to proceed unmolested. North America No. 1, pp. 70-2. 11. War Department Collection of Confederate Records - C.C. Clay Correspondence (N.A.): C.C. Clay to B. Tucker, Quebec, C.E., Friday, October 14, 1864. 12. Holcombe later reported to Clay's wife that he had seen Clay in early September and it is possible that Clay played a part in Holcombe's decision to ~o to Richmond rather than Europe. C.C. Clay MSS (Duke): J.P. Ho1combe to V. Clay, Bedford, Virginia, October 29, 1864. See also OR., ser. iv, Vol. iii, p. 639. 139

o The ship had been wrecked off Cape Hatteras, however, and several of the passengers and crew were reported drowned. 13 Meanwhile, in Montreal, Sanders made final arrange­ ments for his attack on Vermont. During the second week of October the raiders, claiming to be members of a Montreal hunting and fishing club who had selected Lake Champlain as the site of their annual outing, filtered into the peaceful town of St.Albans.14 In the next few days they inspected the stables and questioned the shopkeepers, judged the supply of good horses, and the number of guns in the town. Twenty­ one Confederates were involved. At three o'clock on the afternoon of October 19, Lieutenant Bennett H. Young stepped on to the porch of the American House at St.Albans and proclaimed to the surrounding citizens that their town was in the possession of the Con­ federate states. Several of the Confederates, none of whom wore uniforms, herded the nearby people onto the town green

13. War Department Collection of Confederate Records - C.C. Clay Correspondence: B. Wier to C.C. Clay, Halifax, October 11, 1864. For a description of the shipwreck see Unfi1ed Papers and Slips belon~ing in the Confederate Compiled Service Records (N.A.), M. 347, Roll 156 (news­ paper clipping regarding sinking of Condor). Although Roran, Confederate Agent, cites the Greenhow Papers, Captured Conrederate~orrespondence (N.A.), Record Group 59, NND 1387, E.513, E.515, as a major source for the "mystery" of the Condor, the papers proved to be of little value.

14. Winks, The Civil War Years~ p. 298; Mrs. J.G. Smith, "An Incident of the cIvIl war, f The Vermonter, Vol. iv, Nos., c 6 and 7, January-February, 1899, p. 101. 140 o while others entered the livery stables to select horses for the getaway. The remainder of the men were assigned the task of robbing the three banks. In groups of four and five the Confederates easily subdued the defenceless cashiers and clerks who were prepar­ ing to close for the day. At the St.Albans Bank the men robbed a local citizen, who unexpectedly entered the bank to make a deposit"then forced employees and customer to take the Confederate oath and promise not to report the robbery for two hours. At the Franklin County Bank the local gold merchant happened to enter during the robbery. Unaware of what was happening he bought the gold that the men were unable to pack into their carpetbags, and gave them a certificate of sale. At the First National Bank, the raiders announced that they were Confederate soldiers who had come to retaliate for the crimes committed by General Sherman in the South. Rejoining their companions in the street the three groups of raiders assigned to the banks carried with them between $180,000 and $208,000. 15 Young. and his men chose their horses, and hurled

15. 141 o Greek fire against the sides of buildings. But the towns­ people not under guard fired shots from the surrounding windows and roof tops, and began to form a line across the street to advance on the raiders. Young gave the order to withdraw and the Confederates stormed down the street and headed toward the Canadian border. 16 Before long a group of citizens were in pursuit. At She1don, the raiders burned a house and two barns and then a bridge to block their pursuers but the chase soon resumed. At the border the posse, unsure of its jurisdiction in the British provinces, hesitated. They finally decided to con­ tinue. The Confederates had not expected to be pursued into Canada, and had split up to proceed to Montreal in small groups. While the raiders were still in St.Albans, Governor John G. Smith at Montpe1ier, was informed by wire that the town was in flames and that a band of nearly one hundred Confederates were looting and killing. The telegraph wires were cut before the grossly exaggerated report could be 17 corrected. He assumed that the raid was the beginning of

16. Accounts of resistance are given in Benjamin, The St. A1bans Raid, pp. 46-8, 73, 141-3; Sow1es, "The St.Albans Raid, Ii pP. 15-7. 17. Winks, The Civil War Years, p. 300. Mrs. Smith, wife of the Governor, claimed that the telegraph operator merely locked his office after sending the message, and went to join the excitement. See Mrs. J.G. Smith, HAn Incident of the Civil war," p. 104. 142 o a larger attack into the area, and he quickly wired Secre­ tary of State Seward, Major General John Dix, and Governor General Monck. 18 He then recalled a train bound for St.Albans and loaded it with seventy-five war veterans who were recuper­ ating at the capital. Other Vermont towns were notified and a force of armed citizens made its way north from Burlington. Even the military cadets of Norwich University at Northfield were sent to the border points, and before the next morning 19 over thirteen hundred men were armed. RUmors of further raids spread along the New York frontier, and the towns of Plattsburg, Malone and Ogdensburg were alerted. At New York City, General Dix, United states Commander of the Military District of the East, ordered the commanding officer at Burlington to send troops north to find the raiders and to "pursue them into Canada if necessary to destroy them." Dix thought such action could be justified as "hot pursuit," but many feared that it could spark an Anglo-American war.20

18. A copy of Smith's telegram to Governor General Monck is included in North America No. 1, p. 2: Monck to J.G. Smith, Quebec, October 20, 1864, enclosed in Monck to E.T. Card­ well, Quebec, October 27, 1864. 19. Rev. H.F. Hill, "The St.Albans Raid," The Vermonter, vol. v, No. 2, September 1899, P. 35. (The article is taken from Hill's The History of Norwich universit{, 1819-1898.) See also North America No. 1, p. 12, "Extrac of Report from Major Austine to General Dix,1I enclosed in Lord Lyons to Earl Russe1, Washington, October 28, 1864. 20. Dix's order plus a comment on the action is given in North America No. 1, p. 4: "Extract from the 'New York Post t, Ii 143

Confederates in the provinces were unaware of the re­ percussions of their raid. On the evening of October 19, four of the raiders rode into the small town of Stanbridge, Canada East, to seek lodgings. Their presence did not seem to arouse any special attention, but by daybreak they were all in the custody of the local officials.21 The next afternoon Young and another of the raiders, who had abandoned their stolen horses and were proceeding north on foot, heard of the capture of some of the Confeder­ ates. Young, decided to surrender to Canadian authorities. He proceeded back to Philipsburg, Canada East, but stopped at a farmhouse five miles north of town for some food and rest. As the Confederate slept, the farmer alerted the Vermont posse that had checked at his house that afternoon. Before morning Young was a prisoner. The Confederate leader tried to escape, and was being reprimanded for his efforts when a British officer appeared and demanded jurisdiction over the prisoner. The officer reminded the Vermonters that they were violating the neutral­ 22 ity of British territory. The posse reluctantly consented.

enclosed in Monck to Cardwell, Quebec, October 27, 1864. The repercussions of Dix's order are discussed in Winks, The Civil War Years" PP. 302-5; J.D. Kazar, tfThe Canadian View of the Confederate Raid on Saint Albans, It Vermont History, vol. xxxiii, January 1965, pp. 257-9. 21. Benjamin, The St.Albans Raid, PP. 31-8. 22. Sowles, liThe St.Albans Raid," PP. 18, 25-6. 144 o That night two more of the raiders were captured in a barn near Stanbridge, and by October 23, fourteen of the twenty-one were in custody and a large part of the stolen money had been recovered by Canadian authorities.23 Yet the quick action taken by the provincials was not enough to calm the turmoil south of the border. The raid had been perfectly timed, for only a few weeks remained before the presidential election. The Lincoln administration decided to take a firm stand. On October 24 Seward instructed Foreign Minister Francis Adams to notify England that the United States would feel at liberty to effect a temporary suspension of the Rush­ Bagot border agreement. Seward viewed the raid as a deliber­ ate attempt to spark an Ang1o-American war and believed that the border would have to be properly defended to prevent any future attempts by the Confederates. 24 The next day he de­ manded the extradition of the St.A1bans raiders.25

23. Benjamin, The St.Albans Raid, pp. 39-41, 42-4, 48-51, 55-7. 24. See North America No. 1, pp. 6-9: W. Seward to C.F. Adams, washington, October 24, 1864, enclosed in Lord Lyons to Earl Russe1, Washington, October 28, 1864. 25. North America No. 1, p. 11: W. Seward to J.H. Burnley, Washington, October 25, 1864, enclosed in Lord Lyons to Earl Russel, Washington, October 28, 1864. Sowles, liThe St.A1bans Raid," contends that Seward had made a request for extradition on October 21, 1864, but no evidence has been found to support this claim. Other appeals were made by Seward, but these came after the 25th. See North America No. 1, p. 14: W. Seward to Lord Lyons, Washington, October 29, 1864, and p. 15: W. Seward to Lord Lyons, Washington, November 1, 1864, enclosed in Lyons to Earl Russe1, Washington, November 7, 1864. 145 o At Quebec, news of the raid arrived in the midst of the Confederation debates.26 Those who favored a federation of the provinces now had firm justification for their pro­ posal. They argued that only an effective united force from all the provinces stood a chance of preventing easy invasion by the United States. With a Union victory becoming more probable, they realized that the experienced Northern forces could quickly subdue their local militias and scatterings of British regulars. Canadians had often heard and feared the cries of "manifest destiny" from the United states.27 Coupled with this military threat was possible economic retaliation by the United States. A passport control system would soon be set up, checking all British North Americans who crossed the border and reducing travel between the two countries. There were also proposals to terminate the bond­ ing privileges, by which provincial goods were transported through the United States without excessive customs charges. The Montreal-Portland route was very profitable for Canadian distributors and the repeal of the privileges would hamper trade. There was no railway system joining Canada East to the maritime provinces, and most Canadian ports, unlike Portland, did not remain open during the hard winter months.

26. D. Creighton, John A. Macdonald, The Young Politician (Toronto, 1952J, Pp. 384-5. 27. See D. Creighton, Dominion of the North (Toronto, 1962: o first edition, 1944), p. 313. 146 o Finally, the United states threatened to abrogate the Reciprocity Treaty of 1854, which had benefited the provincial economies. Raw materials from Canada had found profitable outlets in the United States, and the degree of prosperity had risen considerably during the decade. 28 The St.Albans raid was the turning point for the Confederacy's Canadian campaign. It taught the United States that an uncompromising policy was the only way to treat Con­ federate operations from the British provinces. It also showed the Canadian government that to remain on favorable terms with the United states, it would have to make a stronger effort to prevent future Confederate operations from being organized within its jurisdiction. The neutrality acts would have to be tightened so that belligerent powers could not take advantage of its strategic position.29

28. Kazar, ItThe Canadian View of the Confederate Raid at Saint Albans," p. 265. 29. A stronger Canadian neutrality law received final approval o in February, 1865. Sowles, "St.Albans Raid," p. 45. Chapter Eight

The Confederates now struggled to maintain their position in the provinces. After questioning at St.John's, Canada East, the St.Albans raiders were escorted to Montreal on November 5. Governor General Monck placed the case in the jurisdiction of Judge Charles Coursal, the Chief Police Magistrate of Montreal, and Bernard Devlin, a noted Montreal criminal lawyer, consented to represent the United States as prosecutor. Soon after their arrest the Confederates wired Clay and Sanders. l Three prominent Montreal lawyers were retained to defend the raiders and a more permanent Confederate head­ quarters was established at the St.Lawrence Hall in downtown Montreal. Sanders made sure that the prisoners were comfortably treated. He secured them lodgings in the jailor's own house, and provided them with the best in food and wine. 2 From these quarters Bennett Young wrote articles for local newspapers, appealed his case to the Governor General and even read of

1. Benjamin, The St.Albans Raid, p. 35; Sowles, "The st. Albans Raid," P. 25: C.M. Wallace to G.N. Sanders (n.d.). The charges against the raiders were "assault, murder, attempted murder, robbery, attempted arson and horse­ stealing." See Winks, The Civil War Years, p. 311. 2. Sowles, "The St.Albans Riad,1I p. 29.

