The President's Enforcement Power
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Cv-14-02052- Tuc-Rm (D
Derek E. Bambauer <[email protected]> 520.621.5411 1201 E. Speedway, Tucson AZ 85721 Teaching Experience University of Arizona, James E. Rogers College of Law, Tucson, AZ. Professor of Law (2013- present). • Associate Professor of Law (2012-2013). • Founder and faculty director, IP and Entrepreneurship Clinic. • Faculty advisor, Arizona Intellectual Property & Cyberlaw Society, Arizona Journal of Emerging Technologies. • Courses taught: Copyright Law, Cyberlaw, Introduction to Intellectual Property, Patent Law, Trade Secrets. Brooklyn Law School, Brooklyn, NY. Associate Professor of Law (2010 – 2012). • Assistant Professor of Law (2008-2010). • Voted Professor of the Year by students in 2008-2009. • Advisor / legal consultant, Brooklyn Law Incubator & Policy Clinic (BLIP). • Courses taught: Current Controversies in Intellectual Property, Information Privacy Law, Internet Law, Introduction to Intellectual Property, Patent Law, Trademark Law. Wayne State University Law School, Detroit, MI. Assistant Professor of Law (2006-2008). • Courses taught: Contracts, Copyright Law, Current Controversies in Intellectual Property, Trademark Law. Education Harvard Law School, Cambridge, MA. J.D., magna cum laude (2004). • Student Research Fellow, OpenNet Initiative, Berkman Center for Internet & Society. • Researcher, Digital Media project, Berkman Center for Internet & Society. • Teaching Assistant, Professor Daniel Meltzer (Criminal Law). Harvard College, Cambridge, MA. B.A., History and Science, summa cum laude (1996). • Phi Beta Kappa. • National Science Scholar (National Science Foundation). • Graduated in 3 years (awarded Advanced Standing). 1 of 10 Derek E. Bambauer Fellowships Berkman Center for Internet & Society, Harvard Law School, Cambridge, MA. Research Fellow (2004-2006). • Led team researching Internet filtering laws, technology, and practices by states worldwide. Analyzed empirical data from testing of countries’ filtering systems. -
Beyond the Bully Pulpit: Presidential Speech in the Courts
SHAW.TOPRINTER (DO NOT DELETE) 11/15/2017 3:32 AM Beyond the Bully Pulpit: Presidential Speech in the Courts Katherine Shaw* Abstract The President’s words play a unique role in American public life. No other figure speaks with the reach, range, or authority of the President. The President speaks to the entire population, about the full range of domestic and international issues we collectively confront, and on behalf of the country to the rest of the world. Speech is also a key tool of presidential governance: For at least a century, Presidents have used the bully pulpit to augment their existing constitutional and statutory authorities. But what sort of impact, if any, should presidential speech have in court, if that speech is plausibly related to the subject matter of a pending case? Curiously, neither judges nor scholars have grappled with that question in any sustained way, though citations to presidential speech appear with some frequency in judicial opinions. Some of the time, these citations are no more than passing references. Other times, presidential statements play a significant role in judicial assessments of the meaning, lawfulness, or constitutionality of either legislation or executive action. This Article is the first systematic examination of presidential speech in the courts. Drawing on a number of cases in both the Supreme Court and the lower federal courts, I first identify the primary modes of judicial reliance on presidential speech. I next ask what light the law of evidence, principles of deference, and internal executive branch dynamics can shed on judicial treatment of presidential speech. -
Common Intellectual Heritage”: Federal and State Courts in Our Federal System
\\jciprod01\productn\N\NDL\91-5\NDL505.txt unknown Seq: 1 16-SEP-16 13:32 REVISING OUR “COMMON INTELLECTUAL HERITAGE”: FEDERAL AND STATE COURTS IN OUR FEDERAL SYSTEM Judith Resnik* ABSTRACT This Essay pays tribute to Daniel Meltzer’s insight that, to the extent “lawyers have a common intellectual heritage, the federal courts are its primary source.” I do so by analyzing how that heritage is made and remade, as political forces press Congress to deploy federal courts to protect a wide array of interests and state courts absorb the bulk of litigation. The heritage that Meltzer celebrated and to which he contributed was the outcome of twenti- eth-century social movements that focused on the federal courts as hospitable venues, serving as vivid sources of rights and remedies. A competing heritage has since emerged, as the Supreme Court shaped new doctrines constricting judicial powers and rendering courts unavailable and unavailing. Despite the Court’s reluctance to welcome claimants, Congress continues to endow the fed- eral courts with new authority and significant funds. But what the federal government has thus far ignored are the needs of state courts, where 100 million cases are filed annually and states struggle to honor constitutional commitments to open courts and rights to counsel for criminal defendants. Once state courts come into focus, two other and competing understanding of courts come to the fore. One merits the term “enabling courts,” as judges aim to equip litigants with lawyers and resources for conflicts related to families, housing, and health. From “Civil Gideon” move- ments and self-help forms to drug and reentry courts, new initiatives underscore the goals of using courts to be responsive to social needs. -