'0 147 148 o his exploits in the St.Albans Messenger, which he subscribed to with the aid of the stolen money.3 When a preliminary hearing was held on November 7, the defence quickly obtained a thirty day adjournment to permit a courier to travel to Richmond to obtain official copies of the commissions granted to the raiders. Clay returned to St.Catherines disgusted with the whole affair. He realized that Sanders had sent him to Quebec to prevent him from interfering with a plot with which he would disagree. On October 22, Clay wrote Thompson that III am no less surprised and shocked and disturbed at the St. Albans affair than you can be. 114 Clay had sanctioned a raid into Vermont to "burn and destroy,l1 and Beverley Tucker later recorded that he had heard Clay tell Bennett Young not to commit robbery.5 Sanders had apparently convinced Young that

3. North America No. 1, p. 3: "To the Editor of the Evening Telegraph," enclosed in Monck to Cardwell, October 27, 1864; Sowles, liThe St.Albans Raid, It Pp. 25-6, 29-30.: Bennett Young to the Editor of the St.Albans Messenger, Montreal, November 17, 1864; Governor General's Numbered Files (P.A.C.), Record Group 7, G.21, vol. xv: Abbott, LaFlamme, Kerr, to Wm. McDougal1, November 18, 1864, and McDougall to Monck, November 25, 1864, and E. Parent to Abbott, LaFlannne and Kerr, Quebec, November 28, 1864. 4. Kinchen, IISome Unpublished Documents on the St.Albans Raid,fI p. 179: C.C. Clay to Fraser, Trenholm and Co., ~hompsoE7, St.Catherines, C.W., October 22, 1864. Kinchen1s source for this letter is the S.F. Cameron MSS, Confederate Museum, Richmond. 5. C.C. Clay MSS (Duke): B. Tucker to C.C. Clay, Montreal, December 9, 1864. In a letter from J. Thompson to J.P. o Benjamin, Toronto, January 8, 1865 (Rare Book Room, L.C.), 149

robbery was justifiable under the circumstances. On October 29, Clay wrote to his brother Lawson. He asked his brother to contact Confederate leaders and secure permission to return to the south. If Richmond denied this request, Lawson was to arrange for Virginia Clay to join her husband in Canada under a flag of truce.6 Clay was tired of war and embittered by Sanders' actions, yet he was not ready to abandon Bennett Young and the men under his command. Until he received permission to return South, Clay would do what he could for the prisoners. His.efforts might at least prevent the incident from ruining future operations. Clay also wrote to Richmond to procure documents that could be used as evidence at the trial of the raiders. The letter is interesting for it contradicts Clayts private correspondence concerning the raid. Clay stated that his

Thompson included a memorandum from Clay to Young dated October 6, 1864. The memorandum stated " •••your suggestion for a raid upon the most accessible towns in Vermont is approved, and you are authorized and required to act in conformity with that suggestion.1! See also L.N. Benjamin, The St.Albans Raid, p. 209. 6. The "personals" were a valuable mode of quick communication between Canada and Richmond, although they could not be trusted with confidential material. Clay's October 29, 1864 correspondence to his brother was printed in the New­ York News and reprinted in the Richmond Enluirer, November 10, 1864. Reading the message in the Enqu rer, Hugh Lawson Clay wrote to his brother the same day and Secretar¥ Ben­ jamin wrote one day later. See C.C. Clay MSS (Duke): T.E. Lacy LP.C. Clay? to Hugh Lawson Clay, St.Catherines, C.W., October 29, 18b4, and H.L. Clay to L.E. Lacy }C.C. C1ai7, Richmond, November 10, 1864, and B.P.J. LJ.P.~njami~ to o T.E. Lacy LP.C. Clair, Richmond, November 11, 1864. 150

ordem to Young were "to destroy whatever was valuable, not to stop to rob, but if after firing a town he could seize and carry off money, or treasury or bank notes, he might do so, upon condition that they were delivered to the proper authorities of the Confederate States. fl7 There were no formal orders signed at Richmond authorizing a raid on St. Albans, Vermont. It has already been shown that in April, 1864, when the Canadian campaign was initiated, Jefferson Davis did not know the exact form in which the operations would be performed. Clay had discovered during the Niagara affair, however, that written credentials signed at Richmond were important. Now that Young needed such orders, the Con­ federacy could prepare a commission that would make the raid 8 a regular act of war. The Confederacy would no doubt comply

7. See Governor Generals' Numbered Files (P.A.C.) Record Group 7, G. 21, vol. 15, Number 57: /C.C. cla~7 to J.P. Benjamin, St.Catherines, C.W., November 1, 18~; North America No. 1, pp. 51-3: "Letter addressed to Benjamln,1f enclosed in C.F. Adams to Earl Russel, London, December 28, 1864, and PP. 67-72: J.H. Burnley to Earl Russel, Washington, December 23, 1864; Sowles, liThe St.Albans Raid," pp. 22-4, 30-1. 8. A copy of Young's commission was presented to the court on November 12, 1864, before a courier had time to get to Richmond and back to Montreal. Benjamin, The St.Albans Raid, p. 80. This fact disproves the theory that all of the commissions presented to the court were prepared and predated at Richmond. See Kazar, "The Canadian View of the Confederate Raid on St.Albans," pp. 270-1. The Compiled Service Records of Confederate Soldiers who served in the Organization from Kentucky (N.A.), M.319, Roll 47, con­ tains evidence that Young actually went to Richmond after he met Clay at Halifax, and was ordered to report back to Canada for duty. The commissions presented to the court c at a later date, however, were no doubt those prepared at Richmond at Clay's request. See Benjamin, The St.Albans Raid, pp. 206, 216, 290-1, 292-3. 151 - with Clay's request, but there was an unsolved problem of getting the letter to Richmond. Both Lincoln and the Gover­ nor General were asked to assist the courier, but both naturally refused. Clay also alienated some of the raiders over the question of the stolen money. He thought the money belonged to the Confederate government as a prize of war, but some of the raiders considered it their own. Clay protested, ex­ plaining that their attitude would make the raid appear like a piece of small-town banditry, but the raiders did not yield. Only Bennett Young appears to have sided with the Commissioner. 9 As the people of several nations awaited the outcome of the trial, Jacob Thompson prepared for three more oper­ ations. The schemes, which ranged from uprisings at Chicago and New York to further raids on the Great Lakes, were de­ signed to take place around November 8, the date of the United states presidential election. The Chicago plan was essentially another attempt at a Northwest conspiracy. With Lincolnrs victory confidently predicted, the Copperheads had new justification for support­ ing rebellion. Thompson later suggested that he had abandoned

9. See War Department Collection of Confederate Records - C.C. Clay Correspondence (N.A.): McGinnis to J. Thompson, Novem­ ber 15, 1864, J. Thompson to C.C. Clay, Toronto, November 22, 1864; C.C. Clay MSS (Duke): B. Young to C.C. Clay, Montreal, November 21, 1864, and B. Tucker to C.C. Clay, Montreal, December 9 1864. These letters have been re­ printed in Kinchen, ~Some Unpublished Documents on the St. o Albans Raid," pp. 180-3. 152 such a project, but was persuaded by Hines who still believed that it could work. lO During the canvass that preceded the election~ the Sons of Liberty made public proclamations that the Federal government planned to interfere at the polls with military force to assure a Republican victory_ The conspirators used this propaganda as an excuse to carry arms. This time it appeared that the anti-war societies were finally going to support the Confederates. On November 5, the Sons of Liberty began to arrive in Chicago. But the Federal authorities were again one step ahead. On the evening of the 5th, they contemplated reports that na large number of persons of suspicious character tl 11 were entering the city from southern Illinois. On Sunday, the 6th, more "suspicious characters" had arrived, including lIescaped prisoners of war, and soldiers of the rebel army. 11 Among them were Captain Hines, Colonel Grenfell, and Colonel Marmaduke, all former officers under Morgan. Charles Walsh was also suspected of being in alliance with them. At Camp Douglas there were only 791 soldiers guarding 8352 prisoners of war. The prisoners were confined in a garrison square surrounded by a twelve

10. A Leaf from Histor~ ... (L.C.): J. Thompson to J.P. BenJamin, Toronto, December , 1864. Also in ORN., ser. i, vol. iii, pp. 714-9; OR., ser. i, vol. Xliii, Part 2, pp. 930-6. 11. Letters Received by the Adjutant General's Office, 1861-70 (N.A.), M. 619, Roll 310, 218-31: Col. B.J. Sweet to Brig. Gen. J.B. Fry, Camp Douglas, Chicago, November 23, 1864. A copy is printed in OR., ser. i, vol. xlv, Part 1, pP. 1076-83 and Headley, COnfederate Operations, pp. 284-8. 153 foot fence made of one inch board. On the night of November 6, in the hope of quashing rebellion before the conspirators were completely organized, Colonel B.J. Sweet, Commander of the Federal Post at Camp Douglas, decided to close in on as 12 many of the instigators as possible. Colonel Grenfell and J.T. Shanks13 were apprehended at the Richmond House; Colonel Marmaduke, Charles Walsh, Captain Cantrill (another of Morgan's officers) and Charles Travers were arrested soon after, as was Judge Buckner S. Morris, !reasurer of the Sons of Liberty. Federal troops uncovered the arsenal at Walsh's residence and by the follow­ ing night another 106 "bushwhackers, guerillas and rebel soldiers" had been taken into custody.14 The authorities staged furth~raids on the 11th, 13th, and 15th. They un­ covered terrorist : arsenals and arrested Confederate couriers and prominent officals of the anti-war societies. Only Hines and a few cohorts escaped the Federal onslaught. When Hines arrived in Toronto, Thompson dispatched him