Nixon Now: the Courts and the Presidency After Twenty-Five Years
University of Minnesota Law School Scholarship Repository Minnesota Law Review 1999 Nixon Now: The ourC ts and the Presidency after Twenty-five Years Michael Stokes Paulsen Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.umn.edu/mlr Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Paulsen, Michael Stokes, "Nixon Now: The ourC ts and the Presidency after Twenty-five Years" (1999). Minnesota Law Review. 1969. https://scholarship.law.umn.edu/mlr/1969 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the University of Minnesota Law School. It has been accepted for inclusion in Minnesota Law Review collection by an authorized administrator of the Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Nixon Now: The Courts and the Presidency After Twenty-five Years Michael Stokes Paulsent United States v. Nixon' was, and remains today, a case of enormous doctrinal and political significance-easily one of the five most important Supreme Court decisions of the last fifty years. The decision proximately led to the forced resignation of a President of the United States from office. The decision helped spawn a semi-permanent statutory regime of Independ- ent Counsel, exercising the prosecutorial power of the United States and investigating executive branch officials 2-- a regime that has fundamentally reshaped our national politics. Nixon provided not only the political context that spawned the Inde- pendent Counsel statute, but a key step in the doctrinal evolu- tion that led the Court to uphold its constitutionality, incor- rectly, fourteen years later, in Morrison v. Olson.3 United States v. Nixon also established the principle that the President possesses no constitutional immunity from com- pulsory legal process, a holding that led almost inexorably to the Supreme Court's unanimous rejection of presidential im- munity from civil litigation for non-official conduct, twenty- three years later, in Clinton v. -
Bernard D. Meltzer (1914-2007), Nuremberg Prosecutor
Bernard D. Meltzer (1914-2007), Nuremberg prosecutor John Q. Barrett* Copyright © 2007 by John Q. Barrett. All rights reserved. Bernard David Meltzer, who was remembered at a University of Chicago Law School memorial service on February 2, 2007, was 92 years old when he died on January 4th at his home in Chicago. Sixty-one years ago, United States Navy Lieutenant (junior grade) Meltzer served on Justice Robert H. Jackson’s staff in Nuremberg as Assistant Trial Counsel for the United States. Lt. Meltzer was the one of the youngest U.S. prosecutors to address the International Military Tribunal in the case against the principal Nazi war criminals. Bernie Meltzer’s path to Nuremberg was, like all of his highly accomplished life, varied and interesting. Born and raised in Philadelphia and not destined, to his great regret, for a career in professional baseball,1 Bernie first attended Temple University and then transferred to the University of Chicago. He received his A.B. in 1935 and then enrolled at the University of Chicago Law School, graduating first in his class in 1937. During 1937-38, Bernie earned a LL.M. degree at Harvard Law School, where he studied under and became a favorite of Professor Felix Frankfurter. In 1938, Meltzer began to practice law, both public and private. He worked for two years at the Securities and Exchange Commission, first in the general counsel’s office and then as assistant to chairman Jerome N. Frank. After a private practice stint with Mayer, Meyer, Austrian & Platt back in Chicago, Bernie returned to Washington, where he worked at the National Defense Commission on procurement matters and then at the Department of State, first on Lend-Lease matters for assistant secretary Dean Acheson and then as acting chief of the foreign funds control division. -
Contested Ground: Presidential Power and the Constitution Daniel Farber (Oct. 2019 Draft) As the Title Indicates, This Is a Book
Contested Ground: Presidential Power and the Constitution Daniel Farber (Oct. 2019 Draft) As the title indicates, this is a book about the constitutional powers of the Presidents and their limits. The plan is for a short book aimed at the general reader (thus, few if any footnotes, informal tone, etc.) I would like the book to be useful for readers regardless of their political stance or viewpoint on executive power. The book begins by laying some foundations, explaining the history leading up to Article II of the Constitution; the language of Article II; and the current battle over the “unitary executive” theory. Many issues that arose in the early years continue to percolate today. These issues include the degree of presidential control over the Executive Branch, Presidential autonomy in foreign affairs, the President’s power to take military actions, and the President’s power to respond to unexpected emergencies. These issues occupy the middle portion of the book. The final part of the book discusses the constitutional checks on presidential power. Constitutional law also limits presidential power in several ways. Courts may intervene either to prevent the President from straying outside of the powers granted by Article III, or to enforce the restrictions that the Bill of Rights places on all governmental powers. Judicial efforts to limit presidential powers encounter constitutional issues of their own, involving matters such as executive privilege, presidential immunity from damages, and possible limits on criminal prosecution of a president. Congress also has the ability to impose checks on the President, such as use of the power of the purse, congressional investigations, and ultimately the power of impeachment. -
2017 P&I Program
Table of Contents 2017 NACHC Board of Directors . 2 At-A-Glance Welcome . 5 Education Sessions At-A-Glance . 31 Hotel Maps . 37 General Information Mobile App . 9 Wednesday, March 29 Wi-Fi . 10 Schedule . 41 Registration and Exhibitor/ Opening General Session . 42 Speaker Check-In . 11 Education Sessions . 43 Hotel Information . 12 Thursday, March 30 Shuttle Service . 13 Schedule . 49 3 T (Timely Thirty-Minute Tips) . 15 Education Sessions . 50 Conference Basics . 16 Healthcare Leadership Reception Continuing Education . 18 and Awards . 57 NACHC Certificate in Health Center Friday, March 31 Governance Program for Board Schedule . 61 Members . 20 General Session: Federal Update . 63 NACHC Certificate in Health Center Governance Program for Board Education Sessions . 64 Members Enrollment Form . 21 Conference Networking Social Events and Activities Reception . 78 Visit the NACHC Information Center . 23 Saturday, April 1/Sunday, April 2 Become a Health Center Advocate . 23 Schedule . 81 Social Media and Twitter Contest . 24 General Session . 82 Healthcare Leadership Reception Education Sessions . 83 and Awards . 25 Committee Meetings . 87 Conference Networking Reception . 26 EXPO Board Members CONNECT! Health Schedule . 91 Center Board Members Networking Community Health Ventures Row . 94 Event . 26 Exhibitor Profiles . 98 National LGBT Primary Care Alliance Reception . 26 Exhibitor Index by Name and Number . 112 EXPO Floorplan . 113 New Member Welcome Reception . 26 Young Professional Leadership Key to Moderators and Presenters . 117 Exchange Reception . 26 Commonly Used Acronyms in the Young Professional Leadership Health Center Industry . 120 Exchange Track . 27 #NACHCpi17 NACHC 2017 POLICY & ISSUES FORUM 1 2017 NACHC Board of Directors EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE Chair of the Board Secretary J. -
Remedial Convergence and Collapse
Remedial Convergence and Collapse Leah Litman* ABSTRACT This Article describes and interrogates a phenomenon of spillovers across remedies—how the legal standards governing the availability of remedies in cases regarding executive violations of individuals’ constitutional rights, particularly in the area of policing, have converged around similar ideas that narrow the availability of several different remedies. A similar set of limits restricts the availability of writs of habeas corpus to challenge criminal convictions, damages against government officials, the exclusion of evidence in criminal trials, and causes of action to sue federal officials for damages. The convergence results in considerable tension in the doctrine and notable effects in practice. For example, courts frequently deny one remedy on the ground that another remedy is available and preferable to the remedy that a party has sought. But when the same standard governs the availability of remedies that are supposed to substitute for one another, courts eliminate all remedies when they deny one of them. The remedial doctrines discussed in this Article primarily address executive violations of constitutional rights, particularly violations that occur in the course of policing. Denying the availability of remedies in cases that involve policing and executive power replicates the racialized effects of policing in the federal courts and forsakes oversight and accountability in an area where it might be particularly needed. DOI: https://doi.org/10.15779/Z382V2C96D Copyright © 2018 California Law Review, Inc. California Law Review, Inc. (CLR) is a California nonprofit corporation. CLR and the authors are solely responsible for the content of their publications. * Assistant Professor of Law, University of California Irvine School of Law. -
Does the President Have Directive Authority Over Agency Regulatory Decisions?