12. Letters Received by the Adjutant General's Office (N.A.), M. 619, Roll 310, 232-4: B.J. Sweet to Brig. Gen. J. Cook, Tremant House, Camp Douglas, 8i o'clock, November 6, 1864. OR., ser. i, vol. xlv, Part 1, p. 1081: enclosed in B.J. SWeet to J.B. Fry, Chicago, November 23, 1864. 13. J.T. Shanks was a former Morgan cavalryman, but had become a Federal informer and worked along with J.W. Ayer, a prominent Northern spy, to disrupt the Confederate plot. See Milton, Abraham Lincoln and the Fifth Column, pp. 248-51. 14. OR., ser. i, vol. xlv, Part 1, p. 1079: enclosed in B.J. Sweet to J.B. Fry, Chicago, November 23, 1864. 154 c to Richmond to inquire whether operations should be continued from Canadian soil. Clay was expected to receive permission to return south shortly, and Thompson had similar desires.15 Thompson took this opportunity to forward his own request to be recalled. The Confederate operation in New York City fared better than the one in Chicago. W.L. McDonald, who had done the initial reconnaissance work on Lake Erie, was also a high ranking official in the Sons of Liberty_ McDonald's brother owned a piano shop on Washington Square in New York City, and many who disliked the Lincoln administration met there. The situation appeared favorable for another attempt to unite 16 the Confederate effort with that of the anti-war radicals. Thompson chose Lieutenant Colonel Robert Martin and Lieutenant John W. Headley to lead the Confederate force. Both were former Morgan cavalrymen who had been ordered north from Richmond in late August. 17 Six other Confederates were

15. Permission for Clay to return south was received at St. Catherines by November 20, 1864. See C.C. Clay MSS (Duke): L.E. Lacy ~.C. Clai7 to H.L. Clay, St.Catherines, C.W., November 20, 1864. 16. Union Provost Marshal's File of One Name Papers regarding Citizens (N.A.), M. 345, Roll 123: J.A. Kennedy to J. Holt, 300 Mulberry Street, New York City, July 17, 1865, en­ closed in E.D. Townsend to Major Gen. J. Hooker, Washington, July 25, 1865. 17. According to Headleyts own account, he and Martin had travelled north in early September, arriving in Toronto just after the Lake Erie incident. See Headley, Confederate 155 chosen to accompany the two officers and the raiding party left the provinces during the week before the national elec­ tion. According to the plan, the Confederates were to set fire to the major hotels in New York on November 8. McDonald would join the conspirators with a band of men from a Copper­ head convention to be held in the city that same day, and the combined force would seize Fort LaFayette, City Hall and Police Headquarters. Thompson may not have counted on enthusi­ astic support from the Copperheads after his experience at Chicago in August, but even eight trained guerrillas could create havoc by setting fire to the hotels, and the incident might precipitate another disaster comparable to the draft 18 riots of July, 1863. The plan was temporarily laid aside during the first week in November when rumors of a raid alerted the authorities and General Benjamin Butler arrived in the city with ten thousand troops to establish martial law. The Copperheads postponed their convention and the Confederates waited patient­ ly. The new date was November 25, Thanksgiving Day. When the 25th arrived, the Copperheads, no doubt

Operations in Canada and New York PP. 211-4, 231. Martin was a leading guerrilla officer who had joined with General Morgan in December, 1862. For his exploits see Ibid., pp. 62-65, 125, 139-145, 146-160, 186-200. ---­ 18. For a brief description of the New York draft riots of July, 1863, see Randall and Donald, The Civil War and Re­ o construction, pp. 316-8. 156 c discouraged by the rash of arrests in the Chicago area, with­ drew their support. Martin was unwilling to see the expe­ dition fail, and the Confederates decided to attempt the raid alone. The vials of Greek fire that were to have been used by the Sons of Liberty were carried by the guerrillas, and although two of the men had deserted by nightfall, Martin began his rounds of the hotels with Headley, Lieutenant John T. Ashbrook, Robert Kennedy, Lieutenant James T. Harrington and one other. Martin registered at the Hoffman House, the Fifth Avenue, the St.Denis and two other hotels, while Headley concentrated on the Astor, the City Hotel, the Everett Hotel and the United States Hotel. The others booked into another ten hotels in­ cluding the St.Nicholas, LaFarge, St.James, Tammany, and Love­ joy's. The men set fire to their rooms, returned their keys to the desk, and moved on to the next hotel. Some of the vials of Greek fire failed to ignite properly, but their efforts were not in vain. Fire sirens rang continuously through the night and during the confusion Headley managed to set fire to some barges along the North River Pier. Kennedy got rid of his extra fire-bombs in the basement of Barnumfs Museum and created near panic as the flames raged near the animals trapped inside. Barnum's female giantess added to the excite­ ment when she went berserk and stormed through the crowded streets. o 157

The excitement had subsided by morning, but the New York Herald estimated damage at $422,000, a sizable sum for the work of the unaided Confederates. Federal authorities closed in on many persons in the New York area who might have been involved in the abortive uprising. Several Confederate couriers and agents were arrested. Although Thompson was no doubt relieved when he heard that the four guerrillas had managed to elude the detectives and returned to the provinces, he knew that the expedition had again failed to create the turmoil he had anticipated.19 The only maneuver still untried, another attack in the Great Lakes, had also been frustrated by late November. Plans had been laid shortly after the failure at Lake Erie. With the help of a sympathetic Canadian, George T. Denison, Thompson arranged for the purchase of the steamer Georgian, to be used for attacks against Buffalo and Johnson's Is1and.20 The ship was delivered to John Bea11 at Port Co1borne, Canada West, on November 1. At this pOint, Dr. James P. Bates took

19. The account of the New York raid was compiled from infor­ mation in Head1ey, Confederate o~rations in Canada and New York, PP. 274-83; Union Provost rsha1's File of One Name Papers regarding Citizens (N.A.), M345, Roll 123: J.A. Kennedy to A.A. Rosmer (n.d.), enclosed in B.D. Townsend to Maj. Gen. T. Hooker, Washington, July 25, 1865. See also New York Times, New York Herald, New York Tribune, November 26, 27, 28, 1864. 20. Denison discusses his acquaintance with the Confederates in Lt. Col. George T. Denison, SOldierin~ in Canada; Re­ collections and EXperiences (Toronto, 19 0), pp. 58=65. o 158 command and steered the vessel northward to rendezvous with a Confederate crew who would prepare it for battle. The operation proceeded with as much secrecy as possi­ ble, but by November 5, the United states Consul General at Toronto, David Potter, had heard of the purchase. He sent word to Governor General Monck and the Canadian government ordered the vessel searched when it reached Sarnia. The dock authorities inspected the ship on November 12, but gave it clearance when they found nothing suspicious aboard. The ship continued northward for a rendezvous at Collingwood.2l Within a week an old cannon disappeared from a yard at Guelph and the Governor General was informed that the weapon was destined for Collingwood.22 John A. Macdonald, Attorney General at Quebec, was entrusted with the case and on November 17 he sent J.J. Kingsmill a government agent, to investigate. For a week Kingsmill travelled through Canada West gathering information. On November 25, Macdonald was able to report to R.J. K1mball, United states Consular Agent at Toronto, that "two barrels and one box marked potatoes" had been shipped from Sarnia to Lexington, Michigan on November 16. Kimball notified Lieutenant Colonel B.H. Hill at Detroit and the weapon

21. See Winks, The C1v1l War Years, pp. 308-10; ORN., serf 1, vol. 111, p. 718: J. Tfiompson to J.P. BenjamIn; Toronto, December 3, 1864. 22. North Amer1ca, No. I, pp_ 37-8: R.J. Kimball to D. Potter, Toronto, November 14, 1864, and H. Bernard to Mr. Coursal, Quebec, November 18, 1864, enclosed 1n Monck to Cardwe11, Quebec, November 25, 1864. 159 23 was seized by custom-house officials. The authorities were now stopping any questionable cargo en route to Collingwood. When the Georgian arrived it was unarmed and useless to the Confederates.24 The Canadian campaign was rapidly deteriorating. During the Georgian affair Bennett Burley was arrested and sent to Toronto to stand trial for his part in the Philo Parsons incident. The United states made immediate demands for his extradition.25 At Windsor, Federal spies from Detroit uncovered a scheme to produce "Greek fire," presumably to be used by Confederate saboteurs.26 Other sources reported that rebels were drilling regularly at Marysburg, in Prince Edward county.27 There was little doubt that the St.Albans raid had

23. OR., sera i, vol. xlv, Part 1, p. 1076: B.H. Hill to Maj. ~n. Hooker, Detroit, November 26, 1864 with its enclosure Hon. J.A. Macdonald to R.J. Kimball, ~uebec, November 25, 186i7. For information concerning the action taken by Macdonald see the letters contained in North America No. 1, PP. 38-42. 24. For a Confederate account of their attempt to arm the ship see Headley, Confederate Operations, pp. 253-5. 25. Secret and Confidential Dispatches of the Colonial Secre­ tary (P.A.C.), Record Group 7, G. 10,G. 180b~ 76-7: Gov. Gen. Monck to Earl Cardwell, Quebec, May 3, 1~65. 26. Governor General's Numbered Files (P.A.C.), Record Group 7, G. 21, vol. xv: Maj. Gen. Hooker to Brig. Gen. Townsend, Cincinnati, Ohio, December 6, 1864, and Lt. Col. Hill to Captain Palter, Detroit, December 3, 1864, enclosed in Townsend to W. Seward, Washington, December 12, 1864. Also found in North America No. 1, pp. 53-4. 27. North America No. 1, PP. 42-3: Major-General Dix to E. o Stanton, New York, November 22, 1864, enclosed in C.F.Adams 160 sparked an extra effort by both the United states and Canadian authorities to hamper the Confederates, and Thompson' surely viewed the actions of his fellow Commissioner as a hindrance rather than a help. Clay's efforts at Niagara had been the main reason for the collapse of the major conspiracy at Chicago in August. Then in October, Clay had allowed him­ self to be hoodwinked by Sanders, and the resulting raid now made even small maneuvers close to impossible. Yet Thompson was not the only person disgusted with the Canadian efforts. The Richmond authorities were well in­ formed of the Canadian campaign from newspapers, the Com­ missioners' reports, and from interviews with couriers return­ ing from the provinces. In August the Confederacy had sent George Dawson to the provinces to analyze Canadian public opinion. For two months he had been travelling to all of the major towns and cities in the area of the Confederate opera­ tions and his reports insisted that the provincials supported the South. He admitted that the most important issue was Confederation, but he concluded that the Toronto Globe, Iledited by a •••New York Republican," was the South's only adversary 28 in the Canadian press.

to Earl Russel, London, December 12, 1864, and p. 75: Gov. Gen. Monck to Earl Cardwell, Quebec, December 30, 1864. 28. C.S.A., State Department Records (L.C.), Box 7, Folder 59: G. Dawson to J.P. BenJamin, Quebec, C.E., August 26, 1864, and G. Dawson to J.P. Benjamin, Toronto, September 24, 1864, and G. Dawson toJ.P. Benjamin, Toronto, October 27, o 1864. . 161 Shortly after the St.Albans raid, K.J. Stewart also appeared in the provinces. He reported to Richmond on the

quality of Confederate strategy. On November 30, after com­ pleting his survey, he wrote to Jefferson Davis strongly criticizing Thompson's efforts and requesting to be placed in charge of Canadian operations. He believed that small spo­ radic raids had only created counter-espionage without "materi­ ally crippling" the enemy. Stewart suggested that the Confeder­

acy conduct larger operations and "strike hard It whenever possible. He assured Richmond that livery much" could be done from the British provinces if he were put in charge, given time and money, and if "these fruitless raids" were stopped. He said that Thompson could stay and assist, as his past ex­ perience would be valuable, but he made it quite clear that Richmond should turn the funds over to him and advise Thompson to consult him on any future raids.29

On December 3, in a letter to Secretary Benjamin, Thompson summarized his efforts to disrupt the North since June. The Commissioner realized that Richmond had sent Stewart to investigate, and his report attempted to justify his actions. Stewart had written that the situation in the provinces was

29. Records of the War Department (N.A.), Record Group 109, Chapter 7, vol. xxiv, pp. 58-63: K.J. Stewart to Jefferson Davis, Toronto, November 30, 1864. A letter from J.P. Benjamin to Secretary of War Seddon, Richmond, October 25, 1864 suggests Stewart's northern trip. See House o Judiciary Committee Report No. 104, p. 12. 162

poor because there was "so much alarm and annoyance •••by so many failures." Although not directly refuting such a theory, Thompson gave the impression that he had tried his best. He mentioned that "within the last few days Dr. K.I. LSig stewart, of Virginia, has reached this place, and mysteriously informs me that he has a plan for the execution of something

that has received the sanction of the President." This IIpl an" was no doubt the idea of returning to large scale operations. Thompson declared that he had advanced Stewart $500, but had refused any more aid until he heard more definitely from 30 Richmond. Hines was back in Richmond, where Thompsonts request to return south was being considered. President Davis was anxious for success on any front, hence was not prepared to recall his experienced Commissioner on such short notice.

Stewart 1 s report had not been received when Secretary BenJaminrs personal courier, Edwin G. Lee, was sent with the reply on December 6. The note suggested that Thompson continue his efforts until a suitable replacement could be found. If he wished to leave before receiving further word, however, he was "at liberty to entrust to General Lee all means remaining in your hands." Lee could become the Confederacy's agent

30. A Leaf from History••• (L.C.): J. Thompson to J.P. BenJamin, December 3, 1864. Also printed in OR., sera i, vol. xliii, Part 2, PP. 930-6; ORN., sera i, vo!7 iii, PP. 714-9. o 163 "for the time being. n 31

31. C.S.A., State Department Records (L.C.), Contained 63: J.P. Benjamin to J. Thompson, Richmond, December 6, 1864. o Chapter Nine

By December, 1864, both the United States and Canadian governments were tak1ng vigorous measures to rid themselves of the Confederate menace. But when the trial of the St. Albans raiders resumed at Montreal on December 13, the defence got the case dismissed on the grounds that there was an incon­ sistency in the warrant of arrest. A tactic that had secured the release of the Chesapeake raiders 1n February again saved the day. This time the defence pointed out that according to an act passed by the British Parliament to implement the Webster-Ashburton Treaty, a warrant for such arrests had to be signed by the Governor General. As the warrant for the Confederates had been signed only by Judge Coursal, the court proclaimed the action inva11d, and ordered the immediate re­ lease of the prisoners. Before the men could be re-arrested under new warrants, the Confederates had secured the stolen money and fled the city.1 The raiders received the money from the bank after

1. North America No. 1, PP. 57-8: "Extract from the Da1ly MornIng ChronIcle,," December 15, 1864, conta1ned 1n J.H. Burnley to Earl Russel, Washington, December 15, 1864; Kazar, "The Canadian View of the Confederate Raid on Saint Albans," p. 263; Sowles" liThe St.Albans Ra1d, tt p. 31; Benjam1n, The St.Albans Raid, PP. 117-28. o 164 165 three o'clock, suggesting that perhaps bribery played a role in their release. A major share of the stolen money had been put in the custody of Guillaume LaMothe, Chief of Police for the City of Montreal. Included in the Rapiers La Mothe is a receipt for $88,273 signed on December 13 by the fourteen raiders and witnessed by George N. Sanders. The receipt reveals that it was LaMothe who returned the stolen money to the Confederates. LaMothe was a Southern sympathizer, and in March of the next year he purchased the Canadian Eagle, a ship on which several of the Confederates attempted to flee the country. Such evidence suggests that on December 13, 1864, the Confederates made their most successful purchase of Canadian sympathy.2 The outcome of the trial pleased Thompson, but Clement Clay interpreted the Montreal verdict as a chance to return

~outh. He believed that future operations from the provinces were futile. He had come to promote peace, but his hopes

2. Papiers La Mothe (P.A.C.), Manuscript Group 19, A 12, vol. xiii, 14: Receipt for $88,273.00, and 12: Bill of Sale for the Canadian Eagle, Quebec, March 29, 1865, and 13: Clearance papers for the Canadian Eagle from the Port of North Sydney, Cape Breton Island, May 1, 1865. See also O.A. Kinchen, Daredevils of the Confederate Army, The story of the St.Albans Raiders (Boston, 1959), pp. 76-80. After an investigation into the release 9f the raiders, LaMothe resigned his office. See Montreal City Council, Police Committee Investi ation into the Char es referred b ounc or v n aga ns Gu aume LaMo e Mon rea , 1S 64}; Kazar, liThe Canadian View of the Confederate Raid on Saint Albans, It pp. 266-7; Sowles, liThe St.Albans Raid, tf Pp. 33-4. "'-he C~l\adia.1\ ~~I"I"I\e."t later l"'t1;lae - p.art.a\ ...ee'tCe~}J: ies t he b~",k$ of St.Al\);;).I\S f",cm the %011"1'1\/'\("'''' {,reas"ry, /out t €. 0,>,-;0. o esc~Fed... ",it" what fj..e't H·.,,,,,sel,,,e~· ha~ t.-.\::e". 166

were dashed with the rebuffs at Niagara and Chicago. He had then sanctioned a raid into Vermont, and although it had been executed in a manner repugnant to him, he had remained to see his men freed of the charges filed against them. Word had reached him that Holcombe was still alive, and well,3 and final preparations were made for his own return. A few days after the trial ended, Clay said goodbye to his associates 4 and began the Journey to Halifax. Thompson would not admit defeat. He planned to con­ tinue the struggle until Richmond sent him orders to return. Hoping to secure aid from sympathetic Canadians, he worked for the release of Bennett Burley at Toronto, and he proba­ bly expected an outcome similar to the St.Albans verdict. 5

3. War Department Collection of Confederate Records - C.C. Clay Correspondence (N.A.): B. Wier to C.C. Clay, Halifax, October 14, 1864. . 4. The actual date of Clay's departure is uncertain. From the House Judiciary Report No. 104 pp. 8-10 it appears that Clay was in Montreal on December 10, 1864 and in Quebec City on December 11, 1864. At the trial of the St.Albans raiders George Sanders testified that Clay left a few days before December 13, 1864. However, the Sanders testimony contains several interjections designed to mislead the prosecution. See Benjamin, The St.Albans Raid, p. 213. Horan, Confederate A~ent, p. 248, claims that Clay left on December 18, 1864, w lle Headley Confederate Operations, p. 310, implies that Clay left early because there was a chance that he might be arrested for authoriZing the raid and might even be extradited to the United States. 5. On November 28, 1864, Thompson wrote to Richmond for a copy of Burley's commiSSion, and on December 19, 1864, Secretary Ma110ry sent the commission to Thompson. Hines, "Northwest Conspiracy," p. 702: L.B. Ma110ry to J. Thompson, Richmond December 19, 1864, and pp. 703-4: J. Thompson to J.M. Mason, o Toronto, January 21, 1865. Then, just prior to Clay's departure, Thompson received tragic news from Niagara Falls: John Yates Beall had been arrested. Beall's arrest came after an incident in Upper New York State. He and Martin, Headley and Ashbrook set out to derail a train carrying prisoners from Johnson's Island to Fort LaFayette in New York City. Accompanying them was seventeen year old George Anderson, formerly a private in Morgants cavalry, and who had acted as a courier to Martin for a short time. On the night of December 15, the men took a sleigh through deep snow to a barren stretch between Dun­ kirk and Buffalo. After vainly attempting to remove a section of track, they wedged an extra piece of rail across the ties. Much to their disappointment, the speeding locomotive tossed the rail to one side. The raiders returned to Buffalo, where they split up to make the return trip to Canada. At the de­ pot in Buffalo Beall and Anderson were apprehended by Federal detectives while waiting for a train to cross the suspension 6 bridge, and were escorted to Fort LaFayette to await trial. Thompson was repelled by the thought of a trial in New York. John Castleman had been arrested in the United States, but circumstances were different. Castleman's trial took place in Indiana, where anti-war feeling still ran high,

6. Trial of John Yates Beall, pp. 33-41: testimony of George S. Anderson; Headley, Confederate Operations, pp. 300-7. Headley gives a similar account of the expedition although he claims that there were 10 men in the party. 168 and the proceedings had been postponed on several occasions for lack of evidence. Baa11 1 s trial, however, would be held in a city that had witnessed the brutality of a Confederate raid, and would be conducted by military officials who were furious over the verdict that freed the rebels in Montreal. Baall's earlier efforts on Lake Erie had been witnessed by over one hundred people, and Thompson was too far away to offer any bribes. Baall's acquittal was a major condition for the continuation of the Canadian campaign for, with Hines in Richmond, Baall was Thompson's most capable officer. Yet this was not the only difficulty that threatened the Canadian campaign. Tangible; evidence now appeared to show that the Canadian authorities had decided to hamper further operations. In early December, John A. Macdonald formed an additional detective force and appointed Gilbert McMicken to lead a full-scale operation against Confederate activities in Canada West. Then the authorities gave Colonel Edward Ermatinger a similar force in Canada East.7 In addition Governor General Monck wrote to England on December 15, re­ questing further power to "restrain" the Confederates "who

7. Wink, The Civil War Years, p. 322. McMicken had previously been Holcombe1s agent at Windsor where he helped Confederate soldiers to return to the South. See C.S.A., State Depart­ ment Records (L.C.), Box 7, Folder 59, also in Container 62 and ORN., ser. ii, vol. iii: J.P. Holcombe to J.P. Benjamin, Richmond, November 16, 1864. See also Kazar, "The Canadian View of the Confederate Raid on Saint Albans," p. 266; North America No. 1, p. 66: J.H. Burnley to Gov. Gen. c Monck, Washington, December 23, 1864. 169 8 seek an asylum in Canada." Five days later, with fresh warrants of arrest and the incentive of rewards, the Canadian authorities rounded up Bennett Young and four of his men near Quebec City. The raiders were taken to Montreal for a new trial under Judge J. Smith. Furthermore, Richmond had received the reports from K.J. Stewart criticizing the poorly planned raids, and on December 30, Secretary Benjamin wrote Thompson giving him formal permission to return south. The Confederacy was will­ ing to accept Stewart's appraisal of the situation and in­ formed Thompson that it was "satisfied that so close an espionage is kept on you that your services have been deprived of the value which we attached to your further residence in Canada. fl9 The letter requested that Thompson transfer all of the information that he had obtained, plus the balance of the Commission's money, to Edwin Lee. Lee and Stewart would henceforth act as the Confederacy's liaison with the northern provinces. Free to leave the area if he wished, Thompson chose. to remain in an unofficial capacity. Like Clay, he probably

8. North America No. I, p. 62: Gov. Gen. Monck to Earl Card­ we!!, Quebec, December 15, 1864. 9. C.S.A., State Department Records (L,C')A Container 63: J.P. Benjamin to J. Thompson December 30, 1~64. A copy is printed in A.L. Levin, ~Who Hid John H. Surratt, The Lincoln Conspiracy Case Figure," Maryland Historical Magazine, June 1965, pp. 175-84. 170

did not feel that his job was completed until he had done what he could for the men under his command. On January 4, 1865, Lieutenant S.B. Davis arrived in Toronto from Richmond with documentary evidence for the cases of Bea11 and Bur1ey. His success in evading the Northern detectives during this time of increased counter-espionage looked encouraging. Thompson hid him in the house of Colonel George Denison until January 10, when the ex-Commissioner sent him off once again to Richmond, this time to secure evi­ dence to be used in the new trial of the St.A1bans raiders. Davis t luck did not hold out. On January 14, he was captured near Newark, Ohio, and taken to Cincinnati to be tried as a spy_ The court was quick to find him guilty and on January 26, Major General Joseph Hooker declared that he would be hanged. 10 Less than two weeks later at Toronto, Chief Justice Wi11iam Draper, assisted by justices from the Courts of the Queen's Bench and Common Pleas, found Bennett Bur1ey guilty of robbery. He was extradited to Port C1inton, Ohio, to be tried by United states offic1a1s.11 The proceedings at

10.