Fordham Law Review Volume 79 Issue 6 Article 2 November 2011 Who's In Charge? Does the President Have Directive Authority Over Agency Regulatory Decisions? Robert V. Percival Follow this and additional works at: https://ir.lawnet.fordham.edu/flr Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Robert V. Percival, Who's In Charge? Does the President Have Directive Authority Over Agency Regulatory Decisions? , 79 Fordham L. Rev. 2487 (2011). Available at: https://ir.lawnet.fordham.edu/flr/vol79/iss6/2 This Symposium is brought to you for free and open access by FLASH: The Fordham Law Archive of Scholarship and History. It has been accepted for inclusion in Fordham Law Review by an authorized editor of FLASH: The Fordham Law Archive of Scholarship and History. For more information, please contact [email protected]. WHO’S IN CHARGE? DOES THE PRESIDENT HAVE DIRECTIVE AUTHORITY OVER AGENCY REGULATORY DECISIONS? Robert V. Percival* Most regulatory statutes specify that agency heads rather than the President shall make regulatory decisions .1 Yet for more than four decades every President has established some program to require pre-decisional review and clearance of agency regulatory decisions, usually conducted by the Office of Management and Budget (OMB).2 On January 18, 2011, President Barack Obama joined his seven predecessors in expressly endorsing regulatory review when he signed Executive Order 13,563.3 President Obama’s regulatory review program generally emulates those of his two most recent predecessors, relying on OMB’s Office of Information and Regulatory Affairs (OIRA) to review only the most significant agency rulemaking actions.4 Although this form of presidential oversight of rulemaking is now well established, an important, unresolved question is whether the President has the authority to dictate the substance of regulatory decisions entrusted by statute to agency heads. -
Cv-14-02052- Tuc-Rm (D
Derek E. Bambauer <[email protected]> 520.621.5411 1201 E. Speedway, Tucson AZ 85721 Teaching Experience University of Arizona, James E. Rogers College of Law, Tucson, AZ. Professor of Law (2013- present). • Associate Professor of Law (2012-2013). • Founder and faculty director, IP and Entrepreneurship Clinic. • Faculty advisor, Arizona Intellectual Property & Cyberlaw Society, Arizona Journal of Emerging Technologies. • Courses taught: Copyright Law, Cyberlaw, Introduction to Intellectual Property, Patent Law, Trade Secrets. Brooklyn Law School, Brooklyn, NY. Associate Professor of Law (2010 – 2012). • Assistant Professor of Law (2008-2010). • Voted Professor of the Year by students in 2008-2009. • Advisor / legal consultant, Brooklyn Law Incubator & Policy Clinic (BLIP). • Courses taught: Current Controversies in Intellectual Property, Information Privacy Law, Internet Law, Introduction to Intellectual Property, Patent Law, Trademark Law. Wayne State University Law School, Detroit, MI. Assistant Professor of Law (2006-2008). • Courses taught: Contracts, Copyright Law, Current Controversies in Intellectual Property, Trademark Law. Education Harvard Law School, Cambridge, MA. J.D., magna cum laude (2004). • Student Research Fellow, OpenNet Initiative, Berkman Center for Internet & Society. • Researcher, Digital Media project, Berkman Center for Internet & Society. • Teaching Assistant, Professor Daniel Meltzer (Criminal Law). Harvard College, Cambridge, MA. B.A., History and Science, summa cum laude (1996). • Phi Beta Kappa. • National Science Scholar (National Science Foundation). • Graduated in 3 years (awarded Advanced Standing). 1 of 11 Derek E. Bambauer Fellowships Berkman Center for Internet & Society, Harvard Law School, Cambridge, MA. Research Fellow (2004-2006). • Led team researching Internet filtering laws, technology, and practices by states worldwide. Analyzed empirical data from testing of countries’ filtering systems. -