11. C.S. Blue, "The Case of Bennett Bur1ey, The Lake Erie o Pirate, If Canadian Magazine, vol. xlv, June, 1915, pP. 171 Cincinnati and Toronto foreshadowed the New York verdict. On Friday, January 20, John Yates Bea11 made his first appearance before the military commission in New York, facing the charges of spying on the North and carrying on "irregular and unlawful warfare as a guerri11a. 1I12 The evi­ dence sent from Richmond was presented, but the odds were against him. George Anderson, the young man who had accompanied the other guerrillas, testified for the state. By February 14, Bea11 had been found guilty and was sentenced to be hanged on February 18. Pleas for leniency poured into Washington, and it has even been stated that Bea11's good friend, John Wi1kes Booth, pleaded with Lincoln to pardon the Confederate.13 Hope revived at news that Lincoln had suspended the sentence against S.B. Davis, and that Bea11 was reprieved pending further investigation. The military commission reconvened on February 20, but took only one day to reconfirm the sen­ tence. On Friday, February 24, Bea11 was executed on Governor's Island in New York Harbor. 14

194-6; Winks, The Civil War Years, pp. 291-2. Head1ey, Confederate o£eratlons, incorrectly states that Bur1ey was set free y the British authorities. Bur1ey did escape while on trial in Ohio, and returned to Canada safely. 12. Information regarding Bea11's trial is taken from The Trial of John Yates Bea11. 13. Winks, The Civil War Years, p. 291f. 14. Trial of John yates Bea1l, pp. 89-94: D.T. Van Buren by command of Maj. Gen. J. Dix, General Order No. 14, New York, February 14, 1865, and D.T. Van Buren, by command 172 Beall's death had separate and quite distinct effects upon the three groups involved in the international contro­ versy. First, it committed the United States to a policy of following through with demands for severe punishment. Second­ ly, it appears to have aided the St.Albans raiders, for Canadians seemed to have become determined that they would not let any more Confederates be extradited, like Burley, into the clutches of the Northerners. Finally, it weakened the desire of the Confederates still in the provinces to attempt any more raids on the Northern frontier. Proof of these attitudes may be extracted from events during the weeks following Beall's execution. Discouraged by the loss of their companion, Lieutenant Ashbrook and Robert Kennedy decided to abandon any further hope for raids and in early March they prepared to return south. From Windsor they crossed into Detroit and boarded a train for the southwest. Although they separated to avoid suspicion, they had been followed by a Federal detective. Ashbrook leaped from the train and made his escape, but Kennedy was captured and taken under heavy guard to Fort Lafayette. He was subsequently tried by a Federal court martial board and found guilty of spying and of arson. At noon, March 25, he too was executed, another victim of the

of Maj. Gen. J. Dix, New York, February 17, 1865, and Maj. Gen. Dix, New York, February 21, 1865. 173 Confederacy's Canadian campaign.15 At Montreal, the trial against Bennett Young and his men had been in progress since December 27. On January 11, the defence obtained a thirty day adjournment to secure further evidence from Richmond. With news of this decision the Con­ federates dispatched two additional couriers with the same assignment as had been given to S.B. Davis. When news arrived at Toronto that S.B. Davis had been apprehended, a fourth messenger was contracted.16 The Canadian campaign had reached its lowest ebb; Thompson was now struggling even to communi­ cate with the Confederate capital. Yet the case against the St.Albans raiders was the last facet of the campaign that re­ mained to be fought. The trial reconvened on February 11, 1865, but since none of the couriers had returned from Rich­ mond, the Confederates asked for another delay. Their request was denied. Four days later Reverend S.F. Cameron arrived in Montreal from the South. With him be brought a muster-roll of Company A, 8th Kentucky Cavalry, and two letters of instruc­ tions addressed to Bennett Young, dated June 16, 1864. All

15.

16. Benjamin, The St.Albans Raid, p. 186; Winks, The Civil War Years, P. 331. 174 were certified by Judah P. Benjamin and contained the Great Seal 'of the Confederacy. Suggesting that the evidence had been prepared and predated to aid in the trial, the prosecuting attorney later showed how the wording in these commissions conflicted with those previously presented.11 But the court was unwilling to convict the raiders on such grounds. On March 9, it acquitted the men of the charge of robbery against a private citizen and on April 5 it dropped all of the charges except the offence of Violating neutrality. The Confederates were moved to Toronto to stand trial for this last offence. Here Southern sympathy again ruled the hour. Four of the Confederates were released for lack of evidence and only Bennett Young was arraigned for trial. But the charge that remained was minor in comparison with those that had been dropped. Young would not be extradited to the United states and even if found guilty the punishment would not be severe. Canadian opinion still strongly favored the South and the case 18 was likely to be dismissed. The Clay-Thompson mission to Canada was ended.

17. Benjamin, The St.Albans Raid pp. 213-5: testimony of S.F. Cameron. Seeacso the ~rch 21, 1865 proceedings, PP. 274-318. Cameron was first sent to Canada by the Con­ federacy in late October. See House JUdiCiar~ Committee Report No. 104, p. 12: J.P. Benjamin to J.A. eodon, Richmond, October 25, 1864. Headley claimed that a young Kentucky widow also secured some letters at Richmond and arrived in Montreal the same day as Cameron. See Headley, Confederate Operations, p. 316. 18. For a summary of the proceedings that continued against the st.Albans raiders see Heath, I'The St• Albans Raid: - 175 After a delay at Halifax, Clay sailed to Bermuda aboard the steamer Old Dominion. From there he boarded the blockade runner Rattlesnake and after a stop at Nassau the ship sailed to Charleston, South Carolina. Although ship­ wrecked off the coast, Clay managed to reach shore and make his way to Richmond where he reported to Secretary BenJamin. The Confederacy was on the verge of collapse and there was little Clay could do except seek safety for himself and his family. He decided to take a trip to Texas where the situation would be less chaotic and the climate beneficial to his health. After a long-awaited reunion with his wife the two set off for the west. 19 Thompson also left the provinces. He decided that his best move was to get to Portland, Maine, where he could take a ship to Europe. He managed to slip out of the provinces unnoticed, but before he reached the coast he was recognized. Requesting authorization to make an arrest, the Union Provost Marshall of Portland notified Secretary of War Stanton. stantontsassistant, Charles A. Dana, took the request to

Vermont Viewpoint,fJ p. 253; Winks, The Civil War Years, pp. 331-3; Benjamin, The St.Albans RaId, pp. 213-5, 274-318.

19. C.C. Clay MSS (Duke): Clay fS Diary, "January 1865"; Protest of W.W. Clear~, Pp. 49-50: Testimony of M.P. Usina, Halifax, June, 1865, and To the Editor of the ~alifa!7 Unionist, Charles A. Pilsbury, Halifax, June 9, 1865; Clay-Clopton, A Belle of the Fifties, pp. 243-4. 176

Lincoln for approval, but the President refused.20 General Lee had surrendered five days earlier at Appomattox Court­ house, Virginia. The war was over. If Thompson wished to leave the United states it would be best to let him go.

20. Claiborne, MiSSiSSi8ri as a Province, TerritorK and state~ P. 465; Winks, The vII War Years, p. 362. S ortly after Lincoln's death the attempt to capture Thompson was re­ sumed. See Union Provost Marshal's File of One Name Papers regarding Citizens (N.A.), M345, Roll 266: C.A. Dana to Maj. Gen. Dix, Washington, April 28, 1865. The New York Tribune, March 22, 1865, stated that Beverley Tucker was with Thompson as he journeyed to the coast, but this was later denied by Tucker. See Address of Beverley Tucker, ESt" to the People of the UnIted states with A endlx relat n to President Johnson's Proclamation o nd May, on rea , ~ pp. : B. c er 0 H. Greeley, Montreal, April 25, 1~65. Protest of W.W. Cleary, p. 26, states that W.W. Cleary and Jacob Thompson were at LaRochelle's Hotel, Riviere du Loup, the day of the Lincoln assassination. See also PP. 58-61. Epilogue

Although the war was over and both Clay and Thompson had left the British provinces, the Confederate campaign did not end as quietly as expected. Lincoln's decision to allow Thompson to escape came on April 14, the day the President was assassinated by John Wi1kes Booth. The President who had hoped for a lenient policy to reconstruct his worn-torn nation became the first victim of a wave of vengeance that swept the country. L.C. Baker, the director of the Federal Secret Service, assembled a force of Federal troops to apprehend those persons directly involved in the assassination plot. Together the men combed the area surrounding Washington for clues. De­ tectives and paid informers soon found several of the con­ spirators, and the authorities ar~ested eight suspects without much difficulty. The last arrest and the only person not taken alive was Booth himself. The leader supposedly took his own life on April 20, when he learned that the barn in which he was hiding was surrounded by Federal troops. The remaining fugitives David E. Hero1d, Mary E. Surratt, Lewis Payne, George A. Atzerodt, Edward Spang1er, Samuel A. Mudd, 1 Samuel Arno1d and Michae1 O'Laugh1in were remanded for trial.

1. For the story of the capture of the conspirators see L.C. Baker, History of the United States Secret Service

177 178

During the following weeks the authorities began to suspect a widespread plot. Letters arrived at Washington claiming that John Wi1kes Booth and one of his accomplices, John Surratt, had been seen at the Queents Hotel in Toronto and at the St.Lawrence Hall in Montreal during the summer and 2 fall of 1864. This lIevidence ll was enough to convince the United States that the plot had been organized by the Con­ federates in Canada, as the last vindictive scheme of their campaign. Andrew Johnson, now President, was prepared to accept the idea of a large conspiracy. On May 2, he signed a petition for the arrest of ttJefferson Davis, Clement Clay"

Jacob Thompson" George N. Saunders ~i£7, Beverley Tucker and W.C. ~i£7 Cleary, ,,3 and offered rewards of $25,000 for the arrest of the two Confederate Commissioners. Clay was in LaGrange, Georgia, when he learned of the petition for his arrest. His friends urged him to flee" but he rode 170 miles to Macon, where he turned himself over to the Federal authorities. By this time Jefferson Davis was also under arrest and the two prisoners were escorted to

(Philadelphia" 1867), PP. 476-523. 2. Ibid., pp. 544-5, 546: G.S.C. to E. Stanton, Buffalo, New York, April 18, 1865, and J.P. H. Hall to Andrew Johnson, Tanner, Canada, April 20" 1865. 3. For a copy of one of the original broadsides see B.I. Wi1ey, The Road to Appomattox, PP. 34-5. 179 4 Fortress Munroe and placed in solitary confinement. On May 9, while Clay and Davis awaited the arrest of their fellow Confederates, the trial of the Booth conspira­ tors began at Washington. Judge Advocate General Joseph Ho1t argued the guilt of the conspirators and showed the nation that the plot had been devised by the Confederates. Richard Montgomery, who claimed to have been a Confederate courier, took the witness stand on May 12. Montgomery testi­ fied under oath that Thompson had told him during the summer of 1864 that uhe could at any time have the tyrant Lincoln, and any other of his advisers that he chose, put out of his way,II5 Referring .to another conversation supposed to have taken place in January, 1865, Montgomery said that Thompson stated that "a proposition had been made to him to rid the world of the tyrant Lincoln, Stanton, Grant, and some others." Thompson had remarked that he was in favor of the propOSition, had notified Richmond, and was "only waiting their approval. fI In other damaging testimony the witness claimed that Booth had visited Thompson twice during the winter and that Cleary

4. For accounts of Clay's surrender see Unfiled Papers and Slips Belonging in Confederate Compiled Service Records (N.A.), M347, Roll 74: P. Phi1ips, "For the Macon Tele­ graph to the Public, Clement C. Clay"; Address of Bever1el Tucker ••• , PP. 43-4: C.C. Clay to Brevet Maj. Gen. Wilson, La Grange, Georgia, May 10, 1865; Nuermberger, The Clays of Alabama, PP. 265-6. 5. The Assassination of President Lincoln and the Trial of the Conspirators, pp. 2~-8: Testimony of Richard Montgomery. 180 had remarked after the assassination that "we have not done yet. I! The next witness for the prosecution was Sandford Conover, who also claimed a close association with the Con­ federates in the provinces as a correspondent for the New York Tribune. Conover said that he had seen Booth the previous October in company with both Sanders and Thompson in the vi­ cinity of the St.Lawrence Hall in Montreal. He stated that he had seen Surratt in the same city lIabout the 6th or 7th of' 6 April last, on several successive days." Conover also testi­ fied that he had been in Thompson's room when Surratt brought approval of the assassination plot from Richmond. Three or four days after the assassination he again saw Surratt in Montreal. One by one the witnesses for the prosecution implicated the Confederate Commission in Canada. In the British provinces W. W. Cleary, George Sanders and Beverley Tucker wrote long protests justifying their actions and criticizing the procla­ mation for their arrest. They denied any connection with the assassination and claimed that the witnesses at the conspiracy trial were perjurers.7 The trial dragged on through May and June and finally

6. The Assassination of President Lincoln and the Trial of the Conspirators, pp. 28-34: Testimony of Sanafora Conover. 7. See The Protest of W.W. Cleary and the Address of Beverley Tucker. 181 on July 9, Lewis Payne, David Herold, George Atzerodt and Mary Surratt were executed for their role in aiding Booth. Mrs. Surratt was the first woman to be hanged in the United states, and her execution was a clear sign of the hatred that stalked the post-war era.8 The public was temporarily appeased but soon there were new cries for the conviction of the Confederate leaders. On August 7, President Johnson ordered L.C. Baker to proceed to Clay's home in Huntsville, Alabama, to see if he could locate any letters which would implicate Clay in the assassi­ nation plot. Baker proceeded to Huntsville where he recorded that !lnothing of importance was found. 1t He heard that several letters had been taken from Clay at the time of his arrest, but the reports were false. Baker also journeyed to Macon, Georgia, where a search uncovered several letters written by Clay and Thompson while in the provinces. The correspondence failed to show any connection with Booth, however. 9 Although there was little evidence to warrant further investigation, the authorities refused to free Clay. Clay's wife and friends attempted to secure him a trial, but their efforts were in vain. Not until April 17, 1866, after almost

8. For a description of the mass execution see L.C. Baker, History of the United States Secret Service, pp. 508-23. 9. Ibid., p. 584: A. Johnson to L.C. Baker, Executive Mansion, Washington, August 7, 1865. Baker gives a full description of his search for Clay's correspondence on pages 583-6. 182 a year in prison, did Clay, broken in health, leave Fortress Monroe. On April 9, 1866, resolutions were introduced into the House of Representatives recommending that the Committee of the Judiciary investigate the evidence against the Confederate leaders to see whether they should be tried. Further reso­ lutions followed on April 30, and the case was finally put under the jurisdiction of the House Judiciary Committee. It was chaired by George S. Boutwell, the Radical Republican from Massachusetts. The Committee examined all evidence that had been uncovered including the letters found at Richmond after the Confederate evacuation, and the letters found in the baggage of Virginia Clay. Discovering nothing that would convict the Confederates, the committee decided to re-examine the witnesses who had testified at the conspiracy trial the previous year. Here they made a striking discovery. They found that several of the witnesses "retracted entirely the statements which they had made in their affidavits, and de­ clared that their testimony as given originally was false in every particular. tt On the basis of this discovery the com­ mittee concluded that "their statements so far impeach or throw doubt upon the evidence given by the other witnesses, whose affidavits were taken by Judge Holt, that the committee in the investigations they have made, and in this report, have discarded entirely the test1mony of all those persons whose 183 standing has been so impeached."10 A trial was suggested, but the demands for prosecution soon abated. Several of the Confederates remained in the provinces until the fever for revenge diminished, while others travelled to Europe. Sandford Conover later stood trial for his testimony at the conspiracy trial and was convicted of perjury. Judge Ho1t continued to defend himself against the accusations that he had paid Conover to procure the witnesses to testify against the Confederates. Ho1t had been instrumental in sending the Star of the West to Fort Sumter in 1861, the action that had made Jacob Thompson resign from the Federal Cabinet. From that time forth the two men had been bitter enemies and they continued their feud long after the war. l1 When John Surratt was finally apprehended and brought to trial as one of Booth1s accomplices, the case was limited largely to events occurring after January, 1865. His con­ nection with the Confederates was ruled "res inter alios;l1 not relevant to the assassination plot.12

10. See House Judiciary Committee RetOrt No. 104, pp. 28-9. For a report on the lIunconstltut onality" of the con­ spiracy trials, the possibility of bribery as well as perjury on the part of Sandford Conover et al., and the unorthodox methods of the House Judiciary Committee, see the "Minority Report!! presented by A.J. Rogers, pp. 30-41. 11. For an example of the conflict that continued between Holt and Thompson see RePl of J. Holt to Certain Calumnies of Jacob Thomison (Washing ton, 1883). The pamphlet was prepared to v ndicate Holt from statements made by Thompson in the Philadelphia Press, September 17, 1883. 12. Trial of John H. Surratt, p. 781. 184 In 1868, Colonel John T. Pickett uncovered several important documents on the Clay-Thompson mission to Canada and eventually received $75,000 for them from Boutwell of the House Judiciary Committee.13 The papers revealed many important aspects of the Confederate operations in Canada, but once again, they showed nothing that would link the Con­ federates with the Booth plot to assassinate President Lincoln. 14 Bitterness on both sides gradually subsided. Clay spent the remainder of his life as a lawyer in Huntsville, Alabama. Vainly attempting to regain his health, he died on January 3, 1882.15 Thompson spent the first few years of the post-war era travelling in Europe, Asia and Canada, but in May, 1869,

13. J.M. Callahan, liThe Confederate Diplomatic Archives, ­ the t Pickett Papers f, 11 South Atlantic Quarterley, vol. ii, No. I, January 1903, pp. 1-9. The It Plckett l%i pers If are now included in the C.S.A., State Department Records (L.C.). 14. Even after one hundred years of investigation, there does not seem to be any concrete evidence to prove that Clay or Thompson helped Booth plot the assassination. The only evidence that suggests their association is that Booth was in Montreal in September, 1864 and January, 1865, giving performances at Theatre Royal and Corby's Hall. It is true that he sympathized with the South and perhaps even stayed at the St. Lawrence Hall. Perhaps he even talked with the Confederates. The evidence is still circumstantial. Writers such as E.A. Collard, IlAmericans r Montreal, I1 Vermont History, vol. xxiii, No. 4, October 1955, p. 300, and Clayton Gray, consPirac~ in Canada (Montreal, 1959), still claim, however, t at it ls probable that the assassination plot was "hatched" in Montreal. 15. Huntsvi11e Independent, January 5, 1882, "Death of Clement C. Clay." There is also an article in the Huntsvi11e Democrat, January 4, 1882. These articles are included in the C.C. Clay MSS (Duke). he returned to Oxford, Mississippi. Later he moved to Memphis, Tennessee, where he died on March 24, 1885.16

16. Rainwater, ed., "Letters to and from Jacob Thompson," pp. 104-6: J. Thompson to Captain W. Delay, Dublin, Ireland, August 11, 1866, and pP. 106-8: J. Thompson to J.M. Howry, Halifax, N.S., October 8, 1867, and PP. 109-10: J. Thompson to J.M. Howry, Halifax, N.S., May 4, 1868, and pp. 110-1: "From The Weekly Delta,fl May 12, 1869. See also Claiborne, Mississippi as a Province, Territori and State, p. 465; castleman,~ctlve Service, p. 144. or the post war careers of several of the Confederates see Headley, Confederate Operations, pp. 460-463. Bibliography

Papers and Manuscripts

Clement C. Clay Manuscripts, Manuscript Department, Duke University Library, Durham, North Carolina. This collection was extremely valuable for assessing Clay's background and role in the Canadian campaign. Clement C. Clay Manuscripts, Manuscript Department, State Archives, Montgomery, Alabama. The letters contained in this collection deal with Clay's life before his appointment as Canadian Commissioner. Clay-Yancy Correspondence, Military Department, State Archives, Montgomery, Alabama. These letters reveal Clay 1s relationship with Jefferson Davis in 1863 and also Clay's opinion of Vallandigham. Compiled Service Records of Confederate Soldiers who served in Organizations from Kentucky, National Archives, Washington, D.C., Microcopy 319. Roll 47. This source provided infor­ mation on Bennett Young's visit to Richmond in June, 1864. Confederate States of America, State Department Records, 226H, Manuscript Division, Library of Congress, Washington, D.C. This collection, which was once referred to as the "Pickett Papers," is a major source for the correspondence of the Confederates in Canada with the Confederate State Department at Richmond. J.W. Daniel Manuscripts, Manuscript Department, Duke University Library, Durham, North Carolina. References are made to Lieutenant S.B. Davis, the Confederate mail-runner. Munford-Ellis Family Letters, Manuscript Department, Duke UniverSity Library, Durham, North Carolina. Several letters from Beverley Tucker written in Canada are' included in this collection. Letters received from the Adjutant General's Office 1861-70, National Archives, Washington, D.C. M-619. Rolls 34 , 310. These letters contain information on the anti-war societies in the United States and Jacob Thompson's plan for raids on Chicago.