Office of Legal Counsel
OPINIONS OF THE OFFICE OF LEGAL COUNSEL OF THE UNITED STATES DEPARTMENT OF JUSTICE CONSISTING OF SELECTED MEMORANDUM OPINIONS ADVISING THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES, THE ATTORNEY GENERAL, AND OTHER EXECUTIVE OFFICERS OF THE FEDERAL GOVERNMENT IN RELATION TO THEIR OFFICIAL DUTIES EDITOR Nathan A. Forrester VOLUME 26 2002 WASHINGTON 2012 227-329 VOL_26_PROOF.pdf 1 10/22/12 11:13 AM 227-329 VOL_26_PROOF.pdf 2 10/22/12 11:13 AM Attorney General John D. Ashcroft Assistant Attorney General Office of Legal Counsel Jay S. Bybee Deputy Assistant Attorneys General Office of Legal Counsel Sheldon Bradshaw Joan L. Larsen Patrick F. Philbin M. Edward Whelan III John C. Yoo iii 227-329 VOL_26_PROOF.pdf 3 10/22/12 11:13 AM OFFICE OF LEGAL COUNSEL Attorney-Advisers (2002) Jonathan G. Cedarbaum Jeffery P. Kehne Paul P. Colborn Jennifer L. Koester Robert. J. Delahunty Daniel L. Koffsky John A. Eisenberg Caroline D. Krass Curtis E. Gannon Martin S. Lederman Rosemary A. Hart Herman Marcuse James C. Ho Nick Quinn Rosenkranz Clare Huntington Leslie A. Simon Gregory F. Jacob George C. Smith Steffen J. Johnson Robert W. Werner iv 227-329 VOL_26_PROOF.pdf 4 10/22/12 11:13 AM FOREWORD The Attorney General has directed the Office of Legal Counsel to publish selected opinions on an annual basis for the convenience of the Executive, Legislative, and Judicial Branches of the government, and of the professional bar and the general public. The first twenty-five volumes of opinions published covered the years 1977 through 2001. The present volume covers 2002. -
Presidential Constitutionalism and Civil Rights
William & Mary Law Review Volume 55 (2013-2014) Issue 5 Article 3 5-1-2014 Presidential Constitutionalism and Civil Rights Joseph Landau Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.wm.edu/wmlr Part of the Civil Rights and Discrimination Commons, and the Constitutional Law Commons Repository Citation Joseph Landau, Presidential Constitutionalism and Civil Rights, 55 Wm. & Mary L. Rev. 1719 (2014), https://scholarship.law.wm.edu/wmlr/vol55/iss5/3 Copyright c 2014 by the authors. This article is brought to you by the William & Mary Law School Scholarship Repository. https://scholarship.law.wm.edu/wmlr PRESIDENTIAL CONSTITUTIONALISM AND CIVIL RIGHTS JOSEPH LANDAU* ABSTRACT As the judicial and legislative branches have taken a more passive approach to civil rights enforcement, the President’s exercise of independent, extrajudicial constitutional judgment has become increasingly important. Modern U.S. presidents have advanced constitutional interpretations on matters of race, gender, HIV-status, self-incrimination, reproductive liberty, and gun rights, and President Obama has been especially active in promoting the rights of lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) persons—most famously by refusing to defend the Defense of Marriage Act (DOMA). Commentators have criticized the President’s refusal to defend DOMA from numerous perspectives but have not considered how the President’s DOMA policy fits within a principled commitment to LGBT equality that includes supporting and signing legislation, pursuing regulatory initiatives, filing complaints and other court papers, making formal and informal choices in law enforcement, and using the bully pulpit to sway public opinion. The President’s nondefense of DOMA not only derives normative force from his larger vision regarding substantive equality and individual rights, but it also demonstrates how certain features of the presidency—including accountability and expertise—can be instrumental in promoting equality-based claims.