186 Office of the Judge Advocate General, Reports on the Order of American Knights, National Archives, Washington, D.C. Record Group 153, NN3513. Horace Greeley Papers, Manuscript Department, New York Public Library, New York. Thomas H. Hines Papers, Special Collections, Margaret I. King Library, UniverSity of Kentucky, Lexington, Kentucky. The letters relevant to the Canadian campaign were looked at o~ xeroxed copies provided by the library. The collection is overrated by Hines' biographer, J.D. Horan. Greenhow Papers, Captured Confederate Correspondence, National Archives, Washington, D.C. Record Group 59, NND1387. Rose 0'Nei1 Greenhow was a Confederate spy who was aboard the Condor with J.P. Holcombe when the ship ran aground. The letters proved of little value although they have been cited as a source of information by another writer of the Confederate operations. Governor General's Numbered Files, Manuscript Department, Public Archives of Canada, ottawa, Record Group 7, G.21, Number 57. Ministers at Washington to Governors, Manuscript Department, Public Archives of Canada, ottawa, Record Group 7, G.6., vols. 12, 13. New Brunswick, Manuscript Department, Public Archives of Canada, ottawa, Record Group 7, G.8B, vols. 43, 44, 62. Secret and Confidential Dispatches of the Colonial Secretary, Manuscript Department, Public Archives of Canada, Ottawa, Record Group 7, G.10. Miscellaneous Letters relating to the Civil War, 1861-5, National Archives, Washington, D.C., Record Group 59, Entry 484. M-l79, Rolls 215, 217, 218, 219. Papers of the Confederate States of America (Kentucky), Manuscript Department, New York Public Library, New York. This collection contains a newspaper clipping regarding the role of Kentucky citizens 1n the Confederacy. Letterbook of Jacob Thompson, National Archives, Washington, D.C., Record Group 109, Entry 467. This source only covers the period 1857-60. Papiers La Mothe, Manuscript Department, Public Archives of Canada, ottawa, Manuscript Group 19, A.12, vol. 3. 188 Turner-Baker Papers, National Archives, Washington D.C., Record Group 94. This collection provides a great deal of information on Francis Jones and the two other Confederates who attempted the raid on Calais, Maine. It also contains information on Confederate activity in Canada prior to 1864, including mention of George N. Sanders in Montreal in August, 1862. Union Provost Marshal1s File of One Name Papers regarding Citizens, National Archives, Washington, D.C., M-345, Rolls 123, 176" 266. Union Provost Marshal's File of Two or More Name Papers relating to Citizens, National Archives, Washington, D.C." M-416" Roll 60. This source contains information on Charles Cole. Unfiled Papers and Slips Belonging in the Confederate Compiled Service Records" National Archives, Washington, D.C., M-347, Rolls 74, 156, 179. These rolls contain information on C.C. Clay, Rose Greenhow, and J.W. Headley. Records of the War Department, National Archives, Washington, D.C., Record Group 109, Chapter 7, vol. 24. This volume con­ tains letters from K.J. Stewart to Jefferson Davis. War Department Collection of Confederate Records - C.C. Clay Correspondence, Mar. 15, 1862 - Mar. 26, 1865. National Archives, Washington, D.C., Record Group 109, Entry 186. This collection contains several very important letters con­ cerning the Confederacyts Canadian campaign. War Department Collection of Confederate Records - George N. Sanders, 1854-1865. National Archives, Washington, D.C., Record Group 109, Entry 185. This source contains information on Sanders 1 activities prior to his arrival in the British provinces.

Original Letters in Printed or Published Form

of the e purpose burning 189 the principle cities. Plans for the revolt and the release of rebel prisoners - whose assistance was expected - treason of the Democratic leaders, and other interesting and important facts which the people ought to know. Published by the Union Republican Congressional Committee. Rare Book Room, Library of Congress, Washington, D.C. This printed pamphlet is Jacob Thompson's December 3, 1864 letter to J.P. Benjam1n. Included with the pamphlet is J.P. Ho1combe's November 16, 1864 report to J.P. BenJam1n entitled Another Leaf from H1story; How rebel em1ssaries and Northern Democrats plotted 1n Canada - Buckalew, of Pennsy1van1a, confers w1th Thompson, Clay and Sanders, and Ho1comb - how Tr1bune ed1toria1s ~1ve aid and comfort to the rebel government - Colorado Jewet, George sanderstand Horace Greeley as peace makers. Gree1ey would ave admit ed the rebel agents and sp1es Into washI~ton without restr1ct10ns - he would have opened throughou the country the free advocacy of peace at the most crItIcal moment of the war - how Gree1ey in hIs letter wholly abandoned the positions mainta1ned by the government.

K1nchen, O.A., I1S 01m Unpublished Documents on the St .A1bans Raid,JI Vermont History, vol. xxx1i, No. 4, October, 1964.

ongress, 190

Confederacy,

A Compilation of the Messages and Papers of the Presidents, Prepared under the dIrection of the Joint Committee on Printing of the House and Senate, pursuant to an act of the Fifty-Second Congress of the United States. James D. Richardson, ed., National Bureau of Literature, Washington, D.C., 1913. Volume v contains the writings of Abraham Lincoln.

Abraham LincolnPaComPlete works comprisin~ his Speeches, Letters, state pers and Misce i !aneous Wr tin~s, John G. Nicolay, John ~y, eds., The Century Company,ew York, 1907. Rainwater, P.L., ed., uLetters to and from JacobThompson," The Journal of Southern History, vol. vi, February, 1940.

Parliamentary Papers, North America Number One 1865, "Correspondence respecting the Attack on st.Altans, vermont; and the Naval Force on the North American Lakes. If Presented to both Houses of Parliament by command of Her Majesty, Harrison and Sons, London, 1865. Official Records of the Union and Confederate Navies in the War of the Rebellion, Published under the direction of the Hon. H.A. Herbert, Sec. of Navy by Lieut. Commander Richard Rush, U.S. Navy, Superintendent Naval War Records and Robert H. Woods, Government Printing Office, Washington, 1896. The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Published under the direction of the Hon. Elihu Root, Secretary of War by Brig. Gen. Frederick C. Ainsworth, Chief of the Records and Pension Office, War Dept. and Mr. Joseph W. Kirkley, Govern­ ment Printing Office, Washington, 1900. 191

Congress, Washington, D.C. The pamphlet is a printed reply by Joseph Ho1t to certain remarks made by Jacob Thompson in an interview that was recorded in the Philadelphia Press on September 17, 1883.

Contemporary Accounts

Baker, L.C., Histo~ of the United States Secret Service, Published by L.C. ker, Philadelphia, 1867.

Trial of John Yates Bea11 as a Spy and Guerri11ero, b~ Military Commission, D. App1eton and Company, New Yor , 1865.

Benton, Joe1, ed., Gree1ey on Lincoln, with Mr. Gree1ey t s Letters to Charles A. Dana and a lady friend to which are added Reminiscences of Horace Greeley, Baker and Taylor Co., New York, 1893. Bea1e, Howard K., ed., The Diary of Gideon We11es; Secretary of the Navy under Lincoln and Johnson, W.w. Norton and Company, New York, 1960, Vol. li, April 1, 1864 - December 31, 1866. Carter, E., St.Albans Case in re. Bennett H. Young for Extra­ dition, before the Honorab1e J. Smith, J.S.C. A copy of this five page presentation by Edward Carter is found in the Redpath Library of McGi11 UniverSity. Cast1eman, John B., Active Service, Courier-Journal Job Print­ ing Company, Louisvi11e, KentuckY, 1917. 192 Chesnut, Mary Boykin, A Diary from Dixie, reprinted and edited by Ben Ames Williams, Houghton Mifflin Company, Boston, 1949. Cleary, W.W., The Protest of W.W. Cleary against the Procla­ mation of President Johnson of Ma~ 2nd, with a com1lete exposure of the perjuries before he Bureau of Mi! tar~ Justice upon which that ~roc1amation issued, Love1! an Gibson, Toronto, 1865. copy of this pamphlet is included in the C.C. Clay Manuscripts, Manuscript Department, Duke UniverSity, Durham, North Carolina. Clay-Clopton, Virginia, A Belle of the Fifties, G.P. Putnam's Son's, New York, 1904. Davis, Jefferson, The Rise and Fall of the Confederate Government, 2 volumes, D. Appleton and Company, New York, 1881 (reprinted, Thomas Yoseloff, New York, 1958). Davis, Samuel Bayer, Escape of a Confederate Officer from Prison, what he saw at Andersonvl!le how he was sentenced to death, and saved b! the interposition of President Abraham Lincoln, Landmark Pub ishing Company, 1892.

Denison, Lt. Col. George T., So~ring in Canada; Recollections and EXperiences, George N. Morang and Company, Toronto, 1900.

Greeley, Horace, Recollections of a Busy Life, J.B. Ford & Co., Printing House Square, New York, 1868. Headley, J.T., The Great Rebellion, A Histori of the Civil War in the United States, 2 volumes, American Pr nting House, Hartford, !866, vol. ii. Headley, John W., Confederate Operations in Canada and New York, Neale PublishIng Company, New York, 1906. Jewett, W.C., Mediation Address to England! Preparatory to ~roposed efforts for the favour of the Nor hern;States of merIca to the existing desIre of Europe and the South for an international settlement of the AmerIcan War. Oontainin¥ a communication from Count Rechburg and Mr. Jewett's aprea s to President Lincoln and his lm erial Ma est Na oleon I I Emperor 0 France, London, 193

Jones J.B., A Rebel War Clerk's Diary at the Confederate state Capital, J.B. Lippincott & Co., Philadelphia, 1866. Kirby, William, Annals of Nia,ara, Macmillan Co., Toronto, 1927 (first published in 1896 •

National Tribune, Two Great Raids. Col. Grierson's Successful swoop through MississiPai. Morfanfs Disastrous Raid through Indiana and Ohio. vivi Narrat yes of both these Great Operations with Extracts from Official Records. John Morgan's Escape, Last Raid, and Death, The National Tribune, Washington, D.C., 1897. Nunnellee, Captain S.F., ftHow Vallandigham Crossed the Lines,1I Under Both Flags; A Panorama of the Great Civil War as Repre­ sented in storlt Anecdote, Adventure, and Romance and Reality. Written b* Cele rities of both sides; the men and women who created t e eatest e och of our nation's histor J People's Pu is ng Co., P a e p a, Trial of John B. Surratt in Criminal Court for the District of cOlumbia George P. Fisher, Presiding, Government Printing Office, Was fiington, 1867, 2 vols.

Tucker, J.E., his Wife Ellis Tucker, Company, 18917· 194

contemporary Periodicals and Newspapers

Birdsall, D.C., "McClellan and the Peace Party, If The Century Illustrated Monthly Magazine, vol. xxxix, New Series, vol. xVii, February, 1890. "Chicago Conspiracy,tt Atlantic Monthly, Ticknor and Fields, Boston, vol. xvi, July 1865.

Carpenter, Horace, "Plain Living at Johnson's Island, It The Century Illustrated Monthly MagaZine, vol. xli, New Series, vol. xix, March, 1891. Early, Jubal A., tiThe Story of the Attempted Formation of a N.W. ConfederacytSouthern Historical Society Papers, vol. x, No. 4, April, 18~2. Hill, Rev. H.H., uThe St.Albans Raid,1l The Vermonter, vol. v, No. 2, September, 1899. Hines, T .H. [J.B. Castlema!!7"TheNorthwestConspiracy.1I Southern Bivouac, vol. ii, June 1886 - May 1887. Holland, J.G., UExtracts from the Journal of Henry J. Raymond Ill," Scribner's Monthly, vol. xix, 1880. Kirke, Edmund, /James R. Gilmorv, !lA Suppressed Chapter of History," Atlantic Monthly, vol. lix, April 1887.

';1;"-""""1""---'1"""" "Our Last Day in Dixie, 11 Atlantic Monthly, vol. xiv, September, 1864.

O::::-"""""l'""---':-" "Our Visit to Richmond, If Atlantic Monthly, vol. xiv, September, 1864.

Smith, Mrs. J.G., "An Incident of the Civil War, 11 The Vermonter, vol. iv, No. 6, January 1899, vol. iv, No. 7, February, 1899. Sowles, A.E., liThe St.Albans Raid,," Vermont Historical Society Proceedings, vol. liv, October, 1~76. Wood, J.T., liThe Tallahassie's Dash into New York Waters," The Century Illustrated Monthly Magazine, vol. lvi, New Series, vol. xxxiv, July, 1898. 195

The Huntsville Democrat, January 1882. The Huntsville Independent, January 1882. The Montreal Gazette, July 1, 1864 - August 30, 1864. The New York Herald, August 1861, July, August, November, 1864. The Niagara Mail, July 1, 1864 - August 30, 1864. The Richmond Examiner, July, 1864. The United states Daily, May 1930.

Secondary Sources

Adams, E.D., Great Britain and the American Civil War, 2 vols. Longmans, Green and Co., LOndon, 1925. Benton, E.J., The Movement for Peace without Victory during the civil War, Cleveland, ohio, 1918. .

Carnochan, J., History of Niagara, William Briggs, Toronto, 1914. Catton, Bruce, The Army of the Potomac: Mr. Lincoln's Army, Doubleday &Co., New York, 1962 (first copyright 1951). ______, The Army of the Potomac: Glory Road, Doubleday & Co., New YorK, 1962 (first copyright, 1952). 196 catton, Bruce, The Army of the Potomac: A Stillness at Appomattox, Doubleday & Co., New York, 1962 (first copyright 1953).

Creighton, D.G., John A. Macdonaldk The Young Politician, Macmillan Co., Toronto, 1~52 , Dominion of the North, Macmillan Co., Toronto, 1962. ---' (first edition, 1944). Davin, N.F., The Irishman in Canada, Maclean and Co., Toronto, 1877. Dent, J.C., The Canadian Portrait Gallery, John B. Magurn, Toronto, 1880, vol. ii. Durkin, Joseph T., Stephen R. Mallorl: Confederate Naval Chief, University of North Carolina Press, 1954. Fahrney, Ralph, Horace Greelel and the Tribune in the Civil ~, The Torch Press, Cedar Rapids, Iowa, 1936. Frohman, C.E., Rebels on Lake Erie, Southard Co., Columbus, Ohio, 1965. Gorham, George C., Life and Public Services of Edwin M. Stanton, Houghton MIfflin & Co., New York, 1899, vol. 11.

Gray, Clayton, consPirac~ in Canada, L'Atelier Press, Montreal, 1959. This boo Is not historically accurate and should not be used as a basis for conclusions regard­ ing the Confederate operations in Canada.

Gray, Wood, The Hidden Civil War, A Stor~ of the Copperheads, VikIng Press, New York, 1942. ~is book is a good account of the anti-war movement in the United States Midwest. Guillet, Edwin, C., Pioneer Inns and Taverns, Ontario Publish­ ing Company, Toronto, 1956.

______~, Toronto from Trading Post to Great City, Ontario PublishIng Company, Toronto, 1934. Hale, W.H., Horace Greelel, A Voice of the People, Harper and Brothers, New York, 1950. Herbermann et al., eds., The Catholic Encyclopedia, Robert Appleton Co., New York, 1910, vol. viI. 197

Horan, J.D., Confederate Agent, A Discovery in History, Crown Publishers, Inc., New York, 1954. Although this book entails a great deal of research there are a multitude of errors in the presentation. Horan has used his imagination to fill in the gaps where research is lacking. His bibliography is also quite misleading. Kennedy, W.P.M., The Constitution of canadia 1534-1937: An Introduction to its Deve10 ment wand Oustom second edit on, Kinchen, O.A., Daredevils of the Confederate Army; The Story of the St.A1bans Raiders, Ohristopher Publishing House, Boston, 1959. Kirk1and, E.C., The Peacemakers of 1864, Macmi11an Company, New York, 1927. K1ement, Frank L., The cotPerheads in the Middle West, University of Ch ca go Press, 1960. Macdona1d, He1en G., Canadian Public Opinion on the American -Civil War, New York, 1926.

Ma10ne, Dumas~/Dictionary of American Biography, Charles Scribner's Sons, New York, 1932. Statesman,

Milton, George, Abraham Lincoln and the Fifth Column, Collier Publishing Company, New York, 1962 (first copyright by Vanguard Press, 1942).

Nevins, A., statesmanship of the Civil War, Crowe11~Co11ier Publishing Company, New York, 1962. Nuermberger, Ruth A.K., The C1a s of Alabama; A P1anter­ Lawyer-Politician FamI1 y, University of KentuckY Press, Lexington, 1958. The major source for this book is the C.C. Clay MSS at Duke UniverSity.

Ows1ey, Frank L., Kin~ Cotton Diplomacy: Foreign Relations of the Confe erate States of America, universIty of Chicago Press, 1959 (first edition, 1931). Parton, James, The Life of Horace Gree1ey, James R. Osgood and Company, Boston, 1872. 198

Roberts, G.D., and A.L. Tunnell, eds., A Standard Dictionary of Canadian Biography; Canadian Who Was Who, Trans­ Canada Press, !oronto, 1938, vol. ii. Randal1, J.G., and David Dona1d, The Civil War and Reconstruc­ tion, D.C. Heath and Company, Boston, 1961 (first edition, 1953). Robertson, A.F., Alexander Hugh Ho1mes stuart, Richmond, 1925. Seitz, Don C., Horace Greeley, Founder of the New York Tribune, Bobbs-Merri11 Company, Indianapo1is, 1926. Stern, Philip van Doren, Secret Missions of the Civil War, Chicago, 1959. Tarbel1, lda M., The Life of Abraham Lincoln, McC1ure, Phi111ps and Co., New York, 1904, vol. 11. Thomas, B.P., and H.M. Hyman; stanton The Llfe and Times of Linco1n f s Secretary of War, i Ifred A. Knopf, New York, 1962. Tucker, B.R., Tales of the Tuckers; Descendants of the Male Line of st.aeor~e TUcker of Bermuda and Virginia, Dietz Printing ompany, Richmond, 1942. Wa1lace, W.S., ed., The Macmi11an Dictionary of Canadian BiO~raPhY, Macmi11an Co., Toronto, 1963 (first edi ion, 1926). Watson, W., Adventures of a Blockade Runner; or, Trade in . Time of War, Macmi11an and Co., New York, 1892. Whyte,

Wi1ey, B.l., The Road to Appomatox, Memphis State College Press, Memphis, Tennessee, 1956. Winks, R.W., Canada and the United states; The Civil War Years, John Hopkins Press, Baltimore, 1960. Yearns, W.F., The Confederate Congress, UniverSity of Georgia Press, 1960. 199

Periodicals

Andrews, R.F., "How t Unpreparedness' Undid st.Albans, " The Outlook, A Weekly Magazine, vol. cxiv, November 22, 1916. Blrdsall, D.C., "McClellan and the Peace Party," The Century Illustrated Magazine, vol. xxxix, New Series, vol. xvii, February, 1890.

Bivins, J.F., "The Life and Character of Jacob Thompson, tt Annual Publication of Historical Papers, Durham, North Carolina, 1898. Blue, C.S., "The Case of Bennett Bur1ey, the Lake Erie Pirate," The Canadian Magazine of Politics, Science, Art and Literature, vol. xlv, June, 1915 •. Bovey, Wi1fred, "Confederate Agents in Canada during the American Civil War," Canadian Historical Review, 'vol. ii, March, 1921. Research has now made this article outdated. Cal1ahan, J.M., "The Northern Lake Frontier during the Civil War,t1 Annual Report of the American Historical ASSOCiation, 1896. , "The Confederate Diplomatic Archives - .the 'Pickett ----' Papers r, ft South Atlantic Quartep1ey:, vol. ii, No. 1, January, 1903. Coffman, E.M., "Captain Thomas Henry Hines and his February 1863 Raid," The Register of the KentuckY: Historical Review, vol. lv, April, 1957. Collard, E.G., flAmericans' Montreal,tI Vermont History:, Vol. xxiii, No. 4, October, 1955. Curti, Merle, "George N. Sanders - American Patriot of the Fifties,ff South Atlantic Quarterley, Vol. xxxvii, No. 1, January, 1928.

Frohrnan, C.E., 11 Piracy on Lake Erie, 11 Inland Seas, vol. xiv, Fall, 1958.

Heath, G.E., "The St.Albans Raid: Vermont Viewpoint, It Vermont History, vol. xxxiii, January, 1965. 200

Hofer, J.M., llDevelopment of the Peace Movement in Illinois during the Civil War,tI Journal of Illinois State Historical Society. vol. xxiv, No. 1, April, 1931. }{azar, J.D., uThe Canadian View of the Confederate Raid on St.Albans,1t Vermont History, vol. xxxiii, January, 1965. Levin, A.L., "Who hid John H. Surratt, The Lincoln Conspiracy Case Figure," Maryland Historical Magazine, June, 1965. Severance, F.R., "Peace Episodes on the Niagara,1l Buffalo Historical Society publications, 1914. Stevenson, F.B., liThe Johnson's Island Conspiracy - An Episode of the Civil War, fI Frank Leslie's Popular Monthly, vol. xlvi, September, 1898 Wilson, Charles R., "McClellan's Changing Views on the Peace Plank of 1864,11 American Historical Review, vol. xxxviii, April, 1938. Winks, R.W., "The Creation of a Myth: 'Canadian' Enlistments in the Northern Armies during the American Civil War," Canadian Historical Review, vol. 39, 1958.